saeed saman

‫‪ 5‬ﻣــﺎﺭﺱ ‪2013‬‬

‫ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺔ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ـ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺂﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﺓ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯ »ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ«‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ »ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺋﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ »ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ« ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ! ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﺍ ﺍﻭﻻﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺂﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ »ﺑﻰﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ« ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ »ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ! ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻭﻻﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺟﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ« ﺑﻰﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻠــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻏﻨﺎﺋﻢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ »ژﺋﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺘﻴﻚ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ« ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺋﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻢﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﺎﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ »ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻓﻰ« ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ »ژﺋﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺘﻴﻚ ﻧﻮﻳــﻦ« ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ »ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ« ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻻﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺟﺴــﺘﺠﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻛﻬﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻛﻬﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓــﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ »ﺷﻴﺦﻭﺷﺎﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺯﻳﻦ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬

‫»ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻫﻪ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ »ﺗﻨﻬﺎ« ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺋــﻰ« ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﺋﻰ« ﻭ »ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ« ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﻘﺎﻧــﺔ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻣــﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻞ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻــﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ »ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ«‬ ‫ِﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻠــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ« ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘﻰ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ »ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ« ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ« ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻛﻬﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﭼﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ« ﻟﻘﺐ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﺔ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺎﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ »ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫــﺎﻯ »ﻣﻬﻢ« ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ »ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ« ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ »ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ« ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﻥﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻰﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ« ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻋﺮﺏ « ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣــﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑــﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌــﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻋﺮﺏ« ﺍﻣﺮﻯ »ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ »ﺟﻨﮓ« ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ »ﻛﻼﻥ ـ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ« ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼــﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﺋﻰ« ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ »ﻣﺸــﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ« ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻀﺤﻚ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺁﺗﺎﺗﺮﻛﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ« ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ »ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯﺍﺵ« ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ »ﺁﺗﺎﺗﺮﻛﻴﺴﻤﻰ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ »ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬

‫ﺷــﺘﺮﮔﺎﻭ ﭘﻠﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﺓ ﻛﺮﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻚ »ﺿﺪﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ« ﺑﻴﺎﺭﺍﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌــﻜﺎﺱ ﺍﻓﺎﺿــﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 15‬ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ‪1391‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺁﻧﺠﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ »ﻧﺎﺯﻧﺎﺯﻯ« ﺁﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺿﺪﻣﻮﺷﻚ« ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﻪﺑﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻪﭼﻪ« ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻔﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ« ﻧﺎﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺟﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻣﮕــﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻰﻗﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ!‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ »ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺎﺗﺮﻛﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ »ﻟﻐﺰﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻣﻰ« ﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﺍﻥ »ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ« ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻨــﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻳﻬﻮﺩ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬

‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﺨﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻠــﺢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺻﻠﺢ«‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﺔ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ« ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺗﻨﺶﺯﺍﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺤﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣــﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ ،57‬ﻭ ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺶﺯﺍﺋﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻬﻪﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺷﻴﻌﻰﻣﺴﻠﻜﻰ« ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ »ﮔﺰﻧﺪ« ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ »ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ« ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ‪ 34‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﻛﺎﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺩﺷﻤﻦﻓﺮﺿﻰ« ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ »ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﻋﻤﻮﺳﺎﻡ« ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ »ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻼﺯﺩﻩ« ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻭﺱ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﺟﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺮ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ« ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏــﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ »ﺭﻭﺳــﻰﺗﺮ« ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﻗﻴﺪﻭﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫــﺎ »ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻰ« ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻰﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺴــﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺠــﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ »ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺿﻤﻴــﺮ«؛ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺪﻩ ﺟﻮﺋﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻭ»ﻣﺘﺤﺪ« ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ! ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ »ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺖ« ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ »ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ« ﺳــﻮﺭﺍﺧﻰ ﺍﻟﻬــﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ! ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ »ﻣﻌﺠﺰﺍﺗﻰ« ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻤﺎﺕ »ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ« ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ!‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺎﺗﺮﻛﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ً »ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ«‬ ‫ﻣﺤــﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧــﺪ؛ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧــﺔ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﻣﺸــﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ »ﻧﺒﺮﺩ« ﺍﺭﺗﺶﻫﺎﻯ »ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺨﺺ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ »ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻢ »ﺧﻮﻥ« ﺑﭙﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 48‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ‪ 8‬ﺗﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﺧﺒﺮ« ﺟﻬﺖﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ »ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ«‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﺔ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺷــﺎﺥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﺥ« ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎً ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫»ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ« ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺪﻩﺟﻮﺋﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺯﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ »ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺁﻳﭙﻚ« ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 14‬ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ،1391‬ﺟﻮﺯﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒــﻖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ »ﺑﻤــﺐ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ«‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺔ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻠــﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻠــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ »ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺰﻯﺍﻓﻨﺪﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ »ﺭﺳــﺘﻢ ﺻﻮﻟﺖ« ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﺔ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ »ﻭﺻﻠﺔ ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺭ« ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻦ »ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ« ﻧﺸــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳــﻢ؛ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻻﺭ؛ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻃﻼ؛ ﻟــﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﺘﻴﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ« ﻫﺰﻳﻨﺔ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ »ﺍﻫﺮﻳﻤﻨﻰ« ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﺔ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻻﻳﻨﺤﻞ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺣــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ »ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ« ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ«‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻻﻑﻭﺍﻭﻟﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ! ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﺍﺵ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ! ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺑــﻼگ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ« ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﻧﻘﺶ«‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ »ﺩﻳﻦﺧﻮ« ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ »ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷــﺘﺮﮔﺎﻭﭘﻠﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻫﻦﻭﺗﻠﭗ« ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ »ﺣﺮﺍﻡ« ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺂﺗﻰ ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ! ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖﭘﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ »ﺳــﻨﺖ« ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﺮﺩﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ »ﺯﻧﺪﻩ« ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﺋــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺳﻤﺎً ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠــﺐ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻧﺎً ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪» 1357‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﻮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ »ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ« ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 15‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ »ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ »ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ« ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﺸﺎﺋﻰ« ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﭼــﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ‪ 2+1‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﺏ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ »ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ« ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﺎﺧﻪ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ؛‬

‫ﺷﺎﺧﺔ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ »ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻛﻬﻦ« ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ »ﭘﺮﭼﻢ«‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱﺷﺎﻥ »ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺪﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﺟــﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩﭘﺴــﻨﺪ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﻬﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ »ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨــﺪﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫»ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﺩﺍﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ« ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻃــﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓــﺰﻭﻥ ﻭﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؛ ﺻﺮﻓﺎً ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ »ﺛﺒﺖ« ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤــﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﺋﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬

‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺴﺎﻻﺭﻯ« ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ »ﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ« ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺒﺮﺓ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﻳﺐﺑﻪﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻔﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻼ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬