Cenarium Magazine – Ed. 57 - March/2025

EDUCATION IN CRISIS

Teachers, parents, and students present serious accusations against the Pará State Secretariat of Education, including moral harassment, data manipulation, and changes to the educational system in traditional communities

www.revistacenarium.com.br/en/ | March 2025

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Paula Litaiff – MTb 793/AM paulalitaiff@revistacenarium.com.br www.paulalitaiff.com

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Adrisa de Góes

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Orson Oliveira

Content Managers – Online

Adrisa de Góes (1st shift)

Izaias Godinho (2nd shift)

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Bianca Diniz

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Márcia Guimarães

Text Editor – Digital/Print Magazine

Eduardo Figueiredo

Graphic Design and Layout | Digital/Print Magazine

Hugo Moura

Reporting Team – Online/Digital/TV/Print

Adrisa de Góes

Ana Cláudia Leocádio

Ana Pastana

Fabyo Cruz

Jadson Lima

Marcela Leiros

Paula Litaiff

International Correspondent

Monica Piccinini

Cameramen/Photo Editors/Video Editors

Luiz André

Arthur Hayden

Ricardo Oliveira

Cover Story and Photography

João Paulo Guimarães | Cenarium

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Lucas Oliveira (1st shift)

Luís Paulo Dutra (2nd shift)

Social Media

Gustô Alves (1st shift)

Maria Eduarda Furtado (2nd shift)

Proofreading

Gustavo Gilona

Jesua Maia (Print/Digital Version)

Translation from Portuguese Gustô Alves

Editorial Board

Inory Kanamari – Indigenous Peoples

Iraildes Caldas – Gender Issues

Lucas Ferrante – Biological Sciences

Luciana Santos – Quilombola Communities

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The strategy of the oppressor

The special report in this edition of CENARIUM MAGAZINE, which highlights the precarious state of public education in schools within traditional communities in the State of Pará, may be underpinned by reflections drawn from two important works in the history of Brazilian education: Pedagogy of the Oppressed (1968), by Paulo Freire, and Half Face, Half Mask (2018), by Eliane Potiguara, the first book published individually by an Indigenous woman.

In Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Freire exposes the interests of those who work deliberately and covertly to degrade education and reinforce processes of domination and oppression over underprivileged groups, rendering them invisible with the aim of maintaining corrupt systems of power, and working to ensure low educational attainment and a lack of critical knowledge among traditional peoples.

With Half Face, Half Mask, Eliane denounces, in both verse and prose, the violence against Indigenous peoples and the threat to their traditions through governmental projects that undermine Indigenous education. The work is considered a song of revolt and liberation, and addresses the Indigenous diaspora by pointing out that certain Brazilian ethnic groups are compelled to abandon their lands in search of other spaces to preserve their ancestral culture.

The works of Freire and Potiguara mirror the struggle for the democratisation and preservation of the identity of traditional peoples in Pará since the repeal of State Law No. 10.820, on 12 February of this year. This law aimed to dismantle Indigenous and Quilombola education under the guise of administrative reform, by implementing a distance education system and dismissing community teachers — a plan that failed thanks to the, at times physical, resistance of Indigenous leaders.

The special content in this edition of CENARIUM MAGAZINE, authored by Pará-born journalist João Paulo Guimarães, is, above all, a renewed cry for help from the leaders of traditional peoples to national and international institutions. They fight for a liberating education and fear that their cultures will be extinguished and survive only in drawings and texts of virtual books written by those who have never known how to value them.

Ancestral leadership in the defence of education

On the eve of the United Nations Conference on Climate Change, COP30, the education system in Pará – the state set to host the event – is facing a moment of crisis, particularly in regard to education in traditional communities such as rural, Indigenous and quilombola populations. The new edition of CENARIUM MAGAZINE presents a series of serious allegations against the State Secretariat of Education (Seduc-PA), involving moral harassment, manipulation of Basic Education Development Index (Ideb) data, and changes to the education system in these communities.

Education professionals, parents and pupils reveal the harsh reality of teaching in these areas, which face significant challenges that jeopardise both the students' development and the appreciation of their cultures. Furthermore, they highlight the lack of infrastructure in schools and the improper implementation of education policies that fail to consider local specificities. For students in these regions, education becomes a distant goal, as essential infrastructure and resources are simply unavailable.

Indigenous leaders from various ethnic groups have taken the lead in defending education by organising a protest that lasted nearly 40 days within Seduc’s premises in Belém. The protest was a response to the sanctioning of Law No. 10.820/2024 by Governor Helder Barbalho, which poses a threat to educational programmes aimed at traditional communities, thereby undermining access to quality education for these populations.

The educational crisis in Pará reflects a model that has proven incapable of serving all students fairly, and it further exposes the longstanding neglect of traditional communities. In order for this reality to be changed, the state government must listen to the voices of these populations – voices that have been loud and clear – and adopt a model of education that respects their cultures and particularities. Only then will it be possible to ensure quality education that genuinely meets the needs of all students. Education must be a tool for social transformation, not a mechanism for perpetuating inequality.

Paula Litaiff General Director

Eduardo Figueiredo Text Editor

��

Humanised Journalism

I appreciate CENARIUM MAGAZINE for many reasons, but above all, for its humane and journalistic approach to socio-environmental issues in the North of the country. Many reports amplify voices that are often silenced by other media outlets, which is essential for serious and combative journalism.

Filippo Raffaelli São Paulo – SP

�� We Need to Progress

�� Commitment to the Truth

As a keen reader and admirer of the press committed to essential issues, I consider CENARIUM MAGAZINE a prime example of journalism that truly understands and values the Amazon. In times of misinformation, the magazine stands out for the quality of its content and its commitment to the truth, addressing topics such as sustainability, equity, and diversity with depth and responsibility.

Marta Alencar Teresina – PI

It is impossible to remain indifferent to the reports on the struggles of Indigenous peoples. Each edition of the magazine reminds me how much we still have to fight for justice and cultural preservation. May many more editions come our way. I, for one, absolutely love it!

Marcos Silva Belém – PA

�� Enlightening Approach

A good magazine is like this: clear, direct, and full of substance. CENARIUM MAGAZINE gets it spot on, especially in its reports about the Amazon. CENARIUM speaks to us as equals. The political articles are excellent because they explain things without using complicated jargon.

Israel Cruz Manaus – AM

�� Opinion Leaders

CENARIUM MAGAZINE stands out as a significant media outlet, with a solid and consistent commitment to environmental and political issues in the North. By focusing on these themes, the magazine serves as a vital link between society and public policies, playing a fundamental role in shaping a more critical and engaged public opinion.

Emanuel Pinto Manaus – AM

Credit: Personal Archive Credit: Personal Archive

And the weather just gets worse...

Northerners rated 2024 as the worst year for Climate Events, Nexus survey shows

MANAUS (AM) – Climate events in 2024 were the most severe for 72% of the population in the Northern Region, according to a survey conducted by Nexus – Research and Data Intelligence. Among the most cited phenomena, extreme heat stood out, being mentioned by 91% of respondents.

In a breakdown by area, 81% of residents in metropolitan zones felt the impact of the lack of rainfall more acutely, while 84% of those in the interior suffered mainly from the intense droughts affecting the rivers—both interlinked issues.

HIGH TEMPERATURES

Veterinary student Rumilla Luna, aged 29, moved to Belém (PA) in 2022. For her, climate conditions in 2024 were significantly worse than in 2023. Although accustomed to Amazonian heat, having grown up in Amazonas, the lack of rainfall made her feel the increased thermal sensation in the city, something she considered “very unpleasant.”

"The weather last year, compared to 2023, was much hotter, with less rain. And mind you, here is still cooler than Manaus because it's windier. Now [2025],

Letícia Misna – From Cenarium

Extreme heat stood out, being mentioned by 91% of respondents

Credit: Lucas Oliveira | Cenarium

it's raining a lot. Too much. Everything gets flooded. Here, it floods a lot when it rains, and mould grows everywhere," Rumilla commented.

According to the National Institute of Meteorology (Inmet), total rainfall in Belém in November 2024 was 94.8 millimeters, representing only 63% of the region’s average for that period, which is 151.4 mm. During this time, the capital of Pará recorded its highest-ever temperature: 37.9°C.

NO RAIN, NO RIVER

João Carlos, aged 54, runs a breakfast stall at the Pauini Municipal Market, in the interior of Amazonas. The drought of the rivers, especially the Purus, which flows through the town, directly impacted his business.

"This climate issue in 2024 felt much more intense. It affected the rivers, the drought. Because of this situation, the prices of goods went up a lot, as transporting

Among those surveyed, 65% believe that climate events in the next five years will be more intense.

A riverside dweller with mud-covered feet stands on cracked ground amid dead fish during the drought in the Amazon

Credit:

goods became difficult, making it hard for them to reach the town," he reported.

According to João Carlos, it created a domino effect: due to difficulties in river transportation, shipping companies increased freight costs, forcing traders to raise the prices of their goods, ultimately affecting consumers.

"For those of us who work with food, like me, it caused losses, especially with the high prices of coffee, sugar, cheese, ham—things we use daily in our business," João Carlos added.

WORST DROUGHT IN HISTORY

The year 2024 was marked by the worst drought ever recorded in Amazonas, disrupting daily life and isolating many residents of the state. During this period, all 62 municipalities declared a state of emergency, and several river basins recorded their lowest water levels since monitoring began in the 20th century.

In the Lower Amazon, the water level dropped to -2.68 meters; in the Upper Solimões, -2.54 meters; in the Middle Solimões, -0.29 meters; in the Lower Solimões, -0.26 meters; in the Middle Amazon, -0.14 meters; and in the Madeira, 4.92 meters. In Manaus, the Negro River also reached its lowest level in history, measuring 12.11 meters on 9 October. The data comes from Amazonas Civil Defence.

In addition to the annual recession of Amazonian rivers, the drought was exacerbated by the ongoing rainfall deficit affecting several northern states each year. The survey also revealed that young people in the Northern Region are the most concerned about the situation, particularly those aged 16 to 24. Among them, 41% already consider the situation a climate crisis.

The future

Among those surveyed, 65% believe that climate events over the next five years will be more intense, with 12% classifying them as “extremely stronger” and 53% as “much stronger.”

The survey “The Nort’s View on Climate Change” was conducted with 1,195 people in 57 municipalities of the Northern Region between 12 and 17 December 2024.

“The weather last year, compared to 2023, was much hotter, with less rain. And mind you, here is still cooler than Manaus because it's windier. Now [2025], it's raining a lot. Too much. Everything gets flooded. Here, it floods a lot when it rains, and mould grows everywhere”

Rumilla Luna, veterinarian.

According to the survey, 65% of northerners no longer see hope for better weather

Credit: Ana Jaguatirica | Cenarium

A Storm Worth Ten

Rainfall in Manaus on 4 March was equivalent to ten days of precipitation

The precipitation recorded on 4 March was, on average, equivalent to ten days of rain

MANAUS (AM) – The storm on 4 March in Manaus, the capital of Amazonas, which began in the late afternoon and continued into the night, caused disruptions and left victims. According to the National Institute of Meteorology (Inmet), by 9 p.m., 109.6 mm of rainfall had been recorded, representing 34.15% of the expected monthly average for March, which is 320.9 mm.

The precipitation was, on average, equivalent to ten days of rain. By area, according to the Amazonas Civil Defence, the highest recordings were in the neighbourhoods of Santa Luzia (152.20 mm), Igarapé do Quarenta (134.80 mm), Igarapé do Mindu (97.40 mm), Bairro da União (95.60 mm), and Santa Etelvina (75.57 mm).

In 2024, a total of 411.9 mm of rainfall was recorded in March, with the highest 24-hour volume reaching 104 mm between 24 and 25 March.

Letícia Misna and Ana Pastana – From Cenarium

Credit: Ricardo Oliveira

Credit: Reproduction | Social Media

According to the Manaus City Council, the capital’s Civil Defence recorded at least 32 incidents, including floods, landslides, the collapse of walls and houses. The Amazonas Military Fire Brigade (CBMAM) reported receiving around 190 emergency calls on 4 March alone.

VICTIMS

In addition to the material damage suffered by many residents, one person was

injured after a wall collapsed in the Praça 14 de Janeiro neighbourhood, in the South Zone. The man suffered fractures and was taken for medical care. Meanwhile, in the Zumbi dos Palmares neighbourhood, in the East Zone, a 40-year-old man went missing after falling into an igarapé (a small river or stream). By the time this edition was closed, teams from the Amazonas Military Fire Brigade (CBMAM) were still searching for the victim.

“Green areas are essential. Many squares are paved with concrete, which reduces water infiltration into the soil. Reversing this trend and expanding permeable spaces would help prevent flooding”

Antônio Fábio Sabbá Guimarães Vieira, Doctor in Physical Geography.

Credit: Ricardo Oliveira | Cenarium

Credit: Ricardo Oliveira | Cenarium

Credit: Reproduction | Social Media

Inmet alerts for rainfall

STATE ON ALERT

Also on 4 March, several municipalities in Amazonas recorded high levels of rainfall, with notable cases in Careiro Castanho, Parintins, Presidente Figueiredo, and Nova Olinda do Norte. According to Inmet, Amazonas, along with Pará, received four weather warning flags for storms on that day.

RECURRING PHENOMENA

Landslides in Manaus are a recurring phenomenon, influenced by geographical and environmental factors, as explained by Professor Dr Antônio Fábio Sabbá Guimarães Vieira, a specialist in Physical Geography.

According to the expert, the primary cause of these events is related to water infiltration into the soil, which compromises its stability. “Mass movements, such as landslides and mudslides, are natural processes directly influenced by gravity. However, when a large volume of water infiltrates, the soil disaggregates and loses its support capacity, increasing the risk of collapse,” says Sabbá.

Above-average rainfall

411,9 mm

In March 2024, the National Institute of Meteorology (Inmet) recorded 411.9 mm of rainfall, with the highest 24-hour total reaching 104 mm between 24 and 25 March.

109,6 mm

On 4 March, up until 9 p.m., 109.6 mm of rainfall was recorded, representing 34.15% of the expected monthly average of 320.9 mm.

Credit: Luiz André Nascimento Cenarium

Besides rainfall, the slope of the terrain is a determining factor for landslides. Sabbá points out that areas with steep inclines already have a natural risk of instability and that unplanned urban occupation can worsen this situation. “The removal of vegetation eliminates a natural barrier that helps hold the soil in place. When this happens in steep terrain, the risk of landslides intensifies,” he explains.

CLIMATE CHANGE

The expert also highlights that Manaus’ rainfall patterns have changed over recent decades. He states that, in the past 30 years, the total annual precipitation in the city “has not increased significantly,” but its distribution throughout the year has shifted.

“In the past, Manaus had an average of 191 rainy days per year. Currently, that number has dropped to around 172 days, meaning precipitation is more concentrated. This phenomenon results in more intense rainfall over shorter periods, increasing the risk of flooding and landslides,” he analyses.

SOLUTIONS

Sabbá advocates for the adoption of preventive measures to mitigate the effects

93-year-old

Mof heavy rainfall. Among the suggested solutions is the expansion of green areas in Manaus, including squares and parks, which could contribute to the natural drainage of rainwater.

“Green areas are essential. Many squares are paved with concrete, which reduces water infiltration into the soil. Reversing this trend and expanding permeable spaces would help prevent flooding,” observes Sabbá.

The expert also suggests replacing conventional paving with more permeable

materials, especially in residential streets and secondary roads. The use of permeable concrete slabs would facilitate water infiltration into the soil, reducing the burden on the drainage system and helping regulate the city’s temperature.

Another recommendation is to review and expand the urban drainage system, particularly in critical areas. “Currently, there are drainage systems that end in the middle of slopes, which causes erosion and gullies. Water needs to be efficiently channelled to prevent these issues,” states Sabbá.

woman describes heartbreak as her home floods

ANAUS (AM) – “It wasn’t the first time, and it won’t be the last.”

The words of retired Teresinha Maciel dos Santos, 93, express the sadness and anguish of someone whose home is flooded every time it rains in Manaus (AM). On 4 March, the situation repeated itself. The house where she lives with her 70-year-old sister, in Beco Ayrão, Praça 14 neighbourhood, in the South Zone, was inundated during the heavy rain in the capital.

The pensioner told CENARIUM that on rainy days, she has to fend for herself to save what little remains in her home. “I suffer the most in this little place. People throw rubbish, throw this, throw that, and it clogs [the drain], and I’m the only one cleaning it. When the rain comes, instead of crying, I sing; instead of staying silent, I talk, I shout, so I don’t give in to sadness,” she said.

Ana Pastana –From Cenarium

Retired Teresinha Maciel dos Santos, 93 years old

Decolonising knowledge: reflections on indigenous education

Roger Adan Chambi Mayta

LI remember an Indigenous community in the municipality of Huari, in the department of Oruro, in my country, Bolivia. A philanthropic foundation could not understand why the people did not want this foundation to build a school for their own community. The people did not want it because they said the following: "We know that you built a school in the neighbouring community, and we noticed that after leaving school, the children no longer wanted to speak their own language, they felt ashamed of our customs, and then they moved to the cities, which is why that community is now empty." Thus, school and education, which we always say are liberating, can also be alienating; they can erase the very culture of our peoples and make us forget our ancestral worldviews.

Spanish and Portuguese colonialism in this region plundered many resources, such as mining, timber, and other Indigenous products; we know this well. However, colonialism, besides extinguishing our ancestors, also erased our centres of learning, our own Indigenous grammars, our scientists, architects, engineers, and artists who built Tiwanaku, Machu Picchu, Ollantaytambo, Teotihuacan, Yucatán, the great water systems of the Amazon, the Amazon biome itself, the medicine that already performed brain surgeries and blood transfusions, metallurgy, gold and silver craftsmanship, the technology that created maize and potatoes. So many achievements are recorded in chronicles, research books, and, most importantly, in the wisdom of our grandparents and our peoples.

Thus, colonialism implemented a policy to try to nullify our wisdom and knowledge, to reduce us to an exploited, extinct people with low self-esteem. With the death of thousands of our yatiris (our shamans and spiritual guides), our history was nearly erased. We were forbidden to know our own history, which is why, until recently, the history of our countries began on 12 October 1492, with the arrival of Christopher Columbus, attempting to make us forget the true history of the Aymaras, Quechuas, Potiguaras, Tukano, Muras, Mayas, and so many other Indigenous peoples who today are fighting to rebuild and strengthen our history, which they tried to suppress.

The Indianist writer Guillermo Carnero said: "A people that does not know where it comes from historically does not know where it is going historically." Hence the importance of knowing our history; thus, we, as Indigenous peoples, must not only have class consciousness but, most importantly for us, historical consciousness. Knowing our past allows us to understand what was done to our peoples, what struggles our ancestors led, and the reasons behind those struggles. Only then will we understand the responsibility we bear when we write, when we are at university, or in government. We will know that what we have today is not a gift that fell from the sky; it is the result of the sweat and blood shed by our fathers, mothers, and grandparents, who fought for us to have more opportunities.

That is why it is important not to lose our way. I have met many Indigenous people who, having learned to read, write,

and gained access to academic knowledge, have become "whiter than the white man himself." Many colleagues in academia still believe that the answers lie only in Europe, in the West; they wish to offer solutions to Indigenous problems using foreign concepts, so they can feel more "objective," closer to white academia. Many turn to Karl Marx to understand the meaning of Indigenous community, when they could simply talk directly with the community itself, observe their surroundings, and realise that we do not need to go so far to find answers to our problems. With this, I am not saying that we should not read European and Western academic and literary works; no, I am merely stating that we should not place this knowledge at the centre, but use it as just another reference among many others. On this matter, Dipesh Chakrabarty said that we must provincialise European knowledge.

But what are our ancestral worldviews? Many believe they are ancient practices known only to the elders, but it is not that simple. To understand our ancestral worldviews, we do not need to look only in great history and anthropology books. We, as Indigenous people, could start by looking at our surroundings, observing the practices of our mothers and fathers, and becoming aware of how we were educated, how we relate to the environment and nature. Our worldview is present in everyday life. We only need to recognise it and give it the hierarchical importance it deserves.

Thus, when my mother looks at the sky and observes the scattered clouds, she says: "It will rain tomorrow; bring in the clothes

from the line." When she hears the song of the ch’iwanku, a bird that sings loudly, she says someone will visit us. When I was a child and climbed the mountain with my mother, she taught me that we must respect the mountains because they are our grandmothers: "We must respect them so they protect us on our journey, so we do not fall ill."

Therefore, we have many things in everyday life that help us understand that our ancestral worldview is mainly a way of relating, a way of being and existing with nature as a living entity, with our mother, Pachamama. However, the hegemonic thought in universities, generally anti-Indigenous, has suggested that this way of relating belongs to savages, to backward peoples, to anything but science. That is why, when an Indigenous person enters academia, they often want to change themselves, to stop being Indigenous, to learn about the other in order to become the other. I know there is nothing wrong with learning the knowledge of others, but first, we must have strong roots, so we can flourish as far as we wish and, in doing so,

use knowledge, regardless of its origin, for our liberation.

In letters that the indigenist writer Bonfil Batalla from Mexico wrote to the Bolivian Indianist theorist Fausto Reinaga in the context of creating an Indigenous cohort at university in 1979, he said, without fear: "We have devised a rather heterodox (I would say heretical) work plan that seeks to ensure that this group of students recovers and grounds their identity while at the same time critically appropriating the knowledge they consider useful from linguistics, history, and anthropology in the Western style, so they can incorporate it into their own Indigenous culture and use it as a tool in their struggle for liberation. I know well the risks, or I believe I do; if we fail, we will have created yet another generation of opportunists who, disguised as Indians, will seek only their own benefit and will exploit their own people even further. But if we succeed, my dear Don Fausto, if we succeed..."

It is crucial to recognise the role of Indigenous peoples in the university, not only to avoid becoming an "exotic curiosity" but to transform the very institution from

our vision and worldview. We have much work ahead to strengthen the idea that our peoples not only possess an Indigenous worldview but also their own philosophy and ancestral technologies. We must constantly remind ourselves that our peoples have developed science throughout their history. Beyond colonialism, which tried to make us ashamed of our culture, we remain the guardians of profound and valuable knowledge. As sociologist Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui said: "We, Indigenous peoples, have been oppressed, but never defeated." Our struggle is for the recovery of what belongs to us: our history, our identity, and our knowledge.

(*) Aymara lawyer from Bolivia. Doctoral candidate in the Postgraduate Programme in Agrarian Law at the Federal University of Goiás (UFG). Holds a Master’s in Latin American Studies from the Federal University for Latin American Integration (Unila). Works as a researcher and legal consultant, addressing issues related to legal criticism, Indigenous justice, plurinational states, agro-environmental law, Indigenous political movements, and media. Member of the Latin American Studies Collective of Barcelona (Celab).

Women Entrepreneurs in Science

Professors from the State University of Amazonas (UEA) and the Oswaldo Cruz Foundation (Fiocruz) win national award for research on female leadership in technological innovation

Ana Pastana – From Cenarium

Research stemmed from the realisation that, despite advances in science, women still face challenges

Credit: Lucas Oliveira | Cenarium

MANAUS (AM) – Aiming to make the system more inclusive for women in the field of technological innovation, the research “Challenges of Open Innovation under Female Leadership in Public Research and Teaching Institutions”, conducted by professors from the State University of Amazonas (UEA) and the Oswaldo Cruz Foundation (Fiocruz), won the 5th Conexão Inova Award, promoted by the Public Innovation Connection Network. The study secured first place in the “Articles and Chapters” category on 28th February this year.

The article was initially published in the book “Science and Technology: Catalysts of Innovation 2”, written by Gladys Corrêa, a professor at the Escola Normal Superior (ENS) of UEA, in collaboration with researchers Klena Sarges from the

Oswaldo Cruz Institute (IOC/Fiocruz) and Izabela Gimenes from the Institute for Health Quality Control (INCQS/Fiocruz).

Speaking to CENARIUM , Gladys explained that the research emerged after a meeting between the professors during a roundtable discussion on scientific entrepreneurship in Science and Technology Institutes (ICTs). “The idea for the article came after the roundtable on scientific entrepreneurship in ICTs in which we participated. It was Dr Klena who invited us to speak at the event at the time. We realised there was significant acceptance and interest from female students in the topic and how little it had been explored in the literature,” she said.

Women, despite having already secured important spaces, are still a minority in

Convergência 2025

Although the winners were announced virtually in February, the awards will be presented on 2nd, 3rd, and 4th June during Convergência 2025, one of the largest public sector innovation events, set to take place in Belo Horizonte (MG).

The event will feature talks by the finalists, as well as 150 activities throughout the programme, including workshops and cultural experiences. Those interested can find more information on the official website: conexaoinovacaopublica.org.

The research can also be accessed online via Atena Publisher at: atenaeditora.com.br.

From left to right, researcher Klena Sarges from IOC/Fiocruz, ENS-UEA professor Gladys Corrêa, and researcher Izabela Gimenes from INCQS/Fiocruz

“The need for this research arose from the realisation that, despite advances in science and technological innovation, women still face structural challenges in occupying leadership and prominent positions”

Gladys Corrêa, professor at the Escola Normal Superior (ENS) of UEA.

fields such as science and technological innovation. According to Gladys, academic institutions were shaped by traditional models, which have kept scientific entrepreneurship limited for women.

“The need for this research arose from the realisation that, despite advances in science and technological innovation, women still face structural challenges in occupying leadership and prominent positions. Historically, academic and research institutions in Brazil have been shaped by a traditional model that provided little encouragement for the economic exploitation of knowledge. As a result, female participation in open innovation and scientific entrepreneurship has remained limited,” she explained.

Furthermore, Gladys emphasised the need for policies aimed at women and initiatives that encourage their participation in technological entrepreneurship. “The absence of women in these spaces is not a matter of competence but rather of access, recognition, and better outcomes in the application of innovations. And with great conviction, I continue to promote female leadership in science, so that future generations of

researchers and innovators can soar even higher,” she said.

VOTING PROCESS

The award highlights innovative initiatives in public management, public policies, disruptive technologies, and digital citizenship, aiming to recognise impactful actions that contribute to the modernisation of public administration in the country, promoting greater efficiency and inclusion.

In total, projects related to regulation, public services, public communications, digital transformation, and Artificial Intelligence were awarded in 20 different categories.

The public vote to select the winners closed on 22nd February, two days before the results were announced. With more than 20,000 votes cast, the public engaged through reactions to posts on the official Conexão Inovação Pública LinkedIn account.

The post about UEA professor Gladys Corrêa’s research received 228 reactions, over 40 comments, and numerous shares. The announcement of the finalists in the special category “Innovative Person” was made on 28th February.

Cover of the e-book Science and Technology: Catalysts of Innovation 2, in which the research was published

Credit: Reproduction

Judicial decisions under suspicion

Four Judges removed from office in Amazonas in less than a month; understand why

Ana Pastana – From the Newsroom

MANAUS (AM) – After the Amazonas Public Prosecutor’s Office (MP-AM) filed an appeal against the decision of Judge Túlio de Oliveira Dorinho, who granted provisional release to Colombian Juan Carlos Urriola, caught in the act with 1.3 tonnes of drugs, the National Justice Council (CNJ) accepted the appeal, and the Amazonas General Judiciary Oversight Body removed the magistrate. This was the fourth judge removed from office in the state in less than a month.

Juan Carlos Urriola was caught in the act during the “Safer Border Operation” (Operação Fronteira Mais Segura), con-

ducted by the Department for Combating Organised Crime (DRCO), on 25 February in the municipality of Santa Isabel do Rio Negro (AM). The drugs were later presented in the state capital, Manaus (AM).

During the custody hearing held at the Minister Henoch Reis Courthouse, in the Adrianópolis neighbourhood in Manaus’ Central-South Zone, the MP-AM had requested the suspect’s pre-trial detention, arguing that “the significant quantity of drugs indicated a professional trafficking scheme and that the lack of a fixed residence in Brazil posed a flight risk.”

Elci Simões, Túlio Dorinho, Jean Pimentel and Roger Almeida

Credit: Composition by Lucas Oliveira | Cenarium

Judge Túlio de Oliveira Dorinho denied the Public Prosecutor’s request for pre-trial detention, claiming that the suspect had no criminal record. Following this decision, according to the MP-AM, Prosecutor Marcelo Augusto Silva de Almeida filed an appeal with the Amazonas Court of Justice (TJAM), requesting the revocation of the provisional release and the ordering of pre-trial detention.

Speaking to CENARIUM, the Amazonas General Judiciary Oversight Body confirmed the judge’s removal and stated that a “procedure to investigate the facts has been initiated, which is being processed under judicial secrecy.”

JUDGES REMOVED

This is the fourth case of judges being removed from office in the state of Amazonas in less than a month. The first to be removed were Judge Elci Simões, from TJAM, and Judge Jean Carlos Pimentel dos Santos, based in the district of Presidente Figueiredo (129 km from Manaus), due to suspected involvement in judicial decisions that resulted in a temporary loss of R$ 150 million for the company Eletrobras. The amount, paid to a creditor born in 1985 for credit securities from the 1970s, was later refunded by a decision of the Superior Court of Justice (STJ). The company claims to have been the victim of fraud.

The removal decisions were signed by the National Justice Inspector, Mauro Campbell, who also ordered the precautionary removal of Judge Roger Luiz Paz de Almeida, from the Court for the Enforcement of Alternative Sentences and Measures.

On 24 February, the CNJ, with the support of the Federal Police (PF), conducted searches in the office of Judge Elci Simões. The magistrate’s office was “sealed by order of the CNJ,” according to a notice posted at the entrance. Two restriction tapes, fixed with adhesive tape, were also placed at the entrance.

Regarding the three judges removed over suspected judicial decisions detrimental to Eletrobras, in a statement to CENARIUM, the TJAM said that “this is a decision of the National Judiciary Oversight Body, and the Amazonas Court of Justice will comply fully, observing all established determinations.”

R$ 150 million

The temporary loss for Eletrobras, caused by judicial decisions that led to the removal of three judges in Amazonas, reached R$ 150 million. The amount was paid to a creditor born in 1985 for credit securities from the 1970s and was later refunded by a decision of the Superior Court of Justice (STJ).

Image of the office door

More Seats in Congress

Three Amazon states set to gain seats in the chamber; understand why

Ana Cláudia Leocádio – From Cenarium

BRASÍLIA (DF) – Three states in the Legal Amazon are expected to gain up to seven federal deputies in their seats in the Chamber of Deputies, following the update in the number of parliamentarians determined by the Supreme Federal Court (STF) in August 2023. The Chamber has until 30 June this year to carry out the revision, based on the 2022 Population Census. Pará, Amazonas, and Mato Grosso

are among the states that should increase their representation in Brasília (DF), should the measure be implemented.

In total, there are 513 federal deputies distributed among delegations ranging from a minimum of eight to a maximum of 70 parliamentarians. According to Complementary Law No. 78/1993, this composition should be updated before each election, based on the Census of the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE). Since 1993, this adjustment has not been carried out.

The states that stand to gain the most seats are Pará, which would increase from 17 to 21 deputies, and Amazonas, which

is expected to rise from eight to ten. Ceará, Goiás, Minas Gerais, and Mato Grosso should each gain one seat. Santa Catarina is set to increase from 16 to 20 representatives. São Paulo, which has the largest delegation, is expected to remain at 70 parliamentarians.

The states that may lose deputies are: Rio de Janeiro (4), Rio Grande do Sul (2), Piauí (2), Paraíba (2), Bahia (2), Pernambuco (1), and Alagoas (1).

STF

In a unanimous decision, the STF ministers followed the vote of rapporteur Luiz Fux, who proposed that congressmen approve the law on the matter by 30

The Chamber has until 30 June this year to carry out the review, based on the 2022 Population Census

Credit: Composition by Paulo Dutra | Cenarium

Measure impacts Assembly compositions

The update in the number of federal deputies in the Chamber of Deputies is expected to impact the compositions of the State Legislative Assemblies and the Legislative Chamber of the Federal District, as the Federal Constitution establishes a direct relationship in this formation.

According to the Constitution, the number of seats in each assembly is calculated at three times the state's representation in the Chamber, and if it exceeds 36 seats, the final number will be 36 plus the surplus from subtracting 12 from the delegation size in the Chamber.

By these criteria, for example, the Legislative Assembly of Amazonas would increase its composition from 24 to 30 seats. Mato Grosso would rise from 24 to 27 parliamentarians, and Pará from 41 to 45.

June this year, considering the maximum number of 513 deputies and the 2022 Census data.

The STF responded to a lawsuit filed by the State of Pará regarding the lack of revision of seats. Parliament must redistribute the seats so that the change takes effect from 2027. If the Chamber does not carry out the revision, the Superior Electoral Court (TSE) will be responsible for taking action, affecting 14 states: seven losing seats and another seven gaining seats.

Complementary Bill (PLC) 148, presented by Deputy Pezenti (MDB-SC) on 7 July 2023, addresses this representation in the Chamber, following the STF decision without altering the 513 seats. However, the text does not have consensus within the House, particularly among representatives from states that may lose representation.

According to Agência de Notícias da Casa, President Hugo Motta (Republicans) has already indicated "the intention to reach an agreement with the STF to increase the number of federal deputies." The suggestion is to add 14 more federal deputies, raising the number from 513 to 527 seats.

PUBLIC HEARING DEBATED THE TOPIC

The lack of consensus on the issue will be the greatest challenge for parliamentarians until June, according to Professor Flávio Pansieri of the Pontifical Catholic University of Paraná, who was invited to discuss PLC 148 at a public hearing in August 2024 in the Chamber. According to him, there is no public support for increasing the overall number of deputies.

"The major challenge in the debates at the National Congress will be addressing whether or not to modify the maximum and minimum numbers of representatives from each Brazilian state to form political will in the Chamber of Deputies," he stated.

According to Deputy Pezenti's legislative advisory, due to the lack of consensus, several parliamentarians submitted a request to withdraw PLC 148 from the agenda of the Constitution and Justice Committee (CCJ), where it was already under discus-

What the Legislation Says

Complementary Law No. 78, of 30 December 1993, regulates the establishment of the number of deputies, as per Article 45, § 1, of the Federal Constitution. Enacted by then-President Itamar Franco, the text is divided into five articles and stipulates that the number of federal deputies shall not exceed 513 parliamentarians and must be proportional to the population of the states and the Federal District.

The updated IBGE data must be provided in the year preceding elections. In its sole paragraph, the law states that "once the calculations of representation for the states and the Federal District are made, the Superior Electoral Court shall provide the Regional Electoral Courts and political parties with the number of seats to be contested."

"None of the states in the Federation shall have fewer than eight federal deputies," states Article 2 of the law. At the time, there were still territories, which were to have four representatives each. The most populous state in the Federation will have a maximum representation of 70 deputies.

sion. Since no committee in the Chamber has yet been installed, it remains to be seen how the debate will unfold.

Deputy Átila Lira (PP-PI) is among those advocating for an increase in the number of seats, as his state, Piauí, is expected to lose two seats under Pezenti's proposed revision. He suggests fiscal adjustments to prevent an increase in the Chamber's expenses.

"This was discussed with President Hugo Motta: we can maintain the same expenditure by making adjustments, freezing office allowances, and regrouping personnel expenses," Lira suggested in a report by the Chamber Agency.

Bolsonaro and seven allies become defendants

The First Panel of the Supreme Federal Court unanimously accepted charges against Bolsonaro and seven others for attempted coup d'état and three other crimes

Ana Cláudia Leocádio, Marcela Leiros, Ana Pastana and Jadson Lima – From Cenarium

BRASÍLIA (DF) AND MANAUS (AM)

– Former President of the Republic

Jair Bolsonaro (PL) and seven other allies have become defendants after the First Panel of the Supreme Federal Court (STF) unanimously accepted a complaint from the Prosecutor General's Office (PGR) for attempted violent abolition of the Democratic Rule of Law, attempted coup d'état, and three other crimes.

The reporting minister, Alexandre de Moraes, during the justification of his vote to accept the complaint filed by the PGR, presented images to counter arguments that

the attacks on the buildings of the Three Powers on 8 January 2022 had occurred peacefully and without violence.

"It is absurd for people to say there was no violence, no aggression. No one was just strolling around [...] various banners calling for federal intervention, no Bible is seen, and no lipstick is seen at that moment," reads an excerpt from Moraes' justification.

Minister Flávio Dino followed the vote of the reporting minister and became the second member of the Court to vote to make Bolsonaro and the other seven defendants. For Dino, the evidence provided was

Former President Jair Bolsonaro and the allies who have become defendants

Credit: Composition by | Cenarium

sufficient for him to support Alexandre de Moraes' vote. "With great conviction that there are technical reasons presented by the eminent reporting minister, they are sufficient for me to follow him at this moment," he said.

Forming the majority, Minister Luiz Fux also followed Alexandre de Moraes' vote and accepted the PGR's complaint. With the minister's vote, Bolsonaro and the seven allies named in the case became defendants for attempted coup d'état, involvement in an armed criminal organisation, aggravated damage, and deterioration of listed heritage property.

Considering the five ministers comprising the First Panel of the STF, Minister Fux's third vote was crucial for the complaint to be accepted. Minister Cármen Lúcia and the session's presiding minister, Cristiano Zanin, voted next, also accepting the PGR's complaint.

electronic voting machines

Bolsonaro defended himself against the accusations and attacked

Credit:

The eight accused are part of the first of five cores that will judge, in total, 34 individuals charged by the PGR. In the first core, named "The Crucial Core," are:

ALEXANDRE RAMAGEM

Former Director-General of the Brazilian Intelligence Agency (Abin)

Currently a federal deputy for the Liberal Party (PL) of São Paulo, Alexandre Ramagem served as Director-General of the Brazilian Intelligence Agency (Abin) during Jair Bolsonaro's government (2019–2022). He was also a Federal Police (PF) delegate after joining the force in 2005 and even led Bolsonaro's security team when the latter was the PSL candidate in the 2018 election campaign.

In 2020, Bolsonaro appointed Ramagem to head the PF, but his appointment was suspended by Minister Alexandre de Moraes before he could take office. In 2022, the then-director of Abin left his post to run for a seat in the Chamber of Deputies to strengthen the PL's representation in the Legislative House.

'Crucial Core'

JAIR BOLSONARO

Former President of the Republic

Jair Bolsonaro is a retired captain of the Brazilian Army and a politician. He began his political career in 1988 when he ran for a seat on the Rio de Janeiro City Council. Three years later, in 1991, he took office as a federal deputy, a position he held for seven consecutive terms until 1st January 2019.

In 2018, Bolsonaro was elected President of Brazil with 55.13% of the valid votes, approximately 57,797,847 votes, after defeating the Workers' Party (PT) candidate, Fernando Haddad. In the highest executive office, he focused on attacking opponents, ignored World Health Organisation (WHO) guidelines during the Covid-19 pandemic, and criticised electronic voting machines and the Judiciary. He was defeated in the 2022 elections by the PT candidate Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.

ANDERSON TORRES

Former Minister of Justice and former Secretary of Public Security of the Federal District

A former Minister of Justice under Bolsonaro, Anderson Torres is a Federal Police (PF) delegate, holds a law degree from the University Centre of Brasília (Ceub), and specialises in Police Science, Criminal Investigation, and Strategic Intelligence from the Superior War College (ESG). Torres coordinated the PF's superintendency in Roraima between 2003 and 2005.

In 2019, he took office as the Secretary of Public Security of the Federal District during the government of Ibaneis Rocha (MDB), leaving the position in April 2021 to assume the Ministry of Justice and Public Security at Bolsonaro's request. He remained in the role until December 2022, when he returned to the Federal District government.

GENERAL AUGUSTO HELENO

Former Minister of the Institutional Security Cabinet of the Presidency

Augusto Heleno is a retired general of the Brazilian Army, having held leadership positions in the military institution, such as the Amazon Military Command (CMA) between 2007 and 2009, a unit headquartered in Manaus (AM), and leading the Army's Science and Technology Department.

Heleno was also an instructor at the Military Academy of Agulhas Negras (Aman), where he met Jair Bolsonaro in the 1970s. In 2019, at the invitation of the then-president, he assumed command of the Institutional Security Cabinet (GSI), to which Abin is subordinated. Between 2019 and 2022, he was one of the key voices in Bolsonaro's closest circle.

MAURO CID

Former Chief of the Presidential Aide-de-Camp

Mauro César Barbosa Cid is the son of a Brazilian Army general of the same name and joined the Army through the Military Academy of Agulhas Negras (Aman). Years later, he served as an instructor at Aman and studied in military career courses, such as the Command and Staff College.

In 2019, he took on the role of Jair Bolsonaro's principal aide-de-camp in the Presidency after being assigned to the position the previous year. In the role, the lieutenant colonel became a "jack-of-all-trades" for Bolsonaro, taking on tasks such as assisting with live broadcasts and registering the then-president's supporters outside the Palácio da Alvorada.

PAULO SÉRGIO NOGUEIRA

Former Minister of Defence

Paulo Sérgio Nogueira is a general of the Brazilian Army, having begun his military career in March 1974 at the Army Cadets' Preparatory School (EsPCEx). In 1994, as an officer, Paulo Sérgio was deputy commander of the 2nd Jungle Infantry Battalion in Belém and a staff officer of the 12th Military Region in Manaus.

As a general, he served as the Military Commander of the North, a military unit headquartered in Belém (PA), in 2018. Three years later, he assumed command of the Army after General Fernando Azevedo e Silva resigned amid tensions with then-President Jair Bolsonaro (PL) regarding the political use of the Armed Forces. In April 2022, he left the post to become Minister of Defence.

WALTER BRAGA NETTO

Former Vice-Presidential Candidate alongside Bolsonaro

Walter Braga Netto is another Brazilian Army officer who was part of Jair Bolsonaro's closest circle. He joined the institution in 1974, holding positions such as Chief of Staff of the 5th Armoured Cavalry Brigade and Commander of the Eastern Military Command (CML). During the Rio de Janeiro Olympic and Paralympic Games in 2016, he served as the General Coordinator of the Special Advisory Office.

In 2017, then-President Michel Temer appointed him as an interventionist in Rio de Janeiro's public security, making him responsible for coordinating the Military and Civil Police, as well as the Fire Department. With Jair Bolsonaro's election in 2018, the military officer joined the federal government's top ranks as Chief of Staff and later Minister of Defence. In 2022, he ran on Bolsonaro's ticket, which was ultimately defeated.

ALMIR GARNIER SANTOS

Former Commander of the Navy

Almir Garnier Santos graduated in 1977 as a technician in naval structures at the Technical School of the Naval Arsenal and, the following year, joined the Naval Academy, where he graduated top of his class in the Armada Corps in 1981. His curriculum states that he takes pride "in his long-standing relationship with the Brazilian Navy".

He served as a special military adviser to four Ministers of Defence during Dilma Rousseff's (PT) government between 2014 and 2016. In January 2023, when replaced at the beginning of Lula's (PT) third term by Admiral Marcos Sampaio Olsen, he broke protocol by failing to attend his successor's inauguration.

According to Jair Bolsonaro's (PL) former aide-de-camp, Mauro Cid, in his plea bargain testimony, Garnier was sympathetic to a coup d'état and allegedly told Bolsonaro "that his troops would be ready to respond to a call from the then-president".

Bolsonaro says 'complaint is unfounded'

Former President Jair Bolsonaro (PL) attacked Minister Alexandre de Moraes, electronic voting machines, and classified as "serious and unfounded" the complaint that was unanimously accepted by the First Panel of the Supreme Federal Court (STF). The statements were made in a speech at one of the entrances of the National Congress, minutes after becoming a defendant alongside seven former aides from his government. The former leader refused to answer reporters' questions.

"The accusation is very serious, and they are unfounded. And it is not just empty words," said Bolsonaro. For the former president, Minister Moraes lacks transparency and manipulates his inquiries. "He puts whatever he wants there; that's why his inquiries are secret or confidential," he accused.

Bolsonaro also revived questions about the 2014 elections raised by the PSDB to again attack the reliability of the electoral system and advocate for paper voting. He even highlighted the change made in Venezuela's electoral voting system, which now includes printed voting, a change implemented by President Nicolás Maduro, according to him. "I am not obliged to trust, to believe in the programmer (of the voting machines). I trust the machine, but I am not obliged to trust the programmer," he attacked.

The former president also used most of his speech to criticise President Lula's government and claim that the people were already missing his administration. When asked twice to respond specifically about the accusations against him, he refused to answer and, in the end, left the scene.

PARÁ: COLLAPSE IN EDUCATION

Reports from teachers, parents, and students state that the Pará State Department of Education (Seduc-PA) has implemented a teaching system that hinders learning in traditional communities across the state

João Paulo Guimarães – Special for Cenarium

BELÉM (PA) – “I failed several subjects, but I still moved up a year. How am I supposed to do well in the Enem like this?” The outcry from a student in the Modular Teaching System (Some), who prefers to remain anonymous, sums up the crisis in public education in Pará, where the lack of resources in riverside schools compromises learning. Documents, audio recordings, videos, and images compiled by teachers, students, and parents and sent to CENARIUM MAGAZINE reveal an alarming scenario: manipulation of data from the Basic Education Development Index (Ideb), structural precariousness, repression of educators, moral harassment, and interference in the Office of the Inspector General.

The severity of the situation gained national attention with the recent Indigenous occupation of the headquarters of the Pará State Department of Education (Seduc-PA), highlighting the fragility of teaching in traditional and native communities. The student continues her testimony: “Rural areas don’t have the same structure as the capital cities. Those studying in private schools are years ahead,” she said, acknowledging the financial motivation behind school attendance. “Many have returned to school just because of the ‘Pé de Meia’ [financial incentive], not to graduate. If they really wanted us to have a good education, they wouldn’t let us pass without learning,” she said.

The daughter of parents who didn’t finish primary school, she sees education as a fragile escape: “My parents live off farming, and I don’t want that, but the education here doesn’t prepare me. The cycle (which promotes students automatically) is a complete loss. We are being deprived of the knowledge we should have,” she added.

The girl reveals her aspirations without forgetting the hardships. “I want to become a professional, but I know it’s going

Credit: João Paulo Guimarães | Cenarium

“They called us to sign a document agreeing to pass students who didn’t take these subjects, with nothing, no exams, nothing at all”

Public school teacher.

to be tough. I didn’t have teachers for all subjects. That already shows in my grades,” she concluded.

AUTOMATIC PROMOTION

The policy of automatic promotions in Pará’s public schools lays bare the State’s neglect of education. A teacher from Monte Alegre, a municipality 900 km from the capital Belém, describes what it’s like to teach in the state of Pará. “We pretend to teach, students pretend to learn, and the government is happy with the skyrocketing Ideb results, without caring about the quality of education. We’re not allowed to fail students or mark them absent,” she says, also preferring to remain anonymous for fear of retaliation.

A mother of public school pupils in the State, a 34-year-old domestic worker, requested anonymity and shared that her children struggle with basic literacy. “When my daughter moved up to fifth grade, she couldn’t read, and when she advanced to sixth, she still couldn’t. But they promoted her anyway. My son was also held back twice, but we found it strange when he passed, because he couldn’t read or write either,” she reported.

Another student from a riverside school in Pará voiced concerns about the cycle system in secondary education, which promotes students regardless of performance. “Even though I missed an

Conflicts in education

A teacher working in the region of Paragominas, 309 km from Belém, reports how the lack of classes has become a structural issue. The riverside education worker provided a document to the report, showing the damage suffered by students in the municipality within the Regional Directorate of Mãe do Rio. “The number of students who didn’t have these subjects throughout the whole year,” said the professional, referring to students who were approved without attending certain classes.

According to him, Seduc’s solution to cover up this failure has been the impo-

sition of online exams and pressure on teachers to pass students without any pedagogical criteria. “They are passed compulsorily, and since this is being denounced, they have now come up with this online exam to legitimise the farce,” the teacher reported.

This policy of forced approvals has caused outrage among teachers, who are called to class council meetings solely to ratify decisions already made. “They called us to sign a document agreeing to pass students who didn’t take these subjects, with nothing, no exams, nothing at all,” the educator revealed.

Faced with the imposition, the teachers agreed to approve only the third-year students, so they could enter the job market or private universities. “It was very much against our will, but for the first and second years, we said no – they will have to take those subjects,” he emphasised.

The teacher’s recommendation is that his colleagues seek official documents to expose the real situation of the public education network. “It is evidence that the State is neglectful, derelict in duty, and negligent with the students,” he concluded.

The fragility of Pará’s education system was laid bare before the whole of Brazil after Indigenous groups occupied Seduc’s headquarters, demanding improvements in education and recognition of the rights of native peoples

Credit: João Paulo Guimarães | Cenarium

EDUCATION IN CRISIS

“My parents live off farming, and I don’t want that, but the education here doesn’t prepare me. The cycle is a complete loss. We are being deprived of the knowledge we should have,”

Public school student.

Seduc adopts a continuous progression model, in which students are automatically passed in certain school years

The school has a precarious structure; students study in classrooms with unsealed wooden walls

Credit: João Paulo Guimarães Cenarium

Credit: João Paulo Guimarães | Cenarium

Parallel Reality

A symbol of resistance in education in Pará, the Escola Municipal Bom Jesus I, located in Boca do Rio Caji, in the municipality of Igarapé-Miri, 232 km from Belém, experiences a different reality, thanks to the Modular Education Organization System (Some), a system that ensures secondary education in areas far from municipal centres.

The impact of Some on the community is profound and can be seen in the path of former students, many of whom now work in the municipal education network itself. Even after 37 years, the system remains essential for education in Igarapé-Miri.

“We have teachers today, in the municipal school, who were students of Some, as well as the pedagogical coordinator and even the school principal. This shows the impact the system has on professional training in the region,” highlights a teacher who prefers not to be identified.

Former students of the system also occupy relevant positions in the city, such as the former Secretary of Health, who pursued a career in nursing. “Some is not just a teaching model, but a reference for the entire population. Many who came through here now help to transform the educational reality of the municipality,” emphasises the teacher.

Escola Bom Jesus serves three secondary school classes, with 38 students in the first year, 44 in the second, and

38 in the third. In a school project that portrays students’ dreams and life plans, the diversity of aspirations is evident. For some, a simple computer course could be the key to securing a job and ensuring financial security.

One student expresses her desire to become a lawyer, not only to secure her rights, but to help other people in difficulty. In her statement, she writes: “I want to become a good lawyer to help my family.”

Another student expresses his dream of travelling to the United States, to visit tourist attractions, parks, museums, and experience the local cuisine. “I want to visit each of these places,” he reveals.

Higher education emerges as a path to change. One female student speaks of her admiration for a technology university located in the municipality of Abaetetuba, just 43.8 km from Igarapé-Miri. “I’ve always wanted to study at that university. I want to study hard to get a scholarship.”

OBSTACLES

The social reality of the municipality is one of the obstacles to achieving dreams like these. Stories of violence in nearby communities — such as decapitations due to disputes between criminal factions — make teachers afraid, but they still do not abandon their posts in schools like Bom Jesus I, which suffers from a dilapidated infrastructure.

One teacher recounts that he taught in January 2023, in Vila Menino Deus, on the Anapu River, when a young man from a local gang was murdered after a fight at a party in Baixo Anapu, 692 km from the capital. Two weeks later, his killers invaded the house of the perpetrator, burned the body, and, in a ritual of revenge, decapitated the corpse in front of the terrified community. “Truth be told, we only talk about it outside of there. Even though it’s been two years, hardly anyone wants to speak about it,” he says.

The building where classes are held looks abandoned. Students walk among rotten floorboards, exposed electrical wiring, and old, dirty roofing tiles that appear to be the originals from 1998.

Students attend classes in wooden-walled rooms with no insulation. While older student groups take a mock exam during the rain — with leaks, dark rooms, and intense heat — children between the ages of 5 and 10 sing in the neighbouring classroom. There is also the noise of boats, outboard motors, and pigs wandering through the mud beneath the stilt school.

In the three days we followed the routine of students and teachers of Some in Igarapé-Miri, the school meal was always the same: a mug of hot rice porridge with açaí, which could be refilled to satisfy hunger.

Credit:

EDUCATION IN CRISIS

ECONOMY & SOCIETY

entire year, I still passed. I don’t think that’s right,” she criticised, highlighting how the lack of academic demands demotivates students and harms their preparation for the future.

“At university, they’re going to expect knowledge I never got at the base level.” The young woman also points to a lack of infrastructure: “We don’t have a computer lab, library, or enough teachers.” For her, the government prioritises financial incentives, such as Pé de Meia, over actual investment in education. “They should be using that money on books and technology, not just paying students to show up,” she said.

Asked about her prospects, she identifies and acknowledges her barriers. “I come from a completely different background than those in private schools. Competing will be difficult,” she admits.

She reports that, in her class of 45 students, only three passed the Enem in 2023. “That has to change,” she urges. The daughter of small-scale farmers, she plans to attend a public university, but according to her, the State would rather “promote than educate.”

CYCLE SYSTEM

A document taken from the website of the State Department of Education

(Seduc-PA) shows that a model of continuous progression is in place, in which students are automatically promoted in certain school years, regardless of academic performance. This means that failing only occurs in specific years, while in the others, students progress automatically.

In this model, primary and secondary education are divided into learning cycles, rather than traditional school years. Within each cycle, students are assessed continuously. Failing only occurs in the final year of the cycle. In the intermediate years, promotion is automatic, the document explains.

Credit: João Paulo Guimarães | Cenarium

“It is evidence that the State is neglectful, derelict in duty, and negligent with the students” Public school student.

Credit: João Paulo Guimarães Cenarium

Credit:

João Paulo Guimarães

Cenarium

Manipulation in the Ideb

Sources linked to the Pará State Secretariat of Education have revealed that Rossieli Soares' team, led by the Secretariat 's secretary, obsessively works to alter the Basic Education Development Index scores

João Paulo Guimarães – Special for Cenarium

Teachers, students, and parents who spoke anonymously to CENARIUM MAGAZINE about the education system in public schools in Pará reported episodes of moral harassment and stated that fear prevails both inside and outside the Pará State Secretariat of Education (Seduc-PA). One education professional revealed that teachers are constantly threatened with arbitrary Administrative Proceedings (PADs).

A source within the Secretariat stated that the team of Rossieli Soares, Secretary of Education of the State of Pará, works “obsessively” to boost the numbers of the Basic Education Development Index (Ideb). “The goal is to increase the Ideb at any cost, by any means necessary, and any obstacle that might hinder this goal is bulldozed. Any ideas that contribute to this objective are appropriated. It is a data manipulation scheme to inflate the

Ideb,” revealed the official, who wished to remain anonymous.

The current Secretary of Education of the State of Pará, Rossieli Soares, was Minister of Education under Michel Temer, Secretary of Education of São Paulo under Doria, and also worked in the education sector in Amazonas, where he was prosecuted for administrative misconduct in a lawsuit filed by theFederal Public Prosecutor’s Office of the State of Amazonas (MP-AM) for failing to provide documents required for a prosecutorial investigation. He was sentenced to pay a fine equivalent to ten times his salary.

Rossieli is also accused of manipulating Ideb figures, which saw Pará rise from 26th place to 6th. According to the allegations, this manipulation occurs through the com-

The manipulation of figures occurs through the compulsory approval of students, stripping teachers of their autonomy in the classroom

Credit: Reproduction | Agência Pará

pulsory approval of students, stripping teachers of their classroom autonomy over pedagogical decisions. “Rossieli Soares is a kind of dictator. The way he speaks, it’s as if only he knows how things should be. Everything is being forced through, like a dictatorship,” explained another anonymous Seduc-PA source.

A Teachers’ Union member and Doctor in Education, Professor Abel Ribeiro, questions how Pará managed to climb so many places in the Ideb ranking within just one year. “How do you go from 26th place, near the bottom, to 6th place in just one year?”

Abel explains that Pará has historically had low educational performance, ranking among the worst in the country. Using this justification, Secretary Rossieli Soares implemented several changes, creating a team of incentivised administrators to pressure teachers into complying with Seduc's directives. “They spent the entire year of 2023 preparing to improve the Ideb,” stated Professor Abel.

“Ideb, today, represents a great farce regarding the process of evaluating basic education in Brazil.”

Raimundo Sérgio de Farias Júnior, post-doctorate in Education.

‘Great Farce’

ADoctor in Education from the Federal University of Pará (UFPA) and a post-doctorate in Education from the Pontifical Catholic University of São Paulo (PUC), Professor Raimundo Sérgio de Farias Júnior from the State University of Pará (Uepa) explains that the Ideb represents “a great farce regarding the process of evaluating basic education in Brazil.” According to him, the process is simple but helps to manipulate the data. “The student is approved without learning. So, this is both a policy and a culture that has been introduced into the Brazilian and Pará school context.”

Raimundo highlights that one of the main goals of the Ideb is linked to Brazil being a signatory of an international agreement called Education for All, whose first conference took place in 1990 in Jomtien, Thailand. From this agreement, it was established that the educational target would be the same as that presented by the countries of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), which includes some of the world's richest countries but also those with a tradition of undervaluing education and teachers.

“So, there was an expectation that Brazil would reach an average score of six by 2022. We did not reach it, but all of this contrasts with a massive number of dilapidated schools, overcrowded classrooms, undervalued and underpaid teachers who are also increasingly suffering from illness.”

The professor is unequivocal in stating that the government’s propaganda is “deceptive, fallacious, and false.” He recalls that, in many cases, there is not even enough school meals, a crucial factor in ensuring students remain in school.

“The Ideb needs to improve school progression. And, for that, it is necessary to eliminate the possibility of failure. Meanwhile, standardised assessments take into account only proficiency in reading, text interpretation, and problem-solving in mathematics. Other subjects, such as History and Geography, are not assessed. This already reveals many limitations in the large-scale standardised evaluation system. Thus, students are trained for the test. I ask: is this learning? Or can the quality of education really be measured through the Ideb calculation? I certainly believe not. So, we must also not forget the social and regional inequalities in our country. Ignoring this factor diminishes any analysis.”

The Ideb has started to influence the allocation of resources from the Tax on Circulation of Goods and Services (ICMS), linking educational performance to increased funding for the state and municipalities. In response, the government announced bonuses for teachers who contributed to improving the index, which, according to critics, turns education into a numbers game that does not benefit those who need it most: the students.

Doctor in Education from UFPA, post-doctorate in Education from PUC-SP, and professor at Uepa, Raimundo Sérgio de Farias Júnior

Credit: João Paulo Guimarães | Cenarium

Credit: João

EDUCATION IN CRISIS

Alarming Conditionality

Professor Vanessa Gamboa, who teaches in the riverside region of Abaetetuba, in the Lower Tapajós, describes a scenario of extreme precariousness in rural schools. “The project of the Pará Education Media Centre (Cemep) invested hundreds of millions of reais in televisions, monitors, and computers, but here we do not even have electricity,” she criticised.

According to the educator, the reality of riverside, quilombola, and rural students contrasts with the figures released by the state government, which indicate a significant improvement in the Ideb. “These data are manipulated. When you actually visit these places, you realise that it is impossible to move from twenty-sixth to sixth place under these conditions.”

Vanessa reports that in many communities, the lack of basic infrastructure makes any technology-mediated teaching proposal unfeasible. “Even if we had electricity, it would not be possible to work with a television here, with the school collapsing over our heads and students attending classes in the corridors.”

For her, the government should invest directly in the real conditions of education

rather than imposing a single model that ignores the particularities of rural schools. “It would be much more beneficial if this money were allocated to the projects we develop, often using our own resources.”

Another issue raised during the investigation was the lack of books and logistics for delivering the available editions. In schools served by the Modular Education Organization System (Some) and the Indigenous Modular Education System (Somei), the arrival of textbooks is not guaranteed.

Indigenous professor Patrick Lobato Arapium, who teaches in the Lower Tapajós, explains that materials do not arrive in accordance with the number of enrolled students. “If we want them, we have to chase after them. There is no logistical system ensuring that the books reach the schools,” he says, emphasising that the distribution process disregards the accessibility challenges of rural communities and forces teachers themselves to take on the task. “The Some teacher has to transport the books personally, load them onto their own transport, and deliver them to the rural school.”

Part of this strategy involved the introduction of full-time schools, which, according to him, “are not really full-time at all.” Behind the scenes, pressure on teachers intensified to ensure students’ approval and inflate Ideb figures.

According to the professor, this directive included not only manipulating grades but also registering attendance for students who never showed up at school. “Teachers, afraid, with their noses held, did it. They questioned it, but they did it,” he reported, highlighting the atmosphere of intimidation imposed by the Secretariat .

A Mathematics and Physics teacher from the Modular Education Organization System (Some) also accuses the state of manipulating Ideb figures. According to him, students could only fail in up to three subjects. If they failed a fourth subject, they would be classified as retained, preventing progression. “They were all approved en masse through grade changes made by Seduc itself,” he stated.

He explained that students’ results are recorded in the Class Register, in either digital or physical format, known as the Final Performance Evaluation Map. After the register is submitted, the teacher loses control over the grades. “What did the Secretariat of Education do last year? They took these grades or student evaluations and changed them, reclassifying students from 'failed' to 'approved,'” he detailed.

“At the end of last year, we experienced one of the most difficult phases of education in our state. If not the worst, it was certainly one of the worst moments in education, because we have truly lost our autonomy within our schools, unfortunately,” stated another teacher from Abaetetuba, 219 km from Belém, who requested anonymity.

For the teacher, the imposition of the so-called “mass approval” (aprovaço) made any attempts at failure or remedial assessments meaningless. “Many teachers didn’t even bother with remedial exams because they knew it wouldn’t matter. On the day we were supposed to hold a class council to assess students with greater difficulties, the results were already on the Seduc website,” he recounted, emphasising how educators have been sidelined from the learning process.

Credit: João Paulo Guimarães | Cenarium

President of the Council of the Centre for Studies and Research in Education, Culture and Community Action (Cenpec), Doctor in Educational Psychology and pedagogue Anna Helena Altenfelder highlights the importance of discussing educational inequality, especially in states such as Pará.

The specialist explains that when analysing educational outcomes, such as the Ideb average, it is crucial to remember that this score represents a mean, which means there are students above and below this indicator. “Historically, we know that the students who fall behind are the poorest, riverside dwellers, Black, Indigenous, and those with disabilities. These students cannot be forgotten, as they are the ones who need the most attention,” said Altenfelder.

Another point raised by Altenfelder is the exclusion of certain schools from the Ideb calculation, particularly institutions in rural areas, multi-grade classrooms, and Indigenous communities. “These schools, which make up a large part of Pará’s reality, do not participate in the Ideb due to a determination by the federal government. When we celebrate the results, we are excluding students who attend these schools, which, in general, face highly challenging conditions,” she emphasised.

Educational Disparity

For the doctor, the debate surrounding the Ideb should include these vulnerable students and institutions, which are often left on the margins of educational policies. Altenfelder questions: “We are celebrating the results, but what are we going to do for those who need it most? What is the plan for these students?”

The answer to the specialist’s question lies in the state government’s insistence on forcibly implementing distance learning in Indigenous regions, territories, and lands, without the prior consultation established by the International Labour Organization (ILO 169).

INVESTMENT IN TECHNOLOGY

An official letter from Seduc-PA, signed by Secretary Rossieli Soares, confirms the decision to implement the Pará Education Media Centre (Cemep) in Indigenous communities, with a focus on the Itapeyga village, in the Parakanã Indigenous Territory (IT), for the 2025 academic year. The document states that the decision was based on internal technical reports and that the request was analysed within the administrative procedures of the Secretariat.

The Federal Public Prosecutor’s Office (MPF), relying on legal frameworks and principles of Indigenous peoples' self-de-

“Historically, we know that the students who fall behind are the poorest, riverside dwellers, Black, Indigenous, and those with disabilities. These students cannot be forgotten, as they are the ones who need the most attention”

Anna Helena Altenfelder, Doctor in Educational Psychology.

termination, questions the legality of this implementation without prior consultation with Indigenous communities through Recommendation No. 11/2024. It highlights that the technology-mediated teaching model may violate rights guaranteed by ILO Convention 169 and other national regulations on Indigenous education.

The document stresses that Indigenous school education must respect the cultural and linguistic diversity of these communities and requests the immediate suspension of Cemep until a prior consultation is conducted and a pedagogical model is collaboratively developed.

NO RESPONSE

CENARIUM MAGAZINE contacted the Government of Pará, the State Secretariat of Education, the Office of the Inspector General, and the Secretariat of Communication, via the press office, regarding the allegations presented in the report, but as of the closing of this edition, no response had been received.

The Ministry of Education responded that it is not within the MEC’s remit to intervene in allegations concerning state administrations, as each state’s secretariat and government maintain their autonomy.

Rossieli Soares is accused of manipulating the Ideb figures, which saw Pará move from 26th place to 6th

Credit: Reproduction | Agência Pará

Ancestry against the dismantling of education

Indigenous people from various ethnic groups took the lead in the battle for teachers' rights during an occupation that lasted over 30 days at the Seduc-PA headquarters

João Paulo Guimarães – Special for Cenarium

The

occupation received

Indigenous

support from various parts of the state of Pará through the arrival of caravans organised by the communities

Credit: João Paulo Guimarães | Cenarium

BELÉM (PA) - The historic victory of the Indigenous community, traditional peoples, teachers, independent journalists, and the people of Pará—who, in an unprecedented mobilisation, occupied the Pará State Secretariat of Education (Seduc-PA) for over 30 days—resulted in the repeal of Law No. 10,820/24, which stripped away rights from the Teaching Statute and dismantled the Modular Education Organization System (Some) and the Indigenous Modular Education Organisation System (Somei).

This story is just one part of the broader narrative of the dismantling that education in Pará has been suffering under the

On her social media, Sônia Guajajara posted a video with information contradicting what had been discussed with the movement, adopting the state government's proposal even after being informed, in a meeting with Indigenous leaders, that the central demands of the occupation were the repeal of Law No. 10,820 and the dismissal of the Secretary of Education. The minister was contradicted in her post by key Indigenous leaders and supporters of the movement.

Upon arriving at the occupation, Guajajara limited herself to responding to criticism on social media. She blamed independent journalism for promoting disinformation and for "exposing" the Indigenous people camped there.

Accompanied by federal deputy Célia Xakriabá (PSOL-MG), the minister mediated a meeting with Governor Helder Barbalho. The Indigenous representatives were received under heavy police presence— more than 2,000 security agents—and were prevented from using mobile phones or recording the meeting, which ended without an agreement.

Despite the lack of support from the federal government and the attacks promoted by Helder Barbalho—who daily posted fake news and interviews containing false information about the occupation—public opinion understood the real reasons that led Indigenous and non-Indigenous teachers to occupy the Secretariat of Education. The mobilisation gained support on social media, with donations

administration of Governor Helder Barbalho (MDB) and Education Secretary Rossieli Soares.

The law, approved by the Pará State Legislative Assembly (Alepa), has been repealed. However, the Pará Education Media Centre (Cemep)—which replaces teachers with computers, recording studios, and Starlink antennas in rural areas—continues to advance.

During the Alepa vote, protesting teachers were met with punches, kicks, gunfire, tear gas, and arbitrary detentions. A Some teacher, who preferred to remain anonymous, described fleeing from military police officers who jumped out of a moving

Fight Against Disinformation

and expressions of solidarity from across the country.

The Federal Public Defender’s Office (DPU) filed a Public Civil Action against the State of Pará, the National Foundation for Indigenous Peoples (Funai), and Meta, the company responsible for Facebook and Instagram, demanding the removal of posts made by Governor Helder Barbalho that spread disinformation about the Indigenous mobilisation. According to the DPU, the posts falsely claimed that the Indigenous occupation had been motivated by fake news about the end of in-person education in Indigenous villages, whereas official documents indicated plans to implement technology-mediated teaching.

"The movement started from a piece of disinformation, claiming that we were ending the system of in-person education in Indigenous villages and replacing it with a distance education system. Something that has never existed and never will. Fake news," stated the governor in a video that the DPU requested be removed.

The DPU argued that the governor’s posts distorted reality and discredited the Indigenous struggle against the repeal of the Indigenous Modular Education Organisation System (Somei), potentially generating prejudice and hostility towards the demonstrators. The petition emphasised that Indigenous people had a "justified fear" that the abolition of the legislation regulating Somei was a step towards introducing distance education, especially after the Department of Education confirmed in

an official document to the Federal Public Prosecutor’s Office (MPF) that technology-mediated teaching would be implemented in the Parakanã Indigenous Land in 2025. "The statement by His Excellency the Governor is a lie and seeks to create a narrative in which Indigenous people were deceived into fighting for other interests," the action stated.

In addition to the removal of the posts, the DPU requested that the State of Pará and Meta allow Indigenous people to publish a right of reply on the same platforms, ensuring the correction of the official narrative. It also asked that Funai take measures to protect the honour and integrity of Indigenous communities by combating the spread of false information.

The action further demanded R$10 million in compensation for collective moral damages, to be allocated to the affected Indigenous communities. The DPU maintained that the governor’s statement not only misinformed but also delegitimised a legitimate mobilisation, violating fundamental rights. "The declaration sought to portray Indigenous communities as incapable of understanding the consequences that legislation rushed through in a ‘hasty manner’ could have," the petition stated, highlighting that the government was attempting to manipulate public opinion against the demonstrators. The case was heard in the Federal Court, which analysed the request for an injunction to immediately remove the posts and for a public retraction from the state government.

Credit: João Paulo Guimarães | Cenarium

EDUCATION IN CRISIS

ECONOMY & SOCIETY

vehicle, wielding shotguns loaded with rubber bullets.

In the chaos, he did not immediately notice the hole in his shirt caused by a shot. He was hit by a shotgun blast in the back and another that grazed his arm. “They were about to run us over with the car, so we knocked over a rubbish container. They were forced to stop but immediately started shooting at us from behind,” he recounted.

Military police ran among the demonstrators with handguns drawn and live ammunition, pushing teachers to the ground and dragging them into the Assembly. Historian and teacher Allan Silva was also assaulted, struck in the face by a chair thrown by a police officer. “The officer came at us. I said, ‘Calm down, officer, wait.’ At that moment, another officer threw a chair at my face. I started bleeding.”

On the other side of what had become a war zone, teacher Jaqueline Cristine Sosi, 46, a cultural management specialist, saw a grenade being thrown in her direction. “At that moment, we were stunned when the

bomb exploded. It feels like time freezes.” She kept a fragment of the explosive device.

In response to these events, Indigenous people from various ethnic groups across the state took the lead in the battle, occupying Seduc-PA from 14 January, facing off against the Military Police, Tactical Force, cavalry, harassment, and night-time attacks by unidentified men.

The police officers overseeing the occupation were accused of committing sexual harassment and psychological terror during the night, spraying pepper spray in the toilets and prohibiting access to the press and the Human Rights Commission of the Brazilian Bar Association (OAB-PA).

The occupation received support from various regions of Pará, with caravans organised by local communities. Chief Miriam Tembé, 41, travelled from the I'ixing Village in Tomé-Açu, alongside members of the Amarqualta Quilombola Association, to support the movement until the repeal of Law No. 10,820. “This law violated the rights of all our relatives in the region

Police officers were accused of engaging in sexual harassment and psychological terror during the night, while also prohibiting access to the press and the Human Rights Commission of the Brazilian Bar Association (OAB-PA)

Credit: João Paulo Guimarães | Cenarium

Credit: João Paulo Guimarães | Cenarium

EDUCATION IN CRISIS

because it concerns Indigenous school education. If it violates the rights of one, it violates the rights of all,” she declared.

Indigenous leaders accused the state government's Secretariat for Indigenous Peoples of neglect and abandonment. The Secretariat’s secretary, Jacqueline Alves dos Santos, known as Puyr Tembé—who was supposed to act as a bridge between the movement and Governor Helder Barbalho—failed to fulfil this role.

During the first ten days of the occupation, the Ministry of Indigenous Peoples, in a meeting with Minister Sônia Guajajara, aligned itself with the Pará government by proposing the creation of a new law for Indigenous education, abandoning the demand for the repeal of Law No. 10,820/24.

Retaliation and harassment

A group of 14 teachers from Conceição do Araguaia, 933 km from Belém, who had travelled to support the occupation, were removed from their schools despite the State Prosecutor, Ricardo Sefer, having promised that no action would be taken against the protesting teachers. Days after the meeting with Rossieli Soares, the group received emails informing them of their removals from their schools and from Some.

Teacher Irisleide dos Santos Sirqueira was present at the occupation of Seduc Pará and remained there for nearly 40 days. In one of the few meetings in which Rossieli Soares participated with Indigenous people and teachers, she explained to the

secretary that the entire organisation of the occupation had originated in Conceição do Araguaia. Irisleide stated that she had already anticipated the retaliation. “Our removal happened five days after my statement in the meeting with Rossieli,” she said.

The Government of Pará backtracked and revoked the removal of the 14 teachers following intense pressure from the profession and reports on social media denouncing the removals as retaliation. The movement for education in Pará continues to gain strong support and engagement on social media, as well as from education professionals across the country.

Credit: João Paulo Guimarães | Cenarium

The chronicle of abandonment: how Helder

Barbalho’s government is tarnishing Pará’s image at COP30 and perpetuating social ignorance

Inory Kanamari

Ka tücüna naina. A phrase written in Kanamari grammar, translated into Portuguese, means: Hello, reader.

In recent months, the state of Pará has attracted attention, but not for the reasons one would expect from an effective administration. It is neither COP30 nor major projects that highlight Helder Barbalho’s government, but rather scandals that reveal the true face of a leadership more concerned with keeping the population ignorant and submissive than with promoting social welfare. The reality in Pará, unfortunately, alarmingly mirrors what also happens in Amazonas, where rulers perpetuate a cycle of neglect and exclusion that directly impacts future generations.

One of the most emblematic events of this reality was the major Indigenous occupation of the Pará State Secretariat of Education, which lasted 30 days and gained widespread national media coverage. The Indigenous movement demonstrated its strength and resilience to the world, forcing the government to revoke, against its will, State Law 10.820/2024 – a measure that threatened in-person education in Indigenous communities. This was an important victory, but it illustrates the constant struggle of a people systematically disregarded. However, while Indigenous victories gain recognition, the conditions of public schools in the state continue to reflect a scenario of decline and abandonment.

Recently, an alarming report about “students competing for desks and chairs to

attend classes on an island in Pará” caused negative repercussions. What seemed to be an isolated incident is, in reality, a long-standing issue that has persisted for decades. Public education has never truly been a priority for the rulers, as their children attend private schools and are not forced to face the reality of public institutions, where the lack of infrastructure is just the tip of the iceberg. The real objective of those in power seems to be keeping the population uninformed, chained by fear and ignorance—a strategy that facilitates control and social subordination.

The shortage of desks and chairs is merely a superficial reflection of a much larger problem. In many regions of Pará, especially in remote municipalities, public education is an unattainable luxury. The municipal governments, often the only employers in these areas, keep the population silent and fearful of reprisals from the so-called “barranco colonels.” The lack of resources is so severe that schools resort to raffles, request donations from local shopkeepers, and even organise traditional June festivals just to ensure that students have the bare minimum to continue their studies. A true educational dystopia that repeats itself generation after generation.

As a former public school student, I remember the spoiled school meals (past their expiration date), the lack of teachers, chalk, blackboards, and school supplies. The “education” I received was, in practice, a utopia. And, sadly, 30 years later, the reality for children who depend on the public

education system in Pará and Amazonas remains the same. This is the Brazil we are still living in—a country where the political elite distances itself from the population and where, in the name of power, ignorance becomes a tool of control. What are we losing as a society due to this systematic negligence? What do rulers truly gain by keeping our population in the dark, without access to quality education, while their own children attend private schools (and later, public universities)?

This is the sad reality we must confront and fight against. A reality that is not limited to Pará but directly reflects the exclusionary and oppressive policies that also permeate Amazonas.

Bapo ikoni. Until the next discussion.

(*) Inory Kanamari, the first Indigenous lawyer from the Kanamari people. She served as president of the Committee for the Protection and Defence of Indigenous Peoples’ Rights at the OAB/AM from 2022 to 2024 and as vice-president of the Special Committee for the Protection and Defence of Indigenous Peoples at the Federal Council of the OAB from 2023 to 2024. She also worked as a consultant on the project for translating the Federal Constitution into the Nheengatu Indigenous language at the National Council of Justice. She is a columnist for CENARIUM MAGAZINE, an activist, poet, and member of the Academy of Letters, Sciences, and Culture of the Amazon (Alcama). She writes as a contributor every Tuesday for the Info.Revolução portal.

Poor Infrastructure

Pará and Amazonas occupy the lowest positions in the national index of the 2024 State Competitiveness Ranking

Jadson Lima – From Cenarium

MANAUS (AM) – The states of Pará and Amazonas occupy the 26th and 27th positions respectively in the index that measures the quality of infrastructure among the federal units. The 2024 State Competitiveness Ranking was released on 21 January by the Public Leadership Centre (CLP). The ranking’s methodology was developed based on a comprehensive international benchmarking study and specialised academic literature on the subject.

Now in its 13th edition, the study serves as a tool for evaluating Brazil’s public management. It assesses 99 indicators common

to all states, divided into 10 key areas: environmental sustainability, human capital, education, efficiency of public administration, infrastructure, innovation, market potential, fiscal soundness, public security, and social sustainability.

The ranking reveals that Pará holds the lowest position in the infrastructure index, which evaluates the quality of electricity and the cost of basic sanitation. The study, published earlier this year, also points out that Amazonas is the second-worst federal unit in this regard, having moved up one position compared to the previous year, when it was in last place.

According to the report, Pará – which will host the United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP30) in November this year – dropped two places compared to the previous study, based on data available for 2024. In the overall index, which considers various criteria, Pará ranks 21st among the best-performing federal units and 4th in the Northern Region.

The ranking was constructed based on an international study and specialised academic literature. Its development involved two stages: the processing of collected data, allowing for the aggregation of indicators; and the weighting of these indicators, applying criteria such as penalising redundancy, penalising indicators with high dispersion, rewarding indicators with greater need, and expert evaluation.

Pará’s position in the study contrasts with the infrastructure projects announced for completion ahead of COP30, which is expected to take place in the capital, Belém. Around 30 interventions are currently underway in the city, covering urban mobility, sanitation, urban development, tourism, and connectivity. These include the revitalisation of the Tucunduba, Una and Tamandaré basins, as well as renovations of the Visconde de Souza Franco and Almirante Tamandaré avenues.

The report also highlights education (24th), efficiency of public administration

Pará and Amazonas rank low when it comes to infrastructure

Credit: Composition by Paulo Dutra | Cenarium

dropped three positions, now ranking as the ninth-worst in the report. The study classifies these aspects as challenges to be overcome.

AMAZONAS

In addition to being one of the states facing infrastructure challenges, the figures also indicate that Amazonas holds the fifthworst position in education, considering both academic performance and the net attendance rate of students in primary education. In the previous study, the state ranked fourth-worst in this area.

The State Competitiveness Ranking evaluates 99 indicators common to all states, divided into 10 key areas: environmental sustainability, human capital, education, efficiency of public administration, infrastructure, innovation, market potential, fiscal soundness, public security, and social sustainability. (24th), social sustainability (24th), and innovation (20th) as major challenges for the state. Overall, Pará ranks as the sixthworst among all federal units.

In terms of social sustainability – which includes issues such as child and slave labour – the state ranks sixth from the bottom. As for human capital, which evaluates labour costs and underemployment due to insufficient working hours, Amazonas

On the other hand, the report points out that Amazonas’s strengths lie in innovation (master’s degree grants and highgrowth companies) and fiscal soundness (successful budget planning and liquidity index), in which the state ranks 3rd and 4th respectively. The ranking also shows that the state performs well in public security (7th), efficiency of public administration (8th), and environmental sustainability (8th).

CENARIUM requested clarification from the Government of Pará regarding which actions are being taken to ensure improvements in the state's infrastructure. The Government of Amazonas was also contacted to provide information on actions either

DESAFIOS DO ESTADO

planned or underway relating to improvements in infrastructure and education, as well as in social sustainability. By the time this edition went to press, no response had been received.

27º

INFRAESTRUTURA 2

Qualidade da Energia Elétric; Custo de Saneamento Báscio;

24º 1

EDUCAÇÃO

Avaliação da Educação; Taxa de Frequência Líquida do Ensino Fundamental;

24º

EFICIÊNCIA DA MÁQUINA PÚBLICA 1

Custo de Executivo/PIB; Custo do Judiciário/PIB;

The construction of the ranking involved two stages, such as the processing of collected data and the weighting of these indicators

Credit: Marcelo Lelis | Agencia Pará

Ongoing construction work in Belém, host city of COP30

COP30 Summit brought forward

Rescheduling aims to reduce ‘hotel pressure’ in Belém (PA)

Fabyo Cruz* - From Cenarium

BELÉM (PA) – With less than eight months to go until the 30th edition of the United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP30), scheduled to take place from 10 to 21 November in Belém (PA), the event's organizers have already implemented changes to the programme. The summit of heads of state, which traditionally takes place after the official opening, has been brought forward to 6 and 7 November, as announced by the extraordinary secretary for COP30, Valter Correia, on 13 March. The change aims to facilitate logistics and reduce pressure on Belém during the conference.

According to Correia, the decision was made by the Brazilian government to ensure

a more structured environment for discussions. “We are making this official; it is a decision by Brazil. Holding it earlier gives us time for a more relaxed reflection, without pressure from the hotel sector or the city, and this also helps us to better organise the opening of COP without major issues,” explained the secretary.

The change represents a novelty in the history of United Nations (UN) climate conferences. Until now, the high-level segment, which brings together leaders of member countries, has always taken place immediately after the official opening of COP. On this occasion, heads of state present their climate guidelines and commitments, shaping subsequent negotiations.

During the conference, the Brazilian government expects to welcome over 60,000 people to Belém, including heads of state, diplomats, business leaders, investors, activists, and delegations from the 193

UN member countries. Given this high demand, the hotel sector faces significant challenges, particularly due to the lack of accommodation available for visitors.

According to the Brazilian Association of the Hotel Industry of Pará (Abih-PA), Belém's hotel network is currently undergoing adaptation, with all hotels undergoing renovations to meet COP30 requirements. However, the greatest challenge remains increasing accommodation capacity.

At present, Belém has 18,000 hotel beds, but projections indicate this number will rise to 26,000 by the time of the conference, driven by the opening of new establishments and the expansion of existing ones. When double beds are counted as two sleeping spaces, the total capacity is expected to reach between 45,000 and 50,000.

Three luxury hotels, aimed at high-end clientele (categories A and B), are currently

Belém do Pará, host city of COP30

Credit: Bruno

Cecim | Agência Pará

60,000

The Brazilian government expects to welcome over 60,000 people to Belém during COP30. Currently, Belém has 18,000 hotel beds, but the forecast is for this number to reach 26,000 by the time of the conference.

under construction with funding from international groups. One will be built in the Porto Futuro II area, another will occupy a former Federal Revenue building, and the third will be located in Castanhal, a city 75 kilometres from Belém.

STRATEGIES

Additionally, the federal and Pará state governments are implementing a strategy to increase available accommodation during COP30, which includes the use of transatlantic cruise ships to be anchored at the Porto de Outeiro, approximately 35

kilometres from central Belém. Porto de Outeiro, considered a “strategic” location for ship docking, is expected to provide around 4,500 temporary rooms.

Furthermore, more than 30 infrastructure projects are underway in the capital of Pará, focusing on urban mobility improvements, sanitation, and other necessary adaptations for the event. The expectation is that these investments will leave a structural legacy for the city, benefiting the local population beyond the duration of the conference.

(*) With information from Agência Brasil.

Cost of Living Could Soar

BELÉM (PA) – The hosting of the 30th United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP30) in Belém this November is expected to bring significant economic impacts to the city, particularly in the cost of living for residents. With increased demand for services, housing, and food, experts warn that prices are likely to rise in the months leading up to the event, with some costs unlikely to return to previous levels.

According to economist and business consultant Valfredo de Farias, price surges during major events are already a well-documented trend in other tourist cities in Brazil, such as Rio de Janeiro during peak seasons. “When there is high demand,

prices go up. This applies to retail, clothing, food markets, restaurants, and leisure activities. Everything in Belém is expected to become more expensive,” he explained.

The real estate market is already feeling the effects of this anticipation. According to Farias, rental prices are being adjusted in advance, with many landlords raising rates in the hope of making higher profits closer to the event.

Beyond price hikes during the conference, concerns remain over the economic aftermath. “Following COP, the economy will likely take at least three to six months to stabilise, but some prices may never return to previous levels. Landlords who managed to rent at high prices may be

unwilling to lower them later,” the economist assessed.

Another point of concern is the fate of temporary workers who will have arrived in the city for infrastructure projects related to the event. Farias warns that, without proper planning from public authorities, there is a risk of increased informal labour and irregular land occupation.

The role of regulatory bodies such as Procon and the Public Prosecutor’s Office will be crucial in preventing price exploitation. However, Farias cautions that market logic remains dominant. “If people are willing to pay exorbitant rents, the market will continue to rise. Controlling this is a difficult task,” he noted.

Valter Correia, extraordinary secretary for COP30

Belém has 18,000 hotel beds

Credit: Valter Campanato | Agência Brasil

Credit: Fernando Frazão | Agência Brasil

They Are the ‘Women of the House’

In Northern Brazil, 35.7% of women are the sole providers for their households

Letícia Misna – From Cenarium

MANAUS (AM) – In the Northern Region of Brazil, which comprises seven states, 35.7% of women are the sole providers for their households, according to a survey conducted by Serasa in partnership with Opinion Box. This percentage is higher than the national average, where 33% of Brazilian households are financially supported exclusively by women.

Manicurist Cristina Santos, 29, is part of this statistic. Living in the East Zone of Manaus, she and her mother are the main providers for their household, which also includes Cristina’s son and her brother. In addition to financial responsibility, the burden of household chores also falls on her. “Sometimes, I feel overwhelmed,” she said.

Speaking to CENARIUM, Cristina shared that she enjoys her profession and sees herself working in it for a long time, but she wishes the pay were higher. According to her, even with government assistance, it is not enough to “have a comfortable life” and “have frequent access to services and leisure.” When asked what she considers an ideal income, she responded: “Something above R$2,000.”

PARALLEL LIVES

On another path, tax assistant Larissa Cavalcante, 31, estimates that R$9,000 per month would be enough to live comfortably. Also residing in the East Zone of the Amazonian capital, she lives alone and sees no issue in being the sole provider of her household. “I have my financial independence,” she emphasised.

Nevertheless, the position she currently holds is not yet her goal. “But it is already a big step towards where I want to be, which would be a tax or accounting analyst,” she shared.

BRAZILIAN WOMEN

According to the study, the lower the household income, the more likely it is that women take on full financial responsibility alone. In Brazil, among the lower-income classes D and E, this figure reaches 43%, whereas among the higher-income classes A and B, the rate drops to 18%. Additionally, debt (31%) and difficulty obtaining credit (47%) are the main challenges they face.

Another notable finding is that the women interviewed in the survey revealed that social media is their primary source of financial learning (33%), followed by information on banking websites and apps (28%), and internet search engines (26%). Three out of four women feel represented and more confident when they hear other women talking about finance.

ADDITIONAL DATA

According to the Serasa survey, in the North, 87% of women must balance professional life with household responsibilities, and 36% prioritise debt repayment when organising their family budget. Their main financial goals are purchasing a home and paying off debts.

“Sometimes, I feel overwhelmed”

Cristina Santos, 29 anos, manicure.

“I have my financial independence”

Larissa Cavalcante, 31, tax assistant.

More people working

MANAUS (AM) – Six of the nine states that make up the Legal Amazon recorded the lowest annual average unemployment rate in 2024, according to the Continuous National Household Sample Survey (Pnad Contínua) by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), referring to the fourth quarter of 2024. Mato Grosso, Tocantins, and Acre lead the ranking.

According to Pnad data, the country's annual average unemployment rate dropped from 7.8% in 2023 to 6.6% in 2024. According to IBGE, this is the lowest annual average in the historical series since 2012, when the survey began.

The study shows that in 14 federative units, the annual average unemployment rate in 2024 was the lowest in the historical series. Of these, six are states located

Amazonian States record the lowest unemployment rate in history

Ana Pastana – From Cenarium

According to data from the Continuous National Household Sample Survey, the country's annual average unemployment rate dropped from 7.8% to 6.6%

Credit: Composition by Paulo Dutra | Cenarium

in the Legal Amazon region: Mato Grosso (2.6%), Tocantins (5.5%), Acre (6.4%), Maranhão (7.1%), Amapá (8.3%), and Amazonas (8.4%).

The survey also indicates that the lowest annual average unemployment rates were recorded in Mato Grosso, at 2.6%, and Rondônia, at 3.3%. They are followed by Tocantins (5.5%), Acre (6.4%), Maranhão (7.1%), Pará (7.2%), Roraima (7.5%), Amapá (8.3%), and Amazonas (8.4%).

INFORMALITY

The national annual average employment rate reached 58.6% in 2024. The highest percentages for this indicator were seen in Mato Grosso (68.4%), Tocantins (60.4%), and Roraima (58.7%). Below the national average were Rondônia (57.6%), Pará (56.5%), Amapá (56.1%), Amazonas (55.9%), Acre (48.7%), and Maranhão (47.3%). The employment rate represents the proportion of employed individuals within the population aged 14 and over.

The annual average real habitual income – which is the average real gross income received by individuals from all jobs –reached R$3,255. Maranhão recorded the lowest income, at R$2,049, followed by Pará (R$2,268), Amazonas (R$2,293), Acre

The national annual average informality rate was 39.0% of the employed population. The highest annual averages recorded in the Legal Amazon states were in Pará, with 58.1%, and Maranhão, with 55.3%. Amazonas ranked third, with 53.8%, followed by Amapá (47.9%), Roraima (47.8%), Alagoas (46.9%), Acre (46.1%), Rondônia (45.9%), Tocantins (44.1%), and Mato Grosso (32.9%).

(R$2,563), Tocantins (R$2,786), Roraima (R$2,823), Amapá (R$2,851), Rondônia (R$3,011), and Mato Grosso, which had the highest average, at R$3,510.

The highest annual average informality rate recorded among the Legal Amazon states was in Pará, which registered 58.1%.

Lowest average annual unemployment rate in 2024 in the historical series

Legal Amazon States

Legal Amazon states that recorded the lowest unemployment rate in the historical series.

Credit: Reproduction | Social Media

When mining poisons

MPF Sues Vale, Federal Government, and Pará over contamination of Xikrin do Cateté

Indigenous People

Fabyo

BELÉM (PA) – The contamination of the Xikrin do Cateté Indigenous population by heavy metals may be directly linked to the operations of the mining company Vale, according to technical studies conducted by the Federal University of Pará (UFPA). Based on this evidence, the Federal Public Prosecutor’s Office (MPF) has filed a lawsuit demanding immediate medical care for those affected and holding the company, the Federal Government, and the State of Pará accountable for environmental and health damages suffered by the indigenous people.

The lawsuit, filed in the Federal Court on 21 February this year, requests that Vale fully cover the costs of consultations, tests, and necessary medications for the detoxification of the indigenous population. Additionally, the MPF is calling for the implementation of a continuous health monitoring programme for the community, with semi-annual reports on their condition.

The Federal Government and the State of Pará are also targeted in the lawsuit, being required to provide technical and administrative support and to oversee the environmental obligations established in

the licensing of the Onça-Puma nickel mine, operated by Vale.

Federal Prosecutor Rafael Martins da Silva highlighted the severity of the situation, comparing it to the Yanomami case, which led the Inter-American Court of Human Rights to order urgent measures in 2023 to contain mercury contamination in Indigenous Territories. According to him, Vale bears strict liability for the damages caused, as stipulated by Brazilian environmental legislation.

CONTAMINATION

The Xikrin do Cateté Indigenous Territory (IT), home to around 1.7 thousand indigenous people, is located in southeastern Pará and is crossed by the Cateté and Itacaiúnas rivers. The region is surrounded by Vale’s projects, with Onça-Puma being one of the most significant.

According to the MPF, contamination of the indigenous people by heavy metals has already been widely proven through technical studies. The "Report on the Investigation Campaign into Excessive Heavy Metals in the Bodies of Xikrin do Cateté Indigenous People," coordinated by Pro-

fessor Reginaldo Saboia de Paiva of UFPA, revealed that 99.7% of the 720 indigenous individuals examined had elevated levels of toxic substances. Of these, 98.5% were diagnosed with contamination by hazardous metals such as lead, mercury, barium, lithium, and manganese.

The study, conducted in May 2024, highlighted alarming cases, including that of a 19-year-old woman with nickel levels 2,326% above the safe limit and a oneyear-old child with high concentrations of aluminium, barium, and lead in their system.

"Human contamination by excessive heavy metals is catastrophic and practically evident in 99% of individuals in the reserve. Specialised and immediate medical care is required for detoxification," warns Professor Reginaldo Saboia.

Beyond direct health impacts, Prosecutor Rafael Martins da Silva emphasises that pollution is compromising traditional sources of subsistence for the Xikrin, such as fishing and the use of water for consumption and daily activities, exacerbating the cycle of disease and socio-environmental degradation.

Cruz – Da Cenarium*

Territory of the Xikrin do Cateté Indigenous Population in the State of Pará

1.7 thousand

The Xikrin do Cateté Indigenous Territory (IT), home to around 1.7 thousand indigenous people, is located in southeastern Pará and is crossed by the Cateté and Itacaiúnas rivers.

STATEMENTS

In response to the report, Vale stated in a note that “judicial reports prepared by experts appointed by the Federal Court of Redenção (PA) concluded that the company’s operations are not a source of contamination of the Cateté River and are unrelated to the situation alleged by the MPF. The company continues to monitor water quality around its operations and reports the results annually to environmental authorities.”

Vale also stated that, “due to a judicial agreement reached with the Xikrin Indigenous Community, approved by the MPF and ratified by the Judiciary, it provides financial resources for health initiatives and offers the Xikrin do Cateté Indigenous Community additional health services beyond those already provided by the public sector.”

The company reiterated that it “maintains constant dialogue with Indigenous Peoples and operates in alignment with major international standards on the subject, such as the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Vale states that it has not yet been officially notified of the lawsuit and will review the case once it gains access.”

The report also requested statements from the Government of Pará and the Ministry of Indigenous Peoples (MPI) but has not yet received a response.

ACCESS THE MPF PETITION:

Mining company and Gavião people reach agreement, railway reopened

Gavião Indigenous People celebrated with traditional songs and dances after reaching an agreement with the mining company Vale S.A., mediated by the Federal Public Prosecutor’s Office (MPF), which resulted in the reopening of the Carajás Railway in southeastern Pará. The agreement was reached on 14 March.

The group had blocked the railway since 9 March in protest against the illegal occupation of part of the Mãe Maria Indigenous Territory (IT) and managed to secure a review of a previously signed commitment with the company. According to Vale, which operates the railway, services resumed on 17 March.

The indigenous people claim that Vale exceeded its operational limits in

the region, occupying approximately 500 metres within the Mãe Maria Indigenous Territory, located between the municipalities of Bom Jesus do Tocantins (PA) and Marabá (PA). The territory, officially recognised in 1986, is home to four indigenous peoples and consists of 32 villages, which depend on the affected area for their subsistence.

For over a year, indigenous leaders have been demanding a response from the mining company regarding the occupation of the land. Their demands include either altering the railway’s route or compensating them with the acquisition of equivalent land nearby. “They fulfilled the agreement with us, which is why the railway was reopened,” Chief Zeca Gavião told CENARIUM.

Gavião Indigenous People reopen the Carajás Railway in Pará

Authorised clearing?

Almost 30% of municipalities authorise vegetation clearance without state delegation

BRASÍLIA (DF) – Data from the Brazilian Institute of Environment and Renewable Natural Resources (Ibama) shows that nearly 30% of 20.7 thousand municipalities are issuing Vegetation Suppression Authorisations (ASVs) without formal delegation granted by their respective States.

The information covers the period from 2018 to 2023 and is included in the records

of the Allegation of Non-Compliance with a Fundamental Precept (ADPF 743), currently under execution of judgment by the Federal Supreme Court (STF).

ADPF 743 was filed by the Rede Sustentabilidade party against the federal government and the States that make up the Amazon and Pantanal regions, back in 2020 during Jair Bolsonaro’s (PL) administration, seeking the implementation of measures to combat wildfires and deforestation. The case was originally reported by Justice André Mendonça and reached final judgment in June 2023. The ruling opinion was drafted by Justice Flávio Dino.

In the most recent meeting convened by Dino on December 3, 2024, at the STF headquarters in Brasília, representa-

tives from federal, state, and municipal environmental agencies from the Legal Amazon and Pantanal regions discussed the improper issuance of ASVs by municipalities.

The Office of the Attorney General (AGU) presented the minister with technical information provided by Ibama. According to the data, of the 20.7 thousand ASVs issued at the municipal level between 2018 and 2023, 14.6 thousand — representing 71% of the total — were issued by municipalities that had formal delegation from their respective States. In contrast, just over 6 thousand (29%) were issued either without this legal prerogative or by municipalities in states where the environmental agency failed to report which ones were officially authorised.

Ana Cláudia Leocádio – From Cenarium

Depiction of a degraded area in the Amazon rainforest

Credit: Ibama | Ministério do Meio Ambiente

“As stated during the hearing, the irregular use of Sinaflor (National System for the Control of the Origin of Forest Products) by municipal entities, without explicit delegation, undermines environmental protection by allowing ASVs to be issued inappropriately,” the AGU declared in a document submitted to the STF.

Another figure presented by Ibama showed that the peak of ASV issuances in Sinaflor occurred in 2023, with 5,729 authorisations (an average of 15.6 per day). In 2022, there were 5,347; in 2018, only 66.

According to the federal environmental agency, Rio Grande do Sul leads in municipal-level ASVs, accounting for 59%, followed by Santa Catarina (24%), São Paulo (5.8%), Goiás (4.3%), and Minas Gerais (2.9%). These five States together represent 96% of all municipal authorisations issued.

The majority of authorisations were for the felling of individual trees (46.6%), followed by alternative land use (29.45%), general vegetation suppression (15.14%), planted forest exploitation (5%), and use of forest raw materials (3.3%).

HALF OF THE MUNICIPALITIES LACK DELEGATION

Ibama also informed the STF that, as of November 18, 2024, 539 municipalities had issued authorisations through Sinaflor.

Credit: Reproduction

Proposals presented to the STF

The STF published the rulings in ADPF 743, filed by Rede Sustentabilidade, on March 20, 2024. The case reached final judgment in June. As the opinion’s drafter and responsible for ensuring its enforcement, Justice Flávio Dino has issued several orders under the case.

In response to growing wildfires in the Pantanal and Amazon biomes, Dino not only ordered immediate measures from the relevant governments but also summoned all federal entities to submit a comprehensive plan to comply with the

6 mil

Approximately 6,000 Vegetation Suppression Authorisations (ASVs) – 29% – were issued without formal delegation granted by their respective States, according to information from Ibama provided to the Office of the Attorney General (AGU).

Authorisations issued between 2018 and 2023

court’s decisions and to prevent further deforestation and fires.

The AGU presented the Plan for Integration and Improvement of Territorial Management Systems, to be developed in a joint effort by the Ministry of Agrarian Development and Family Farming (MDA), the Ministry of Environment and Climate Change (MMA), and the Ministry of Management and Innovation in Public Services (MGI). The plan outlines short-, medium-, and long-term actions, with an implementation period ranging from 3 to 36 months.

Credit: Pexels

Of these, 271 had state delegation, while 268 did not — almost 50% of the total.

Among the 268 municipalities lacking formal delegation, 151 were in Rio Grande do Sul, 32 in Minas Gerais, and 28 in Ceará. From the Legal Amazon States, only a few municipalities were involved: one in Amazonas, one in Amapá, and two in Pará. The Ibama document does not name the cities.

According to the AGU, based on Ibama's data, “over 50 thousand hectares were deforested with municipal authorisation issued without formal state delegation, or with no information on whether such delegation existed.”

“It is important to highlight that, although alarming, these figures only refer to municipalities using Sinaflor in their permitting processes. It is not possible to account for those issuing authorisations outside of traceable systems, which guarantee transparency of deforestation data — underscoring the need for further public control over these areas,” the agency added.

The AGU emphasised the role of municipalities in Brazil’s environmental management. “Although the federal government provides the platform for issuing ASVs, all federative entities must jointly and effectively fulfil their constitutional duty to protect the environment. This includes, indeed, preventing the unlawful issuance of vegetation suppression authorisations,” it stated.

WHAT IS VEGETATION SUPPRESSION?

Vegetation suppression is the act of removing native vegetation from a given urban or rural area to enable activities such as agriculture, construction, livestock farming, or other alternative land uses.

It is a legal mechanism that regulates the procedures for clearing native vegetation in projects deemed to be of public or social interest, and is subject to environmental licensing by the Federal Environmental Licensing Directorate (Dilic) of Ibama.

Ibama to improve monitoring tools

Ibama also proposed an overhaul of its API (Application Programming Interface), which will consolidate improvements in monitoring forest products since the launch of Sinaflor in May 2018.

According to the agency, the new API will disconnect integrated States from the outdated Sinaflor 1 system (in operation since 2018) and instead connect state tools to the new Sinaflor+, providing clear gains in transparency, management, and oversight of the national and international forest product supply chain.

The implementation is expected to be completed by July 2025, during which time Ibama will integrate States that have their own registration systems into Sinaflor. The States of Mato Grosso, Pará, Mato Grosso do Sul, São Paulo, Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina, and Espírito Santo are expected to join.

Graph shows the States that issued the most authorisations

The Message of I’m Still Here

Oscar for Brazilian Film is a ‘Slap in the Face’ to the Far Right, Say Critics

Letícia Misna – Da Cenarium

MANAUS (AM) – The night of March 2nd 2025 marked a historic moment for Brazil: the country won its first Oscar statuette, the world’s most prestigious film award, with the film “I’m Still Here,” assessed by film critics and audiovisual professionals consulted by CENARIUM as a response to the far right and its attempt to minimise or deny the abuses committed during Brazil’s Military Dictatorship.

The film, starring Fernanda Torres and Selton Mello, tells the story of the Paiva family, directly affected by the Military Dictatorship that ruled Brazil for 21 years. The victory in the “Best International Feature Film” category comes at a time when the country is debating the need to defend

democracy and human rights, especially in times of rising extremist ideologies.

Camila Henriques, critic from Amazonas, is affiliated with the Brazilian Association of Film Critics (Abraccine), as well as a voter for the Golden Globes, and for her, the response is clear. “Is it a slap in the face of the far right? Absolutely. They must have hated it. Especially because it is a film about Eunice Paiva, Rubens Paiva, all this history that we know. In the United States, it was so well received because it resonates. Despite being a story about Brazil, it has a very universal narrative, something highly recognisable in other countries,” she said.

Alberto Silva Neto is an actor, director, and professor of Theatre and Cinema at the Federal University of Pará (UFPA). For him, “I’m Still Here” stands out for being a “political film without being propagandistic.“

“The film portrays the Dictatorship from an aspect that I find indestructible: the way

an oppressive system, a totalitarian regime, destroys lives, families, humanities. From this perspective, ‘I’m Still Here’ sets itself apart, even though it is entirely integrated into the political moment of the country where it was produced,” explained Alberto Silva, adding that it is necessary to remember so as not to repeat.

“I think we need to talk more and more about the horrors of the Dictatorship, which caused not only political but also economic consequences. We cannot forget the violence, the devastation of human dignity. Human rights thrown to the ground and trampled by the hooves of military police horses. This cannot be forgotten,” he pointed out.

CRITICAL THINKING FORMATION

Journalist from Amazonas Rebeca Almeida is also a film critic. For her, the film’s victory is “extraordinary because it is the very essence of art: to reflect reality and generate critical thinking.”

Credit: Composition by Lucas Oliveira | Cenarium

Fernanda Torres and Walter Salles

“The film portrays the Dictatorship from an aspect that I find indestructible: the way an oppressive system, a totalitarian regime, destroys lives, families, humanities. From this perspective, ‘I’m Still Here’ sets itself apart”

Alberto Silva Neto, actor, director, and professor of Theatre and Cinema.

“Politically, the film has three reasons to exist: the first being to tell the life story of Eunice and Rubens Paiva, depicting how they suffered under the Military Dictatorship even after the period had ended, representing so many people who were killed, tortured, and who, to this day, remain missing. The second point is that only in 2011, with the Truth Commission created by then-President Dilma Rousseff, were more detailed documents on the Dictatorship accessed, which motivated the writing of the book that we now have adapted,” explained Rebeca, referring to the literary work “I’m Still Here” by Marcelo Rubens Paiva, published in 2015, on which the film was based.

BRAZIL SELF-REFERENCING

Rebeca also recalled that the film’s director, Walter Salles, commented that the film could not have been produced during the government of former President Jair

Scene from the film ‘I’m Still Here’

Credit: Composition by Lucas Oliveira | Cenarium

Credit: Personal Archive

Credit: Reproduction

“Is it a slap in the face

of the far right?

Absolutely.

They must have hated it. Especially because it is a film about Eunice Paiva, Rubens Paiva, all this history that we know.

Camila Henriques, affiliated with Abraccine and a voter for the Golden Globes.

Bolsonaro, as a congressman, poses for a photo with a banner in support of the 1964 military coup

At the 97th Academy Awards, held on Sunday, 2 March, in Los Angeles, California, United States, the Brazilian film “I’m Still Here” won the “Best International Feature Film” award, marking the country’s first statuette.

Directed by Walter Salles and starring Fernanda Torres and Selton Mello, the film was also nominated in the categories of “Best Actress” and “Best Picture.” Based on a book of the same name by Marcelo Rubens Paiva, the film follows Eunice Paiva (Fernanda Torres), who faces the uncertainty and pain of not knowing the whereabouts of her husband, Rubens Paiva (Selton Mello), a former congressman ousted after the 1964

Bolsonaro (PL) due to his stance. For her, the work gained more visibility because it was released in a context where Brazil had just undergone an attempted coup d’état.

“And the film, which talks about a coup d’état, gained visibility at the beginning of the year precisely when plans for a state coup after the 2022 presidential elections were revealed, so we have Brazil’s history self-referencing itself,” she noted.

Bolsonaro, as a deputy, poses for a photo with a banner in defence of the 1964 mil-

Art Exists and Resists

coup and kidnapped by the government during the military regime.

Walter Salles dedicated the award to lawyer Eunice Paiva, portrayed by actress Fernanda Torres. Salles highlighted Eunice Paiva’s importance in the fight against the Military Dictatorship and in preserving memory. “I dedicate this award to Eunice Paiva, whose years of struggle for justice and memory taught us the true meaning of resistance,” he said.

For actress Giscele Damasceno, from Pará, the film tells a story of strength, of resistance, and nothing in it is superfluous. “The most beautiful thing about all of this is that no one on the team has a reactionary

itary coup (Reproduction) | “Congratulations Military- 31 March 1964. Thanks to you, Brazil is not Cuba”

According to Rebeca, this accumulation of political facts led the right-wing to consider this victory an outrage. “But the reality is that ‘I’m Still Here’ winning the Oscar while discussing the Dictatorship means that this is a story that must be told, and it emphasises the need for the Brazilian people to think critically, to acknowledge their past so that it is never repeated in the future,” she concluded.

stance. They focus exactly on what needs to be focused on, which is the story of that family, the horror they endured. In a very poetic way, this is conveyed to us, in a way that allows us to feel the anguish along with the family, of this painful loss, but where the mother resisted for her children,” she added.

She also emphasises that the power of the film reverberates both within and beyond the screen. “It is historically proven the horror that many people lived through [during the Military Dictatorship]; there is no exaggeration, things are as they are, and this is told through an extremely rich perspective. Art exists and resists and will continue to follow its course,” she concluded.

Credit: Personal Archive

Artivism

BELÉM (PA) – A 1,581.60 m² mural in São Paulo (SP) denounces environmental destruction and demands concrete action against deforestation. The artwork depicts Alessandra Korap, one of the leading figures of the Munduruku people from the Middle Tapajós region in Pará. Alessandra is renowned for her work defending the environment and fighting for Indigenous rights, particularly for exposing major corporations that contribute to the destruction of the Amazon.

Located on a building overlooking Avenida Brigadeiro Luís Antônio, just two blocks from Avenida Paulista, the mural stands out. The image was painted using ashes from endangered Brazilian biomes such as the Amazon Rainforest, the Cerrado, the Atlantic Forest, and the Pantanal, all of

“This painting is a plea to put an end to environmental destruction, which is threatening not only our forests but also future generations”

Alessandra Korap, Indigenous activist.

which are being devastated for agricultural expansion. In addition to the ashes, other organic materials were used, including mud from the Rio Grande do Sul floods, symbolising the impacts of climate change and environmental destruction.

The mural is a symbol of artivism, merging art and activism to raise awareness of the global climate emergency. "Artivism is a way to raise awareness about the climate emergency, humanity’s greatest challenge," said Mundano, one of the artists involved in creating the mural. He emphasised that the environmental imbalance caused by agribusiness expansion has led to heatwaves, severe droughts, and floods across various parts of the world.

Alessandra Korap, portrayed in the artwork, sees the mural as a call for environmental preservation. "This painting is a plea to put an end to environmental destruction, which is threatening not only our forests but also future generations," declared the Indigenous leader. She hopes the image will awaken people's awareness that they are part of nature and must fight against its destruction.

The mural was created in partnership with Stand.earth’s Burning Legacy campaign, and its inauguration coincided with the beginning of the slowest fire season in Brazil in 14 years. The artwork aims not only to draw attention to the country’s environmental crisis but also to send an international message of responsibility and climate action.

“Artivism is a way to raise awareness about the climate emergency, humanity’s greatest challenge”

Mundano, one of the artists involved in creating the mural.

Standing over 30 metres tall and 48 metres wide, the painting is one of the largest in São Paulo and South America. Its creation involved six artists who, using electric swings, worked on the side of one of the widest buildings in the city. The paints were made from materials collected from regions affected by environmental disasters, reflecting the direct connection between art and the destructive reality the mural denounces.

Mundano drew inspiration from his experiences in areas affected by drought and wildfires, as well as from his time with Indigenous leaders in regions facing environmental conflict. He recalls participating in an expedition with Alessandra Korap and 50 other Indigenous people for the self-demarcation of the Sawré Muybu Indigenous Territory (IT) in Tapajós. It was in this context that he decided to depict Alessandra as a giant in the mural, symbolising her struggle and resilience in the fight to preserve the Amazon.

Indigenous person from Pará featured in São Paulo’s mural

Fabyo Cruz – From Cenarium

Artists depict Alessandra Korap in a São Paulo mural Credit:

Anti-Racist Resistance

In Pará, Mãe Ju transforms faith into strength against racism

BELÉM (PA) – Leading the Terreiro* de Umbanda Casa Mãe Mariana in the Canudos neighborhood of Belém, Jussilene Natividade Maia, known as Mãe Ju, has become a symbol of the anti-racist fight in Pará. She has turned her story of resilience into an inspiration for others facing racism and religious intolerance. At the end of November 2024, she was honored with the Itã Trophy – From Acotirene to Zumbi, which recognizes individuals who stand out in the fight for racial equality and social justice.

The Itã Trophy was the highlight of a month of activities organized by the Association of the Children and Friends of Ilê Iyá Omi Asé Ofá Kare (Afaia) in

celebration of November Black Jacó Tirene Azumbi. Throughout the month, discussion circles, concerts, and debates emphasized Black resistance and strategies to combat religious racism.

Edson Catendê, president of Afaia and Babalorixá of Águas do Ketu, stressed the importance of the event: “With this trophy, we honored the Dois Irmãos terreiro and, of course, Mother Ju. She is a Black, quilombola woman who has faced multiple rights violations while caring for over 40 spiritual children. Her fight symbolizes the collective struggle of terreiro communities against religious racism,” Catendê told CENARIUM.

Mother Ju is a symbol of the anti-racist fight in Pará

Fabyo Cruz – From Cenarium

Credit: Reproduction | Personal Archive

A STORY OF STRUGGLE

Born in Castanhal, a city 65 kilometers from Belém, Mother Ju carries in her ancestry the strength of her quilombola forebears. Though initially hesitant to embrace her spiritual mission, she was called by her ancestors to guide the spirituality of others. “It all started with a glass of water and a maracá. Little by little, Mariana, my spiritual guide, brought into my life a force that changed everything. The terreiro grew, but it also brought challenges,” she shared.

“I’ve been through a lot as a quilombola and a practitioner of my religion,” Mother Ju said, recalling the challenges she has faced. She recounted significant moments in her journey, such as restrictions on practicing her faith and a legal case that prevented her from conducting rituals for months. Among these challenges, Mother Ju also faced situations of religious intolerance that threatened both her space and her beliefs. “I was unfairly accused and banned from playing the drums. For a time, I believed I was in the wrong, but friends and lawyers helped me understand that I was the victim. This fight brought many people together, and I realized that unity is our greatest strength,” she affirmed.

RECOGNITION

The tribute during the Itã Trophy ceremony marked a milestone in Mother Ju’s journey. As the first honoree of the night, she felt the power of recognition. “I was very nervous, but I felt welcomed, as if I were at home. Seeing my family and spiritual community there was moving. This award is important not just for me but for everyone who fights alongside me,” she said.

After having her journey widely acknowledged, Mother Ju hopes her story serves as a reminder that the fight against racism is both collective and unending. She aims for her narrative to act as a call to justice and equality, inspiring others to continue resisting.

At 43 years old, Mother Ju believes that combating racism and intolerance must be grounded in love and peace. “I appeal to the society that perpetuates racism to find love in their hearts and peace of mind. We are all equal. We are not here to harm anyone but to help. I hope these people understand that prejudice is, in fact, a source of suffering for themselves”, she declared.

*Terreiro: a sacred space in Afro-Brazilian religions.

“I appeal to the society that perpetuates racism to find love in their hearts and peace of mind. We are all equal. [...] I hope these people understand that prejudice is, in fact, a source of suffering for themselves.”

Jussilene Natividade Maia, known as Mother Ju, leader of the Terreiro de Umbanda Casa Mãe Mariana in the Canudos neighborhood, Belém.

Mother Ju was honored with the Itã Trophy – From Acotirene to Zumbi

Mother Ju's family and spiritual community during the award ceremony

Vulnerability

Climate Crisis Increases Challenges for the LGBTQIAPN+ Population in Belém

BELÉM (PA) – The climate crisis and recent catastrophes in southern Brazil reveal a chaotic scenario for many communities, which are being forced to relocate, especially women and LGBTQIAPN+ people, who become even

more vulnerable to gender or sexual violence. To understand this new scenario, which is influenced by climate change, the Red Dot Foundation – Safecity, in partnership with Fábrica dos Sonhos and the Non-Governmental Organisation (NGO) Olivia, launched a study in 2024 to assess the impact of these changes and the insecurity in urban areas, including the LGBTQIAPN+ perspective.

The manager of the Red Dot Foundation, Camila Gomide, explains that climate-facilitated violence is a type or a new category

of gender-based violence related to how the climate affects people in different ways.

“So, when we talk about gender minorities, such as women, LGBTQIAPN+ people, in relation to the climate, we mean that people are affected by climate change and climate crises in a more specific way. The majority of these victims end up being girls, women, and, as I said, people from the LGBT community,” she stated.

Rebuilding after a flood, for example, is not an easy task for anyone, but for LGBTQIAPN+ people, this can be an even

Raisa de Araújo – From Cenarium

People engaged in social action in Belém, Pará

Credit: Edielson Shinohera | Agência Belém

“We know that in a catastrophe, everyone suffers the consequences, but it is obvious that it will be much harder for those who are already in a vulnerable situation in many aspects.”

Marcos Melo, member of NGO Olivia.

Public Security Survey for the G20

The questionnaire includes questions related to participants’ daily lives, such as age, gender, place of residence, types of transport and means of commuting, reasons for insecurity in normal scenarios or during extreme weather conditions, among others. The expectation is to collect around 1,500 to 2,000 responses from participants in Belém, Belo Horizonte, Manaus, Recife, and southern Minas Gerais.

After the entire data collection process, the collectives intend to discuss the topic in a forum, with the participation of those who took part in the survey, so that together they can propose socio-political interventions and alternatives, with the aim of presenting these proposals at global events such as the G20 and COP30.

The manager of the Red Dot Foundation, Camila Gomide, revealed that the data collected so far already prove that the climate affects people and groups in

society differently, influencing mobility and the sense of security. An important finding is that the level of insecurity does not increase under extreme weather conditions, as women and LGBTQIAPN+ people already feel unsafe daily, which does not mean that their vulnerability will necessarily increase in the event of an extreme climate event.

“We found that the most climate-affected regions, such as areas prone to landslides and flooding, are where there is the highest flow of people commuting for work or study. These regions have a high number of vulnerable individuals. We also observed that the general sense of security in the city is low, with many people feeling unsafe in overcrowded public transport, fearing unwanted touches, harassment, or robberies,” explains the manager.

To understand this data and its relationship with climate change, it is necessary to recognise that LGBTQIAPN+ people

greater challenge. Marcos Melo, a member of NGO Olivia, highlights that in such a situation, it becomes clearer how public policies do not reach everyone in the same way. “We know that in a catastrophe, everyone suffers the consequences, but it is obvious that it will be much harder for those who are already in a vulnerable situation in many aspects. If you are already living on the edge of everything – money, food, mental health – how will you find the strength to rebuild yourself?” he questions.

The complexity of this issue involves many factors, ranging from the lack of basic sanitation to unemployment, and for Marcos, this research is important so that attention, not only from society but mainly from the authorities, is directed towards a problem that is not of the future – it is of the present.

“So, if you cannot complete secondary education to secure a good job and have a decent home, you end up in an occupation, in conditions that are far from habitable, facing countless health risks. These issues are interconnected, making the problem much bigger. And this is a reality for many LGBTQIAPN+ people,” Marcos emphasises.

are a highly diverse population with different sexual orientations. For Marcos Melo, this diversity means that various prejudices affect them, going far beyond LGBTphobia, including sexism and racism. He further explains that, due to various factors, within the context of this group, trans and travesti people tend to be the most vulnerable to violence, especially trans women and travestis.

“These individuals are expelled from home as early as 15 years old, have a life expectancy of around 35 years, cannot study because they face prejudice in educational spaces, are not accepted in the job market, and many end up working as sex workers. This lack of opportunities leads anyone to exhaustion. And then you imagine how this person is supposed to have a decent life without a home, without the certainty of a meal, without access to drinking water,” concludes the activist.

A same-sex couple holds hands with the LGBTQIAPN+ flag in the background

Credit: Reproduction | Getty Images