saeed saman

‫‪ 28‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳــﻪ ‪2013‬‬

‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ »‪ «1+5‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺂﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫــﺮﺍ ً ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻗــﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺂﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 7‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺸــﺎﻛﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ »ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ« ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﺓ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ »ﺍﻟﻤﺂﺗﻰ« ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺎﺗﺮﻛﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ! ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻠﺪﻣﻦﺳﺎﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻨﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ »ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ« ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﺂﺗﻰ ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺸــﻤﻜﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﭘﺎپ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ« ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ »ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣــﻰﺍﺕ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺂﺗﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳــﺞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺂﺗﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ »ﺑﻤﺐ« ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ!‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻃﺮﻑ« ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ« ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺂﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ! ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎً ﺷﻮﺭﺍﺋﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻓﻠﺔ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗــﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎء ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ« ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬

‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ »ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ« ﺑﺎ »ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ« ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﺸــﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺫﻭﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳــﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦﺧﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﭘﻨﺎﻩ« ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠــﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﻥﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﻦ ـ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺴــﺎﺟﻨﮓ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ـ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨــﮓ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ »ﮔﻮﺍﺩﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ »ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﺋﻰ« ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ »ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻧﮕﻬﺎﻯ« ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ! ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎء ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﺔ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﺔ ﺻﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ »ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻼء ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ 28 ،‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪،2013‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﻴﮕﺎﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺯﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ!«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﺑﻮﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﻝﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ!‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﻴﮕﺎﺭﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴــﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ« ﻫﻔﺖﺗﻴﺮﻛﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺍ ً ‪ 50‬ﺭﺃﺱ ﺗﺨﻤﻴــﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ »ﻃﭙﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻃﻼﺋﻰ« ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎﺳــﺖ! ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ‪ 11‬ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻭ ﭼﺴــﺒﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﺦﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯﺗﺮﻳــﻦ« ﻭ ﺑﻰﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ »ﭼﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﮔــﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺍﻻﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﭘــﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﮔــﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻧﻘﺶﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﮔﺰﺍﻓﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻯ »ﺍﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮﻩ«‪ ،‬ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰ ﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻰ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﺦﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ »ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻰ« ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ!‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺴﺎﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿــﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣــﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺴﺎﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻰ« ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ »ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻰ« ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻼﻅ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ »ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻰ« ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ« ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫»ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ـ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ« ﮔﺬﺷﺘﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ »ﺩﺍﺋﻢ« ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺍژﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭﻏﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ!‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻭﻻﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﭘﺎپ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻻﻳﺔ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﺩﻧــﺪﺍﻥ« ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴــﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓــﺮﺩﺍﻯ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ »ﭘﺎپ« ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻃﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگﻫﺎﻯ »ﺁﻧﺪﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺔ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ« ﺍﻟﻤﺂﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﺓ »ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ«‪ ،‬ﺳﻮژﺓ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀــﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﺎﻧﺪ«‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳــﺒﺰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏﺗﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﺋﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ »ﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻯ‪ «6 .‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ً ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻟﻨﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ »ﺑﻴﺖﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ« ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﺭﻗﻴﺐ« ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﺟﻬﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ »ﺣﻠﻘﺔ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ«‬

‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ »ﺷﻴﺦﻭﺷــﺎﻩ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺨﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫»ﺁﺷﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮﻳﺴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳﺒﺰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎً ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺎ ﻭ »ﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻯ‪ «6 .‬ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺎﻣﻀﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﻣﻰﭼﺮﺧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ »ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮﻳﺴــﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺭﺍﺩﺧﺎﻧــﻪ ﺿﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻰﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻠﻐﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ »ﺷﻴﺦﻭﺷﺎﻩ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟــﺎ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻪﭼﺎﻙ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫»ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ« ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺣﺮﻑﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺷــﻜﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨــﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ« ﻭ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺵ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ »ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮﻳﺴﻢ‪،‬‬

‫ﺧﻂﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ‬ ‫»ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ »ﺷﻴﺦﻭﺷــﺎﻩ« ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻣﺎﻳﺸــﺎء ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ »ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺨﺎﺻﻤﺎﻧﺔ« ﻗﻄﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨــﺪﺓ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪.‬‬