saeed saman

‫‪ 9‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳــﻪ ‪2013‬‬

‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺪﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﻒﺁﺭﺍﺋﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﺥ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﺓ ژﺋﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺘﻴﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻏﺒﺖ ﺿﺪﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺨﻠﺼﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺔ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ »ﺷــﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻞﻋﻴﺪ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ »ﺣﺎﺷﻴﺔ ﺍﻣﻦ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ »ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ »ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ« ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ »ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ« ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ!‬

‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ »ﺷــﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻞﻋﻴﺪ« ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﭘﺎﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ »ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ »ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﻪ« ﻛﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺴﻰ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ »ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺮﺩ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻼﺷــﺮﻁ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻧﻤﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ! ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﻬﻨﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﺓ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ »ﺟﺒﻬﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸــﻮﺭ ـ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ‬ ‫»ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ« ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ »ﻧﺠﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ »ﺑﻮﺗﻔﻠﻴﻘﺎ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ »ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ« ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﻭﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ« ﻛﻴﺴﺖ!‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺷــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﻫﺪﻑ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﺍﻯ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ »ﻣﺸﻌﺸﻌﺎﻧﻪ« ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺭﺗﻖﻭﻓﺘﻖ«‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﺔ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳــﻄﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﺔ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘــﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﻬﻢ«‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴــﭻ‪ ،‬ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ »ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺷــﺮﻋﻰ« ﻣﻰﺷﺪ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ »ﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﻧﺔ« ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻮﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺳــﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ«‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎً ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩ! ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﻊ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﺓ »ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧــﺔ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫»ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻬﺎﺭﻯ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ »ﻧﻮﻳــﻦ« ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﭘﺎﺭﻳــﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ!‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ »ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻬﺎﺭﻯ« ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺟﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ« ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻨﺎﻓــﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷــﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷــﻰﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﻠﺒﺸﻮﺋﻰ«‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‪» ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ« ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ! ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﺋﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ »ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ« ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ« ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ؛ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺧﻰ ﺧﻨﻚ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺰ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻴﭻ »ﺭﻣﺰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺳــﺮﻳﻌﺎً ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ »ﺳــﺎﺣﻞ« ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻮژﻳﺴﺘﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ! ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻮژﻳﺴﺘﻴﻚ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗــﻰ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ »ﺗﻜﻨﻴﺴــﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ« ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ! ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺋــﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻨــﺪﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬

‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ« ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻊﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﺋﻰﺷﺎﻥ »ﺁپﺩﻳﺖ« ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ »ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ »ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ« ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ »ﻧﻮﻭﺳــﺘﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 8‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪،2013‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛــﻪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ!« ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎً‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻨﮕﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ« ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎً ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻫﻠﻰﻧﻮ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻨﮕﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﻯ »ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ« ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﻧﺪﺍ« ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿــﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺘﺰﻟــﺰﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ‬

‫»ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻦ« ﺍﺯ »ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ« ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮﺁﻣــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺷــﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﺍﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ »ﺿﺪﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻔﻨﮕﻴﺎﺗــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ«‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ »ﺳــﺪﻯ« ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻗﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺳــﺪ« ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺪﺍﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺧﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺳﺪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚﺍﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻏــﺮﺏ »ﺑﻰﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ« ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺗﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ »ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ »ﻧﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺷﻤﺔ«‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣــﻮﻥ »ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ «.‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ »ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ« ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﻳﻦ »ﭘﺎﺳﺦ« ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫــﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻠﻰﻧﻮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﻗﻬﻘﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻜﻴﺔ ﺑﻰﺣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ« ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺭﻛﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ »ﺑﻴﺖﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ« ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺒﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻟﺒﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺸــﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻰﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻧﺎﺑﺠﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﺣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺒﻪ« ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ »ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﭘﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻴﻮﺓ« ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻰﻣﺴــﻠﻚ ﮔﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺗﺼــﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﻮﺓ ﮔﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﻨﺪﻳﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻔﺮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﻴﻮﻩ« ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺝﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ »ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﺎﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺔ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺗــﺮ ﻭ »ﻧﺎﻇﺮ« ﺑــﺮ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺳــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻰﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺩﻭﻟﺒﺔ ﺗﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺔ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ‪ 34‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻟﺒﺔ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﻟﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻋﺒــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ »ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ«‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ« ﺭﺳﻤﺎً ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺳــﻼﺡ »ﻧﺎﺯ ﻭﻛﺮﺷــﻤﻪ« ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮓ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ »ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻰﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﻃﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬