CUMANANA LII-ENG

DECEMBER 2025 EDITION

ISSUE LII

Cumanana V IRT UA L B ULLE T IN OF PER U VIAN CU LTU R E F OR AF R ICA

MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF PERU

THE DIPLOMATIC POTENTIAL OF PERU IN EGYPT, CÔTE D’IVOIRE, AND CAMEROON THE DIPLOMATIC POTENTIAL OF PERU ON THE AFRICAN CONTINENT: PERU’S CONCURRENT ACCREDITATION TO CÔTE D’IVOIRE AND CAMEROON

EXPANDING AFRICANNESS

RECIPE NDOLÉ

ISSN: 3084-7583 (online)

CONTENT 3

The Diplomatic Potential of Peru on the African Continent: Peru’s Concurrent Accreditation to Côte d’Ivoire and Cameroon

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Egypt’s Diplomacy: Reflections on the Past, Challenges of the Present, and a Vision for the Future

Second Secretary Jonathan Quevedo, Embassy of Peru in Ghana

Mohamed El Saady, Former Consul of Egypt in Peru

SPECIAL SECTION: EXPANDING AFRICANNESS

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Black Communities in the Colombian Pacific: Identity, Territory, and Afro-Colombian Studies

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“People Cannot Live Without Memory” Review of The Fire of Origins, by Emmanuel Dongala (Casa África, 2009)

First Secretary Natalia Navarro Salazar & Romina Suñe Escaró

Second Secretary Jimy Trujillo Chuquihuaccha, Embassy of Peru in India

RECIPE

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Ndolé

ARTICLE 1

THE DIPLOMATIC POTENTIAL OF PERU ON THE AFRICAN CONTINENT: PERU’S CONCURRENT ACCREDITATION TO CÔTE D’IVOIRE AND CAMEROON Second Secretary Jonathan Quevedo Embassy of Peru in the Republic of Ghana

West Africa as a strategic region: The African continent represents a space full of strategic, political, diplomatic, commercial, and economic opportunities for the expansion of Peru’s international influence and presence in the world, opening the possibility of identifying new forms of collaboration in diverse areas.

Within the African continent, the West African region represents an important space that will allow Peru to diversify its international relations and reduce its dependence on traditional partners. This diversification is crucial in an increasingly globalized and interdependent world, where geopolitical shifts can affect existing alliances. This is especially relevant in a context of geostrategic and commercial competition among major powers, which may lead to potential restrictions on international markets and trade routes.

In West Africa, rural women are leading the change Source: ifad.org

At the multilateral level, the strengthening of Peru’s diplomatic ties with West Africa will allow Peru to forge multilateral alliances in forums such as the United Nations, the World Trade Organization, and the Conferences of the Parties on Climate Change.

These alliances can be key to strengthening and promoting shared interests such as international From a commercial perspective, West Africa is a peace and security, sustainable development, and growing region with emerging markets that offer the fight against climate change. significant opportunities for trade and investment, making it an attractive market for Peru. It also Côte d’Ivoire: A strategic partner in West Africa represents a favorable setting for the exchange of best practices in the management of natural The Republic of Côte d’Ivoire is a presidential republic resources, opening opportunities for South–South located on the coasts of the Gulf of Guinea in West Africa. It is the largest economy in Francophone West cooperation.

Africa and currently plays an active role in regional In the cultural and academic spheres, West African organizations such as the Economic Community countries, like Peru, possess a rich and ancient of West African States (ECOWAS) and the African cultural heritage, which can enrich cultural and Union. Its political influence and economic weight are academic exchange between Peru and the region steadily increasing, making it an important actor on through student exchange programs, academic the African stage. agreements, and cultural projects, promoting greater mutual understanding and respect. It can also foster the exchange of best practices in health and social development through the sharing of scientific and empirical knowledge, especially in the fight against tropical diseases.

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From a political and diplomatic perspective, Côte d’Ivoire’s growing role on the multilateral stage and its influence within organizations such as ECOWAS and the African Union will allow Peru to rely on a strategic partner in Africa, facilitating collaboration in various multilateral forums. A stronger bond with Côte d’Ivoire will also enable Peru to promote joint initiatives on global issues such as peace and security, climate change, and sustainable development.

from both countries.

On the other hand, cooperation in sustainable development projects and agricultural technology can be mutually beneficial. Côte d’Ivoire can benefit from Peru’s experience in sustainable agriculture and natural resource management, while Peru can learn from Ivorian technological advances. Cooperation in renewable energy and water resource management is crucial, given that both countries face similar challenges in these areas.

Sharing knowledge and experiences in the fight against infectious diseases and in improving public health systems can be highly beneficial. Joint research and training projects can improve the health and well-being of populations. In the educational field, student and academic exchange programs can enrich the educational systems of both countries and foster greater cultural understanding.

Cedeao

Source: archivo.prensa-latin

An interesting aspect of the bilateral relationship with Côte d’Ivoire lies in the economic sphere.

As a growing economy and a dynamic market, it represents an opportunity for Peruvian exports, especially in sectors such as agriculture, fisheries, and mining.

In cultural terms, promoting exchanges between the two countries can strengthen ties between their societies. Cultural festivals, art exhibitions, and exchange programs can increase mutual understanding and respect. Tourism can also benefit, as promoting tourist mobility can generate greater interest and knowledge of the respective cultures and heritage.

Côte d’Ivoire has a festive culture of lively music and dance, with marked similarities to Peruvian musical expressions, through similar instruments such as the cajón, which can be compared to some of the drums used in Côte d’Ivoire. Likewise, given that the origins of the Afro-Peruvian community trace back to parts Likewise, Côte d’Ivoire hosts the headquarters of the of West Africa, there exists a sense of belonging and International Cocoa Organization (ICCO), of which Peru cultural understanding. is a member. As the world’s leading cocoa producer, Côte d’Ivoire offers Peru a solid economic partner in terms of knowledge exchange in the cocoa sector, as well as an important platform for coordination in Cameroon: A bridge between West and Central multilateral trade and economic forums to defend Africa and promote shared interests against measures that could potentially affect this product, which is key to The Republic of Cameroon is a presidential republic which, although formally considered part of Central Peru’s alternative development strategies.

Africa, has significant ties and presence in the West Strengthening bilateral economic relations can African region, sharing many geographic and cultural encourage Peruvian investment in Côte d’Ivoire spaces with it. In this sense, closer bilateral relations and vice versa. Sectors such as agriculture, mining, with Cameroon can provide multiple benefits across energy, and infrastructure are areas where both various areas, by leveraging the opportunities that nations can collaborate and attract investment. both nations can offer each other.

Creating bilateral trade and investment agreements can facilitate the establishment of companies and improve the business environment for entrepreneurs

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Cameroon: people, culture, geography, and language Source: africanancestry

Cameroon is a key country in Central Africa and a member of regional organizations such as the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS). In this regard, strengthening relations with Cameroon will allow Peru to rely on a strategic partner that could facilitate collaboration and alignment in international forums such as the United Nations, the World Trade Organization, and the African Union.

gourmet foods and in certification processes, can offer technical cooperation, the transfer of best practices, and value chain services (processing, traceability, certification), as well as identify niches of commercial complementarity.

In the field of cooperation, both countries can strengthen the exchange of experiences and collaboration in areas such as combating illegal Moreover, Cameroon’s membership in the logging, forest protection, sustainable fisheries, and Commonwealth offers Peru a unique opportunity to agri-food policies. Strengthening the relationship strengthen its connection with this network of 56 also facilitates mutual support in candidacies and in countries, which can open doors to new alliances international agreements relevant to both countries. and collaborations in the multilateral sphere, complementing Peru’s engagement with other Likewise, bilateral exchange and investment can be strengthened in infrastructure, agro-industrial States belonging to this Community. processing, forest management, and energy. Peruvian Cameroon and Peru can also benefit from the companies (small- and medium-scale mining, exchange of experiences in promoting democracy, agribusiness, logistics services, and environmental human rights, and the strengthening of democratic consultancy) can explore opportunities with institutions. Cooperation in these areas can help diplomatic backing that facilitates business rounds, improve governance practices in both countries. trade missions, and framework agreements for technical cooperation.

From an economic standpoint, Cameroon, with its strategic location and access to the Gulf of Guinea, Consular aspect: greater presence and closeness of offers a potentially vast and receptive market for Peru Peruvian products. Likewise, Cameroon can serve as a gateway to other Central African markets, enabling Another relevant aspect common to both countries Peruvian companies to expand their presence in the is linked to consular work. Strengthening consular ties is essential to ensure the protection and wellregion. being of Peruvian citizens, both in Côte d’Ivoire and Regarding cooperation in various areas, Cameroon Cameroon. This would facilitate efforts to reach more is strengthening traceability and quality standards Peruvians on the African continent, given that there in crops such as cocoa and coffee, driven by are Peruvians residing in these countries for work or international regulations and European markets. family reasons.

Peru, with its growing experience in exporting

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Likewise, the formalization of consular relations with Côte d’Ivoire and Cameroon would allow for the periodic organization of itinerant consulates in these countries and would meet the consular needs of our nationals, so that they feel protected with regard to the migration framework.

broadens the strategic reach of Peru’s presence on the continent.

Africa, and West Africa in particular, constitutes a space of growing strategic relevance for Peruvian foreign policy, both due to its economic dynamism and its political and multilateral weight in the contemporary international system. In a global context marked by geostrategic competition among major powers and by the need to diversify alliances, Peru’s rapprochement with this region emerges as a coherent option to expand its international room for maneuver, reduce traditional dependencies, and open new opportunities for South–South cooperation.

In conclusion, strengthening Peru’s ties with West Africa, with special emphasis on Côte d’Ivoire and Cameroon, should be understood as a mediumand long-term strategic investment. This approach would allow Peru to consolidate a more active and diversified presence in Africa, project its capabilities and experiences in key areas of sustainable development, and at the same time build mutually beneficial relationships that reinforce its positioning as a committed, pragmatic, and globally minded actor on the international stage.

Deepening relations with both countries would not only promote trade, investment, and technical cooperation in sectors such as agriculture, mining, energy, forest management, and public health, but On the other hand, the establishment of consular also strengthen political alliances in multilateral relations with these countries will make it possible to forums and promote cultural and academic exchanges optimize the provision of consular services to Ivorian based on historical and cultural affinities. Added to and Cameroonian citizens, enabling much more this is the consular dimension, which is essential efficient service for those seeking to travel to Peru to ensuring the protection of Peruvian citizens in for tourism, business, and other purposes. the region and facilitating mobility, tourism, and economic and human links between the societies Synthesis and conclusion involved.

Within this framework, Côte d’Ivoire and Cameroon emerge as key and complementary partners.

Côte d’Ivoire, due to its economic leadership in Francophone West Africa, its active participation in ECOWAS and the African Union, and its central role in the global cocoa sector, offers Peru a privileged platform for economic, commercial, cultural, and multilateral cooperation. Cameroon, due to its role as a bridge between West and Central Africa, its membership in ECCAS and the Commonwealth, and its potential as a gateway to Central African markets,

CEDEAO

Source: france24.com

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ARTICLE 2

CONFERENCE EGYPT’S DIPLOMACY: REFLECTIONS ON THE PAST, CHALLENGES OF THE PRESENT, AND A VISION FOR THE FUTURE [1] Mohamed El Saady Former Consul of Egypt in Peru

Introduction

region itself—the Middle East and Africa—because the political, historical, and social forces that affected I would like to thank you all for today’s invitation, the region affected Egypt, and these same forces as well as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Peru— within Egypt influenced the trajectory of the region especially Ambassador Raffo and the Department as a whole up to the present day. of Africa, the Middle East, and Gulf Countries—for organizing this event. I would like to extend special Naturally, this lecture will address the current thanks to the Universidad San Ignacio de Loyola political challenges facing the region, including the for hosting today’s event. The lecture I will deliver conflict in Gaza and the future trajectories of politics is entitled “Egypt’s Diplomacy: Reflections on the and conflicts in the Middle East, particularly from the Past, Challenges of the Present, and a Vision for the perspective of Egyptian diplomacy—issues that I am Future,” and it aims to present an understanding sure you have seen in the news. of Egypt and its foreign policy. When one thinks of Egypt, the first things that come to mind are the Pyramids, the Pharaohs, the desert, perhaps some camels. And that is fine as a starting point, but there is a deeper meaning that I will attempt to offer you today.

My Ambassador has already explained the importance of diplomatic relations between Egypt and Peru, the rich cultural and civilizational heritage that we share, as well as our shared economic aspirations for the future. The story I will tell aims to deepen our understanding of what Egypt represents in the minds of Egyptians and others, in order to understand the foundations of Egypt’s foreign policy and diplomacy, because remembering the past and understanding the present helps us understand the other with whom we seek to establish relations.

Diplomacy, in the end, is a reflection of a nation’s social and historical developments and of the desires, longings, and aspirations of its people, within the world we share. To give you an idea of what Egypt’s diplomacy and foreign policy are, we must look at: what Egypt was; what its historical, political, and cultural development has been; how Egypt understands itself and its role in the region; how it views itself within its immediate environment; and, in turn, how other people imagine Egypt. It is the history of Egypt, but it is also the history of the

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Peruvian Minister of Culture Alfredo Luna Briceño and Egyptian Ambassador to Peru Ahmed Bakr Source: Elcomercio.com

Egyptian Figures Source: bbc.com

External geography and the physical trade, and people—from East to West, from North qualities that grant Egypt its regional and to South—passes through Egypt. It also means that control of that territory implies the ability to influence international importance Before speaking about the priorities and trajectories of Egyptian foreign policy and diplomacy, it is important that we understand Egypt’s geography and the physical qualities that make it relevant both regionally and internationally. The uniqueness of these qualities constitutes the basis upon which Egypt’s foreign policy is built. They provide the tools used by Egyptian diplomacy, whether in the cultural, political, or economic spheres, and they determine Egypt’s priorities in its environment and how it perceives itself.

This idea can be summarized in one word: “Centrality.”

Egypt’s centrality in its geographic environment and, therefore, its political, economic, and cultural centrality in the region, as well as Egypt’s centrality in the imagination of others. Something curious and interesting is that if you go to Egypt or the Arab world, Egyptians and Arabs sometimes refer to Egypt as “Umm el Dunya,” which in Arabic means “Mother of the World.” Obviously, they do not mean it literally, but it reflects this idea of Egypt’s centrality.

Egypt’s geographic position in the world grants it this geographic centrality, which also determines its political, economic, and cultural centrality in the region. If you look at a map of Egypt, you can see it clearly: it is a key piece connecting Africa with Asia and Europe with Africa and beyond. It has access to two major bodies of water: the Mediterranean, which means access to the European world to the north, and to the east, the Red Sea, which provides access to Asia.

What does this imply? It means that the flow of ideas,

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the political and economic forces of the region.

That is why historically Egypt has been so important to different empires, from the Greeks and Romans, who conquered Egypt in antiquity. By doing so, they gained access to the region and control over the trade flowing from the Far East to Europe. Empires such as the British Empire, for example, in past centuries sought to control Egypt due to its strategic position, which allowed them access to their colonies in Africa and the Arab world, as well as control of the Suez Canal, which regulated the flow of trade from East to West.

In contemporary times, Egypt remains key because of its geographic position, for security, economic, and political reasons, to major foreign powers such as the United States, China, and the European Union.

Having access to Egypt means having access to the entire region and beyond, and what affects Egypt affects the entire region.

Internal geography and the formation of a centralized political entity We have explained the importance of Egypt’s external geography, which grants it this “centrality” of position, meaning the ability to influence the political and economic forces of the region. Egypt’s internal geography, which is highly particular and special, is also key. It explains the formation of political power in Egypt, as well as the political and security priorities that determine its stance.

If you look at a map of Egypt, you will see something very peculiar. It is 96% desert, with the Nile River running through the entire country until it empties into the Mediterranean. On both sides of the Nile stretches a narrow valley of fertile and green land. In this narrow strip of land, which is the Nile Valley, most of the Egyptian population has lived—and continues to live—up to this day. Egypt has a very particular internal geography because it means that Egyptians rely almost exclusively on the Nile for the water they drink and the food they grow. All of Egyptian life and civilization has been based on the Nile, and Egypt’s political and economic stability historically depended on the Nile’s flood seasons.

Naturally, one of the strategic priorities of Egyptian diplomacy has always been to ensure the abundance of water arriving from the Nile River—what we today call in diplomacy: water security. Water security has always been a strategic priority for Egypt. Because although the Nile River has been associated in the imagination of Egyptians and others around the world with Egypt—if you recall Herodotus’s famous phrase, “Egypt is the gift of the Nile”—in reality the Nile flows through 10 African countries before it reaches Egypt. What does this mean? It means that Egypt’s strategic depth—its political, security, and economic priorities—has always extended to other countries in Africa, especially those of the Nile Valley and in East Africa, where the Nile originates. We will expand on this topic later, but I only wanted to show how geography, in Egypt’s case, determines its foreign policy priorities and its strategic vision in dealing with the region and the world.

So how has Egypt’s internal geography determined the formation of political power? As we said, most

Nile River

Source: landioustravel.com

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of the population, historically and up to this day, has lived in a small strip of land called the Nile Valley. More than 90% of the population lives in a limited space on relatively flat and narrow land, while the rest is an almost uninhabitable desert. This meant that any political power that formed could consolidate and centralize easily. The consolidation of political and military power in this space meant not only the ability to protect the borders, but also to expand them.

What we have seen historically in Egypt are two patterns of expansion. The first pattern is toward the south, and as we mentioned earlier, it was due to the need to ensure control over the sources of the Nile River flowing into Egypt. The second pattern is toward the east, in the region we today call the Levant, which includes Syria, Palestine, and Lebanon. This is because historically all military threats against Egypt came from the east; to invade Egypt, armies had to cross the Sinai Peninsula to reach the Nile Valley, where the population centers were concentrated.

If we look at different maps of the dynasties that ruled Egypt, from the Pharaohs to the different Islamic dynasties that governed Egypt, and up to 200 years ago, Egypt’s strategic depth extended toward the south, in the direction of the Nile’s sources, and toward the east, in the Levant region. What does this also mean? It means Egypt’s historical political, cultural, and economic primacy in the region.

Population of Egypt

Source: asmaraviajes.com

More importantly, this internal geography facilitated the consolidation of a more or less unified political identity, since Egypt’s borders and cohesion have remained almost intact since the time of the Pharaohs, with a population that has lived in this limited space, around the same borders, for thousands of years. This not only allowed the consolidation of political power, but also the development of a distinct and unified political identity based on a strong local culture among Egypt’s population living along the Nile. This meant that when the era of nationalism emerged over the last 200 years, a distinct national identity would form around a historically consolidated territory— something that defined Egypt in comparison with other countries in the region, where, due to colonialism, these states were created with artificial borders and with communities that did not have a strong unified identity. This historically explains the conflicts and civil wars we have seen in Africa and the Middle East.

So we have seen how Egypt’s external and internal geography has granted it this physical “centrality” in the region—not only because of its strategic geographic position in the world, but also because of its internal geography, which enabled the consolidation of a strong political entity that was able to extend its power and influence beyond its borders into other regions. In addition, a distinct and unified identity developed around the Nile, which also led to the later emergence of a strong national identity and a sense of national belonging. We also saw how Egypt’s external geography determined its strategic depth and, therefore, its political and security priorities, such as the importance of the Nile

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and the strategic importance of the Levant region, which would later translate into the country’s foreign policy priorities.

Egypt’s early experience of state-building Something that must also be mentioned, and that explains Egypt’s centrality in its surrounding region, is its early experience in state-building. By this I mean the construction of a state based on the European model of the nation-state, which began to emerge in previous centuries. As we all know, what we define as the nation-state as a concept is a completely European experience in origin. It was the result of hundreds of years of conflict and competition on the European continent, which made the efficient organization of resources necessary—or else risk total annihilation by one’s enemy.

Therefore, the state in Europe was a kind of natural evolution due to this high level of competition and conflict. The nation-state today is the basis of the current international order. However, many of the armed conflicts and state failure we see today in countries in Africa and Asia are due to the imperfect imposition of the state-building experience. Many of these states began as artificial entities whose borders were drawn by colonial powers, mainly Great Britain and France, as they withdrew from their colonies.

Egypt, by contrast, had an early experience in state-building according to the European model in 1804. At that time, Egypt was a province of the Ottoman Empire, and the Ottoman governor of Egypt, Muhammad Ali—known as the Founder of Modern Egypt—established Egypt’s political autonomy within the Ottoman Empire and created the foundations of the bureaucratic state in Egypt, with strong institutions built around a strong and efficient Egyptian army. This became the basis of Egypt’s political and security primacy up to this day.

This experiment in state-building in Egypt was so successful that, at one point, Egypt came close to conquering and overthrowing the Ottoman Empire.

Muhammad Ali’s descendants ruled Egypt for 150 years, until the Revolution of 1952, which expelled the last of his descendants from the throne, on Egypt’s National Day, which we celebrate every year on July 23.

ideas and knowledge production from ancient history to contemporary times. We are speaking of Egypt as a center of ancient Egyptian theology in remote times; Alexandria was a center of Greek philosophical thought and later of Christian theological thought.

Cairo was—and remains—a cultural center of the Arab world. Al-Azhar, the most important institution in Islamic thought, was established more than 1,000 years ago and exists to this day in Cairo as one of the oldest universities in the world.

Secular ideas such as anti-imperialism and Arab nationalism grew and spread from Egypt to other parts of the region. Even cinema, books, and music flourished in Egypt and spread to the rest of the Arab world. This is Egypt’s centrality—its “Centrality” in the imagination of Egyptians and others. This is what in diplomacy is called “soft power.” This also contributed to the perception of Egypt as a leader in the Arab and African world.

Egyptian Diplomacy from the Past to the Present

Muhammad Ali: The Industrial Revolution in Egypt Source: oerproject.com

The imagined centrality created by Egypt’s geographic centrality After this long and complex introduction to Egypt’s history, you may wonder: how is this reflected in the priorities of Egypt’s diplomacy and foreign policy? In fact, this “Centrality” reflects everything, because as we explained earlier, Egypt’s special geographic position—located in the middle between Europe, Asia, and Africa—its strong internal political organization, the cohesion of its national identity, and the early formation of its institutions, enabled this historic influence over the region and generated the idea of Egypt as “Umm el Dunia” or “Mother of the World.”

Because when we talk about geographic position, we are talking about control of the flow of trade from East to West and vice versa, which grants Egypt economic and political primacy. When we talk about geographic position, we are talking about the flow of people and ideas, which means that Egypt has been a center of

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Having established this concept of “Centrality” and the qualities that determine Egypt’s importance, it is easy to outline the foundations from which Egyptian diplomacy proceeds. Egypt’s strategic geopolitical space enabled and justified a proactive foreign policy.

From the outset, it played an important normative role in the world order established after the Second World War, being one of the founding members of the UN, the Arab League, and the Organization of African Unity, which later became the African Union.

What does this mean? It speaks to an understanding of Egypt’s position and potential, and to the capacity to recognize trends and changes in the international order, leveraging those changes to the benefit of our political and security priorities, while recognizing Egypt’s leadership role in the region. These dynamics, in turn, affected Egypt and were affected by Egyptian foreign policy. I will walk through some important events in Egypt’s history over the past 70 years to explain this point.

the adoption of Arab nationalism—the call for the unity of Arab peoples—which gave Egypt leadership of the Arab world. Second, Egypt’s support for anticolonial and independence movements in Africa, solidifying its leadership role on the African continent.

And third, Egypt’s role as a founder of the NonAligned Movement, which established it as a global actor representing the interests and aspirations of the “Third World,” or what we today call the Global South.

One of the pillars of Egyptian diplomacy was the adoption and support of the cause of the Palestinian State. As I mentioned earlier, historically all military threats to Egypt came from the East, so the cause of an independent Palestine was not only part of a moral obligation and a political aspiration for Egypt, but also constituted an important political and security priority. It is a historical continuation of that concept of strategic depth in the Levant region that I mentioned earlier. Israel’s occupation of Palestinian lands and the displacement of Palestinians from their homes created serious political and security instability, the consequences of which the region still suffers to this day.

Gamal Abdel Nasser Source:Wikipedia

The dynasty of Muhammad Ali, which we mentioned earlier, and which ruled Egypt in one way or another since 1804, fell after a popular revolution in 1952 led by the “Free Officers Movement,” with Gamal Abdel Nasser at its head. The Revolution was a major change in the political trajectory of the region and in Egypt’s foreign policy outlook. It occurred at a time of transition in the international order. The old empires of Great Britain and France were in decline, withdrawing from their colonies in Asia and Africa as anti-colonial movements emerged, and the vacuum in the international order was being filled by the United States and the Soviet Union, which rose to prominence on the international scene after the Second World War. It was the beginning of the Cold War.

One of those consequences was the 1967 War, in which Israel defeated the Arab armies of Egypt, Jordan, and Syria and occupied the Sinai Peninsula in Egypt, the West Bank in Palestine, and the Golan Heights in Syria. This completely shook the political paradigm to its roots, and the decisions, actions, and trends that emerged from this event defined the Middle East. We also see its consequences today in the conflict in Gaza and the Middle East.

The events of 1967 forced Egypt to recalibrate its foreign policy. The directions taken by Egyptian diplomacy after this moment led to fundamental changes in the political and security paradigm in the Middle East. The military and diplomatic decisions Egypt made reflected the changes that were occurring in the international order at the time.

It was a moment of declining Soviet influence and the growing prominence of the United States and Egyptian foreign policy capitalized on this changing its influence in the Middle East. Decision-makers situation. After the 1952 Revolution and years of in Egypt realized that international pressure— British colonization, Egypt sought to assert its regional particularly from the United States—was necessary primacy and global role. It tried to strengthen its to recover the Sinai Peninsula, which Israel occupied institutions, especially the Armed Forces, which had in 1967. been weakened by decades of British occupation— leading to Egypt’s defeat by Israel in the 1948 Arab–Israeli War. Egypt sought to project its power across the region. Three main directions defined the successes of Egypt’s foreign policy at that time. First,

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However, to reach a point where the Israelis would multiple Israeli wars of aggression in 2008, 2012, be willing to negotiate, and the United States 2014, and 2021, with the most recent still ongoing would be willing to apply the necessary pressure since October 7, 2023. for negotiation, Egypt had to change the military reality on the ground, which favored Israel after the 1967 War. Thus, Egypt decided to enter the 1973 War against Israel to force a diplomatic solution and recover Sinai, which it achieved after several ceasefires culminating in a peace process. The Prussian general Carl Von Clausewitz said that “war is the continuation of politics by other means.” An interesting fact is that Israel has not relinquished any other territory it has occupied to an Arab country since its founding in 1948.

Peace between Egypt and Israel in 1979 inaugurated a new political dynamic in the Middle East, effectively ending any future possibility of war between Israel Camp David Accords Source:Wikipedia and any formal Arab state army. This is because any Arab military equation in such a war would need Egyptian diplomacy faces enormous challenges Egypt as the country with the largest population and today, as Egypt exists in a regional context defined armed forces. by intense geopolitical competition, wars, and state collapse. Throughout all of this, our foreign policy The expectation behind this diplomatic initiative at priorities have remained the same: building strong that time was that the United States would sponsor states that provide development for their people; and support a stable order in the Middle East, and the political and diplomatic resolution of conflicts that Israel would fulfill its broader obligations toward to achieve sustainable peace; and working with the region by achieving lasting peace and enabling our regional and international partners to achieve the establishment of a Palestinian State. History has this. Ending Israeli aggression in Gaza and Lebanon shown us that this was not the case. The region has and establishing an independent and sovereign seen disturbing trajectories of violence and instability Palestinian State is the only path to real peace in the that have erupted into the violent conflagration we region. see today in Gaza and Lebanon.

Israel invaded Lebanon in 1982, occupying its southern territories until 2000, and then invaded Lebanon again in 2006, and did so again recently.

The U.S. invasion of Iraq destroyed the Iraqi state and unleashed waves of sectarian violence and terrorism that engulfed the region. It facilitated Iran’s incursion into the Arab world, exacerbating geopolitical conflict in the region by defining it in sectarian terms, which had destructive effects on the social fabric of many countries and complicated conflict resolution.

The Arab Spring in 2011 devolved into sectarian conflicts and civil wars, leading to state collapse and putting pressure on the regional order, exacerbating geopolitical competition among regional and international actors in the Middle East. The U.S.sponsored peace process to achieve a two-state solution did not yield the desired results, and Israel’s continued occupation and annexation of Palestinian territories fueled—and continues to fuel—waves of violence and instability. Gaza was subjected to

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The region’s challenges today and the to metastasize is therefore exacerbated, and when we speak of the logic of escalation in a context of outlook for the future

competing global powers and potential flashpoints, Finally, I would like to leave you with this last we then face terrifying consequences that will have perspective before concluding this lecture, to highlight global reach. the dangerous trajectory we are on—especially if we place the war in Palestine within the broader context of the current multipolar international order: an order that is seeing growing frictions among the major powers, and tensions in our global governance systems, which are struggling to provide solutions to our global problems. More worrying still, if we look at current conflicts—the war in Russia and Ukraine, and Israel’s military escalation in the Middle East—there appears to be an absence of logic or will to pursue a peaceful resolution to these conflicts. Their capacity

The Middle East region as seen on the map Source: nationalgeographicla

[1] Paper presented on November 7, 2024, at the Universidad San Ignacio de Loyola, within the Peru–Africa Lecture Series, organized by the Directorate General for Africa, the Middle East, and Gulf Countries of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Peru together with New Order & Global Law Observatory (@noglo_usil).

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EXPANDING AFRICANNESS

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ARTICLE 3

BLACK COMMUNITIES IN THE COLOMBIAN PACIFIC: IDENTITY, TERRITORY, AND AFRO-COLOMBIAN STUDIES

First Secretary Natalia Navarro Salazar Consulate of Peru in Medellín Romina Suñe Escaró

The narrative of the Colombian nation documents tangible events related to the presence of Afrodescendant communities, as well as their forms of resistance and their strategies to affirm their existence and continuity throughout the different stages of republican history, including in the contemporary context.

refuge for former slaves from Chocó and the interior of the country. Hoffman (2007) states that, in the southern part of this coastal strip, the mining collapse and the departure of White owners enabled Black communities to migrate south and settle along the rivers. From 1970 to the present, the city of Tumaco has reaffirmed itself as the main urban hub on the southern coastline of the Pacific coast, with Quibdó The formation of Afro-Colombian identity in the on the northern coastline and Buenaventura in the Pacific region has been possible thanks to its historical central Pacific. isolation and its struggle to achieve recognition as citizens. However, after the emancipation process, This history of displacement and migration has these communities continued to be subjugated by contributed to the formation of hamlets in peri-urban structures based on “pigmentocracy,” racism, and the areas inhabited by new Afro-Colombians who faced colonial administration that existed—and endures— high mobility driven by precariousness. Therefore, in society. instability is perceived as a characteristic of Black communities and is often interpreted as a cultural The demographic weight of Black populations in trait intrinsic to them. the departments of Chocó, Nariño, Bolívar, and the archipelago of San Andrés and Providencia did not According to Mosquera Rosero-Labbé (2007), in the guarantee that post-abolition conditions would be absence of access to academic culture, the Black upheld; as a result, the Afro-descendant population population has found its form of expression through migrated—forced and intensely—toward the the creation and recreation of a complex popular unregulated territories of the Colombian Pacific and culture with diverse manifestations such as music, the areas surrounding Caribbean capitals. singing, and dance, which have been integrated into collective festivities.

According to Velásquez Mosquera (2024), after emancipation, the Pacific coast became a point of

Afro-Colombian culture Source: sdmujer.gov.co

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being heard in national and international spheres, the concept of identity ultimately became more relevant than the economic aspects of the struggle.

At present, most of the population that self-identifies as Black, Afro-descendant, Raizal, or Palenquero lives in the departments of Valle del Cauca (close to 821,000 people, representing 22% of the national total of the Afro-descendant population), followed by Bolívar (477,000 people, 12.8%), Antioquia (474,000 people, 12.7%), Nariño (438,000 people, 11.7%), and Chocó (419,000 people, 11.2%).

Claudia Mosquera Rosero-Labbé Source: Wikipedia

In this context, at the end of the twentieth century, Afro-Colombian Day new forms of social mobilization and demands Source: radionacional.co emerged in Colombia among Indigenous and Black populations, centered on issues such as cultural As for the weight of that population within the difference and education. total population of each department, the highest is These expressions, which reflect the aspirations of recorded in Chocó (74.4% of its population identifies their communities, become fundamental elements as Black, Afro-descendant, Raizal, or Palenquero), in building a more inclusive social project with the followed by San Andrés (57.3%), Nariño (26.8%), potential to positively transform social relations Bolívar (20.9%), Valle (17.6%), Cauca (15.5%), and La and respond to the constitutional recognition of the Guajira (14.6%). country’s cultural diversity.

According to the 2025 report of Colombia’s National Black, Afro-Colombian, Raizal, and Palenquero Administrative Department of Statistics, 66% populations demanded a change in the way the of censused heads of household who are Black, country’s history and culture are presented, so Afro-descendant, Raizal, or Palenquero perceive that new generations would have a more balanced themselves as poor—58.1% in municipal seats (urban account of their contributions to history, culture, and centers) and 81.5% in small dispersed rural localities. society.

In the 1980s, the collective that brings together Black, Indigenous, and mestizo populations mobilized in defense of its territory—as in the case of Chocó—and claimed shared interests in a social struggle against exploitation committed by forestry and mining entrepreneurs, without yet promoting the defense of a distinct identity. In that context, as Hoffman (2007) points out, in order to build a discourse capable of

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With the Law of Black Communities, Law 70 of 1993, territory is presented as the foundation of Colombian Black identity. The geographic space of the Pacific is conceived as the cradle of the contemporary Black community, the space for creating a distinct culture, far from slaveholders and Whites in general. Beyond these historical-geographic arguments, territory seeks the status of a concept within the framework of a broad rereading of history, but also of the anthropology and sociology of these societies.

In the 1990s, Colombia adopted a new model of Nation that recognizes the diversity of its population. With this, it joined global trends that see multiculturalism as a “new solution” to the social and political stagnation of the universalist model.

In Latin America, this model has not succeeded in reducing historical inequalities among different social groups nor in ending discrimination against the most vulnerable. Inspired by the global discourse disseminated through numerous solidarity networks and social movements, these groups seek to assert their voice based on their cultural or ethnic identity, such as Indigenous peoples and Black communities, thus demanding recognition of their rights and their participation in political and social life.

generating social change and innovation.

Intercultural education implies a process of transformation toward a society grounded in equity and respect, which recognizes and values the cultural, linguistic, and identity diversity within it.

This approach seeks to promote peaceful coexistence, the enrichment of different groups and cultures, foster equal opportunities, and recognize the rights of all individuals.

The Colombian experience highlights the capacity of social actors affected by social and economic marginality to carve out spaces of autonomy while integrating the constraints of the moment. It is possible to observe that the cultural particularities of the group in question are in fact shared by numerous societies in the world—the valuing of oral tradition and the spoken word, the flexibility of authority systems or marital rules, the high mobility of individuals—and that they are “specific” in relation to the norms of the national society that surrounds them.

In this sense, the importance of an intercultural education that incorporates the experience, history, contributions, and distinctive characteristics of the ethnic groups that make up a nation is fundamental to building a society that is not only plural but also better integrated.

Promoting intercultural education is presented as a key strategy to consolidate a stable and cohesive social framework, capable of effectively managing diversity and reducing internal tensions. By fostering values of respect, tolerance, and justice, this policy helps strengthen the legitimacy of the State and prevent potential conflicts, creating an environment conducive to economic development and social stability.

The inclusion of all groups on equal terms is not only a moral imperative, but also a practical decision Decree 804 of 1995 regulated education for ethnic that favors the construction of a safer and more groups, based on the Political Constitution of competitive territory at the national and international Colombia of 1993 and the General Education Law levels. of 1994, as well as the Convention on the Rights of the Child—instrumental frameworks that were fundamental to the creation of Colombia’s AfroColombian Studies Chair in 2001.

Honoring the afro-colombian legacy Source: poderlegislativo.camara.gov.co

Through this chair, the aim is to build a truly intercultural and inclusive society, taking as a precept the fundamental importance of the school in

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Afro-Colombians and Afro-Peruvians: predominant narratives about Peruvian national comparative trajectories of identity, identity. territory, and recognition

Although this situation is not identical to that From a comparative perspective, analyzing Afro- observed in Colombia—where the Afro-descendant Colombian and Afro-Peruvian experiences is population shows higher levels of territorial particularly relevant, insofar as both are part concentration in certain regions—in both countries of shared historical processes associated with the effective recognition of rights has not been the African diaspora in Latin America and the automatic or linear. Rather, it has been the result subsequent configuration of nation-states. In both of prolonged processes of organization and social cases, Afro-descendant populations have had to mobilization, which makes it possible to observe confront persistent dynamics of structural exclusion, that demographic density alone does not guarantee historical invisibilization, and social subordination, overcoming structural inequalities. which remained—and in many respects were reconfigured—even after the formal abolition of slavery.

In Colombia, Black communities have built collective identities with a strong territorial anchor, especially in regions such as the Pacific coast. There, territory has not only functioned as a physical space of settlement, but also as an organizing axis for social organization, historical memory, and forms of resistance to structures marked by racism and pigmentocracy. This link between identity and territory gradually gained legal and political recognition, particularly with Law 70 of 1993, which reflects the result of decades of social mobilization aimed at claiming collective rights.

Comparably, in Peru the Afro-descendant presence dates back to the sixteenth century, with the forced arrival of enslaved Africans during the colonial period, whose participation was decisive in the country’s economic, social, and cultural configuration (Arrelucea & Cosamalón, 2015). However, as in the Colombian case, the transition to republican life did not translate into full recognition of citizenship.

On the contrary, the Afro-descendant population was incorporated into the national project under conditions of inequality, racial discrimination, and limited institutional visibility—a situation that persisted throughout much of republican history.

Afro-Colombian crafts Source: El Universal

In both national contexts, culture has occupied a central place as a space of resistance, identity affirmation, and social reproduction. Music, oral tradition, dance, and various community practices have served as languages through which Afrodescendant populations have challenged exclusionary hegemonic narratives and asserted their presence in the public sphere. In the Peruvian case, this process has begun to be incorporated more explicitly into the institutional sphere through cultural policies promoted by the State. One example is the campaign Somos Afro: identidad que nos une, promoted by the Ministry of Culture, which is framed within the From a demographic and social standpoint, Peru’s legal recognition of the Day of Afro-Peruvian Culture official data confirm that the population that self(Law No. 28761) and the declaration of the month identifies as Afro-Peruvian constitutes a minority of June as Afro-Peruvian Culture Month (Ministerial within the national total. According to the 2017 Resolution No. 182-2014-MC).

National Censuses, 3.6% of the population aged 12 and over recognized itself as Afro-Peruvian, representing more than 800,000 people distributed throughout the country, with a higher concentration in coastal regions and urban areas (INEI & Vice Ministry of Interculturality, 2018). This minority condition has historically affected its limited presence in official statistics, in the design of public policies, and in the

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Ministry of Culture of Peru Source: RCR Perú

According to official information, this initiative brings together cultural, academic, and commemorative activities nationwide, with the participation of State entities and civil society organizations, aimed at highlighting the contributions of the Afro-Peruvian people in the economic, social, cultural, and artistic spheres (Ministry of Culture of Peru, 2024). These actions represent important progress in terms of symbolic recognition and the construction of collective memory; however, they also reveal the limits of policies focused exclusively on cultural expressions when they are not accompanied by structural interventions aimed at reducing the social, economic, and educational gaps affecting this population.

• Arrelucea Barrantes, M., & Cosamalón Aguilar, J. A. (2015). La presencia afrodescendiente en el Perú: siglos XVI–XX. Ministerio de Cultura del Perú.

In sum, although Afro-Colombian and Afro-Peruvian trajectories present differences linked to their historical, demographic, and political contexts, both share structural patterns of exclusion, as well as strategies of resistance and advocacy based on cultural identity, which are articulated with initiatives promoted by national States. The comparative analysis of these experiences allows them to be situated within a broader regional framework, in which recognition of ethno-cultural diversity continues to be a central challenge for the consolidation of more inclusive societies in Latin America, beyond the normative and symbolic advances recorded in recent decades.

• Moya, José. Migración africana y formación social en las Américas,1500-2000. Bernard College, Columbia Unversity, 2012.

References

• Hoffmann Odile-Comunidades negras en el Pacífico Colombiano, Travaux del’Institut Frankas d’Etudes Andines, 2007.

• INEI & Viceministerio de Interculturalidad del Ministerio de Cultura. (2018). La autoidentificación étnica: Población indígena y afroperuana (Censos Nacionales 2017). Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática (INEI).

• Ministerio de Cultura del Perú. (2024). Somos Afro: identidad que nos une. Gobierno del Perú

• Mosquera Rosero-Labbé Claudia y Barcelos Luiz Claudio (Editores)- Afro Reparaciones: Memorias de la Esclavitud y Justicia Reparativa para negros, afrocolombianos y ráizales. Unibiblos/ Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Bogota 2007.

• Romero Dolcey y Kebby Romero Kebby-El abolicionismo negro en el Caribe colombiano durante la primera mitad del siglo XIX, 2003.

• Toncel Mozo Eliana y Silva Vallejo Fabio en Historias del Magdalena, Editorial Unmagdalena, 2024.

• ANDINA – Agencia Peruana de Noticias. (2025). • Velasquez Mosquera, Andres Felipe - Cátedra de Día de la Cultura Afroperuana: legado e identidad estudios afrocolombianos. Ecoe Ediciones,2024. nacional.

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ARTICLE 4

“PEOPLE CANNOT LIVE WITHOUT MEMORY” Review of The Fire of Origins, by Emmanuel Dongala (Casa África, 2009) Second Secretary Jimy Trujillo Chuquihuaccha [1]

Within the Spanish-language publishing market, limited access to works from Africa has historically constituted a barrier to establishing a cultural dialogue between that region and Spanish-speaking countries.

In response to this problem, a little over fifteen years ago the Spanish consortium Casa África undertook an initiative to bring some of the most prominent voices in African literature closer to interested audiences.

The work selected to inaugurate that Literature Collection was the third novel by Congolese author Emmanuel Dongala, El fuego de los orígenes (2009), originally published as Le Feu des origines in 1987.

much of what Sub-Saharan peoples have lived through—from ethnic conflicts to the struggle for independence. Therefore, it is fitting to understand El fuego de los orígenes as an allegory of Africa’s historical evolution.

Curiously, despite having built a fruitful academic career in the field of chemistry, this author’s literary commitment has also enabled him to enjoy broad recognition beyond the classroom. His stories have received awards both within and outside the Francophone sphere, positioning him as one of the most important African writers of recent decades.

Moreover, far removed from his work as a university professor, his life has been marked by political militancy and exile, lending his written narrative a profound historical dimension.

In this story, the Congolese author recounts the persistent conflict in the life of Mandala Mankunku, who, in the absence of witnesses at the moment of his birth, ends up occupying a singular category within his village: that of those beings of African folklore who, in some way, exist without having been born.

This condition compels him to undertake a process of self-knowledge, to find the “fire” of his origins while, in parallel, he must endure the vicissitudes of key periods in African history such as colonization, independence processes, and the establishment of the first republics.

Later nicknamed by the elder of his village as “the one who brings down the powerful,” Mandala’s figure emerges as a representation of the African people.

Dongala does not explicitly situate his narrative within the borders of the Republic of the Congo. On the contrary, he seeks for the experiences recorded by his protagonists to trace common points with

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Le Feu des origines Source: Ebay

Emmanuel Dongala

Source: jeuneafrique.com

Within that framework, the hero is conceived as a character devoid of passivity, inclined to challenge the power dynamics that both foreigners and nationals seek to impose for the benefit of a minority. This can be recognized throughout the work: in the rebellion he undertakes against the tribal monarchy; then in leading the insurgency against colonial forces; and later in rejecting the permissiveness of certain sectors of the population toward foreign abuse amid the rubber boom. Even on the affective plane, the ethnic misgivings of communities that threaten to condemn him to ostracism are openly questioned.

Now, this does not imply that the novel focuses on an exhaustive record of events or that it seeks to become a simple political denunciation against colonization. The author’s pen draws on a temporal framework characteristic of this continent but, at the same time, develops themes of a universal nature such as cultural clashes, the exercise (and imposition) of power, the search for identity, transformations within society, among others. Consequently, the narrative masterfully synthesizes centuries of African resistance which, like any sociopolitical phenomenon, conceal complex dynamics of conflict, adaptation, and survival.

throughout the text. The attentive reader will notice that there is no forced inclusion of fantastic elements, for Dongala creates a story in which the everyday and the supernatural coexist without friction, as occurs in much of African oral tradition. As part of that heritage, what is narrated appears closer to a popular legend told by word of mouth than to historical fiction. Given all this, it is not surprising that the acclaimed Japanese writer Wahei Tatematsu described the publication as “the African version of One Hundred Years of Solitude.”

I consider that the choice of this work as the inaugural piece of Casa África’s Literature Collection could not have been more fitting. Due to its strong symbolic character, Mandala’s story offers an accessible—yet by no means superficial—approach to the historical course of a continent as singular as it is, at times, misunderstood. El fuego de los orígenes is not only a vivid testimony to African resilience, but also a painful exploration charged with anthropological existentialism that, transcending its time and place, invites us to reflect on the formation of collective identities and memories.

With regard to narrative style, it is possible to recognize how magical realism subtly comes through [1] The author thanks Jesús Grandez Hidalgo for his observations on the first drafts of this review, without which some clumsiness would have survived into the final text.

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NDOLÉ (TRADITIONAL DISH FROM CAMEROON) INGREDIENTS: • 500 g of bitterleaf (African bitter leaf) (can be replaced with spinach or kale, previously blanched, if unavailable)

• 2–3 tablespoons of vegetable oil or palm oil

• 400 g of raw skinless peanuts or 1 cup of natural peanut butter

• Salt to taste

• 400 g of beef cut into pieces

• 1–2 bouillon cubes (optional)

• Pepper to taste • Water for cooking

• 200 g of peeled and deveined shrimp

• Fish stock

• 1 large onion • 2–3 cloves of garlic

PREPARATION: In a large pot, season the meat with salt, Maggi, and onion, and boil until tender, depending on the type of meat used. Meanwhile, boil the fish stock with salt and water; add it to the already boiled meat until you obtain approximately 3 cups of combined meat and fish broth. Reserve the remaining broth or freeze it for another use.

Boil the peanuts for about 10 minutes in a saucepan. Let cool and grind them in a food processor or blender until you obtain a fine consistency, using water to facilitate blending. Add this peanut paste to the meat and broth mixture.

Blend one onion together with the garlic until you obtain a smooth paste and add it to the peanut and meat mixture.

Add the crayfish and let simmer for about 10 minutes, stirring frequently to prevent burning. Season with salt and Maggi; adjust seasoning if necessary.

Add the bitter leaves or spinach to the pot, stir well, and simmer for several more minutes.

While the ndolé simmers, heat the oil in a pan, preferably cast iron. Add the shrimp, stirring constantly until they turn pink. Slice the remaining onion, add it to the pan, and sauté for a few more minutes.

Finally, add the shrimp, onion, and oil mixture to the ndolé pot. Stir for a few minutes and serve hot, accompanied by traditional side dishes.

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CUMANANA 52 –

DECEMBER – 2025

Editorial Board Amb. Jorge A. Raffo Carbajal Min. Marco Antonio Santiváñez Pimentel M.C. Eduardo F. Castañeda Garaycochea

Editorial Team Amb. Jorge A. Raffo Carbajal, Director General and Managing Editor

MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS

T.S. Berchman A. Ponce Vargas, Content Director T.S. Giancarlo Martinez Bravo, Editor for the English Edition T.S. Berchman A. Ponce Vargas, Editor for the French and Portuguese Editions

DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR AFRICA, THE MIDDLE EAST AND GULF COUNTRIES

Gerardo Ponce Del Mar, Layout Designer

Jr. Lampa 545, Lima, Peru

Legal Deposit No. 2025- 03899

Phone: +51 1 204 2400 Email: peruenafrica@rree.gob.pe

ISSN: 3084-7583 (online)

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