28ﻓﻮﺭﻳــﻪ 2013
ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ » «1+5ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺂﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫــﺮﺍ ً ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ» ،ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻗــﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ،ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺂﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ،ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ 7ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺸــﺎﻛﺶ ،ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ »ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ« ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﺓ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ »ﺍﻟﻤﺂﺗﻰ« ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ،ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﺗﺎﺗﺮﻛﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ! ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻠﺪﻣﻦﺳﺎﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻨﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ،ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ »ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ« ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﺂﺗﻰ ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ. ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺸــﻤﻜﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﭘﺎپ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ« ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﻘﺎﻡ »ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣــﻰﺍﺕ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺂﺗﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ .ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ، ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ .ﺑﻠﻪ، ﻧﺘﺎﻳــﺞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺂﺗﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﻧﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ »ﺑﻤﺐ« ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ! ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ،ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻃﺮﻑ« ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ. ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ،ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ« ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺂﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ .ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ،ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ،ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ،ﺷﻴﺦﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ! ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ،ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎً ﺷﻮﺭﺍﺋﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ. ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻓﻠﺔ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗــﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ،ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎء ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻭ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ« ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ،ﻛﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ،ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ
ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ .ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ »ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ« ﺑﺎ »ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ« ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ،ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﺸــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ،ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺫﻭﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ
ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳــﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ .ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ،ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦﺧﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ. ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﺭﻯ، ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﭘﻨﺎﻩ« ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠــﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ،ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﻥﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ .ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ،ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﻦ ـ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺴــﺎﺟﻨﮓ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ـ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨــﮓ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ .ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ »ﮔﻮﺍﺩﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ. ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ،ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ »ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﺋﻰ« ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ »ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻧﮕﻬﺎﻯ« ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ! ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎء ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﺔ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ،ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ،ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ. ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﺔ ﺻﻠﺢ ،ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ »ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﻋﻤ ً ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻼء ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ. ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ. ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ،ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ .ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ،ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ 28 ،ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ،2013 ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﻴﮕﺎﺭﻭ ،ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺯﺩﻩ: »ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ!« ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ،ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﺑﻮﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﻝﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ 2009ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ!
ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﻴﮕﺎﺭﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴــﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ« ﻫﻔﺖﺗﻴﺮﻛﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺍ ً 50ﺭﺃﺱ ﺗﺨﻤﻴــﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ،ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ »ﻃﭙﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻃﻼﺋﻰ« ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎﺳــﺖ! ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ، ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ،ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ 11ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻭ ﭼﺴــﺒﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ،ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﺎﺥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ. ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺦﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺮﺩ .ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﺦﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯﺗﺮﻳــﻦ« ﻭ ﺑﻰﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ »ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﮔــﺬﺍﺭﺩ ،ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺍﻻﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﭘــﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﮔــﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ،ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻧﻘﺶﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﮔﺰﺍﻓﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ،ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻯ »ﺍﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮﻩ« ،ﻋﻤ ً ﻼ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰ ﺳــﺮ ﮔﻠﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ،ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻰ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﺦﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ »ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻰ« ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ،ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ! ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ،ﻣﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ،ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ،
ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺴﺎﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ .ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﺍﺵ ﺭﺍﺿــﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻮﺩ .ﺳﺮﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ،ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣــﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺴﺎﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ ،ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ »ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻰ« ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ »ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻰ« ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻏﻼﻅ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ .ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ »ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻰ« ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ .ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ،ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ،ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ« ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ. ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ ،ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ. ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ،ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳــﺖ »ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ـ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ« ﮔﺬﺷﺘﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ .ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ،ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ »ﺩﺍﺋﻢ« ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺍژﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﻤ ً ﻼ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭﻏﺰﻩ ،ﻣﺼﺮ ،ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ، ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ .ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ،ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ .ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ! ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ،ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ،ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻭﻻﻧﺪ ،ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ .ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ،ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﭘﺎپ ،ﻛﻪ ﻻﻳﺔ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﺳــﺖ، ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ .ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ،ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ،ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﺩﻧــﺪﺍﻥ« ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺪﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ. ﺗﻮﺿﻴــﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ ،ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓــﺮﺩﺍﻯ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ،ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ »ﭘﺎپ« ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻃﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ
ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگﻫﺎﻯ »ﺁﻧﺪﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ،ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻴﻢ .ﭘﺲ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺔ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ. ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ« ﺍﻟﻤﺂﺗﻰ ،ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﺓ »ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ« ،ﺳﻮژﺓ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪ ،ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀــﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﺎﻧﺪ« ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳــﺒﺰ ،ﺣﺰﺏﺗﻮﺩﻩ ،ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﺋﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ،ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ،ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ »ﺍﻡ. ﺁﻯ «6 .ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ً ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻟﻨﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ .ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ »ﺑﻴﺖﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ« ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ. ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ،ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ،ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ .ﺩﺳﺖ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ،ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪ ،ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﺭﻗﻴﺐ« ﺷﻮﻧﺪ .ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﺟﻬﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ »ﺣﻠﻘﺔ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ«
ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ،ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻌﻤﻞ ،ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ »ﺷﻴﺦﻭﺷــﺎﻩ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ،ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ،ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺨﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ »ﺁﺷﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ. ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ،ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮﻳﺴﻢ، »ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ،ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳﺒﺰ ،ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎً ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﻭ »ﺍﻡ .ﺁﻯ «6 .ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ،ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺎﻣﻀﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ .ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﻣﻰﭼﺮﺧﺪ ،ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ »ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮﻳﺴــﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺭﺍﺩﺧﺎﻧــﻪ ﺿﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ. ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ،ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻰﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ،ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ،ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻠﻐﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ »ﺷﻴﺦﻭﺷﺎﻩ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟــﺎ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ،ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ،ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻪﭼﺎﻙ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ، ﻭ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ،ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻴﻦ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ« ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ،ﻫﺮ ﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ،ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺣﺮﻑﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺷــﻜﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨــﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ .ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ،ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ: ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ« ﻭ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ؛ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺵ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ »ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ...ﻭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮﻳﺴﻢ،
ﺧﻂﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ »ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ،ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ،ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ، ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ »ﺷﻴﺦﻭﺷــﺎﻩ« ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻣﺎﻳﺸــﺎء ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ،ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ،ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ. ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ،ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ،ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ »ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺨﺎﺻﻤﺎﻧﺔ« ﻗﻄﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨــﺪﺓ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ .ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ.