The chill can be felt at the dock. The water looks cold. It is cold. The gentle waves of the Pacific Ocean brush against the side of the boat, aged and rust-streaked, a sign of all the years it has floated and lived at sea. Anchored in San Francisco Bay, it will carry passengers to the historic Alcatraz prison, just two kilometers away.
The engines groan as if tired. The ferry rocks side to side as tourists prepare to visit the prison, also known as The Rock, which was shut down in 1963 by order of U.S. Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy.
Alcatraz has lived many lives: it was once a fort, a lighthouse, and a prison. Today, it’s part of the Golden Gate National Parks and home to one of the largest colonies of western gulls on California’s northern coast, according to the pamphlet Alcatraz: A Walk Through the Rock (1996).
The topic is back in the news because U.S. President Donald Trump recently stated he had ordered the Bureau of Prisons and other federal agencies to rebuild Alcatraz to house “the most violent and ruthless criminals in America,” according to The Wall Street Journal. The paper said that turning Alcatraz back into a prison “would be a crime.”
This 2.01-square-kilometer island, located right along the path of the Golden Gate Bridge, is where a lighthouse was first lit on June 1, 1854, using an oil lamp — the first on the Pacific Coast.
The pamphlet states, “Over the years, Alcatraz’s lighthouse has seen many changes.”
Oil gave way to kerosene, then electricity. In 1909, the original lighthouse was replaced by a concrete one.A fun fact: “The only disruption in service happened in 1970, when a fire destroyed the keeper’s quarters and cut power to the lighthouse,” which remains visible to tourists and continues to shine.
According to the National Park Service, about one million tourists visit the island each year — each paying around 2,000 pesos (roughly USD 120) to step onto The Rock and walk the clay-andstone paths once tread by 1,545 former inmates like Al Capone, “Doc” Parker, Alvin “Creepy” Karpis, and George “Machine Gun” Kelly. Visitors also leave with an armful of souvenirs: T-shirts, hats, books, mugs, baseballs, tote bags, and even rock replicas of the prison dishes.
This generates a multimillion-dollar windfall for the U.S. government. And now, President Trump suggests reopening Alcatraz for high-risk inmates — even though it officially closed on March 21, 1963, 62 years ago.
Two dates define Alcatraz’s prison era: July 1, 1934, when it opened as a federal penitentiary, and March 21, 1963, when it shut down. The 27 inmates were still transferred to other prisons to finish their sentences.
In 1846, Mexico’s then-governor of California, Pío Pico, had plans to build a lighthouse on Alcatraz, but the war with the U.S. ended that. By 1847, California’s military governor, John Charles Frémont, purchased the island from the Mexican government on behalf of the United States.
From the pamphlet Alcatraz: A Walk Through the Rock, we learn: “Almost from the beginning, Alcatraz was a prison. In 1859, eleven soldiers arrived to be held in the basement of the fort’s main entrance, alongside the first permanent garrison.”
The text adds: “During the Civil War, Alcatraz held soldiers accused of desertion, theft, assault, rape, and murder, as well as civilians charged with treason and the crew of a Confederate ship. The Army also used it to imprison Native Americans — Hopi, Apache, and Modoc — captured during various Indian Wars.”
Besides being called The Rock, Alcatraz also earned the nickname “the prison of prisons.”
Although it could hold up to 1,500 inmates, it averaged 260, never exceeding 302. It was a prison for men only — not a single woman was
ALCATRAZ HAS LIVED MANY LIVES: IT WAS ONCE A FORT, A LIGHTHOUSE, AND A PRISON. TODAY, IT’S PART OF THE GOLDEN GATE NATIONAL PARKS AND HOME TO ONE OF THE LARGEST COLONIES OF WESTERN GULLS ON CALIFORNIA’S NORTHERN COAST.
The prison was closed in 1963 due to high operating costs and deteriorating facilities.
FROM CAPONE’S CELL TO THE BIRDMAN’S
SILENCE
TOURISTS FLOCK TO ALCATRAZ ISLAND, ONCE A MILITARY FORT, PRISON, AND LIGHTHOUSE, NOW A TOP SAN FRANCISCO ATTRACTION. ONCE HOME TO INFAMOUS CRIMINALS LIKE AL CAPONE, THE SITE DRAWS OVER A MILLION VISITORS A YEAR—AND MAY RETURN TO SERVICE IF TRUMP’S PRISON REVIVAL PLAN MOVES FORWAR
ever imprisoned there. One of its most dangerous inmates was Henry Theodore Young, known as “Little Henry.” According to Mundo Policiaco magazine, in an article by R.M. Roffield dated March 1, 1955, Young was transferred to Alcatraz in 1935 after two escape attempts from McNeil Island Federal Penitentiary.
“He was both feared and respected by other inmates for how he handled prison life… many saw him as the toughest and most dangerous guy,” the article reads. On Alcatraz, he became close to Doc Baker, and together they planned an escape for January 13, 1939, using a heavy fog to cover their tracks. When their absence — and that of other inmates — was discovered, guards raised the alarm. The group was caught, and Baker died in the attempt.
To discourage escapes, guards spread the rumor that the waters around Alcatraz were full of man-eating sharks. In 1937, inmates Ted Cole and Ralph Roe vanished. Mundo Policiaco notes: “It’s unknown whether Cole and Roe drowned or made it to shore and started new lives. They were never seen again.”
On March 21, 1963, the eyes of Alcatraz’s last 27 inmates fell on the chalkboard listing their final breakfast: scrambled eggs, cornflakes, toast, butter, and coffee. It was their last meal behind bars at The Rock.
On October 24, 1931, Alphonse Capone was sentenced to 11 years in prison for multiple violations of Prohibition laws, tax evasion, and a $50,000 fine. Caught by Prohibition Bureau agent Eliot Ness, he began serving his sentence at the Cook Penitentiary in Atlanta.
When a plot to free the “King of Gangsters” was uncovered, he was transferred to Alcatraz prison in San Francisco Bay in 1932. There, he was registered as inmate No. 40,886 and spent four and a half years in a hospital isolation cell, suffering from syphilis.
Journalist José Ramón Garmabella, in his introduction to The True Story of The Untouchables, wrote: “…after three years in prison, affected by the terrible syphilis, he became a withdrawn and quiet man, paranoid and prone to frequent depressive episodes that made him cry for hours like a child whose toy had been taken away.”
Also known as Scarface, Capone left Alcatraz on November 16, 1939, to live in his Palm Island home near Miami, where he died on January 21, 1947. He had spread terror under the protection of the Prohibition law, enacted on January 17, 1920, and pushed by the puritan legislator Andrew Volstead.
Robert Stroud, better known as the Birdman of Alcatraz, raised canaries while imprisoned in Leavenworth, earning him the nickname The bird doctor of Leavenworth.
However, he never kept birds while at Alcatraz, where he spent much of his life and eventually died. He spent 41 years behind bars. At 19, he killed Von Dahmer, who had robbed and beaten his mother. He was sent to McNeil Island prison, where a fight with another inmate got him transferred to Leavenworth. There, he raised three canaries that fell from a tree into the hallway. Over time, he had as many as 300 birds. In 1920, he was moved to Alcatraz. “He often gazes out through the bars of his solitary cell, at times gray and foggy,” reads issue No. 55 of Mundo Policiaco.
From the Discover Alcatraz brochure, we learn that there were no executions, “although there were five suicides and eight murders… families who lived on the island rarely locked their doors.” There were 14 documented escape attempts. On June 11, 1962, Frank Morris and brothers John and Clarence Anglin fled through the water using raincoats as flotation devices. It is believed they drowned. Inés Martínez Cárdenas chronicles other escapes in Algarabía, issue No. 152. One example is John Giles, who sewed a military uniform from fabric scraps and boarded a boat with fake papers. He was caught and returned to prison. Frank Watherman, the last inmate to leave the prison, said, walking out the door, “Alcatraz never did anybody any good.”.
The 1962 escape of three inmates inspired the film Escape from Alcatraz.
Donald Trump promised to reveal the secrets of the Epstein case. But once in office, the list of names remains sealed. Accusations of a cover-up now unsettle even his closest allies as tensions rise within the Republican Party
BY: JOSÉ CARREÑO ARTWORK: ALEJANDRO OYERVIDES
Trump’s return to power put conspiracy theory supporters in positions where they could examine why Epstein’s court records had not been made public.
Just over a year ago, in June 2024, then-presidential candidate Donald Trump expressed his willingness to release sealed files and classified documents related to Jeffrey Epstein, the billionaire financier who died by suicide in a New York jail in 2019 while facing charges of sex trafficking minors.
That was when Trump’s allies flooded social media with conspiracy theories about a supposed child trafficking network led by, among others, Hillary Clinton and other prominent Democrats.
A little over a year later, Trump and his allies are trying to bury the scandal, which seems to fade during the summer holidays but could become one of the defining issues of Trump’s second term.
True, the president seems immune to scandal—whether it’s rape allegations, multimillion-dollar lawsuits, fraud trials, personal insults, inciting the overthrow of the government, or being called out by critics for “lies, lies, and more lies.”
Larry Sabato, a professor at the University of Virginia, notes that Trump “has been judged from the beginning by standards different from those of ordinary politicians.”
Sabato is an expert in political scandals in the media. Still, he appears confused by the Trump phenomenon, often called “The Teflon Don”—because nothing seems to stick to him.
But this time might be different.
At the turn of the 21st century, Jeffrey Epstein was a prominent figure in New York society. His wealth, luxurious parties, financial influence, and generous political donations made him powerful. His circle of friends included top New York elites, such as real estate mogul Donald Trump and former President Bill Clinton.
By 2004, Trump and Epstein had become enemies, and Epstein was under investigation in Florida for misconduct with minors—a case that resulted in a one-year sentence.
But that didn’t stop him. The parties went on until 2019, when he was arrested in New York on charges of child trafficking. The investigation was suddenly halted when Epstein hanged himself in his cell.
His death sparked new rumors and conspiracy theories, especially after a brief interruption was found in the jail’s surveillance footage.
By then, a prominent figure had already fallen: Britain’s Prince Andrew. He became a public disgrace in 2014 after being accused by Virginia Giuffre,
who claimed Epstein had abused her. Andrew was among the high-profile guests at Epstein’s gatherings, often hosted with his socialite partner, Ghislaine Maxwell, who is now serving a 20-year prison sentence.
In September 2024, Trump stated that “a lot of important people” had visited Epstein’s private island, where underage girls were reportedly present. He found it “very interesting” that the guest list had never been made public, and once again said he had “no problem” releasing it.
By October, his running mate, Senator J.D. Vance, declared: “Seriously, we need to release the Epstein list. This is important.” Trump’s return to power put conspiracy theory supporters in positions where they could examine why Epstein’s court records—from both his 2004 Florida case and the allegations surrounding his 2019 death—had not been made public.
In January 2025, now-President Trump appointed Pamela Bondi—former Florida Attorney General (2011–2019) and his lawyer from 2019 to 2024—as a special investigator. Along with her, two other Epstein skeptics, Kash Patel and Dan Bongino, were appointed Director and Deputy Director of the powerful FBI.
By February, Bondi said the list of Epstein’s “clients” or party guests was sitting on her desk, ready to be disclosed. But in July, Bondi suddenly shut down the investigation, with no findings and no documents released. The list never surfaced. The political storm erupted immediately—not only among Democrats but also among Trump’s allies, who felt betrayed. The scandal grew worse when it was revealed that Bondi had privately informed the president in May that his name was on Epstein’s guest list.
According to recent reports, that name has since been conveniently removed.
On July 17, The Wall Street Journal reported that Trump had sent a warm birthday message to Epstein in 2003, which included a sketch of a naked woman, to be included in an album created by Epstein’s friend Matthews. Trump immediately exploded, denied everything, and sued the newspaper for $10 billion—a legal tactic he has used before to intimidate media outlets publishing unfavorable stories.
By July 20, unrest within the Republican ranks was so intense that lawmakers were considering forcing the release of the documents and summoning Trump’s appointees—Bondi, Patel, and Bongino—for questioning.
In response, House Speaker Mike Johnson suddenly announced an early summer recess, pausing congressional sessions beginning the third week of July.
And maybe Trump’s gamble will pay off. Or maybe it won’t.
Trump’s tariff strategy has been widely interpreted as a return to the unilateral approach that defined his first administration. But the international scenario has shifted and so has North America’s balance of power.
BY: MARÍA ANGELA RODRIGUEZ CUELLAR AND GERARDO RODRÍGUEZ SÁNCHEZ LARA ARTWORK: ALEJANDRO OYERVIDES
Washington no longer enforces its agenda upon its southern counterpart. Mexico has transitioned from a passive observer to a strategically engaged actor in regional affairs, actively disrupting the geopolitical structures that once confined its influence.
The nation’s growing leadership on regional geopolitics is not a coincidence, but a consequence of a long-term accumulation and systematization of internal capabilities. National power is defined as a state’s capacity to pursue and preserve its national objectives through the strategic leverage of its resources across multiple dimensions. From political resistance and policy implementation to enlarged military capabilities and diplomatic representation: the consolidation of Mexican national power positions the country as a regional leader in the face of international polarization.
Stability amidst international uncertainty: The political power of a nation can no longer be measured by its ability to coerce; instead, it
should be evaluated based on its institutional adaptability and increasing influence over regional policy initiatives. Mexico’s ability to project stability rests on both domestic legitimacy and international recognition, which have been granted through its historical tendency toward multilateralism, widespread public approval of leadership during crises, and established democratic processes. Its stance on regional affairs reflects strategic interactions with other power holders, often finding a balance between confrontation and cooperation. In the face of radicalization, Mexico’s political power lies in its ability to persuade and negotiate both domestically and internationally.
Development and market diversification:
Defined as the industrial capacity, trade activity, and investment appeal of a nation, economic power lies not only in growth indicators, but in a state’s increasing ability to shape regional and global supply chains. In this sense, Mexico has transitioned from a peripheral actor to a critical manufacturing and export center. Trade agreements, such as the USMCA, have consolidated the nation’s role as a key economic ally to the U.S. and Canada, while its function in international supply networks—particularly in automotive, electronics, and aerospace—continues to expand. At the same time, nearshoring dynamics have positioned the country as an attractive hub for foreign direct investment throughout various states within the territory.
Cohesion, vitality and production: Mexico’s social power emerges from its characteristic collective identity, internal cohesion, civic vitality, and demographic strength. Mexico fosters one of the youngest populations in the OECD, translating into a robust labor force, rising consumption capacity, and long-term productive potential. This demographic profile, unlike the aging trends in North America and Europe, positions the country as a future engine of economic and political dynamics. In
Mexico’s annual average growth rate of 4.1%
from 2016 to 2020 positions it as a significant player, 12.2% 8.9% 2% though trailing behind India, China and US
a global context of political clashes and social fragmentation, Mexico’s ability to maintain cohesion, trust, and civic participation represents a clear expression of national power. Defense projection without provocation: Military power reflects the state’s capacity to safeguard sovereignty and reinforce internal stability through its armed forces. Mexico’s armed forces play a significant role in containing domestic threats that could otherwise undermine national development, while increasingly assuming responsibilities beyond borders. Mexico has over 390,000 active military personnel, with increasing participation in U.N. peacekeeping missions and joint efforts against drug trafficking and organized crime, especially with its northern neighbor. These strategies not only enhance Mexico’s military power but also foster strategic ties with regional allies, reinforcing a collective defense groundwork for addressing transnational threats.
The innovation race towards regional influence: Mexico’s technological power is emerging as a strategic pillar of national development and competitiveness. Defined as a state’s capacity to generate, adopt, and apply technological knowledge in pursuit of its objectives, this component reflects both state-led efforts and private sector investment. In recent years, Mexico’s manufacturing sector—especially in automotive and aerospace—has adopted advanced technologies, including robotics, automation, and AI, to remain globally competitive. Digital transformation initiatives have advocated for improved internet access and digital literacy, extending technological capacity to broader populations. In 2023, Mexico ranked 58th worldwide in the Global Innovation Index
(2023), highlighting areas of opportunity in research investment and educational quality. While challenges remain, the country’s growing technological infrastructure is consolidating its position as an innovative actor in the global landscape.
Dialogue amidst international tensions: In the face of complex regional dynamics, Mexico’s diplomatic power lies in its ability to negotiate while prioritizing its national interests. Defined as the capacity to direct foreign policy through negotiation, persuasion, and alliance-building, this aspect of national power has become essential in shaping Mexico’s relation with the United States. Ongoing bilateral deliberations on migration, drug-trafficking, and security reflect a shift where Mexico now holds a position of structural relevance: ranked 14th globally in the Lowy Institute’s 2024 Global Diplomacy Index, the country maintains one of the world’s most expansive diplomatic networks, reinforcing its role as a regional interlocutor.
As North America’s traditional order realigns, Mexico’s evolving role goes beyond a regional adjustment: it reflects the consolidation of its national power. Political stability, institutional legitimacy, and its assertive diplomatic posture have enabled the country to navigate a fractured international scenario without compromising its core interests. Economically, Mexico has positioned itself as a vital trade and supply chain partner, leveraging strategic alliances while safeguarding its autonomy. Security efforts and humanitarian responses have deepened public trust and reinforced the state’s internal cohesion. This convergence of political, economic, social, technological, and diplomatic assets marks a clear disruption from past patterns of external subordination. Mexico is no longer a country coerced into compliance by Washington’s political agenda, and while challenges remain, its national power has matured, allowing it not only to respond to regional dynamics, but to shape them.
NORTH AMERICA’S BALANCE
NOW LEANS SOUTH
Authors: María Angela Rodriguez
Cuellar
International Relations and Political Science student at University of the Americas Puebla (UDLAP).
Gerardo Rodríguez Sánchez Lara Is Full-Time professor of International Relations and Political Science at UDLAP and columnist at El Heraldo de México.
Unified champion Sebastián Fundora received the WBC’s Aztec Warrior Belt in Mexico City, acknowledging his aggressive fighting style and multicultural background. Born to a Cuban father and Mexican mother, Fundora manages his boxing career while planning to study engineering at Harvard. Throughout Cuba, Mexico, and California, Sebastián Fundora and his family established their roots.
nified world champion Sebastián Fundora received one of the most meaningful honors of his career this week: the Aztec Warrior Belt from the World Boxing Council (WBC).
For the Californian fighter, this recognition goes beyond an honor—it embodies a complex identity rooted in Mexican and Cuban heritage, and a career forged in the United States.
“It’s an honor,” Fundora told El Heraldo USA after receiving the belt in Mexico City. “I’m working hard to be recognized. Now we’re world champions, and Mexico is welcoming us as such. They’ve given me a belt that represents a warrior. And I think all my fights have shown that we are warriors.”
Presented by WBC President Mauricio Sulaimán, the award recognizes Sebastián’s grit, bravery, and fighting style. At just 27, he’s already one of the top names in the 154-pound division.
His latest victory—defeating Tim Tszyu in a brutal war to unify titles—raised him to warrior status, a rare accomplishment in any boxer’s career. But for Fundora, the significance of the belt extends beyond the ring. Born in California to a Mexican mother and Cuban father, he has often spoken about how Mexican-American fighters are sometimes regarded as different. That’s why receiving this award in Mexico, with his family present, felt like a true act of acceptance.
Feeling recognized as Mexican has really boosted my confidence. Absolutely. I’ve always identified as Mexican, but now the fans do too, and so does an organization like the WBC. I’m honored to be here,” he added.
His connection to Mexico has been a long and natural journey. Fundora lives like a Mexican, and every time he steps into the ring, he brings a fierce, front-foot style that reflects the classic DNA of Mexican boxing.
“They’ve known us for a long time. I used to be an interim champion—now I’m a full world champion. A unified champion. And we’re planning to become undisputed too. That’s the goal. I must catch up to my sister,” he said, referring to Gabriela Fundora, the current undisputed champion. Sebastián plans to return to the ring later this year. “We should be back in November or December,” he revealed. In the meantime, his schedule is packed both inside and outside the ropes.
Besides being a world champion, Fundora was recently accepted to Harvard, where he intends to study engineering.
“Yes, it’s exciting. Everyone’s been asking me about school today. But for me, boxing is my number one passion. Currently, I’m excelling in boxing. School is important too... but not everyone’s a world champion,” he said, laughing.
Although his current priority is the ring, he’s open to balancing both. “I’ll have to manage my time for that. And if I can, I’ll do it gladly.”
How does he manage training, travel, school, and his personal life? “My days are 48 hours long,” he joked. “It’s very active, hectic. But that’s life.
That’s what daily life is.”
Sebastián isn’t on this journey alone. His younger sisters, Gabriela and Fabiola, are also involved in the sport. “Dulce Veneno” (Gabriela) holds all four major world titles, and 11-year-old Fabiola recently made her amateur debut. Even though they compete in different weight classes and divisions, for Sebastián,
Sebastián’s
Gabriela,
TEACHING U.S. LAW WITHOUT BORDERS
LAW IN SPANISH
Interview with Karen Sigmond*
There are judges, prosecutors, public defenders, and private sector attorneys who are bilingual, and we are making the most of all our resources to open these doors and provide online opportunities that perhaps would not have been possible in other times
KAREN SIGMOND
BY: DANIEL BENET
ALEJANDRO OYERVIDES
D.B. I’d like to start by having you tell us a bit about your work and the projects you’re currently working on.
K.S. I’m in charge of the office that manages all the graduate programs—whether it’s a master’s degree, a master’s in tax law, or other graduate programs at the law school. We also handle all international programs, including student exchanges and studyabroad opportunities for our students.
We’re also responsible for all the specialized courses here at the law school, both in-person and online, and in recent years, we’ve developed an online Master’s in U.S. Law taught in Spanish. That’s one of the most important projects in the university’s recent history, along with some of the specialized courses—and let me tell you what we’re working on this week. We’re offering
*Karen Sigmond is Assistant Dean, Graduate, International and Certificate Programs; Adjunct Law Professor at the University of San Diego.
an oral litigation course for Latin American attorneys, with a group of experts on campus, including judges, prosecutors, and U.S. public defenders, who are sharing their knowledge and real-world experiences with participants.
D.B. From your perspective, what’s the significance of offering a Master’s in U.S. Law entirely in Spanish, considering the current context in that country?
K.S. I think it’s important because some people who want to learn about U.S. law don’t do it due to certain barriers—such as language.
So offering it in Spanish gives them access to learn about U.S. law—first, because they can do it in their own language, and second, because it’s an online program. That allows us to reach more students, since they don’t have to travel to the United States, for example, or apply for a visa, or deal with all the challenges that come with wanting to study U.S. law. This opens the door for many more lawyers.
D.B. Could you explain some of the most relevant differences between the legal systems of the United States and Mexico?
K.S. Both systems, as you know, come from different legal traditions.
One is common law, which is the U.S. system, and the other is the Roman-Germanic tradition, which is generally more written and less oral, unlike the U.S. system. From those traditions come certain principles, like the use of case law and precedent, which are fundamental in common law and not as common in other systems.
Another major difference—one we often see in TV shows and series—is the use of juries. In the United States, we use juries, while in Mexico that’s not the case at the moment, although the Mexican system is evolving with the implementation of oral trials.
D.B. Who is the target audience for this master’s program? Who are you hoping to reach?
K.S. We’re looking for lawyers who want to learn more about U.S. law, and that could be because they handle transactions, business matters, or have clients they want to advise.
For example, here at the border, there are many lawyers who work on cases involving the U.S. legal system—whether it’s business, family law, or probate. So, understanding the other system—its implications and how actions in one country affect the other—is very important.
It also improves communication between attorneys, and clearly, a lawyer who understands the other system can advise their client more effectively.
So, it’s important for those who are practicing law, but also for academics who want to teach comparative law, or for major law firms involved in international transactions. This knowledge is incredibly helpful for advising clients from within Mexico on any international legal implications.
D.B. Now, Karen, beyond the benefits this program offers to legal professionals, what benefits could a Spanish-language master’s in U.S. law bring to Spanish-speaking communities in the United States, especially if more people understand both legal systems?
K.S. think it’s extremely beneficial because, for example, we have students who are lawyers in their home countries but now live in the U.S. doing different kinds of work. We’ve especially seen this in immigration-related fields. They can’t practice law, but they’re helping their communities, and with this master’s degree, they’re better equipped to explain U.S. law to others.
So whether in the U.S. or abroad, I believe they can offer better service— especially being able to explain things in someone’s native language.
D.B. In conversations with others we’ve interviewed, we’ve heard that language is a major barrier in accessing healthcare, but also in accessing justice for migrant communities in the U.S. This seems like an opportunity to improve legal communication and access to services.
Is the university planning to offer this
program in the medium or long term?
K.S. Yes, our office oversees all the graduate programs here on campus, and we’re continuously expanding our online offerings. But we’re also thinking beyond our city and region—we’re thinking globally.
Our online programs are offered in both English and Spanish. These include short courses, full master’s programs, and even introductory courses to the U.S. legal system and legal English for those who want to improve their English while also learning basic legal concepts.
We feel privileged to have so many bilingual professionals here in San Diego with deep experience in the U.S. legal system.
So we have judges, prosecutors, public defenders, and private attorneys who are bilingual, and we’re leveraging all our resources to open doors and offer opportunities online that might not have been possible in the past.
We really want to make legal education more accessible—so that almost anyone can participate, as long as they have internet access.
D.B. Recently, we’ve seen major changes in U.S. immigration policy, and also in global trade—some of the areas you mentioned that are legally relevant. What’s your outlook on the growing need for bilingual, bicultural legal professionals who understand both legal systems—especially with the challenges we’re seeing now in Mexico–U.S. relations in both immigration and trade?
K.S. I think that whenever there’s a change in administration—whether in Mexico, the U.S., or elsewhere—it brings challenges, but also opportunities, because each new government has its own ideas about international relations.
For those of us in education, this is a great opportunity. Some topics, like trade, may seem settled—but then a new administration comes in and changes everything based on its own policies. That gives us the chance to revisit these issues—trade, migration, and more—and offer courses that provide historical context and allow students to analyze what’s happening now, while also giving them tools and resources to make better decisions with an eye toward the future.
D.B. For people who are interested in this program, where can they find more information—requirements, deadlines, and so on?
K.S. Yes, they can visit: https://www. sandiego.edu/law/academics/en-espanol/. On that page, they’ll find information about the Master’s in U.S. Law in Spanish, as well as all the Spanish-language courses we offer—whether on campus or online.
For example, we recently launched a certificate program in immigration law, and we’re about to start another course on the U.S. legal system and legal terminology in English.
Again, we’re taking advantage of the expertise of bilingual lawyers here in San Diego, which allows us to offer instruction in English, Spanish, or both. In my own classes, for instance, if something isn’t being explained clearly, we just switch languages—and that makes learning much easier.
PHOTOART:
Racial Discrimination in Hollywood Cinema and the Challenges of Inclusion: Let’s Talk About the Snow White Movie
THE UNIVERSAL DECLARATION ON THE HUMAN GENOME AND HUMAN RIGHTS, IN ARTICLE 2, STATES: “EVERYONE HAS A RIGHT TO RESPECT FOR THEIR DIGNITY AND FOR THEIR RIGHTS REGARDLESS OF THEIR GENETIC CHARACTERISTICS. THAT DIGNITY REQUIRES THAT INDIVIDUALS NOT BE REDUCED TO THEIR GENETIC CHARACTERISTICS AND THAT THEIR UNIQUE NATURE AND DIVERSITY BE RESPECTED.”
It is important to note that racial discrimination is not based on biological grounds, as all people belong to the human family regardless of their genetic coding—a diverse and multicultural family, without a doubt. Racial discrimination has its roots deeply embedded in history, politics, and the customs and traditions of societies around the world.
Today, despite attempts to promote inclusion in the U.S. film industry, there remains a lack of representation for minority groups. Various Hollywood productions have perpetuated ideologies that
continue to reinforce significant racial disparities in society. One illustrative example is The Birth of a Nation, directed by D.W. Griffith, which recreated stereotypes that discriminate against people of African descent. On the other hand, Hollywood also engages in a discriminatory practice known as whitewashing, meaning the dominance of whiteskinned actors and actresses in films—even when portraying ethnic minorities. A recent example includes actor Johnny Depp playing an ethnically non-white character in The Lone Ranger. In 2024, a multidisciplinary team composed of Dima Kagan, Mor Levy, Michael Fire, and Galit Fuhrmann published a study titled “Analysis
of Ethnic Representation in Commercial Movie Posters.” They found that, until recently, white Caucasian actors were overrepresented on posters compared to their proportion in the U.S. population, particularly in leading roles. Although there has been a trend toward improved representation of ethnic minorities over the past 20 years, more than 79% of actors shown on movie posters are still white, regardless of genre. The study also found that non-white actors are more likely to appear on posters in minor roles. Additionally, the faces of white actors tend to be up to 25% larger than those of actors from other ethnic backgrounds, and are usually positioned more centrally on posters than the faces of non-white individuals.
In recent years, the U.S. film industry has sought to incorporate more racially diverse characters, such as in superhero films featuring Afro-descendant characters like Black Panther, produced by Disney in 2022. Despite these efforts, there has been ongoing criticism about changing or modifying the physical characteristics—phenotypic traits—of characters, such as hair color, facial features, or skin tone, in order to include ethnic minorities. A recent example is Disney’s new live-action film Snow White.
Snow White is a story originating from 19th-century German folklore. According to historians, the character of the princess is based on a noble German woman. In other words, the character of Snow White embodies a Caucasian representation of beauty. In many Latin American countries, including Mexico, having lighter skin is still considered a marker of physical beauty and higher socioeconomic status. These types of prejudices are a clear representation of racism, and they are also present in various international media, such as magazines and even on social media. In relation to the new Snow White movie, there has been a considerable amount of racist commentary and criticism, particularly aimed at actress Rachel Zegler, a 23-year-old woman of Colombian descent who plays the lead role. Many of the comments reference her ethnic background and skin color. It is important to highlight the racist undertones in these comments, which often argue that the change in the character’s physical features (phenotypic traits) breaks the nostalgic connection to the traditional version of the story, where Snow White is depicted as a princess with skin “white as snow.” This reasoning reveals an ingrained set of prejudices and preconceived notions about beauty. Many of these ideas are deeply rooted in Latin American populations and other regions, passed down generationally and embedded in language and cultural values. Additionally, on social media, some have criticized production companies like Disney for what they call “forced inclusion”—changing the physical traits of characters from classic stories, such as the skin or hair color of princesses. However, from a human rights perspective and in accordance with international norms, this concept of “forced inclusion” is not recognized. It is largely a term created and spread through social media to reject the inclusion of other ethnic groups in films and to uphold the whitewashing practices discussed earlier. Let’s reflect on this: if inclusion must be forced, it is because there is a lack of tolerance for diversity, and a failure to recognize—within a human rights framework—what must be done: not to discriminate against individuals based on their skin color or racial origin. Ultimately, if comments on social media question or criticize the skin color of an actress or a movie character, it is racism—plain and simple.
Roxana Rosas Fregoso
MEXICAN ACTOR DAMIÁN ALCÁZAR DISCUSSES WITH HERALDO USA HOW CINEMA CAN SERVE AS A TOOL FOR JUSTICE, UPHOLD THE DIGNITY OF MIGRANTS, AND USE STORYTELLING TO SHOWCASE STRUGGLES THAT ARE OFTEN IGNORED. HE ENCOURAGES MEXICAN COMMUNITIES IN THE U.S. TO STAND FIRM, REMEMBER THEIR ROOTS, AND FIND STRENGTH THROUGH UNITY AND ART
Damián Alcázar is a Mexican actor with international acclaim and a keen eye for detail. He has added depth to characters that explore the complexities of Mexico. In this interview with Heraldo USA, he discusses migration, social justice, and the role of art in responding to the injustices faced by thousands of Mexicans in the United States.
He shared with us his views on how television can influence perceptions of the migrant community in Mexico and the United States.
Cinema, since its beginnings, has been a memory in images. It documents the lives, traditions, and struggles of people. Through the characters I portray, I have given a voice to those who never had one, from peasants to priests to workers.
Television also has that power, although it has become more practical, and its owners are billionaires who want to tell their own stories. However, if used consciously, both media can plant a seed of humanism and empathy.
WHAT DOES THIS MEAN FOR MIGRANTS WHO SEE THEIR STORIES REFLECTED?
It symbolizes the possibility of connection, of knowing they are not alone. Many migrants in the United States endure difficult lives, sometimes becoming invisible. Seeing someone share their reality, even through a screen, can empower them. My characters are not heroes; they are ordinary people with great dignity. And that’s what I aim to convey: dignity.
The message it sends to the Mexican community that today faces raids, deportations, and hate speech across all states in the United States.
“Let them resist that this land is also yours.
Half of the United States belonged to Mexico; although it’s not taught there, it’s part of our history. They are the real migrants. We are returning to our roots. To those who have been deported or fear deportation, say: the
ACCORDING TO VARIOUS SOURCES, MEXICAN PRESIDENT CLAUDIA SHEINBAUM’S APPROVAL RATING REMAINS STRONG, HOVERING BETWEEN 78% AND 81% IN THE LAST QUARTER. IN JUNE, IRREGULAR INCOMES IN US TERRITORY HIT THEIR LOWEST POINT, WITH JUST 138 INCOMES, THE FEWEST IN 25 YEARS. 01 02 03 DATA
43%
ACCORDING TO SEVERAL OFFICIAL SOURCES, DONALD TRUMP’S APPROVAL RATING HAS FALLEN IN RECENT WEEKS.
I would tell them to hang in there, the United States will be there. Even if it took you a while to get there, there will be a chance to return later. There are opportunities in Mexico too.
DAMIÁN ALCÁZAR ACTOR
world is vast. If it’s time to return, we’ll be waiting for you here. You can start again.”
Recently, Claudia Sheinbaum sent Mexican brigades to assist in Texas after an emergency. This is Damián’s opinion:
“It seems to me a profoundly humanistic act. While some politicians aim to close borders and deport migrants, Mexico offers help. That’s the difference between a government that cares about its people and one that only safeguards economic interests. The help doesn’t differentiate between passports; it focuses on needs.”
DO YOU BELIEVE THAT
MEXICAN CINEMA HAS A SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY TODAY?
“There is everything in literature—both profound and superficial works. But art is also a form of consumption, and what we take in shapes our view of the world. If you only watch empty entertainment, you’re emptying yourself. That’s why it’s important to create cinema that questions, inspires, and reflects the complexity of human beings. Cinema can also be a healing force.”
THE SO-CALLED “AMERICAN DREAM”…
“Open your eyes. The American dream can be a nightmare for many: racism, discrimination, and exploitation. Still, I understand those who seek a better life. I’m just telling you: get ready, learn, come back if you want, explore the world. No one can take away our dignity. And Mexico is a wonderful country. Let’s not run from it; let’s transform it.”
The message is intended for Mexicans living abroad.
“Don’t give up. That work, honesty, and solidarity define us. And never forget that the world is everyone’s. If a door closes, others open. If a border is imposed, it can be surrounded by it. And if something doesn’t change, we change it”
BY: ALAN VARGAS
ART: ISMAEL ESPINOZA
COCA-COLA BOTTLER IN THE WORLD THEBEST
The Mexican company wins the 2024 Candler Cup and is recognized among nearly 225 bottlers as the best in the global Coca-Cola system
BY: EDITORIAL
With pride and excitement, Arca Continental, through its U.S. operation Coca-Cola Southwest Beverages (AC-CCSWB), was recognized as the best Coca-Cola bottler in the world, receiving the 2024 Candler Cup, the highest award presented by The Coca-Cola
Company internationally.
The Candler Cup is an acknowledgment given to bottlers who achieve outstanding results in revenue growth, capacity development, and continuous investment in their people and culture. This year, AC-CCSWB took home the trophy, positioning itself as a global model of innovation, efficiency, and leadership.
“Receiving Coca-Cola’s prestigious Candler Cup reaffirms Arca Continental’s vision to continue leading the markets in which we operate, as well as our strong commitment to
This achievement is the result of the commitment of our employees and the determination to make a positive difference that unites us.’ ARTURO GUTIÉRREZ HERNÁNDEZ,
creating shared value as part of the Coca-Cola system,” said Arturo Gutiérrez Hernández, CEO of Arca Continental.
Beyond the numbers, the recognition highlights the company’s human-focused approach, which has successfully combined cutting-edge technology with a strong corporate culture, making every employee a key part of its success.
With this award, Arca Continental reaffirms its global leadership in the beverage industry, taking Mexico’s name to the highest level within the Coca-Cola system.
