کار روکار

‫‪ 13‬ﻣــﻪ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻣﻴﺸــﻞ ﺭﻭﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺮﺧﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﺮ »ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ« ﺭﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﺔ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﮔﻠﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ«‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫»ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰ« ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﺨﻴﺰ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺎﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸــﻮﺭ ﺳــﻜﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺷﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ »ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ« ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﺓ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺭﻭﺿﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ‬

‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ »ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ« ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻨﻔــﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﭘﻴﺸــﺪﺍﻭﺭﻯ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺟﻨﮓﺳــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﮕﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺣﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻳﺴــﻢ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ »ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ« ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﻣﺔ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ »ﺗﻄﻬﻴﺮ« ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ »ﺿﺪﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﻴﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ژﻳﺴﻜﺎﺭﺩﺳــﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻭﻝ »ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‬ ‫ﻛــﺬﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ«‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻋﺴﻞ ﭘﺮﺷــﻮﺭ »ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ـ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺘﻴــﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﻟﻜﻠﻮﺭ ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺔ »ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺮﺧﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ »ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻰﺍﺵ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺩﺷﻤﻦ!«‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺟﻬــﺖ »ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ«‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻰﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫــﺎ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﻧﻤــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﻣﺔ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ« ﺩﻫﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺳــﻮءﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﻰﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗــﺮﻭﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ »ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ـ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ »ﮔﻠﻴﺴــﺖ« ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ »ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ«‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﺮﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ! ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳﻤﺎً ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮءﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻠــﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﺸﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺧﻼﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺣﺴﻨﺔ »ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ »ﺭﺳﻤﻰ« ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻋﻠﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟــﺔ ﺍﺑﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﺳــﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ »ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻰ« ﺳــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ!‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺪﻯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ »ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯﻫــﺎﻯ »ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ« ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃــﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸــﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻓﻌﻠــﻰ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺴــﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺷﺒﻪﻗﺎﺭﺓ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨــﺮﺏ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ »ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪» ،‬ﭘﺎﻙﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ »ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ« ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ« ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻈﺎﺭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻃــﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﺯﻳﺮﺟﻠﻜﻰ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥ«‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ »ﭘﺎﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ«‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎء ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘــﺶ »ﺯﻳﺮﺟﻠﻜﻰ« ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻟﻔﻈﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ »ﺗﺮﻛﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ »ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ« ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻠﺐ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻝﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻝ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻫــﻢ »ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ« ﻭ »ﺣﻖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ« ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏﻃﻠﺒﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻳﺴــﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ« ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢﺳﻮﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﺮﻑﺗﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻣﻨﻜﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﻘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻰﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻣــﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺸﺘﻰ ﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺮﻭﺑﻪﺍﻯ »ﻣﺴﺠﺪﻧﻤﺎ«‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ »ﺯﻳﺮﺟﻠﻜﻰ« ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺨﺺ »ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ«‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻓﺮﻫﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺔ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ! ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ »ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ«‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳــﺮﺥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻫﭙﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻡ ﮔﺮگ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻔﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ »ﺯﻳﺮﺟﻠﻜﻰ« ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷﺎﺧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ »ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻜــﺮﺓ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺟــﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫»ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳــﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ« ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺑﻦﻻﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺋﻰ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺤﻖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ »ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ«‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ »ﺁﻯ‪ .‬ﺍﺱ‪.‬ﺁﻯ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎً‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺘﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻻﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳــﻜﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺟﺎﻟــﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ« ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳــﻚﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﺮﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﺴــﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ »ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺭﻳﺎﺋﻰ« ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺧﺒﺮ« ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺳــﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺩﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ »ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﻮﻩ« ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻖﻭﺣﺴــﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺓ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻢﻟﻄﻔﻰ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﺿﻰ« ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺭﻳﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺭﻳﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻴﺴﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻤﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻀﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ »ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ« ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ »ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ« ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ« ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﺔ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻧﺎﻣﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺄﻧﻮﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ »ﻋﺎﺩﺕ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ »ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ« ﻧﻤﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼــﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ »ﺭﻭﻛﺎﺭ« ﺳــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ »ﺷﺨﺼﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ »ﺭﻭﻛﺎﺭ« ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﺔ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﺨﻴﺮ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻤﺔ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻰﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻴﻚ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ »ﻛﻤﺘﺮ« ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﺓ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎً ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻻﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﺨﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﺎﻯ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﭘﻜــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺑــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﺮﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻠﻨﺎً ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎً‬ ‫»ﺍﻋﻼﻡ« ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻄﺔ »ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ« ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ »ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﭘﺲ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ »ﺗﺨﻄﻰ« ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺍﺵ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈــﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻩﺍﻯ »ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﭘﺲﺯﺩﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﺮ »ﺭﻭﻛﺎﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈــﻰ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﺎﺭ »ﺭﻭﻛﺎﺭ«‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ »ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ« ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺟﻠﻜﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺭﻳــﺲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﺭﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺧﺒﺮ«‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﺣﻮﺵ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬