Pirozi_49

‫‪49‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻴﺪﺍﺷـ ِ‬ ‫ـﺎﻝ ﭘَﺮ ﭘَﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ »ﻋﺎﺻﻰ«‬ ‫ـﺖ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻴﻦ ﺳـ ِ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ‬

‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﺸﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﭘﻰﻫﻢ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻢ‬

‫ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 7‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪/‬ﺳﻨﺒﻠﻪ ‪ 1393‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ ـ ‪ 5693‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻯ‬

‫ﭼﻴﮕﻮﻧﺔ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ )ﺍﺑﻠﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﺪﮔﻰ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬

‫| ﻛﺮﻳﺲ ﻣﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ـ ﻓﺎﺭﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺴﻰ | ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ‪ :‬ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍ |‬

‫| ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ |‬

‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺔ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﺘﻘﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺔ ﺑﻨﺒﺴﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﺸﺪ‬

‫ﺳﺮﺍ ِﻥ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷـــﺘﻦِ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭگ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺳـــﺎﺧﺘﻦِ‬ ‫"ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﺖ ﺣـــﺬﻑ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ"ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳـــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦِ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺴـــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻔﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺃﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷـــﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺃﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴـــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﺔ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﻰ ﻣـــﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧـــﺪﻩ ﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬

‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴـــﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺷـــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻄـــﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳـــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﺦ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳـــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠـــﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔـــﺮ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻠﻮﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﻠﻮﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺍژﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺷـــﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳـــﻬﻢ ﺩﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻـــﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺣـــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺻـ ‪2‬‬

‫ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ؛ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ؟‬ ‫| ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﻛﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ |‬

‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺃﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻠﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪:‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ‪ -1‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺻـ ‪3‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫"ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪".‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷـــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸـــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨـــﺪﻭﻕ ﻫـــﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺘـــﻪ ﺷـــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـــﻰ ﺁﺭﺍ ﭘـــﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ"ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺑﺨﺶ" ﻧﺒـــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـــﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﻏﻴﺮﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻰ ﺩﺭﻛﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺳـــﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـــﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﻛـــﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﺷـــﻨﺎ ﻫﺴـــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤـــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﻻﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳـــﻴﺪﻧﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ‪ 46‬ﻭ ‪ 32‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺨﺴـــﺖ )ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ 46‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻏﻨﻰ ‪ 32‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍء ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌـــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔـــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣـــﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـــﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺷـــﺪ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻯ ﺷـــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷـــﻜﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬

‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،2009‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻯ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷـــﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـــﺎﻝ ‪ 2014‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷـــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﻣﺪﻛﺮﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،2014‬ﻋﺒﺪﷲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷـــﺐ ‪ 14‬ﺟﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺃﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 6‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳـــﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﭼﻴﻦ ﺷـــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫– ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻨﻰ‪) .‬ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﻣﺤﺾ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷـــﻜﺎﻑ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺷـــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪﻛﻪ "ﺑﺮﺭﺳـــﻰ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﻓﺸـــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺻـ ‪2‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪".‬‬

‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﺔ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪:‬‬

‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺲ ﺑﺮﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪" :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻔﺘﻴﺶ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳـــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻛـــﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻬﺎﻯ ﺭﺃﻯ‬

‫ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷـــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪".‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺟﻮﻻﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﻰ ﻣﻴـــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺃ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺻـ ‪3‬‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﺒﺎﺩ!‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫و︗‪﹢‬دﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫︋﹫︡ارﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫︝︐‪﹪‬ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫﹨︣﹎︤ ﹡﹝‪︣﹫﹞ ﹪‬د!‬ ‫︝﹆﹫﹆️‬ ‫دا︫︐﹤ﺑﺔ︋︀︫︡‪،‬‬ ‫﹬﹈ آدم‬ ‫ا﹎︣ در ﹞﹫︀ن ﹞︣دم‬

‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﺸﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬

‫︨﹑م ︎﹫︣وزی‬ ‫ِ‬

‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳـــﺖ ﺳـــﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﺳـــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـــﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﻴﺴـــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷـــﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒ ِﺮ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻛﺸـــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧـــﺪﻙ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺷـــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺳـــﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺭﺍ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻦ ﻻﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻥﺟﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻩﮔﺰﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺴـــﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁ َﻭ َﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦِ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻳﻪﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒـــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳـــﺰﺍﺩﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻥﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺨﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ‪ 8‬ﺳـــﺎﻟﻪﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻔﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻰﻛـــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺳـــﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﭘﺪﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳـــﺖ ﺣﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷـــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﺩﺭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳـــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ِﻥ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻥﺁﻭﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ‪ 9‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑـــﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺳـــﺘﺔ ﻧﻜﺘﺎﻳﻰﭘﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒـــﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻰ ﻟﻄـــﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﻭﺭﺯﻯﺍﻳﻰ ﻛـــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣـــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺜﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴـــﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺗﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻰﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛـــﺮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜـــﺮ ﺟﺎﻯﮔﺰﻳﻨـــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺷـــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷـــﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺣﻔـــﻆ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬـــﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳـــﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳـــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺸـــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳـــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕـــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴـــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳـــﺎﻋﺖ ﺷـــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷـــﺪﺩﻫﻰ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳـــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛـــﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﻛﻨﻨـــﺪﺓ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـــﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸـــﻮﺭ ﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺳـــﻮﻯ ﺧﻂ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ‪ 42 ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴـــﻢﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺁﻧـــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤـــﻼ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﮔﺸﺖ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﺷـــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻﻧﻘﻄﻪﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻜﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍ ِﻥ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺧﻨﺠ ِﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺎﺳـــﺎﺯﻧﺪﺓ ﻗﺎﺗﻼﻥ ﻣـــﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﮔﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳـــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺳـــﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒـــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻨﺠـــ ِﺮ ﺯﻫﺮﺁﮔﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷـــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺴـــﺎﺯﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭼﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷـــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺳـــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭﺩﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥﺧﻮﺍﺭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‪...‬‬

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‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﭘﻰﻫﻢ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻢ‬

‫ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 7‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪/‬ﺳﻨﺒﻠﻪ ‪ 1393‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ ـ ‪ 5693‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻯ‬

‫ﭼﻴﮕﻮﻧﺔ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ 50 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻴﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﺖ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻤﺶ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳـــﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﺳـــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺟﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻴﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳـــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﻣُﻠﻰ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴـــﺎﻥ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻗﺎﺑﻠـــﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ‪" ،‬ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨـــﺪ"‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻠﺦ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳـــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷـــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ 50 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻄﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ِﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴـــﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺸـــﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷـــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑـــﺎﻭﺭ ﻋﻤـــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋـــﻪ ﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺂﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷـــﺪﺕ ﺭﻧـــﺞ ﻣﻴﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷـــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﺦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﻮﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴـــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﺔ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷـــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ‪ 13‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺴﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷـــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳـــﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺴـــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴـــﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺳـــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺸـــﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑـــﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳـــﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﺮﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨـــﺪ ﺩﻏﻠﺒﺎﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺿﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮ ِﺩ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣـــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ِﻥ ﻋﻄـــﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳـــﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕـــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘـــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﺓ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺭﺳـــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﺓ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺘﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺰ ِﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸـــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﻄﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺘﻘﻠﺒﺎﻧـــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ )ﺍﺑﻠﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﺪﮔﻰ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﺍﻣﺮﺧﻴﻞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻻﻧﺸـــﺎء‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴـــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴـــﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻬﺎﻯ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻨـــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﺧﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺳـــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﺧﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛـــﺮﺩ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﺧﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﻀـــﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳـــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ )ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻣﺎ( ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺶ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻣﺎ ﺑـــﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻏﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ "‪ 100‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ" ﺁﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﻰ ﻣﺴـــﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ "ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺭﺍ" ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ – ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻬﺎﻯ ﭘُﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـــﺘﻨﺪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﻜﺸـــﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳـــﻂ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻟﻤﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺁﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ "ﺳـــﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ" ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﺎﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪":‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺳـــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﺪ"‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪" :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـــﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔـــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺧـــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻤـــﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ".‬ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷـــﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷـــﻜﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴـــﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺿﺢﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺸـــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺳـــﺮﻳﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳـــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳـــﺎﻻﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺋﻴـــﺲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳـــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻮﻛﺎﺕ "ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ" ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬

‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـــﺘﻦ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﺍﺳـــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳـــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺳـــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺑـــﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷـــﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻯ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻣﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷـــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛـــﻪ ﭘﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﻠﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﺳﻰ ﺁﻯ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ً ﺍﺷـــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳـــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﺳـــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﻟـــﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﺰ ﻛﺸـــﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸـــﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺍﺳـــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺷـــﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳـــﺪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺸـــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔـــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ – ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ– ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺣﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2002‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 2002‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﻳﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸـــﺖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺷـــﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟـــﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﮔﺴـــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳـــﺎﻝ‪ 2009‬ﻭ‪2014‬‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻴﻌﺖ ﺩﺍﺷـــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﻨﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻴـــﭻ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴـــﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻇـــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘـــﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 2,7‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻦ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ – ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻗﻮﻣﻰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷـــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺳـــﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ – ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷـــﺪ – ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻤﺮﮔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴـــﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤـــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪) ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪ 4‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳـــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤـــﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺸـــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴـــﺖ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ ﺑﺮﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﺸﺖﺍﻓﮕﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷـــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻳـــﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳـــﺎﻝ‪ 2001‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷـــﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـــﺖ ‪ 55‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻴـــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 85‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴـــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﻤﺮﮔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤـــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳـــﻚ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴـــﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳـــﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺳﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺷـــﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻨﺴﺘﻮﻥ ﭼﺮﭼﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪" :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫـــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺘﺤـــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪".‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷـــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫"ﻛﺮﻳﺲ ﻣﻴﺴـــﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴـــﺘﻪﻯ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳـــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪".‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﺸﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﭘﻰﻫﻢ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻢ‬

‫ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 7‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪/‬ﺳﻨﺒﻠﻪ ‪ 1393‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ ـ ‪ 5693‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻯ‬

‫ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﺔ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳـــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳـــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫"ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ" ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻤﻊ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺷﻜﺴـــﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻗـــﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻄـــﻼﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭگ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـــﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺨﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻫﻴﻮﻻﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻜﺴـــﺘﻨﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴـــﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﺴـــﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳـــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴـــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺼـــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺴـــﺎﻭﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺴـــﺨﺮ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺴـــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـــﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷـــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺗﻮﺳـــﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬

‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻛـــﻪ ﺗﻮﺳـــﻂ ﻧﺎﻇـــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷـــﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸـــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻬﺎﺳـــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳـــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌـــﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛـــﺰ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺩﻫـــﻰ ﺑﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺷـــﺪﻩ ﺍﻧـــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺼـــﻒ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺩﻫـــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳـــﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺘﻴﺶ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺷـــﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬـــﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷـــﺪﻩ ﺍﻧـــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺄﺛـــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﻠﺒـــﺎﺕ ﺑـــﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫـــﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳـــﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮ ﺩ ﺵ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻣﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣـــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪" :‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠـــﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳـــﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﻳـــﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـــﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺠـــﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻛـــﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛـــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒـــﺎﺭ ﺳـــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 2014‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـــﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳـــﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺘﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـــﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔـــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻣـــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸـــﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷـــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻗـــﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـــﺖ ﭘﻴﺸـــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻣﺒﻨـــﻰ ﺑـــﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴـــﺘﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷـــﻴﻢ ﺗـــﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑـــﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛـــﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳـــﻰ ﺟـــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷـــﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨـــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪".‬‬

‫‪ ...‬ﺗﻴـــﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺣـــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻏـــﻢ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰ ﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳـــﻌﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﭘﻴـــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـــﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﺴـــﺎﻋﺪ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻯ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷـــﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳـــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳﻮﺳـــﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـــﻴﻮﻥ "ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ" ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬

‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﺳـــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓـــﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺷـــﺮﻑ ﻏﻨـــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴـــﻴﻮﻥ ﻧـــﺎ ﻣﺴـــﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴـــﺚ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﺎ ﺷـــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻛـــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺭﺁﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧـــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴـــﺖ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺧﺮﺳـــﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺷـــﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷـــﺪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺷـــﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴـــﺚ ﺭﻳﻴـــﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳـــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻣـــﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠـــﻪ ﺧﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻖ ﻫﺮ ﺷـــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳـــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳـــﺦ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑـــﻪ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀـــﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳـــﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫـــﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻫـــﺎﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳـــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷـــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺴـــﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴـــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘـــﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻴـــﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜـــﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳـــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣـــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴـــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻴﻘـــﺂ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴـــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻳـــﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻘﻠـــﺐ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴـــﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠـــﻰ ﺷـــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣـــﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑـــﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺷـــﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑـــﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑـــﺎ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰ ﺣـــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـــﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺎ ﻣﺴـــﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷـــﻮﻡ ﺷـــﺎﻥ ﺑـــﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺴـــﺘﻤﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـــﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺿﺪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺷـــﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺍﺷـــﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻧﻴﺴـــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻟﻘﺐ ‪Fraud Messenger‬‬

‫‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳـــﻂ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺷـــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷـــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺷـــﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓـــﻖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷـــﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﻠـــﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣـــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻔﺘﻴﺶ ﻳـــﻚ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻐﻠﻖ ﻣﻰ ﺷـــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷـــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷـــﻴﻮﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳـــﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻣﻦ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳـــﺪ‪" :‬ﻃﺮﺯﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻫـــﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﺘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑـــﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛـــﺮﻩ ﻫـــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳـــﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑـــﺎ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻄـــﺎﻑ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﺠﻠـــﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳـــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺷـــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛـــﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﭘـــﺎﻙ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﭘـــﺎﻙ ﺷـــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳـــﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘـــﺎ ﻣـــﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛـــﻪ ﺣﺘـــﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺘﻴـــﺶ ﻛﺎﻣـــﻞ ﺁﺭﺍء ﺳـــﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣـــﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠـــﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳـــﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺘﻴﺶ ﺑـــﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻭﺿﺎﺣﺖ ﻛﺎﻣـــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳـــﻰ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘـــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﻨـــﺎﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪".‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧـــﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ‪410‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻧﻈـــﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﻴـــﻦ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳـــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻤـــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺘﻴـــﺶ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ‪ 34‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧـــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ‪ 47‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬

‫ﻳـــﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳـــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴـــﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﻰ ﺑـــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸـــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ‪ 50 /50‬ﺗﻘﺴـــﻴﻢ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺳـــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﻰ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺳـــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـــﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﺮ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳـــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰ ﺷـــﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴـــﺰﻡ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳـــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ‬

‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـــﺖ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻫـــﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺸـــﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺳـــﺎﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻫﺴـــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣـــﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨـــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻠـــﻖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳـــﻊ ﺷﻨﺎﺳـــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﻰ ﻛـــﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸـــﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬

‫| ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺠﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ |‬

‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﻰ ﺍﺳـــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳـــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻈـــﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻳﺴـــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻤﻴـــﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳـــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟـــﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺑﻴـــﺶ ﺑـــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳـــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠـــﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴـــﺚ ﺗﻀﻤﻴـــﻦ ﻛﻨﻨـــﺪﻩ ﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓـــﻖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕـــﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛـــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺷـــﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴـــﺎﻳﻞ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷـــﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤـــﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ -‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻳـــﻦ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷـــﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷـــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـــﺎﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـــﺪ‪) .‬ﺯﻭﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﺍ "ﺝ"‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ (‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﺴـــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘـــﻪ ﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸـــﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺷـــﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺑﺴـــﻴﺞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷـــﺪﻧﺶ ﭘﺸـــﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴـــﻞ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻴـــﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﻰ ﺷـــﻮﺩ ﻛـــﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـــﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨـــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳـــﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺻـــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑـــﺪﻭﻥ ﺷـــﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻗﺪﻣﻰ ﺍﺳـــﺖ ﺑـــﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳـــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـــﻮﺭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﺸﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﭘﻰﻫﻢ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻢ‬

‫ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 7‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪/‬ﺳﻨﺒﻠﻪ ‪ 1393‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ ـ ‪ 5693‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻯ‬

‫ﻣﺘﺼﺪﻯ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪ :‬ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻠﻴﻖ‬

‫ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﺤ ّﻤﺪ ﺧﻠﻴﻖ‬

‫ّ‬ ‫�ﻌﺎر �ه‬

‫ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏ ّﺰﻩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻯ ﺷﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻏ ّﺰﻩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﺡ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻯ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺎﺭ ﻏ ّﺰﻩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺳﻮ ِﺭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﺔ ﺟﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﻏ ّﺰﻩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﻻﻧﮕ ِﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺸّﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻏ ّﺰﻩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳﻮ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﻮ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻏ ّﺰﻩﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻯﺷﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻠﮕﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺷﺪﻩﺳﺖ ﺍُﺭﮔﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻏ ّﺰﻩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻏﻤﺰﻩﻳﻰﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﻋﻼ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻧﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩ ِﻝ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺲ ﺑﻰﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻏ ّﺰﻩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺒﻴﺮ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻧﻪﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻏ ّﺰﻩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﺦ‪1393/5/3 ،‬‬

‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﻬﺮ‬

‫ﺩﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺷﻬﺎﺑﻰ‬

‫ﺧﺎک ���ﻦ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮ ﻭﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺗﻮ ﺳﺎﻝ¬ﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﺔ ﻻﻟﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﺍﻯ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺧﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻡ!‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮگ ـ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻰِ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻧﻤﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ـ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ¬ﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ¬ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻋﺼﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻳﻰ ﺳﭙﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﺗﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺕ ﻧﻨﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻰ ﻭﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺟﻔﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍ ِﺩ ﺍﺯ ِ‬ ‫ﻗﻔﺲ ﺷﺐ ﺭﻫﺎﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻃﻼ ﺷﺪﻩ‬

‫دوﺑﺎره ﭼﺎه �ـﻐﺎد ا�ــﺖ و ����ﻦ ��ﮫﺎ‬

‫ﮐﺎﺑ�ﯽ د��ﺮ‬

‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﺣﺎ ِﻡ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ!‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻢ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺗﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ‬

‫ﭘﺎ��ﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﭽﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺑﺎﻏﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻣﻼ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻟﺶ ﻭﻓﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺷﺐ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻭ ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺶ ﺧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺧﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻭﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﻓﺎﻳﺰ‬

‫�����ﻪ �ر�ﯽ‬

‫ﻋﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﺒﺮﻭﺯ‬

‫�ﺮودۀ ��ﺮت ﺣﺎ�ﻆ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺖ‬

‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﺔ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩﺍﻻﺛﺮ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺲ ﺑﻰﭼﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﻰﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﻳﻚ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﻚﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺰﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻡ ﺩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮ ِﺩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﺎ ِﺩ ﺩﺭﺩﺁﻟﻮ ِﺩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬

‫ﺗﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺣﺒﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺖ‬

‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻭ ﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺯﻧﻴﻨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻮﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻮ ﺩﻳﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎ ِﻥ ﺩﻭ ِﺩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬

‫ﺑﻰﺗﻮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺗﺸﻨﻪ ﮔﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳﻮ ﭘﻰِ ﺳﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺖ‬

‫ﮔﻤﺎ ِﻥ ﺑﻰﺗﻮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺗﺢ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻋﺸﻖ!‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻝ ﺁﺗﺶﺯﺩﻩ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ‬

‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻯ ﻓﺘﺢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺷﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﺎﻩ ﺷﻐﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺘﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺳﻮ ِﺩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬

‫ﺗﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺁ ﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺖ‬

‫ﺑﻴﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺶ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪﻯ ﻭﺣﺸﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ‬

‫ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺑﺪﺭﻗﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗِﺮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﻳَّﺖﺳﻮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮ ِﻡ ﺑﻰﻓﺮﻳﺎ ِﺩ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻧﺞﺍﻧﺪﻭ ِﺩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﺑﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺖ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﭙﻨﺪ ﻛﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ! ﻣﻦِ ﻋﺼﻴﺎﻥﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﻩِ ﻛﺎﺑﻠﻰ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ‬

‫ﭼﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﺘﻰﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮ ِﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ِﻥ ﻣﺎ!‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣّﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻳﺴﺘﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﺍ!‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﺰﺍ ِﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻪ ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺗﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬

‫ﺷﺐ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺤﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﮔﻼﺏ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮ ﺩﻧﺖ‬

‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺭﺷﻚ ﺣﺴﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺯﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﺔ ﭘُﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬

‫ﺗﻮ ﺧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺖ‬

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‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﺸﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﭘﻰﻫﻢ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻢ‬

‫ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 7‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪/‬ﺳﻨﺒﻠﻪ ‪ 1393‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ ـ ‪ 5693‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻯ‬

‫ﮔﻔﺘﺔﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﺔﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﺔ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬

‫| ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ |‬

‫‪ ...‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻪ ﺑـــﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻠﻔﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـــﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷـــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻦ ﺑﺴـــﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺷـــﺘﻰ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺩﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺴﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻰ ﺩﻯ ﺳﻰ ﺩﻯ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ )ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﻳـــﺎ ﻋﺼﻤﺖ ﺍﷲ( ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﺳـــﻨﺒﻠﻪ ‪ 1390‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷـــﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺷـــﻬﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺻﻠـــﺢ ﺗﻴﻠﻔﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟـــﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺍﷲ ﺁﺧﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻳﺘـــﻪ ﺁﻣـــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷـــﺪ ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠـــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺗﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎﻥ ﻣﺴـــﻠﺢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﻪ ﺳـــﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳـــﺎ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻨﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷـــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﻳﺘـــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺷـــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟـــﻰ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻗﺒـــﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺣﻤـــﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻨﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷـــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻳـــﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﻪ ﺳـــﻨﮕﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷـــﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺳـــﻂ ﻣﻮﺗﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺍﷲ ﺁﺧﻨﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻃﻔﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ)ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺳـــﺖ(ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﺼﺌﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺳـــﺮ ﻛﻼﻫﻰ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮﻩ ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎ ﺷـــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺍﷲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻯ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺑﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﻩ ﻧﺮﺳـــﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧـــﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴـــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺤـــﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺗـــﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺷـــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳـــﺘﺎﻧﻜﺰﻯ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺻﻮﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺷـــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺎﺩﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺷـــﺪ ‪ .‬ﺍﺳـــﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻏﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺷـــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ)‪ 27‬ﺳﻨﺒﻠﻪ ‪1390‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷـــﻴﺪﻯ ‪ 18‬ﺳـــﭙﺘﻤﺒﺮ‪(2011‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬـــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘـــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـــﺘﺎﻧﻜﺰﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺷـــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺻﻠﺢ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺻﻮﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺳـــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭگ)ﻗﺼﺮ(ﺭﻳﺎﺳـــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺸـــﻨﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴـــﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑـــﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧـــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﮔﻔـــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳـــﺘﺎﻧﻜﺰﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻬـــﻢ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺟﻞ ﻛﺴـــﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﺸـــﻨﻮﻡ ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺷـــﻨﻴﺪﻡ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻄـــﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨـــﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷـــﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳـــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺳـــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻠﻔﻮﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺎﺩﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴـــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺼﻤﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴـــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺤـــﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤـــﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺷـــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺻﻠﺢ ﭼﻬـــﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـــﻮﺭﺍ ﺳـــﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺗﻴﻠﻔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑـــﺎ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺍﷲ ﺁﺧﻨﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷـــﻬﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻮ ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫـــﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻠﻔﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻠﻔﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻠﺶ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳـــﻂ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـــﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺷـــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺍﷲ ﺁﺧﻨﺪ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻯ‬

‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷـــﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻠﻔﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴـــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺪﺳـــﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛـــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺷـــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺗﺤـــﺖ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﺘﻰ ﺑـــﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﺳـــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻗﺎﻣـــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺿﻴﺎﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺸـــﻤﮕﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧـــﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳـــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻣـــﺮﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟـــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﭘـــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﺻﺤﻰ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕـــﺮ ﺑـــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻌـــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷـــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺎﺿـــﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﻬﻢ ﺳـــﺘﺎﻧﻜﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷـــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳـــﺘﺎﺩﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳـــﻪ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪29‬‬ ‫ﺳـــﻨﺒﻠﻪ ‪)1390‬ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺳـــﭙﺘﻤﺒﺮ ‪(2011‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸـــﺘﺶ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳـــﺘﺎﻧﻜﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﺻﺪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷـــﺪﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺻﺪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﺳـــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﺖ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ)ﺹ(ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻏﻮﺷـــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳـــﺦ ﺑـــﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑـــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺒﺴـــﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺳـــﻼﻡ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷـــﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺻﺪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺳـــﻼﻣﻰ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑـــﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻋﺎﻟـــﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷـــﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳـــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺫﺑﻴﺢ ﺍﷲ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳـــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷـــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷـــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺎﺩﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮ ﻣﺴـــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻛـــﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺧـــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸـــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷـــﺪ ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺳـــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻯ‪.‬ﺍﺱ‪.‬ﺁﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺯﺩ ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔـــﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺅﺳـــﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺎﺷﺪﻩ ﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﻭﺷـــﻦ ﻣﻰﺷـــﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺍﺳـــﺖ ﻛـــﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳـــﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳـــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺎﺷـــﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴـــﺘﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺨﺸـــﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓـــﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻛﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻴﺸـــﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳـــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺭﺳـــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳـــﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻫﻤﻴـــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻌﻴـــﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑـــﺪ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺑـــﻮﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴـــﺘﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺷـــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳـــﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻓﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـــﺖ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻯ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷـــﺪ ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ژﻧﺮﺍﻻﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻛﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴـــﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷـــﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴـــﺎﻳﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺎﺷـــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ژﻧﺮﺍﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴـــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳـــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻـــﺪﺩ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬـــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷـــﻔﺎﻑ ﺑـــﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﺳـــﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﻧـــﻰ ﺣﺘـــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴـــﺘﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳـــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺸـــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣـــﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑـــﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳـــﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷـــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺺ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴـــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻳﺸـــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸـــﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2014‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﻧـــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـــﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣـــﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠـــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻓﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﺳـــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑـــﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳـــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻯ ﺑﺴـــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴـــﺘﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷـــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ ‪ .‬ژﻧﺮﺍﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺷـــﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷـــﺘﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒـــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺷـــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑـــﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳـــﺮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺳـــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴـــﺘﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﻴﺴـــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪ .‬ژﻧﺮﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴـــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳـــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳـــﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴـــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣـــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘـــﻪ ﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻯ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴـــﺘﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻯ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﻛﺸـــﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺳـــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﻫﻦ ﺳـــﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻰ ‪ 2011‬ﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺳـــﭙﺲ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 12‬ﺟﻮﻻﻯ ‪ 2011‬ﺑـــﻪ ﺩﻫﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻫﻔﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸـــﻢ ژﻧﺮﺍﻻﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺳـــﺖ ﺩﺷـــﻤﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺷـــﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺠﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـــﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺑﺎﻧـــﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳـــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳـــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜـــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻫـــﺎﻯ ﻣﻌـــﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔـــﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﻰ ﺳـــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳـــﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻋﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺴـــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻋﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻫـــﺎﻯ ﻗـــﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑـــﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘـــﺎﺏ ﺳـــﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﺠـــﺎﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑـــﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻋﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺷـــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻰ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻳـــﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘـــﻢ ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷـــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸـــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﺸـــﺖ ﻣﻴﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳـــﻦ ﻧـــﻜﺎﺕ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛـــﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﻏـــﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﺻﻤﺖ ﻫﺎﻳـــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔـــﺎﻭﺕ ﺁﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﺷـــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨـــﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳـــﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻴﺖ ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻏـــﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳـــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳـــﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷـــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻬـــﺮﻩ ﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺧـــﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣـــﺮگ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻧﺸـــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺴـــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺘـــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـــﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨـــﺎﺯﻩ ﻯ ﻏﺎﻳﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧـــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺗﺎ ﺷـــﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻏـــﺮﺏ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧـــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑـــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣـــﺮگ ﻫﻴـــﭻ ﺯﻋﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺗﺄﺛﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳـــﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺟﻬـــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺸـــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷـــﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨـــﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣـــﺪ ﻣـــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﻮﻫﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮ ﻓﺖ ‪.‬‬

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‫ِ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﺔ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺻﻔﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﭼﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﺔ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ !‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻢ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻭﻝ ﺷﺪﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫| ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺁﺭﻳﻨﭙﻮﺭ |‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ 1393‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪﻭﻣﺘﻘﻠﺐ‪،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻥﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰﺩﺧﻴﻞﻭﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍ ِﺭﺗﻴﻢﺗﺤﻮﻝﻭﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯﺩﻳﮕﺮﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻭﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯﺣﺎﻣﻰﻣﺘﻘﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺑﻪﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺪﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺧﻴﺰﺷﻬﺎﻯﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‪،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚﺷﺪﺗﺎﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞﺗﻘﻠﺐﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩﻭﻛﺎﺭﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰﺑﺮﺳﺪﻛﻪﻣﺘﻘﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺩﺳﺖﺑﻪﺩﺍﻣﺎ ِﻥﺗﻴﻢﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ِﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺑﺎﺷـــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﮔﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻭﻝﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪﻭﺧﺎﺭﺝﺍﺯﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪﻭﺩﺭﺣﺼﺎﺭﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺑﻪﺳﻮ ِﺩﻛﺸﻮﺭﻭﻣﻠﺖﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﮔﺎﻡﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ‪،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻩﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩﻛﻪﮔﭗﺩﺭﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎﺧﻼﺻﻪﻧﻤﻴﺸﻮﺩﻭﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐﻭﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮﻛﻪﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﻭﺗﺎﭼﻨﺪﻯ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪،‬ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﺳﺖﻣﻠﺖﺭﻫﺎﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪﻛﻪﺩﻳﮕﺮﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰﺗﻤﺎﻡﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﻻﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪﻭﺳﺮﺍﺯﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺣﺬﻑﻛﺮﺩﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﺓ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻴﺲﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‪،‬ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯﺍﻋﻼﻡﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺷﻮﺩﻭﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯﺍﺯﺍﻋﻼﻡﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪،‬ﻛﻪﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎًﭼﻴﺰﻯﺟﺰ»ﮔﻨﺪﻭﭘﻠﻴﺪﻯ«ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻧﻮﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞﻭﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﺔﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰﺍﺯﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕﺭﺍﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺬﺷـــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ِﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻀﺤﻚ‪ِ ،‬ﻛﺬﺏ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺴـــﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺶ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯﺑﺮﺍﻯﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦِ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯﻣﻠﺖﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪﻥ ﺑـــﻪ ﺭﻳﺶ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪50‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ "ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ"‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﺭﺍﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﻢﻛﻪﻋﺪﻭﻝﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﮔﺎﻥﺍﺯﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻭﺣﺪﺕﻣﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺩﺭﻙﻛﻨﻨﺪﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ‪،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪﺟﺎﻡﺯﻫﺮﻯﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺑﻪﮔﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪﺷﺪﻭﻣﻠﺖ‪،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﻣﻴﺪﺑﺴﺘﻦﺑﻪﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬ﺁﻥﺭﺍﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺘﻘﻠﺐ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﻠﺖﻧﺒﻮﺩﻭﺍﻳﻦﺗﻨﻬﺎ‪،‬ﭘﺸﺘﻴﻮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ‪،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻘﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪﻭﻛﺎﺭﺭﺍﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰﻛﺸﺎﻧﻴﺪﻧﺪﻛﻪﺩﻳﮕﺮﺗﻨﻬﺎﺭﺍﻩﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰﻛﻪﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷـــﻴﺪ ِﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺯﻫﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕﻣﻠﻰﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳـــﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ِﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﻭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ ِﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻣﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴـــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎ ِﻡ ﺑﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺸـــﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻨﮕﺮﻫﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﻜﺘﻴﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻛﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﻜﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻏﺰﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺴـــﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﻏﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﺘﻘﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺧﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪﻭﮔﺮﻩﻛﺎﺭﺭﺍﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺔ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻗﺎﺗﻼﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪) ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ؛ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﭘﺸـــﺖ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳـــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪،‬ﻣﻠﺖﺭﺍﺑﻪﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻣﻴﻜﺸﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺎﺗﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳـــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻛـــﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩ ِﻥ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴـــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳـــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷـــﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ َ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻜــــﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻀﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﺳـــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷـــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻧﺴـــﻞ ﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻧﺴـــﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺪﻭﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﮔﻰ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺴـــﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳـــﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣـــﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺸﻨﺎﺳـــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦِ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺔ ﻣﺘﻘﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳـــﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ...‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓـــﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻜﺸـــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺣﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫| ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯ |‬

‫ﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺳﺎﻝ‪،1388‬ﻛﻪﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻣﻴﺎﻥﺣﺎﻣﺪﻛﺮﺯﻯﻭﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺑﺮﺳﺮﻛﺮﺳﻰﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺁﻏﺎﺯﺷﺪﻥﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳـــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺁﻗﺎﻯﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻳﻚﺟﺎﺷﺪﻭﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰﻛﺘﺒﻰ‪،‬ﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯﺣﺎﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﻯﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮ ﺧﺮﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻫﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﭙﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻟﻰﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﻴﮕﺮﻓﺖﻭﺑﺮﺍﻯﻛﻨﺎﺭﺯﺩﻧﺶﺍﺯﺻﺤﻨﻪ‪،‬ﺍﺯﺣﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺰﺑﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺗﺮﺍﺵ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺘﻪﻣﻴﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻧﺶﺣﻤﻠﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،1393‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﻭﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺷـــﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻭﻣﺴﺠﻞﺷﺪ ِﻥﻣﻌﺎﻭ ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺖﺍﻭﻝﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡﺍﻭ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﺩﻭﻡﺷﺪﻥﻧﻴﺴﺖﻭﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰﺗﺎﺯﻩﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﻭﺳﻬﻢ‬

‫ﺑﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪﻛﻪﺍﺯﺧﻴﻠﻰﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺩﺳﺖﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ژﻧﺮﺍﻝﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ‪،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺯﺍﺷﺮﻑﻏﻨﻰﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﺷـــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷـــﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻻﺑﻴﻬﺎ )ﺧﻠﻴﻠﺰﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ‪ (...‬ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻴﺰﺑﺮﺧﻰﺍﺯﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯﻣﺘﻘﻠﺐﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺭﺍﻭﺍﺭﺩﻗﺪﺭﺕﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺘﺔ ﺧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﺒﻮﺩ‪،‬ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﻬﺎﻧﻴﺰﺑﻪﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﻯﺭﺃﻯﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰﻭﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥﺭﻳﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻭﺭﻳﻴﺲﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﻧﻴﺰﺭﻧﮓﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪﻭﺑﻪﺣﺪﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻰﻧﺰﻭﻝﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ژﻧﺮﺍﻝﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﭘﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬ﺍﺯﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﮕﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﻭﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰﺩﺭﻙﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖﺑﺎﺗﻜﻴﻪﺑﻪﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﺶ‪،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ‪ 1388‬ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﺳـــﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯﻭﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﺶﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﺤﻘﻖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺐﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺳـــﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻮﮔﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﻯﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ِﻥﺭﺃﻯﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖﺍﺯﺑﻜﻬﺎﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻭ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷـــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺂﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯﺑﻮﺩﻭﺍﺯﺧﻴﻠﻰﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓﺍﻳﻦﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢﻧﻤﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔ ِﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻮﺵ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎژﻧﺮﺍﻝﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ‪،‬ﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﺑﻮﺩﻩﻭﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻﺻﻮﺭﺕﺳﻮﺩﺍﻯﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﺑﺮﺳﺮﺵﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ‪،‬ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺍﺳﺖﻭﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻫﻰﺩﺭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯﺿﺪﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﺳـــﺘﻢ ﺳـــﺮ ﺧﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟـــﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑـــﻪ ﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫـــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳـــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬