International fund linked to Eneva and oil companies finances institutions in the Amazon that endorse the idea of governance on the road, paving the way for business ventures
www.revistacenarium.com.br/en/ | February 2025
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Narrative control
In the 1980s, three French writers, Max Pagés, Michel Bonetti, and Vincent de Gaulejac, published the work The Power of Organizations (1987), in which they deciphered how multinational corporations have the ability to influence state decisions, steering business activities through the control of information and even deciding who lives and who dies in the countries where they operate.
The cover story of the new edition of REVISTA CENARIUM investigated, for six months, information that came to light in the scientific article “Environmental disaster in the Amazon and violation of Indigenous rights facilitated by governance projects on BR-319”, authored by biologists and researchers Lucas Ferrante and Philip Fearnside, and journalist and writer Monica Piccinini. The study reveals what lies behind the "sustainable discourse" about the highway.
Led by journalist Marcela Leiros, the report shows how multinational oil exploration companies work to reduce the state's power in decisions about BR-319, an 889-kilometer road that cuts through the Amazon. Its construction – if not following legal procedures – could affect the lives of 18,000 indigenous people and compromise an entire ecosystem with irreversible consequences.
Similar to what is described in the French work The Power of Organizations, the multinationals seeking to control the narratives about BR-319 have no ideology of right, left, or center. What they want is to develop methods of domination over individuals to achieve their ultimate goal: to expand the exploitation market and multiply profits.
To achieve their goal of future multi-billion-dollar revenues, these large conglomerates are supported by certain Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), which receive millions in funding to carry out the "indoctrination" of indigenous peoples around BR-319, under the guise of pseudo-sustainability.
These companies and NGOs are organized in an integrated set of economic, political, ideological, and psychological mechanisms that, once associated, manage to influence traditional media content and state actions. CENARIUM aims to show, through this special report, that not everyone serves this power and that the Amazon is not for sale.
Paula Litaiff General Director
Ideas to Hasten the End of the World?
Ailton Krenak, one of Brazil’s greatest thinkers, has a book entitled Ideas to Postpone the End of the World. In it, the author criticises humanity’s exploitative relationship with nature, in which human beings, like parasites, drain everything they can. From this critique, he proposes a shift in perspective, aligned with the Indigenous worldview, in which we are nature, thus allowing us to attempt to avoid self-destruction. Krenak’s way of thinking came to my mind while reflecting on our cover story—but in the opposite sense.
In this edition, we feature institutions that receive funding from an international foundation linked to enterprises that exploit nature in the Amazon and that endorse narratives in favour of reopening the BR-319 highway and encouraging business in the region. Given that the road is a driver of deforestation and a potential catalyst for the forest’s collapse, as scientific studies indicate, could these institutions be fostering ideas to hasten the end of the world?
The cover story is the result of an investigation revealing multimillion-dollar transfers from the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation (GBMF) to Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and institutions engaged in projects that support the idea of governance capable of controlling the impacts caused by the reopening of the BR-319. According to this narrative, it would thus be possible to repave the highway while “managing” the destruction of the forest and ensuring the rights of traditional peoples in the region, who, under current legislation, must be consulted regarding the enterprise—something that, according to researchers and studies, does not reflect reality.
There are also links to companies that exploit oil and minerals in the Amazon, as well as connections between these institutions and projects aimed at accelerating business in the region.
According to researchers and documents reviewed, the highway paves the way for enterprises that benefit both those who endorse the governance narrative and those who finance these institutions. It is a self-perpetuating cycle which, researchers argue, exposes conflicts of interest.
“It is a dystopia: instead of imagining worlds, we consume them,” says Ailton Krenak in another of his books, A vida não é útil (Life Is Not Useful), published in 2020. The phrase could well apply to the scenario presented in our report. And, as Krenak himself would say, “there is nothing sustainable in the economy, because it assumes you will plunder the land, you will take things. If you take and do not give back, it is not sustainable.”
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ENVIRONMENT & SUSTAINABILITY
BR-319: Amazon for Sale?
International foundation linked to Eneva and with interests in the Amazon funds institutions that endorse the idea of governance on the highway, which could facilitate enterprises Marcela Leiros – From Cenarium
MANAUS (AM) – Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and institutions developing projects related to the BR-319 have received, collectively, over R$ 122.8 million (equivalent to more than US$ 21.4 million* at the current exchange rate) from Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation (GBMF) over the past 15 years. This international institution is linked to enterprises that impact the forest, such as fossil fuel extraction in the Amazon by Eneva S/A. These same NGOs and institutions aim to control the narrative of BR-319 through governance with the goal of obtaining more decision-making power over the highway then the State itself.
The report was based on information published in the article "Environmental Disaster in the Amazon and Violation of Indigenous Rights Facilitated by Governance Projects on BR-319," authored by biologists and researchers Lucas Ferrante and Philip Fearnside, along with journalist and writer Monica Piccinini, CENARIUM's correspondent in London. The report also conducted a six-month investigation. Information on the transfers to institutions and NGOs is detailed in financial statements, data available on the GBMF website and documents sent to the editorial office.
The Organizations identified as direct recipients of funds from the international corporation and which developed projects related to governance on the BR-319 include the Instituto Internacional de Educação do Brasil (IEB), Fundação Getulio Vargas (FGV), and the Instituto de Conservação e Desenvolvimento Sustentável da Amazônia (Idesam). The financial statements also include a donation from GBMF to the Amazon Protected Areas Program (Arpa), made through the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF).
The highway, which spans 885 kilometres, connecting Manaus (AM) to Porto Velho (RO), has a history fraught with controversy due to environmental, social, and economic concerns—particularly in the section between kilometres 250 and 655, known as the “Middle Section,” which has become nearly impassable. The road’s reopening and repaving have sparked debates between those arguing its infea-
“This goes beyond contradiction—it is a clear conflict of interest. Amaz, the largest investment accelerator in the North, is coordinated by Idesam, which is also involved in discussions on repaving a road that would stimulate business in the region”
Lucas Ferrante, researcher.
sibility and those asserting that security could be ensured through proper oversight.
Researchers perceive the road as a pathway to the collapse of the Amazon biome, its biodiversity, and vital ecosystem services essential to the country, such as rainfall patterns and climate regulation. They contend that the BR-319 cannot be effectively monitored if it is paved. Meanwhile, institutions advocating governance maintain that it is possible to manage its impacts.
ALLOCATIONS TO IEB
Among the funds granted by GBMF to NGOs and institutions involved in BR-319 projects, at least ten grants have been directed to IEB, surpassing R$ 80.9 million—equivalent to US$ 14 million—since 2004. The institute has been denounced by Indigenous groups to CENARIUM for allegedly providing documents and persuading leaders to sign agreements stating that they accepted the BR-319’s repaving, provided certain conditions were met. However, Indigenous communities have vehemently opposed the project.
One of these allocations, amounting to R$ 12.2 million (US$ 2.1 million), was designated in 2019 to “support stakeholder participation in sustainable development planning for the BR-319 region in Amazonas.” This figure is publicly available on the foundation’s website. Out of this substantial sum, R$ 3.2 million (US$ 567,000) was specifically allocated for the development of Indigenous consultation protocols regarding the BR-319.
FUNDING FOR IDESAM
The GBMF has also provided funding to Idesam. Five grants were made between
2011 and 2023, totalling R$ 13.9 million (US$ 2.4 million), with more than half received in November 2023. The largest amount was allocated to "monitor the licensing process and deforestation trends along the BR-319 and support territorial planning strategies and the promotion of sustainable value chains in the road corridor."
One of the grants was directed to the project entitled "Projeto Moore BR-319," a non-repayable sub-agreement for technical and financial cooperation worth R$ 8.7 million (US$ 1.5 million) between Idesam and IEB, with a duration of 24 months from 2020.
Headquartered in Manaus , Idesam coordinates the BR-319 Observatory , a network of civil society organizations operating in the area influenced by the BR-319, comprising 13 municipalities, 42 Conservation Units, and 69 indigenous groups, including 63 officially recognised Indigenous Territories (IT), five unrecognised communities, and a population of isolated peoples within a 150-kilometre range, according to a scientific article published in Land Use Policy. The network’s activities aim to produce information on the road and the necessary processes for what it calls "inclusive development."
The BR-319 Observatory has conducted studies presenting positive indicators related to the highway and supports the development of a territorial governance plan along the road that crosses the Amazon. A report from the group, titled Retrospective 2023: Deforestation and Heat Spots in the BR-319 Influence Area, indicated that in 2023, areas monitored by the observatory within the road’s impact
zone recorded a sharp decline in deforestation. Another report, titled Analysis of the Implementation of Conservation Units Under the Influence of the BR-319, conducted by Idesam in partnership with the Brazilian Biodiversity Fund (Funbio), highlights the benefits and opportunities that the reconstruction of the BR-319 would bring to the region.
In the media, support for the BR-319 has also been expressed. The former Public Policy Coordinator at Idesam and former Executive Secretary of the BR-319 Observatory (OBR-319), Fernanda Meirelles, stated in an interview pub-
Total amount allocated to IEB since 2004
Amount allocated to IEB in 2019
Amounts allocated to IEB to develop indigenous consultation protocols for BR-319
Other amounts allocated by the Moore Foundation to IE
lished on 3 April 2024 that the organization was not against the repaving or any works on the BR-319 but defended that the legal framework concerning socio-environmental legislation should be respected.
Idesam's position became clearer after the Federal Court of Amazonas suspended the preliminary license granted by the National Department of Transport Infrastructure (Dnit) for the BR-319, following a request from the Climate Observatory. The institute then broke away from the coalition of 120 Brazilian civil society organizations.
On 29 July 2024, Idesam published a statement on its website regarding the BR-319, in which it declared: "Idesam is not against the BR-319. As a civil society organization, it works to promote social and economic development and the conservation of forests in the Brazilian Amazon. Regarding the BR-319, Idesam supports
“This connection benefits Amaz, managed by Idesam, compromising impartiality in assessing environmental and socio-economic impacts”
Lucas Ferrante, pesquisador.
repaving through a rigorous licensing process, respecting legislation and its social and environmental safeguards. This is Idesam’s position."
Idesam also coordinates Amaz, a project that claims to seek businesses generating positive impacts in rural and forested areas of the Amazon. In 2023, the impact accelerator, alongside entities such as Fundo Vale
(a fund created by the mining company Vale, which extracts iron ore in Pará and has been involved in the socio-environmental disasters in Brumadinho and Mariana, both in Minas Gerais) and the JBS Amazon Fund (of the Brazilian company JBS, one of the world’s largest meat processing firms), announced that they would offer up to R$
Transfers from GBMF to Idesam: five grants between 2011 and 2023
Multi-million cooperation agreement between Idesam, Moore Foundation, and IEB
600,000 to startups willing to establish businesses in the Amazon rainforest.
The accelerator's "founders and strategic partners" include, in addition to Fundo Vale and the JBS Amazon Fund, the Instituto Humanize, Instituto Clima e Sociedade (ICS), Good Energies Foundation, and the Plataforma Parceiros pela Amazônia (PPA). Amaz lists its partners as Move. Social, Sense-Lab, Mercado Livre, ICE, SBSA Advogados, Costa Brasil, Climate Ventures,
and private investors. These details are available on the Amaz website.
"This goes beyond contradiction—it is a clear conflict of interest. Amaz, the largest investment accelerator in the North, is coordinated by Idesam, which is also involved in discussions on repaving a road that would stimulate business in the region. This connection benefits Amaz, managed by Idesam, compromising impartiality in assessing environmental and socio-eco-
nomic impacts and raising serious concerns about transparency and governance," states researcher Lucas Ferrante.
FGV
In the same sense of addressing positive possibilities regarding the reopening of the highway that crosses the Amazon, FGV published in 2019 the project titled “Promoting transparency and territorial governance in the context of highways installation in the Amazon – the case of BR-319,” funded by the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation
The project's objective was, according to the entity, “to develop parameters for adopting a human rights-based approach aimed at preventing abuses and socio-environmental violations throughout the decision-making process for major infrastructure projects in Brazil, especially in the case of BR-319, along its entire extension.” This information is available on FGV's website.
However, the initiative was the target of denunciations by scientists. In 2021, researchers Lucas Ferrante and Philip Martin Fearnside alerted the Federal Public Prosecutor’s Office (MPF) that the project violated the rights of indigenous peoples guaranteed by Convention 169 of the International Labour Organization (ILO) — to which Brazil is a signatory — and by Brazilian legislation.
ILO Convention 169 addresses the right of traditional populations to free, prior, and informed consultation for projects that significantly impact their ways of life. The consultation must be carried out by governments with the concerned peoples
Interview with Fernanda Meirelles for BNC
Line of trucks stopped on BR-319. The highway is located near indigenous lands in Amazonas
“Regarding the BR-319, Idesam supports repaving through a rigorous licensing process”
Idesam, in an excerpt from a statement published in July 2024.
through their legitimate representatives and in the manner the communities deem best.
FGV also received transfers from GBMF. The amounts directed exclusively to the foundation, since 2018, exceed R$ 28 million (US$ 5 million). Two payments, of R$ 18.4 million (US$ 3.2 million) and R$ 6.3 million (US$ 1.1 million), respectively, were described as: “Promoting transparency and territorial governance in the context of road development in the Brazilian Amazon – The case of BR-319” and “Establishing transparency and territorial governance in the context of road development in the Brazilian Amazon – The case of BR-319.”
Another document, amounting to R$ 5.9 million (US$ 1.025 million), was allocated to “supporting the development and adoption of a territorial governance plan and a governance arrangement to minimize environmental and social risks along the BR-319 road corridor in Brazil.”
GBMF
It is also worth noting that GBMF's investment manager is Dynamo Brasil, one of the shareholders of Eneva, a private Brazilian energy company that explores oil and gas in the Amazon and has already obtained, in partnership with Atem Distribuidora, the right to explore four more extraction blocks in the region, in what became known as the “end-of-the-world auction.” Eneva is also a target of MPF, which received reports of death threats against indigenous people, as highlighted in the reportage “The gas that suffocates in the Amazon.”
Amount allocated to FGV in 2018
Another amount allocated to FGV in 2021
Amount of approximately US$ 1 million allocated to FGV
Credit: Reproduction
“The region does not have sufficient environmental governance to prevent the deforestation that this road will cause. In fact, the road will be rebuilt and paved—it is not just a simple paving, right? When you facilitate traffic on BR-319, you also facilitate deforestation. And in the region, there is not enough oversight to prevent this deforestation”
Suely Araújo, coordinator of the Climate Observatory.
In 2022, the foundation allocated US$ 5.6 million to Dynamo Brasil. The contribution was directed to the “controlling entity,” as shown by a transfer receipt accessed by CENARIUM
The exploitation of Eneva's gas blocks will only be possible with the repaving of the BR-319 highway since the road is one of the main routes providing access to the extraction sites. In the opinion piece “Brazil must reverse gear on Amazon road development,” published in Nature, the world's leading scientific journal, it was pointed out that the opening of secondary roads and the repaving of BR-319 to facilitate this exploration tend to drive the Amazon to collapse, also triggering climate changes and zoonotic jumps with global consequences.
The lead author of the publication, Lucas Ferrante, emphasizes: “It is not just the BR-319 highway that will provide access to these blocks; there are other roads planned from it, such as AM-366, which connects BR-319 to Tapauá and cuts through the trans-Purus block to Tefé, granting access to large oil and gas exploration blocks in these areas. This will push the Amazon beyond the tolerable deforestation limit, leading to consequences for the climate, loss of biodiversity, impacts on the entire population of Amazonas, including increased epidemics in the region and the risk of a sequence of new global pandemics.”
Some of GBMF's investments in shares include companies such as Petróleo Brasileiro (Petrobras); the Russian oil company Oil Co LukOil – PJSC; the Russian bank SBerBank; steel supplier Ternium; natural gas and oil company Anadarko Petroleum; China Petroleum & Chemical;
42
area of influence reaches 42 Conservation Units.
GBMF transfer to the “controlling entity” Dynamo Brasil in 2022
Some of GBMF’s stock investments in companies
Coca-Cola; Perusahaan Gas; JBS; and TownGas China
ALLIANCE
Donations from the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation to Brazilian institutions began in 2004, within the context of the Andes-Amazon Initiative. An American foundation, it was created by Intel co-founder Gordon Moore and his wife, Betty Moore, with the mission of "supporting scientific discoveries and environmental conservation," becoming one of the largest
private grant-making foundations in the United States. In 2017, it was recognized as the most generous in the state of California. Among the foundation's interests is the BR-319 highway.
The foundation, along with the ClimateWorks Foundation, the Ford Foundation, the David and Lucile Packard Foundation, the Margaret A. Cargill Philanthropies, and Good Energies by Porticus, is part of the Climate and Land Use Alliance (CLUA) Between 2010 and 2021, CLUA awarded 2,461 grants and contracts aligned with
“Even if that [governance] were in place, the impacts would still be enormous. And the authorities do not have the capacity to control the situation”
Phillip Fearnside, biologist and researcher.
the Alliance for Climate and Land-use Strategy, supporting efforts in Central and South America, including Brazil. According to the organization, the total funding amounted to $738 million (more than R$ 4 billion).
These institutions began investing in Brazil through the Amazon Protected Areas Program (Arpa), created in 2002 and financially managed and implemented by Funbio, a private financial mechanism established in 1996 that operates in partnership with the government and private sectors. According to its own statements, the program's goal is to support the conservation and sustainable use of 60 million hectares—15% of the Brazilian Amazon— by 2039.
Arpa was structured with financing from the German Development Bank (KfW), the Global Environment Facility (GEF), the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation (GBMF), the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF), the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), the Margaret A. Cargill Foundation, Anglo American, the World Bank, the Amazon Fund, the Brazilian government, the National Bank for Economic and Social Development (BNDES), and the Ministry of the Environment and Climate Change (MMA)
In November 2013, the GBMF donated R$ 86.7 million ($15 million) to the Arpa program, via the WWF, to ensure, according to the entity, the protection of 60 million hectares of legally established
NARRATIVES,
protected areas. WWF is also part of the BR-319 Observatory.
Funbio's funders include companies such as Chevron, PetroRio, ExxonMobil, GBMF, KfW, the Norwegian Embassy, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), Votorantim Industrial, Vale, WWF Brazil, WWF USA, the Cargill Foundation, the World Bank/GEF, IDB, BNDES, Anglo American, Bahia Mineração, BP Brazil, FAO/GEF, Petrobras, and OGX.
The controversy surrounding donations from the GBMF and other foundations, funds, and companies stems from the fact that some of these funders have conflicting interests that could pose significant threats to the Amazon. For instance, Cargill—due to soybean cultivation in illegally deforested areas—and Petrobras, which has sought to explore oil and gas in the biome
A report accessed by CENARIUM in June 2023 details the funding provided to Funbio. Among the donors is Anglo American, which contributed nearly R$ 19 million. The company describes itself as "a global diversified mining company with the
purpose of reimagining mining to improve people's lives." Mining is considered one of the biggest environmental violators in the Amazon
Another institution that provided millions in funding to Funbio, according to financial statements, was the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation (GBMF), which focuses its donations in Brazil on one area: land, terrestrial ecosystems, and land use. The "strategies" for protected areas and Indigenous territories include conservation, consolidation, management, and monitoring.
One of the documents shows contributions of R$ 15 million ($2.6 million) and R$ 6.9 million ($1.2 million), totaling R$ 21.9 million ($3.8 million), to "support the designation of quilombola territories and sustainable-use reserves, as well as territorial planning, good governance, and the development of sustainable value chains."
Other documents indicate the allocation of R$ 3.7 million ($650,000) to "support collaboration between the Brazilian Biodiversity Fund and the federal agency for
protected areas to create and implement tools and processes to unlock federal compensation funds for Amazon protected areas as part of the Arpa for Life initiative." Additionally, R$ 867,000 ($150,000) was earmarked to "support a strategic plan for conservation financing."
(*) Values converted using the exchange rate on February 10, 2025, at R$ 5.78 per US dollar.
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“It is necessary to have
public agencies working with structure and personnel. There must be guarantees in terms of administrative organization to ensure oversight”
Suely Araújo, coordinator of the Climate Observatory and former president of Ibama.
BR-319 was fully passable for only 12 years. Construction on the road began in 1968, and it was inaugurated in 1976. Continuous traffic flow was interrupted in 1988.
DONORS
e PetroRio
LDF/FFEM Mava Fondation
Diversas Empresas Embaixada da Noruega
FAO/GEF FFEM Alcoa/Fundação e empresa GEF Gordon & Betty Moore Foundation
Rock World S.A. UNEP/GEF UNOPS/GCF USAID
Clua’s
Funbio’s donor list
Funbio’s financiers and partners
Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation's contribution of R$ 3.8 million to Funbio
Anglo American’s contribution to Funbio
The study “Brazil’s Highway BR-319 demonstrates a crucial lack of environmental governance in Amazonia”, peer-reviewed and published by researchers Maryane Andrade, Lucas Ferrante, and Philip Fearnside in the scientific journal Environmental Conservation in 2021, pointed out that governance is absent in the BR-319 highway area and that institutions responsible for oversight, such as the National Institute for Colonisation and Agrarian Reform (Incra) and the Amazonas Institute for Environmental Protection (Ipaam), acted to legalise land grabbing and facilitate illegal deforestation.
Governance refers to the management and control of activities related to the maintenance, revitalisation, and use of a highway. In the case of BR-319, it involves a set of actions, including the federal government, state governments, environmental agencies, civil society organizations, and local communities, to ensure efficiency, sustainability, and accountability in the management of the highway.
For the coordinator of the Climate Observatory, Suely Araújo, who is a former president of the Brazilian Institute for the Environment and Renewable Natural Resources (Ibama), there is currently no environmental governance on BR-319, and isolated actions do not equate to governance. "Well, the region does not have sufficient environmental governance to prevent the deforestation that this road will cause. In fact, the road will be rebuilt and paved—it is not just a simple paving, right? When you facilitate traffic on BR-319, you also facilitate deforestation. And in the region, there is not enough oversight to prevent this deforestation," she states.
According to Suely, for governance to be effective, "public agencies need to work with structure and personnel. There must be an administrative organization guarantee that oversight will be in place. The pressure for deforestation that will be generated cannot be controlled with just two or three Ibama enforcement operations per year in the region. That is not enough," she adds.
Governance questioned
From the perspective of biologist and American scientist Phillip Fearnside, even with governance, BR-319 would still cause significant socio-environmental impacts. "Even if that were in place, the impacts would still be enormous. And the authorities do not have the capacity to control the situation," he states.
"UNREALISTIC" SCENARIOS
In the article titled “Environmental disaster in the Amazon and violation of Indigenous rights facilitated by governance projects on BR-319”, authored by Fearnside along with researcher Lucas Ferrante and journalist Monica Piccinini, the authors argue that “the BR-319 project has a long history of completely unrealistic ‘governance’ scenarios, including the first Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) claiming that the highway would resemble the roads of Yellowstone National Park, where millions of tourists drive without causing deforestation.”
Furthermore, according to the authors, members of the Federal Police and the Brazilian Army interviewed by them “made it clear that a future governance scenario is fictitious, as oversight bodies would not have the resources or personnel to monitor the area due to its size, complexity, and dangers.” Additionally, the article states that “organised crime already controls land grabbing and mining in the region, which has severely impacted traditional communities.”
CENARIUM requested statements from Incra and Ipaam regarding the study that pointed out partial actions by these agencies and also about their inspection structure for governance in the region. The report also sought contact with Ibama and the Federal Police to inquire about their inspection structure.
Ipaam stated in a note that its competence is focused on environmental licensing and supervision of activities that may have environmental impacts. The agency emphasized that BR-319 falls under federal jurisdiction, making it primarily the responsibility of federal environmental and land agencies. It also highlighted its main work on the highway through Operation Tamoiotatá, which carries out enforcement actions to combat illegal deforestation and other environmental impacts in the southern region of Amazonas. In 2024, this operation resulted in 187 infraction notices, totaling R$184 million in fines, and 349 embargo terms, covering 28,500 hectares of degraded areas.
Ipaam also informed that it carries out its activities in sensitive sections of BR-319, particularly in the middle stretch between the districts of Realidade and Castanho, as well as in regions of the municipalities of Humaitá, Canutama, Tapauá, Borba, among others.
There was no response from the other agencies by the time of publication.
Suely Araújo, coordinator of the Climate Observatory, is a former president of the Ibama
Credit:
Paulo de Araújo MMA
NARRATIVES, BUSINESS AND POWER
ENVIRONMENT & SUSTAINABILITY
TRANSFERS FROM THE GORDON AND BETTY MOORE FOUNDATION (GBMF) TO
NGOS AND INSTITUTIONS OPERATING ALONG BR-319
The NGOs and institutions are:
Instituto de Conservação e Desenvolvimento Sustentável da Amazônia (Idesam) 1 2 3
Instituto Internacional de Educação do Brasil (IEB)
Fundação Getulio Vargas (FGV)
GBMF's Investment Manager: Dynamo Brasil
• Dynamo is one of the shareholders of Eneva, a Brazilian private energy company that explores oil and gas in the Amazon;
• In 2022, GBMF allocated $5.6 million to Dynamo Brasil;
• GBMF investor companies include: Petróleo Brasileiro (Petrobras), Russian oil company Oil Co LukOil – PJSC, Russian bank SBerBank, Ternium (steel supplier), Anadarko Petroleum (natural gas and oil company), China Petroleum & Chemical, Coca-Cola, Perusahaan Gas, JBS, TownGas China;
• GBMF is part of the Climate and Land Use Alliance (CLUA);
• It has previously invested in the Amazon Protected Areas Program (ARPA), which is financially managed and executed by Funbio, also receiving funds from the Brazilian federal government.
• 10 grants to IEB
• More than R$ 80.9 million ($14 million)
• Objectives: "Support stakeholder participation in the planning of sustainable development for the BR-319 region in Amazonas" and develop indigenous consultation protocols for BR-319.
• IEB was denounced by indigenous groups to CENARIUM for allegedly providing documents and convincing indigenous leaders to sign, stating that they accepted the paving of BR-319 as long as conditions were met.
• Idesam coordinates the BR-319 Observatory
• 5 grants
• Totaling R$ 13.9 million ($2.4 million)
• Objectives: One of them was "to monitor the licensing process and deforestation trends along BR-319 and support territorial planning strategies and the promotion of sustainable value chains in the road corridor."
• Received more than R$ 28 million ($5 million)
• Two payments: R$ 18.4 million ($3.2 million), R$ 6.3 million ($1.1 million)
• Objectives: "Promoting transparency and territorial governance in the context of road development in the Brazilian Amazon – The case of BR-319." and "Establishing transparency and territorial governance in the context of road development in the Brazilian Amazon – The case of BR-319."
• In 2013, GBMF donated R$ 86.7 million ($15 million) to the ARPA program through the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF).
• WWF is also part of the BR-319 Observatory.
(*) Values converted based on the exchange rate of February 10, 2025, at R$ 5.78 per USD.
Violations of rights and reports of pressure on Indigenous peoples
Currently, the National Department of Transport Infrastructure (Dnit) argues that it will only consult six Indigenous groups, a small number considering that there are 69 Indigenous groups affected by BR-319 (63 recognized Indigenous Territories, 5 unofficial ones, and one isolated group), where deforestation strips are three times larger. More than 18,000 Indigenous people are expected to be affected by the highway, according to researcher Lucas Ferrante, including isolated Indigenous peoples.
In addition to scientists' warnings about the project that threatens the rights of traditional communities along BR-319, Indigenous people from the confluence region of the highway reported to CENARIUM violations of rights, threats, and the scarcity of essential life goods due to the deterioration of the territories caused by the road’s expansion. The information reached the report during the Seminar and Meeting Between Indigenous Leaders, Researchers, and Decision-Makers on the Impacts of the BR-319 Highway, held at the Federal University of Amazonas (UFAM). The event, coordinated by researcher Dr. Lucas Ferrante from UFAM and the University of São Paulo (USP), brought together Indigenous people and decision-makers to discuss the impacts of the project.
On that occasion, the group presented a document produced by the International Institute of Education of Brazil (IEB), which stated that the Indigenous people of Lago Capanã Grande and Baetas had been consulted about BR-319 and agreed to the paving of the highway on the condition that an extractive reserve be created to protect them. However, the Indigenous people state that they disagree with the document’s content.
“We, the Mura people from Lago Capanã and Baetas, agreed to the paving works of BR-319 as long as the protection of our chestnut tree areas was ensured through the creation of a Resex for our exclusive use as part of the environmental compensation for that project. However, these very areas are being invaded, illegally appropriated, and deforested. Large markings are being made to divide our area of use, and a pathway is being opened to reach the Madeira River from BR-319. If there is no forest and chestnut tree area left, we Mura can no
Indigenous Territories and communities impacted by the BR-319 highway. Indigenous territories within a 40-kilometre perimeter total 14 (13 official and 1 unofficial), while those within a 150-kilometre radius total 69 (63 official, 5 unofficial, and one group of isolated people). None of them were consulted, and the government’s plan is to consult only six.
Credit: Reproduction
Lucas Ferrante
NARRATIVES, BUSINESS AND POWER
ENVIRONMENT & SUSTAINABILITY
longer agree to the construction of BR-319 because the impacts would be too great for us in the Mura communities of Lago Capanã and Baetas, who live in small and fragmented lands,” stated an excerpt from the document.
“We do not agree, and we had not read this document,” said an Indigenous leader from Lago Capanã in a video, who requested anonymity for fear of threats. With the document in hand, he said he received it from an IEB employee named Carlos. The Indigenous people believed it to be a report on deforestation in the region.
According to the Indigenous leader, the IEB employee instructed them to deliver the document to the Brazilian Institute of the Environment and Renewable Natural Resources (Ibama) and the National Department of Transport Infrastructure (Dnit). For the group, the IEB document was an attempt to circumvent Convention 169 of the International Labour Organization (ILO).
Federal Public Prosecutor's Office (MPF) is aware that the agencies responsible for the BR-319 project are, according to reports, violating the rights of traditional peoples, such as riverside dwellers, extractivists, babassu nut breakers, and quilombolas, by failing to conduct consultations, as confirmed to the report in June 2024 by Republic Prosecutor Janaína Mascarenhas, responsible for cases related to the highway within the agency. Previously, the responsible prosecutor was Fernando Merloto.
“All Indigenous peoples and traditional communities have the right to this consultation before any project that could impact their lives. This consultation has never been conducted in the case of BR-319 with any Indigenous people or traditional community. This is even known to the federal government itself,” declared the prosecutor.
A demarcated Indigenous Territory is the main demand of these peoples. This is because, if homologated, the territory is constitutionally protected under the 1988 Federal Constitution, which guarantees Indigenous peoples the right to permanent possession and exclusive use of the soil, rivers, and lakes’ resources within their lands. This right is recognized as original, meaning it predates the very formation of the Brazilian state.
DESTRUCTION
In another video, the chief of one of the villages on the banks of Lago Capanã Grande, who also requested anonymity, told the report that the local peoples are in mourning and are concerned about
Indigenous person shows destruction of territory at Capanã
Excerpt from the document handed to Indigenous peoples by an IEB representative
Credit:
Luiz
André Nascimento
the fate of the communities with the progress of the BR-319 project. He states that, contrary to what is reported in the media, the highway will bring no benefits to Indigenous people and that the impacts are already being felt. The video was recorded by CENARIUM.
“Today, Capanã is in mourning,” he said. “Our territory is being severely degraded, with many chestnut trees destroyed. Today, we are suffering with our fish, our game, our waters, and our igarapé springs, which are all being buried by land grabbers. The population is also suffering a lot from diarrhea, fever, and vomiting. These issues have increased, you understand?”
According to reports, the destruction of chestnut groves resulted from deforestation advancing along the highway. Meanwhile, the diseases stem from contaminated waters due to territorial degradation. The lake is also drying up since the igarapés that feed Lago Capanã Grande are being buried by the construction of illegal roads, including by Dnit itself, responsible for the highway project.
“The chestnut groves we had, from which we used to harvest fruit to buy our food, are practically all gone. There are 16 chestnut groves that have been entirely destroyed. There are open fields where we can’t even see the end. So, BR-319 will never bring us a future—it’s always a loss,” another Indigenous person said in a video, adding that everyone lives in constant fear of threats from invaders.
North American biologist and scientist Phillip Fearnside highlighted that he was shocked by the stance of NGOs supporting the paving of BR-319. “What was striking was that not only FGV but also other NGOs were not condemning the construction of the highway; they were advocating for governance, allowing the project to proceed. And I made a presentation at the MPF, showing that there are enormous impacts, that it really should not be approved. Since then, we have conducted several studies, and there are multiple publications demonstrating this,” he recalled.
Clarifications from institutions mentioned in the report
To CENARIUM, the MPF confirmed that Prosecutor Fernando Merloto is no longer handling the case. The agency stated that it is “working on the necessary legal measures to guarantee the consultation rights of Indigenous peoples and traditional communities.”
In clarification, the IEB stated that its position is the defense of Indigenous peoples' and traditional communities' rights, regardless of the repaving of BR-319, and confirmed that it has been operating in the region since 2020, “supporting the construction of consultation and consent protocols for affected Indigenous peoples and traditional communities due to the highway's repaving and other largescale socio-environmental impact projects.” The report questioned the role of an employee named “Carlos” around BR-319, who was mentioned by Indigenous people as the person who provided them with a document encouraging a favorable position on BR-319, and is awaiting a response.
In response to the report, WWF-Brasil stated that it does not have an active partnership with the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation in its projects. Regarding corporate relationships, the organization said it seeks “transformational partnerships that change company practices and their supply chains, thus influencing the sector in which they operate,” acting “based on transparency, with reports and accounts audited annually by some of the world's most recognized auditing firms.”
Idesam informed that it will not comment on the matter.
OTHER RESPONSES
CENARIUM also sent requests for statements to FGV and GBMF, questioning whether the transfer and/or receipt of funds does not constitute a conflict of interest. A request was also sent to Eneva regarding the company's relationship with Dynamo and GBMF. As of the closing of this edition, there has been no response.
Testimony from an Indigenous person living near BR-319 to CENARIUM
Leader denounces IEB document; Indigenous people disagree with its content
Testimony from another Indigenous person living near BR-319 to CENARIUM
Credit: Reproduction Luiz André Nascimento Cenarium
The
Highway and Its History of Controversies
The BR-319 was built to connect the state of Amazonas to the state of Rondônia during the military regime. Construction on the highway began in 1968, it was inaugurated in 1976, and definitively closed to continuous traffic in 1988. Its passable sections are located at the ends near Manaus (AM) and Porto Velho (RO).
The "Middle Section," between kilometers 250 and 655, has been the subject of political and business discussions for decades regarding its repaving. The highway passes through the municipalities of Borba, Beruri, Manicoré, Tapauá, Canu-
tama, and Humaitá, all in Amazonas. The road was only passable for 12 years due to abandonment caused by the economic infeasibility of transportation compared to other modes, such as barge transport via the Madeira River.
In 2015, a new process to reactivate the land route and initiate a new maintenance license led to increased deforestation and land speculation in the region, along with complications in the licensing process. These included an attempt by the National Department of Transport Infrastructure (Dnit) to repave the road without proper
environmental studies, without consulting affected traditional communities, and without an economic feasibility study, as noted in a preliminary injunction issued at the time by the Federal Court and researchers interviewed by CENARIUM.
Since the road's continuous closure in 1988, new works only began on some sections in 2001. In 2005, a new debate emerged about repaving and reconstructing the entire stretch, but it was blocked by the Federal Court, which required Environmental Impact Studies (EIA) before continuing the works.
Aerial view of a section of the BR-319
In red, the "Middle Section" of the BR-319
There were successive attempts to resume work, including in 2021. However, the environmental studies presented by Dnit that year were incomplete and inadequate, as indicated in a technical report by William Magnusson, a researcher at the National Institute for Amazonian Research (Inpa), requested by Federal Prosecutor Rafael Rocha.
Last year, a study published by researchers from the Federal University of Amazonas (Ufam) and Inpa, Lucas Ferrante and Philip Fearnside, respectively, pointed out that the public hearings on the environmental studies presented by Dnit in 2021 did not include the participation of affected traditional communities, marking the process as illegal.
After political pressure from Northern parliamentary groups, the federal government established the BR-319 Working Group (GT), which brought together vari-
ous agencies to present suggestions and solutions. The group's work resulted in a report released by the Ministry of Transport (MT) in June 2024, which concluded that repaving the highway was feasible and outlined certain measures to meet the social and environmental conditions required for license approval.
Researcher Lucas Ferrante warned in an interview that the agency does not have the authority to certify the project's feasibility. "First and foremost, it is crucial to emphasize that the agency responsible for assessing the feasibility and sustainability of the highway is Ibama, not Dnit or the Ministry of Infrastructure. The report in question has the same validity as a note scribbled on a napkin—in other words, none. That is why it is essential to highlight that this document is highly biased," he states.
“Is crucial to emphasize that the agency responsible for assessing the feasibility and sustainability of the highway is Ibama”
Lucas Ferrante, researcher.
NARRATIVES, BUSINESS AND POWER
ENVIRONMENT & SUSTAINABILITY
"When analyzing this report, it is evident that all peer-reviewed scientific studies were excluded—a serious omission, especially since the GT formally requested these studies from me. It is worth noting that Brazilian law classifies the suppression of scientific information or technical data in environmental licensing processes as a crime. Therefore, what we are witnessing here is a violation committed by the GT technicians, who deliberately ignored scientific studies to construct a false narrative of the highway's feasibility," Ferrante adds.
CHARLIE LOT
In the media and in the Federal Congress, discussions about the reconstruction of the highway’s "Middle Section" are common. However, a 52-kilometer stretch of the highway known as "Lot C" or "Charlie Lot," between kilometer 198 and kilometer
250, is also a cause for concern, as it lacks the required Environmental Impact Study (EIA) for its reconstruction project. The EIA for the BR-319 reconstruction project only covers the highway’s "Middle Section."
The reconstruction of this section had been suspended by the Federal Court. However, on April 9, 2024, the Dnit issued an ordinance approving the "Basic Project" for the resurfacing of Lot C of the BR-319 Highway. Three months later, in July, the Federal Court of Amazonas once again suspended the preliminary license. The request was filed by the Climate Observatory.
The lawsuit pointed out that the license disregarded technical data, scientific analyses, and a series of reports prepared by Ibama itself throughout the environmental licensing process. Judge Mara Elisa Andrade, from the 7th Environmental and Agrarian Court of the Judiciary Section of
Amazonas, ruled that environmental governance and deforestation control must be in place before the highway’s reconstruction.
However, in October of the same year, the Federal Regional Court of the 1st Region (TRF-1) overturned the injunction, allowing the preliminary license to proceed.
Suely Araújo, coordinator of the Climate Observatory and former president of the Brazilian Institute of the Environment and Renewable Natural Resources (Ibama), told CENARIUM that granting a preliminary license under the current conditions of the highway is not feasible.
"The Climate Observatory understands that, given the current conditions in the region, this road is unviable because it will greatly accelerate deforestation. That is the main concern. Technical reports indicate this, estimating that deforestation in the region could increase fourfold," she stated.
Illustration of the "Lot C" and "Middle Section" of the BR-319
Environmental disaster in the Amazon and violation of Indigenous rights facilitated by governance projects on BR-319
Lucas Ferrante, Philip M. Fearnside e Monica Piccinini
The Ministry of Transport plans to "rebuild" the BR-319 highway (Manaus-Porto Velho) (Figure 1. Reference 1), a road that was abandoned in 1988 but has been gradually improved since 2015 under a programme called "maintenance." BR-319 is now passable, at least in the dry season, but the reconstruction project to build a new highway along the same route has yet to receive an environmental licence. Rebuilding the BR-319 would connect central Amazonia, which remains relatively intact, to the notorious deforestation hotspot known as "AMACRO," an acronym formed from the initials of the states of Amazonas, Acre, and Rondônia.
The route of the BR-319 passes through one of the most preserved sections of the Amazon rainforest, and planned roads connecting to BR-319 would open vast forested areas west of the Purus River that run parallel to the highway [2-6]. The road would also facilitate the migration of deforesters from the "Arc of Deforestation" in southern Amazonia to Roraima, which borders Venezuela in the northern Amazon [7], as well as to other areas already connected to Manaus by roads (e.g., [8]). In total, approximately half of what remains of Bra-
zil's Amazon rainforest would be impacted, not only along the BR-319 itself, which is the focus of the licensing process [9] and efforts by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to mitigate impacts. Much more information on the project's impacts and why it should be halted is publicly available [2, 3, 5, 6, 10-13].
A key factor driving the environmental and social disaster that the BR-319 project represents comes from an unexpected sector: several environmental NGOs and the foundations that support them. It is difficult to imagine an environmental organization that does not oppose the BR-319 highway project, and many do, but not all. The Climate Observatory, composed of 120 Brazilian NGOs, has taken a firm stance against the BR-319 project and filed a Public Civil Action (ACP) against federal environmental authorities for having granted a preliminary licence for the project. The lawsuit was ruled in favour on 25 July 2024 [14], suspending the preliminary licence that had been granted during the 2019-2022 administration of Jair Bolsonaro, which had ignored negative technical opinions from the licensing team to accommodate political pressures [14]. The preliminary licence does not permit road construc -
tion but allows significant preparations to obtain an installation licence that would permit the commencement of construction.
NGOs that refused to condemn the BR-319 project took the position that approval and environmental execution of the reconstruction project are inevitable and that organizations should therefore remain neutral on whether the road should be built, focusing only on governance plans after its construction. Needless to say, the road is not a foregone conclusion, and assuming the project is inevitable contributes to making it a self-fulfilling prophecy.
These NGOs maintain that the project should proceed as long as all environmental licensing requirements are met, including consultation with affected indigenous peoples. This became evident on 5 February 2020, when the Federal Public Prosecutor's Office in Manaus held an event to discuss the impacts of the BR-319 project. The second author of this text gave a presentation explaining why the road project should not be approved, and both the first and second authors participated in the discussion. Three organizations active in the project area took the position that the reconstruction project should not be contested and could proceed if indigenous
Credit: Acervo Pessoal
Credit: Personal Archive
Credit: Acervo Pessoal
Lucas Ferrante
Monica Piccinini
Philip Fearnside
peoples were consulted and strong environmental conditions were included in the licensing requirements: the Getulio Vargas Foundation (FGV), the Amazon Sustainable Development Institute (Idesam), and the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF).
The lessons of the past must not be forgotten. The situation parallels the history of the fight against the construction of the Belo Monte Dam on the Xingu River in the state of Pará. While most environmental NGOs vehemently opposed the dam project, some arrived in the dam area offering to help the displaced population obtain better compensation and social programmes, telling them that the dam project was inevitable and that they should not oppose it. Dom Erwin Kräutler, bishop of Xingu and a prominent opponent of the dam, pointed out the obvious conflict of interest: NGOs that promoted better compensation for displaced people would have no reason to be present if the dam were not built and the population displaced [15, 16]. In the case of Belo Monte, the dam company and the politicians who promoted it succeeded in provoking discord among NGOs and indigenous leaders, contributing to the approval and execution of this notoriously disastrous project [15-17].
None of the indigenous peoples impacted by the BR-319 project were consulted, as required by International Labour organization (ILO) Convention 169 [18] and Brazilian law implementing it ([19], formerly [20]). Among the requirements is that such consultation be prior, not only to the construction project itself but to the decision on whether or not to implement the project, and that indigenous peoples have the right to say "no" to the project ([21, see [1]). Some interpretations of the convention soften this requirement to ensure indigenous peoples have a "voice," but not a veto, in decisions affecting them (see [22]). The Ministry of Transport's plan has been to "consult" only five indigenous groups ([23], p. 22), but at least 68 groups would be affected by the project [1]. The plan has been to "consult" these groups while construction is already underway, with the task being completed before the new road is formally inaugurated.
The BR-319 project has a long history of utterly unrealistic "governance" scenarios, including the first Environmental
Impact Study (EIA) claiming that the highway would be like roads in Yellowstone National Park, where millions of tourists drive without causing deforestation ([24]; see [25]). Similar scenarios persist, as demonstrated by a report from a working group composed of five departments of the National Department of Transport Infrastructure (Dnit) ([26]; see [27]). Unfortunately, history does not follow these scenarios, even when supported by significant efforts from the government and civil society organizations, as demonstrated by the BR-163 highway (Santarém-Cuiabá), which the Dnit working group report cites as an example (see [27, 28]).
The NGOs that adopted the position that including strong environmental conditions in the licensing requirements would prevent an environmental and social disaster are, in fact, endorsing the official "governance" scenarios as justification for allowing the project to proceed. Members of the Federal Police and the Brazilian Army with whom we spoke made it clear that a future governance scenario is fictitious, as oversight bodies would lack resources and personnel to monitor the area due to its size, complexity, and danger. Organised crime already controls land grabbing and mining in the region, which has severely impacted traditional communities [29].
Although neutrality has been professed regarding the licensing and reconstruction of the highway, in practice, these organizations, particularly Idesam and FGV, were working to facilitate the road's approval. One example is the FGV project titled Promoting transparency and territorial governance in the context of highways installation in the Amazon – the case of BR-319" [30]. As the title suggests, the project assumes that the highway will be built. Indigenous leaders we consulted expressed strong opposition to the project, fearing that any agreement could be misinterpreted by decision-makers as support for construction, despite community resistance to the road.
Another FGV document, titled "Territorial Development Agenda for the BR-319 Region: Strengthening Territories for Well-being" [31], seeks to promote territorial development in Vila Realidade, in the municipality of Humaitá. According to a report by the Federal Court of Accounts
(TCU) [32], the only economic activity in this area is illegal deforestation. Illegal roads originating from Vila Realidade are already invading Indigenous territories [11, 33], and it is unlikely that land grabbers and loggers will cease their activities, driven by the lure of quick and easy profits.
Indigenous leaders have made a series of complaints regarding the "governance" projects of NGOs operating on BR-319. To ensure their protection, throughout this text, we have omitted the names of the leaders, as well as their ethnic groups and communities. All complaints were made during a scientific event and leadership meeting held at the Federal University of Amazonas (Ufam), with the official presence of a representative from the Federal Public Prosecutor's Office (MPF) and the Ministry of Environment and Climate Change (MMA).
Indigenous leaders stated that FGV representatives suggested it would be in their best interest to accept the proposed environmental conditions since the BR-319 highway would be built regardless. They were informed that the most prudent approach would be to focus on mitigating the impacts on their territories by negotiating conditions with the Dnit. Although some of these NGOs have expressed the desire to promote governance with all parties [31], attempting to establish agreements and commitments between invaders and the invaded is impractical, as this would only intensify conflicts and increase threats to traditional communities [34].
According to indigenous leaders, the most serious violation of indigenous rights was committed by the International Institute of Education of Brazil (IEB). A document, which indigenous leaders report was prepared by the IEB and presented to them for signing, denounces a land invasion that is an urgent concern for the group but also includes a statement approving the BR-319 reconstruction project, provided that an extractive reserve is created to protect the Brazil nut groves used by the group. The leaders only became aware of the statement approving the road project after signing the document and following the IEB's instructions to send it to the Brazilian Institute of Environment and Renewable Natural Resources (Ibama),
the National Foundation for Indigenous Peoples (Funai), and the Dnit.
NGO support for the BR-319 project remained subtle until July 2024, when Idesam withdrew from the Climate Observatory and sent a statement to selected media and pro-BR-319 politicians [35]. The trigger for this rupture was the judicial approval of the Climate Observatory's lawsuit contesting BR-319's preliminary licence, with Idesam's statement openly endorsing the highway reconstruction.
The General Attorney Office (AGU) filed an appeal in the hope of overturning the suspension of the preliminary licence on 25 July. Note that, unlike the tradition in the United States, the Brazilian AGU does not enjoy independence and acts to facilitate the president's political agenda. The BR-319 project has no economic justification; the motivation for the project lies in electoral politics [36]. The project's benefit in gaining votes in the state of Amazonas explains not only the support of local politicians but also that of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva [37].
On 23 August, the appeal was rejected by the Regional Federal Court of the First Region (TRF1) [38]. However, the AGU can continue to appeal, and future appeals may succeed because Brazil still has its "security suspension" laws in place, which were initiated by the military dictatorship in 1964, allowing any decision to be overturned if deemed to cause "serious" harm to the economy, health, or public order (e.g., [3941]). This mechanism has already been used in favour of the BR-319 project to overturn a court decision that had suspended the first public hearing, thus allowing the project to proceed regardless of irregularities [42-44]. The Brazilian legal system allows for an almost endless sequence of appeals, and the AGU can keep appealing until it finds a favourable judge.
THE SEARCH FOR AN EXPLANATION OF NGO MOTIVATIONS
We attempted to uncover the motivations behind the (tacit or explicit) support for the BR-319 reconstruction project by certain NGOs. This has not been easy, given the lack of transparency among these organizations and their funders. An extraor-
dinary coincidence is that the NGOs that refused to condemn the BR-319 project are all funded by the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation (GBMF). The GBMF prohibited the NGOs it funds from taking positions against the BR-319 project. This could have been explicitly enforced through a clause in grant agreements (which neither the GBMF nor the NGOs are willing to disclose) or even through some form of verbal warning. This remains an open question.
The GBMF was established in 2000 by Intel co-founder Gordon Moore and his wife, Betty Moore, with the aim of supporting scientific research and environmental conservation. The GBMF’s grants to Brazilian institutions began in 2004 as part of the Andes-Amazon Initiative. The foundation focuses its donations in Brazil on one area: land, terrestrial ecosystems, and land use. Its strategies for protected areas and indigenous territories include conservation, consolidation, management, and monitoring. The area along the BR-319 highway is a particularly important part of the foundation’s funding. The GBMF has provided funding with the desirable goal of promoting governance, but NGO governance projects have had a clear effect in facilitating the approval of the BR-319 highway reconstruction project. In response to a question about BR-319, a GBMF spokesperson shared the following statement with us: "The construction and paving of roads in ecologically fragile regions can cause great destruction. We are not against roads; we are in favour of establishing environmental and social safeguards that will protect nature and people."
Beyond the effect of NGO "governance" projects in facilitating the licensing approval for construction, these projects and the implicit continuation of governance funding after the road is built are part of the dilemma that NGOs and their funders face with harmful development projects worldwide—namely, the fact that NGO activities reduce the overall cost of construction projects, making them more likely to be realised. The BR-319 project becomes far more attractive if the government only bears the cost of asphalt and other physical parts of the project, while international funders, including philanthropic organizations, cover the expenses for governance measures, such as deforestation control and
the protection of indigenous territories. In the case of BR-319, the Minister of Transport stated that he wants to use money from the Amazon Fund to make the BR-319 project "viable" [45, 46].
An unanswered question is whether the GBMF might be funding projects that facilitate BR-319’s approval to benefit its own investments. An alignment between investments and the highway project’s beneficiaries does not necessarily mean that such an influence chain exists. Many foundations delegate asset management to an outsourced firm or to an internal department separate from grant-making activities. These arrangements generally mean that assets are managed to maximise profits without considering the environmental and social impacts they cause. It cannot be assumed that the GBMF's grant-making process is influenced by BR-319’s implications for the foundation’s investments. However, we suggest that this and other environmental foundations should divest from investments in environmentally harmful activities.
The presence of oil and gas in GBMF’s investment portfolio is notable. In addition to being globally harmful to the climate and other concerns, the oil and gas sector is a major beneficiary of BR-319. GBMF’s investment portfolio does not include Rosneft, the Russian oil and gas giant that purchased the first 16 drilling concessions in the area to be opened by the planned AM-366 highway, which would branch off from BR-319 [47, 48]. However, the GBMF has invested in SBerBank [49], Russia’s largest investment bank, which is a financier of Rosneft [50]. The enormous proposed Solimões Sedimentary Area [51] oil and gas project west of BR-319 has broad scope for investment by companies other than Rosneft. The project’s total area is 740,000 km², larger than the U.S. state of Texas. The GBMF holds investments in Brazilian oil company Petrobras, Russian oil company Lukoil – PJSC, American company Anadarko Petroleum, China Petroleum and Chemicals, Indonesia-active American company Perusahaan Gas Comstock, Indian Petronet LNG, and TownGas China [49].
Brazil’s National Petroleum Agency has designated nine major drilling blocks along the BR-319 route [52]. Although they are not in the "middle stretch" of the highway, they would benefit from the road project.
One of these blocks (AM-T-107) was purchased by Eneva in partnership with ATEM [53] at the "end-of-the-world auction" in December 2023 [54]. Eneva is a Brazilian gas and oil company highly recommended by Dynamo [55], which is GBMF’s asset management firm in Brazil. Dynamo itself holds a 10.06% stake in Eneva, and Eneva may merge with Vibra, a gas and oil company in which Dynamo holds a 10.28% stake [56]. Due to the impact on indigenous peoples, a court ruling suspended the signing of drilling contracts for Block AM-T-107 (as well as four other blocks purchased by these companies in Amazonas outside the BR-319 area) [57]. Regardless of whether this suspension persists, the increased profitability that BR-319 would bring to the oil and gas sector in areas accessed by this highway and its secondary roads would stimulate large-scale fossil fuel extraction and increase the chances of overcoming indigenous opposition.
The GBMF has also invested in JBS [49], which prides itself on being the "world's largest animal protein company." JBS slaughterhouses and the farms that supply cattle to them are a major force in Amazon deforestation. Large ranchers from the AMACRO deforestation hotspot, as well as soybean and other agribusiness interests, plan to exploit the area to be opened west of BR-319 by the planned AM-366 highway, which would also provide access to oil and gas areas [58].
GRANTS
The International Institute of Education of Brazil (IEB) received a total of 10 grants from GBMF between 2004 and 2022, amounting to more than US$14 million [59], includ-
ing US$2 million for work on BR-319 [60]. The funding objectives include "increasing engagement" of indigenous peoples in the middle section of BR-319 and enhancing "public understanding" of "opportunities and benefits for sustainable development along the highway corridor" [61, p. 12].
The Getulio Vargas Foundation (FGV) received funds from GBMF exceeding US$6 million [62]. The funding is for conducting studies and promoting the creation and implementation of a territorial governance plan along the BR-319 highway corridor in the Amazon [63, 64].
The Amazon Sustainable Development Institute (Idesam), an NGO based in Manaus responsible for coordinating the BR-319 Observatory, received five grants from GBMF between 2011 and 2023, totalling US$2.4 million, with more than half (US$1.24 million) received in November 2023 [65]. An Idesam report, titled "Analysis of the Implementation of Conservation Units under the Influence of the BR-319 Highway," in collaboration with the Brazilian Biodiversity Fund (Funbio), which is also funded by GBMF [66], described the benefits and opportunities that the reconstruction of BR-319 could offer to the Amazon region [67].
CURRENT SCENARIO: THE NEED FOR CHANGE
Environmental NGOs and philanthropic organizations must oppose projects that put biodiversity-rich areas at risk. The proposed reconstruction of BR-319 threatens much of what remains of Brazil's Amazon rainforest and is undoubtedly one of the most environmentally damaging projects in the world (e.g., [5, 6]). These organizations
must ensure that their efforts genuinely benefit their intended recipients: the environment and indigenous communities. They also need to significantly increase their transparency.
The image opening this article is by Alberto César Araújo/Amazônia Real and shows the middle section of BR-319 near the district of Realidade in Amazonas.
ACCESS ALL REFERENCES OF THE ARTICLE:
(*) Lucas Ferrante is a biologist graduated from the Federal University of Alfenas (UNIFAL), with a master's and Ph.D. in Biology (Ecology) from the National Institute for Amazonian Research (INPA). He is currently a researcher at the University of São Paulo (USP) and the Federal University of Amazonas (UFAM), where he coordinates projects on contemporary changes in the Amazon, including the climate crisis, the loss of ecosystem services, epidemiological dynamics, and their socio-environmental impacts, with an emphasis on Indigenous peoples and biodiversity. Additionally, he officially serves as a collaborating researcher at the Management and Operational Center of the Amazon Protection System (CENSIPAM) of the federal government.
(*) Philip Martin Fearnside holds a PhD from the Department of Ecology and Evolutionary Biology at the University of Michigan (USA) and is a senior researcher at the National Institute for Amazonian Research (Inpa) in Manaus (AM), where he has lived since 1978. He is a Level 1A researcher of the CNPq and a member of the Brazilian Academy of Sciences (ABC). He received the Nobel Peace Prize as part of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) in 2007. He has authored more than 750 scientific publications and over 700 outreach texts available at: http:// philip.inpa.gov.br.
(*) Monica Piccinini is a freelance writer focused on environmental, health, and human rights issues. She is a Brazilian based in London, United Kingdom, where she conducts investigative journalism and writes for environmental magazines such as The Canary and The Ecologist.
Launch event of the publication "Environmental and socioeconomic analysis of municipalities under the influence of the BR-319 Highway"
Credit: Idesam
Imminent Devastation
Pará Leads Deforestation Risk in 2025, Says Imazon
Fabyo Cruz – Da Cenarium
BELÉM (PA) – Pará leads the ranking of areas at risk of deforestation in the Amazon Rainforest for 2025, accounting for 35% of all threatened territory, according to data from theArtificial Intelligence platform, PrevisIA, developed by the Amazon Institute of People and the Environment (Imazon). If the most vulnerable areas are not protected, it is
estimated that 6,531 km² of the Amazon rainforest will be destroyed in 2025, a 4% increase compared to 2024.
Amazonas and Mato Grosso rank second and third, respectively, with 20% and 17%.
Together, Pará, Amazonas, and Mato Grosso represent 72% of all threatened territory in the Legal Amazon. While Pará shows a reduction in areas at risk compared to the previous year, it remains central to efforts to combat forest destruction.
Additionally, the state has some of the most vulnerable territories, such as the Kayapó Indigenous Territory (IT), identi-
fied by PrevisIA as the most threatened in 2025, with a deforestation risk equivalent to 2,500 soccer fields. In the previous year, the Apyterewa Indigenous Territory, also in Pará, held this position. Despite operations to remove invaders, the territory remains second on the list of threatened areas.
Another highlight is the Triunfo do Xingu Environmental Protection Area (EPA) in the southeastern part of the state, which remains the most threatened conservation unit in the Amazon for the fourth consecutive year. According to PrevisIA, the risk of deforestation in this area for 2025 is equivalent to nearly 10,000 soccer fields.
Deforestation in Pará
Credit: Reproduction Archive | Agência Pará
ALERT
Although the estimate of 6,531 km² of forest under threat is alarming, Imazon researchers warn that the figures may be conservative. This is because the PrevisIA model did not incorporate the significant increase in deforestation and fires recorded after the official Prodes calendar closed in July 2024. Between August and October 2024 alone, 1,628 km² were already devastated in the Amazon, representing 25% of the forecast for 2025.
“If we act to protect the areas identified by PrevisIA as being at very high, high, or moderate risk of deforestation, we can further reduce Amazon deforestation in 2025 and move closer to the goal of zero deforestation by 2030. This is essential to reduce greenhouse gas emissions in Brazil and mitigate the effects of climate change, which are already seriously impacting us, such as flooding in Rio Grande do Sul and droughts in the Amazon. We need to use this technology to benefit the forest,” said Carlos Souza Jr., Imazon researcher and PrevisIA coordinator.
PREVISIA
PrevisIA is a tool launched in 2021 by Imazon in partnership with Microsoft and Fundo Vale to support strategies to combat deforestation. In Pará, the data generated by the platform is used by the State Prosecutor’s Office (MP-PA) to plan preventive actions.
Planned initiatives include sending information about areas at very high and high risk, which have Rural Environmental Registries (CAR), to environmental agencies and the landowners themselves. The goal is to increase the rigor of inspections, prevent deforestation, and hold those who fail to meet environmental requirements accountable.
“In addition to supporting the national strategy to combat deforestation, PrevisIA can also help state and municipal governments protect their forests by providing a map of risk areas, including information on roads and overlapping Rural Environmental Registries (CARs),” said Carlos.
Imazon estimates that 6,531 km² of the Amazon rainforest will be destroyed in 2025 if the most vulnerable areas are not protected, a 4% increase compared to 2024.
72%
Pará, Amazonas, and Mato Grosso together account for 72% of all threatened territory in the Legal Amazon.
Comparison between deforestation in 2024 and the forecast for 2025 in the Legal Amazon (km²) by state
PA (Prodes 2024)
PA (PrevisIA 2025)
AM (Prodes 2024)
AM (PrevisIA 2025)
MT (Prodes 2024)
MT (PrevisIA 2025)
AC (Prodes 2024)
AC (PrevisIA 2025)
RO (Prodes 2024)
RO (PrevisIA 2025)
RR (Prodes 2024)
RR (PrevisIA 2025)
MA (Prodes 2024)
MA (PrevisIA 2025)
AP (Prodes 2024)
AP (PrevisIA 2025)
TO (Prodes 2024)
TO (PrevisIA 2025)
Data from the Artificial Intelligence Platform, PrevisIA
Shared Knowledge
The outcome of scientific work carried out at the State University of Amazonas (UEA) is returned as a benefit to society Ana Pastana – From Cenarium
MANAUS (AM) – Developing research and science to directly benefit the lives of riverside communities in Amazonas, the State University (UEA), through the Selva monitoring app, has been assisting the Ministry of Communications (MCom) in the implementation of fibre optic cables in the
state's countryside, which will expand internet access in the region. Developed by students and professors from the university’s technology department, the app provides real-time information generated by monitoring environmental variables, such as rainfall and lightning strikes, to guide the installation of the cables.
Workers handling a rope. In detail, an image of the Selva app
Credit: Disclosure | Secom
Credit: Disclosure | UEA
The seasonal hydroclimatic bulletin, also developed by UEA through research, assists the department responsible for the project in monitoring soil conditions for the installation of the cables, which will be implemented underwater in the waters of the Solimões River.
In total, 12 municipalities in the state will benefit from improved internet access through the implementation of fibre optic cables, which will expand communication and connectivity in the affected regions. UEA has been assisting MCom with the project “Infovia 02”, part of the federal government’s “Connected North” programme, providing high-quality education to transform the Amazon region.
The installation of the fibre optic cables, which will remain submerged in the waters of the Solimões River, will benefit 370,000 inhabitants in the municipalities of Tefé, Alvarães, Uarini, Fonte Boa, Jutaí, Tonantins, Santo Antônio do Içá, Amaturá, São Paulo de Olivença, Belém do Solimões, Tabatinga, and Benjamin Constant, in the interior of Amazonas. The expansion of internet services will enhance connectivity in public schools, hospitals, and even public squares, which will be equipped with Wi-Fi for local residents.
INSTALLATION
More than 1,000 kilometres of cables will be installed underwater in the Solimões River. Each implemented infoway will consist of cables containing 24 pairs of fibre optics, with a capacity of up to 20 terabytes (TB) – a unit of data storage – per second. The cables have been designed to last at least 25 years submerged in the rivers.
In practice, internet speeds will be able to transmit the equivalent of 200,000 high-definition (HD) streaming videos simultaneously, ensuring excellent quality.
COMMUNITY REACH
UEA is also promoting, with the support of lecturers, workshops for riverside and indigenous communities that will be impacted by the arrival of internet services. According to Augusto Gomes, a student assisting in the project’s implementation, some communities already had internet access, but the reach will now be expanded.
“It is the expansion of the voices of all communities, and through the partnership with the university, it increases the reach of indigenous, riverside, and quilombola peoples. We already had stable internet here, and now we will go even further [with the arrival of fibre optic cables],” said Gomes.
Yomarley Holanda, a professor at the university in the municipality of Tefé, located 519 kilometres from Manaus, states that the Infovia 02 project positively impacts communities by expanding technological development in the region. “We are talking about 12 municipalities in the Médio and Alto Solimões that will be
positively impacted by this project. All the theoretical knowledge from the university is being applied in practice, and everyone is contributing to the technological development of the region,” he stated.
According to the federal government, the infrastructure will be connected to metropolitan networks in the cities, providing high-speed connectivity to public schools, health units, courts, Armed Forces organisations, police battalions, research centres, river agencies, and approximately 12,000 indigenous people distributed across 30 villages, all located in Belém do Solimões.
In October 2023, the State University of Amazonas (UEA) launched the Selva monitoring app as a response to the environmental challenges faced in the Amazon region. The platform, which provides real-time monitoring of wildfires and the Air Quality Index (IQAr), has been instrumental in monitoring air quality throughout the year, particularly during the dry season when wildfire incidents increase in the state, consequently worsening air conditions in the region.
With real-time data, such as the location and intensity of wildfires, the app provides information to relevant authorities, allowing for a quicker and more effective response to safeguard public health in the state.
Developed by UEA through the Environmental Programme on Air Pollution (EducAIR), the app also monitors environmental variables, such as rainfall and lightning strikes, in real-time.
Selva
Lecturers in workshops for riverside and indigenous communities
Bolsonaro Indicted
Former President and Braga Netto assigned positions and tasks in coup plot
Ana Cláudia Leocádio – From Cenarium
BRASÍLIA (DF) – Former President
Jair Bolsonaro (PL) and his former Defense Minister, Walter Souza Braga Netto, divided positions and defined strategic roles within the plan for a coup d’état, according to an indictment by the General Attorney’s Office, presented on February 18. Documents and testimonies reveal that the duo organized the distribution of key posts in the plot to prevent Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT) from taking office as President of the Republic and to keep Bolsonaro in power.
The complaint by the General Attorney of the Republic, Paulo Gonet, to the Supreme Federal Court (STF), details in minutiae how former President Jair Bol-
sonaro (PL) led the coup d’état plot, one of the crimes for which he was indicted along with 33 other individuals, most of them military personnel from the Armed Forces.
According to Gonet, “the organization was led by the President of the Republic himself and his vice-presidential candidate, General Braga Netto,” emphasizing that both “accepted, encouraged, and carried out acts typified in criminal law as attacks against the legal assets of the existence and independence of powers and the democratic rule of law.“
“Responsibility for acts harmful to democratic order falls on a criminal organization led by Jair Messias Bolsonaro, based on an authoritarian project of power. Rooted in the very structure of the State and with strong influence from military sectors, the organization developed in a hierarchical order and with a division of key tasks among its members,” Gonet states in the accusatory document.
In the 272-page complaint, the General Attorney’s Office (PGR) affirms that identifying all the reported acts was only possible due to the conspirators’ meticulous documentation of the project. “During the investigations, handwritten notes, digital files, spreadsheets, and message exchanges revealing the march toward the rupture of democratic order were found,” the complaint states.
For the General Attorney, the progressive actions of the criminal organization began in July 2021 and extended until January 2023, culminating in the invasion of the buildings of the Three Branches of Government in Brasília, aimed at abolishing the democratic rule of law and overthrowing the legitimately elected government.
CRUCIAL CORE
Bolsonaro was listed as part of the core leadership of the organization, along with Alexandre Ramagem, Almir Garnier Santos,
Jair Bolsonaro and Braga Netto
Credit: Composição Lucas Oliveira | Cenarium
Anderson Gustavo Torres, Augusto Heleno Ribeiro Pereira, Paulo Sérgio Nogueira de Oliveira, and Walter Souza Braga Netto. These high-ranking members of the federal government and the Armed Forces were responsible for “the main decisions and actions of social impact described in the complaint.”
The then aide-de-camp of the former president, Mauro Cid, “although having decision-making autonomy, was also part of this core, acting as a spokesperson for Jair Messias Bolsonaro and transmitting instructions to other members of the group.”
The former director of the Federal Highway Police (PRF), Silvinei Vasques, along with Marília Ferreira de Alencar and Fernando de Sousa Oliveira, both from the Public Security Secretariat of the Federal District (SSP-DF), were responsible for “employing police forces to sustain Bolsonaro’s illegitimate hold on power.”
More than 1,500 participants in the extremist acts, seen as an attempted coup d’état, have already been detained (Marcelo Camargo/Agência Brasil)
The complaint indicates that General Mário Fernandes, then second in command at the General Secretariat of the Presidency of the Republic, coordinated actions to monitor and neutralize public authorities, in conjunction with Marcelo Costa Câmara, as well as facilitating communication with popular leaders linked to the events of January 8, 2023.
Former international advisor to Bolsonaro, Felipe Garcia Martins Pereira, accord-
ing to Gonet’s report, was the one who presented and defended the decree project that would have implemented exceptional measures in the country if the coup plan had succeeded.
According to the complaint, coercive actions were carried out by members of public security forces aligned with the anti-democratic plan. Among them was then-commander of Ground Operations Command (Coter), Estevam Cals Teóphilo Gaspar de Oliveira, who “agreed to coordinate the use of ground forces in accordance with the group’s directives.”
Military personnel dedicated to monitoring and neutralizing public authorities included Hélio Ferreira Lima, Rafael Martins de Oliveira, Rodrigo Bezerra de Azevedo, and Wladimir Matos Soares. Hélio Ferreira Lima was arrested and transferred from Brasília to the 7th Battalion of the Army Police, located in Manaus. Known as “black kids,” members of the Army’s Special Forces also played a crucial role in the plot reported by the PGR.
Gonet also describes the role of specialists Bernardo Romão Correa Netto, Cleverson Ney Magalhães, Fabrício Moreira de Bastos, Márcio Nunes de Resende Júnior, Nilton Diniz Rodrigues, Sergio Ricardo Cavaliere de Medeiros, and Ronald Ferreira de Araújo Junior, who conducted tactical actions to persuade and pressure the Army High Command to execute the coup.
The complaint also identifies those responsible for strategic disinformation operations, including Ailton Gonçalves
“Responsibility for acts harmful to democratic order falls on a criminal organization led by Jair Messias Bolsonaro, based on an authoritarian project of power”
Paulo Gonet, General Attorney of the Republic, in the complaint submitted to the Supreme Federal Court (STF).
Crimes Bolsonaro has been Indicted For
Deterioration of protected property: Destruction of a legally protected asset. Punishment: 1 to 3 years imprisonment and a fine; Armed criminal organization: Promotion, constitution, financing, or integration of a criminal organization. Punishment: 3 to 8 years imprisonment;
Attempt to violently abolish the Democratic Rule of Law: Employing violence or grave threats to abolish the democratic rule of law. Punishment: 4 to 8 years imprisonment;
Coup d’état: Attempting to overthrow a legitimately constituted government through violence or grave threats. Punishment: 4 to 12 years imprisonment;
Qualified damage by violence and grave threats against Union property, with considerable damage to the victim: Punishment: 6 months to 3 years imprisonment and a fine, in addition to penalties corresponding to violence.
General Attorney of the Republic, Paulo Gonet is the author of the indictment against former President Jair Bolsonaro
Credit: Rosinei Coutinho | STF
Moraes Barros, Angelo Martins Denicoli, Paulo Renato de Oliveira Figueiredo Filho, Reginaldo Vieira de Abreu, Carlos Cesar Moretzsohn Rocha, Giancarlo Gomes Rodrigues, Marcelo Araújo Bormevet, and Guilherme Marques de Almeida.
“They spread false news about the electoral process and launched virtual attacks against institutions and authorities that threatened the group’s interests. All were aware of the organization’s larger plan and the effectiveness of their actions in promoting social instability and achieving institutional rupture,” states Gonet.
ACCOUNTABILITY
At the beginning of the complaint, Paulo Gonet makes it clear that in a republic, everyone is subject to accountability for criminal conduct. “The President of the Republic is not exempt from this rule, although, certainly, a criminal accusation against the Head of State, even after leaving office, cannot be trivialized as a mere continuation of political dispute, no matter how bitter the partisan environment has become,” he states.
“The crimes described did not occur instantaneously but unfolded through a chain of events, some more visible than others, always articulated toward the same objective—that the organization, led by then-President Jair Bolsonaro, would not leave power or would return to it by force, either through threats or direct action, in defiance of the will of the people as expressed at the polls. The inquiry reveals
an attack on the existence of the three branches of government and the essence of the democratic rule of law,” concludes the General Attorney in his introduction.
Upon receiving the complaint, the case’s reporting minister, Alexandre de Moraes, will decide whether to accept or dismiss it, as well as whether to bring it before a panel decision. If accepted, the accused will become defendants in a criminal case, following normal proceedings, including the right to defense, final arguments, and final judgment. Moraes may also request modifications to the PGR’s complaint if inconsistencies are found.
UNCONCERNED
Former President Jair Bolsonaro (PL) stated on February 18 that he was “waiting” for the PGR’s indictment to be submitted to the Federal Court regarding the coup attempt. The statement was made at the National Congress in Brasília (DF) during meetings with political allies. When questioned about the matter, Bolsonaro said he was not worried.
“I’m waiting for it to arrive. I hope that this time I have access to the case files. Have you seen the coup draft? You haven’t, I haven’t either. Have you seen (Mauro) Cid’s plea bargain? I’m waiting,” said Bolsonaro.
The Accused
Ailton Gonçalves Moraes Barros
Alexandre Ramagem Rodrigues
Almir Garnier Santos
Anderson Gustavo Torres
Ângelo Martins Denicoli
Augusto Heleno Ribeiro Pereira
Bernardo Romão Correa Netto
Carlos Cesar Moretzsohn Rocha
Cleverson Ney Magalhães
Estevam Cals Theóphilo Gaspar de Oliveira
Fabrício Moreira de Bastos
Filipe Garcia Martins Pereira
Fernando de Sousa Oliveira
Giancarlo Gomes Rodrigues
Guilherme Marques de Almeida
Hélio Ferreira Lima
Jair Messias Bolsonaro
Marcelo Araújo Bormevet
Marcelo Costa Câmara
Márcio Nunes de Resende Júnior
Mário Fernandes
Marília Ferreira de Alencar
Mauro César Barbosa Cid
Nilton Diniz Rodrigues
Paulo Renato de Oliveira Figueiredo Filho
Paulo Sérgio Nogueira de Oliveira
Rafael Martins de Oliveira
Reginaldo Vieira de Abreu
Rodrigo Bezerra de Azevedo
Ronald Ferreira de Araújo Júnior
Sérgio Ricardo Cavaliere de Medeiros
Silvinei Vasques
Walter Souza Braga Netto
Wladimir Matos Soares
Source: Denúncia da PGR.
ACCESS THE FULL ARTICLE ON OUR WEBSITE AND READ THE COMPLETE INDICTMENT
More than 1,500 participants in the extremist acts attacking the Three Branches of Government, seen as an attempted coup, have already been arrested
Credit:
Marcelo Camargo | Ag Brasil
Military Officer linked to Amazonas proposed chaos to force State of Siege, says Cid
Jadson
Lima – From Cenarium
MANAUS (AM) – Brazilian Army (EB) Lieutenant Colonel Hélio Ferreira Lima personally met with Jair Bolsonaro’s (PL) then-aide-de-camp, Mauro Cid, between November 9 and 11, 2022, with a proposal to instigate chaos in the country to force the declaration of a State of Defense or State of Siege. In 2023, Lima assumed command of the 3rd Special Forces Company of the Amazon Military Command (CMA), headquartered in Manaus. He officially took office on December 19, 2023. The details of this information are contained in documents accessed by CENARIUM and revealed on February 19, after Supreme Federal Court (STF) Minister Alexandre de Moraes lifted the confidentiality of the military officer’s plea bargain agreement.
Hélio Ferreira Lima was indicted on February 18 by the Attorney General’s Office (PGR) for his involvement in the plot to keep Jair Bolsonaro (PL) in power after the former president’s defeat in the October 2022 elections. In addition to the military officer, other members of the Armed Forces and Bolsonaro himself were implicated by the Federal Public Prosecutor’s Office (MPF).
The military officers’ meeting took place at the Officers’ Transit Hotel in Goiânia during the night. In testimony given on November 21, 2024, Lieutenant Colonel Mauro Cid stated that he was approached by fellow lieutenant colonels Hélio Ferreira Lima and Rafael de Oliveira, who allegedly
expressed their “outrage over the election results and insisted that something needed to be done,” including a mass mobilization to create institutional chaos. The military officer was in the capital of Goiás as he was set to assume command of the Special Forces Troops headquartered in the city.
“They expressed their indignation about what was happening in the country, that something had to be done, [because] there was a massive mobilization, that the Army had to take action […] and that they were willing to undertake an operation that could spark a mass mobilization, right?
Something that could cause institutional chaos,” Mauro Cid stated in a section of his testimony.
Cid’s testimony aligns with the mass mobilization in front of the Amazon Military Command (CMA) in the western zone of Manaus after the 2022 elections when Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT) was elected President of the Republic. At the time, the crowd blocked streets and caused disruptions for local residents due to the high volume of automotive sound systems.
The first in-person discussion between the three military officers on ways to overturn the election results that elected Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT) took place days before another meeting on November 12, 2022, at the residence of General Walter Braga Netto in Brasília. The meeting at the home of the defeated vice-presidential candidate was suggested by the military officers because, according to the “black ops team,” he was the key intermediary
between the protesters camped outside military barracks and Jair Bolsonaro.
“The collaborator [Mauro Cid] contacted General Braga Netto to schedule a meeting. During the meeting, they again discussed the need for actions that would mobilize the popular masses and generate social chaos, thereby enabling the president to sign a state of defense, state of siege, or something similar,” reads a section of the testimony.
The Attorney General’s Office (PGR), in its indictment against the military officers, stated that the meeting at Braga Netto’s house aimed to discuss clandestine actions to neutralize Minister Alexandre de Moraes, as outlined in the plan “Punhal Verde-Amarelo” (Green-and-Yellow Dagger). Mauro Cid’s testimony also highlighted that the meeting covered ways to carry out an impactful social action to justify Jair Bolsonaro signing a decree.
“And so, the conversation was at this level: we have to do something to create mass mobilization, something that would have repercussions, that would force the Army to take action, to declare a state of siege, so that the generals understand the necessity and the president agrees to sign something—or not, right?” Cid told Minister Alexandre de Moraes.
WHO IS FERREIRA LIMA?
Preventively detained since November 21 of last year, Lieutenant Colonel Hélio Ferreira Lima is one of the “black ops team” (kids pretos), military personnel trained for sabotage operations and popular insurgency, known as “irregular warfare operations.” His military career included command of the 3rd Special Forces Company of the Amazon Military Command (CMA), a unit based in Manaus. He officially took office on December 19, 2023, one year after discussions aimed at breaking democratic order.
He was removed from his position in February 2024 by order of the STF, as part of Operation Tempus Veritatis, in which the military officer was also targeted for search and seizure operations. About nine months later, in November of the same year, Hélio Ferreira Lima was preventively arrested after investigators found substantial evidence indicating his involvement in the plot to overturn the election results.
Brazilian Army (EB) Lieutenant Colonel Hélio Ferreira Lima was tasked with creating an environment of chaos, says Cid
Credit: Composition by Paulo Dutra | Cenarium
Pará: revocation by popular force
After nearly a month of protests, Pará deputies revoke Law No. 10,820, the target of demonstrations arguing it weakens the education of traditional peoples
Fabyo Cruz – From Cenarium
BELÉM (PA) – After nearly a month of protests and occupation at the Pará State Secretariat of Education (Seduc-PA), the Legislative Assembly of Pará (Alepa) unanimously approved on Wednesday, the 12th, the repeal of Law 10.820/2024. The decision represents a victory for educators, Indigenous peoples,
and social movements, who pressured the state government against changes in the teaching career structure.
Indigenous leader Auricélia Arapiun described the repeal as a victory for state public school teachers and the Indigenous peoples of the state who have been occupying the Seduc-PA headquarters since January 14, for 28 days.
“When many people told us that we wouldn’t succeed, that we needed to negotiate, we showed here that rights are not negotiated; they are guaranteed. We came here to ensure this right, and now we are waiting for the publication of the decree,” she told CENARIUM.
The repeal had already advanced on Tuesday, the 11th, when Alepa’s Committee on Constitution, Justice, and Final Drafting approved a favorable opinion on the proj-
ect. The outcome of the vote was closely followed by union representatives and lawmakers opposed to the law, which had faced strong resistance since its approval.
The mobilization grew after the government downplayed the law’s impact on Indigenous and quilombola education. Amid criticism, Supreme Federal Court (STF) Justice Cármen Lúcia requested clarifications on the legislation. Under pressure, Governor Helder Barbalho (MDB) signed a Commitment Agreement on February 5 to repeal the measure.
On Monday, the 10th, the state public school teachers’ strike, which began on January 23, was suspended after indications that Alepa would vote on the repeal. In addition to the law’s repeal, the category demanded changes in Seduc-PA’s management.
Indigenous people celebrate in front of Alepa the revocation of Law No. 10,820
Credit:
Fabyo Cruz Cenarium
"Occupation in Pará sends a message," says Alessandra Munduruku
Munduruku is an Indigenous leader from the state of
Fabyo Cruz – From Cenarium
BELÉM (PA) – On the National Day of Indigenous Peoples' Fight, celebrated on February 7, the occupation of the Pará State Secretariat of Education (Seduc) by Indigenous peoples in Belém reached its 25th day, symbolizing their historical resistance in defending their rights. Among the most prominent voices in this cause is Alessandra Korap Munduruku, an internationally recognized leader for her fight against illegal miners and large enterprises threatening Indigenous territories. In an exclusive interview with CENARIUM, she spoke about the challenges and strength of the movement.
"The occupation is sending a message. We've been here for almost a month, showing that we will not back down. This fight is not just about education; it is about our very existence. We are shouting so they will hear us," Alessandra stated that day.
Alessandra recalls that when she first arrived at Seduc, she thought she would stay for only two or three days. "We went through a lot. In the first days, we were attacked—they threw pepper spray in the bathrooms, cut off electricity and water to the building, and blocked food from being brought in. We came here with nothing but courage—no hammocks, no tents, nothing. Everything we have was donated. But we came with the strength of the spirit, of the territory, of nature," she recalled.
With the same determination she uses to denounce invasions in the Amazon,
she faced ups and downs in the fight for the repeal of Law No. 10,820/2024, which altered Indigenous education in Pará. "We went through moments of sadness and moments of empowerment. Our partners— warriors, chiefs—sometimes felt discouraged, but wherever we went, we stood back up. We never gave up. We always said that our rights are not for sale. No one trades away rights, no one sells territory, no one negotiates our existence," she said.
REPRESSION AND RESISTANCE
"We had many conversations, and they tried to deceive us multiple times. They tried to intimidate us, label us as insignificant, claiming we were just spreading fake news. But we knew why we were here. We are a people of struggle, a people of peace, a people who know the land we walk on and the suffering of our people. But we are also warriors," says Alessandra.
She recalls the repression the group faced during the occupation. "When we first met with the governor, after 15 days here, it seemed like there was hope. But instead of dialogue, they sent 1,500 police officers against 40 unarmed people. Our weapon was our song. Our weapon was the maracá. Our weapon was our body paint. Our weapon was our voice," she recounts.
During the interview, the Munduruku leader also denounced attempts to silence them: "They tried to break our movement three times. They took our phones, banned recordings and videos. When we arrived for
negotiations, a battalion of police officers was waiting for us. Even so, we went on."
Alessandra emphasizes that the occupation’s demands were always clear: "We always spoke about repealing the law and the removal of the secretary [Rossieli Soares]. But the governor refused to respond. He only mentioned a decree and a working group [GT]. I said: ‘That is too weak for us. A decree is weak. We want the law repealed so we can build specific legislation for Indigenous and Quilombola peoples.’"
A COLLECTIVE STRUGGLE
The mobilization began in defense of Indigenous education, but throughout the occupation, the protesters realized the impact of Law No. 10.820/2024 on other traditional communities. “When they interfered with our education, we thought it was only about Indigenous education. But we know about the problems in the territory, the difficulties teachers face to leave the city and reach the villages. It takes one, two, three, four days of travel, without support from the State and, often, not even from the Municipality. They have to cover fuel, teaching materials, freight, and transportation costs,” explains Alessandra. She says that, in the process, they learned about the challenges faced by teachers in riverside and quilombola communities.
A FIGHT THAT NEVER STOPS
Regarding the National Day of Indigenous Peoples' Fight, Alessandra stresses that resistance is a daily battle. “The fight for rights happens every day. Every day, you fight for demarcated land, for healthcare, for education. And February 7 is a symbolic day to remind us that this struggle is ongoing,” she highlights.
Alessandra
Pará
'Calha Norte' Changes Hands
After 40 years, the program is no longer under military responsibility as of this year
Ana Cláudia Leocádio* - From Cenarium
BRASÍLIA (DF) – The “Calha Norte” Program (PCN) is being transferred from the Ministry of Defense (MD) to the Ministry of Integration and Regional Development (MIDR) as of January 2025, after 40 years under military oversight.
Created in 1985 to implement basic infrastructure projects in municipalities across the region, the PCN serves the states of Acre, Amapá, Amazonas, Maranhão, Mato Grosso, Mato Grosso do Sul, Pará, Rondônia, Roraima and Tocantins.
About 'Calha Norte'
R$ 800 MILLION
An average of R$ 800 million is allocated annually to 'Calha Norte.' Over the past four decades, the program has been one of the main tools for allocating funds through budget amendments by Northern Region lawmakers.
783 MUNICIPALITIES
According to the Ministry of Defense, of the 783 municipalities served by 'Calha Norte,' 170 are located along the 14,938 kilometers of border area.
On average, the program receives R$800 million annually. Over the past four decades, it has been one of the primary tools for allocating funds through budget amendments by parliamentarians from the Northern Region.
60% OF THE COUNTRY
The program operates in an area covering nearly 60% of the national territory.
27 MILLION PEOPLE
A total of 27 million people live in the area served by 'Calha Norte,' including 90% of the country's Indigenous populations.
Calha Norte Program was created in 1985
Crédito: Composition By Weslley Santos | Cenarium
Activities of the Three Armed Forces in the Region
BRAZILIAN NAVY
► Control and security of river navigation;
► Vessel registration;
► Crew training;
► Support for regional communities through assistance to underprivileged populations.
BRAZILIAN ARMY
► Implementation of basic infrastructure in regional municipalities;
► Establishment of military units;
► Road maintenance;
► Maintenance of small power plants;
► Support for infrastructure at Special Border Platoons.
BRAZILIAN AIR FORCE (FAB)
► Establishment of military units;
► Support through logistical air transport;
► Maintenance of airfields;
► Community assistance, including aeromedical evacuations.
During the most recent meeting of the Northern Region caucus in the Chamber of Deputies in early December 2024, the group’s coordinator, State Deputy Sidney Leite (PDS-AM), stated that he would attempt, along with other caucus members, to block the ministry transfer. He argued that the Ministry of Defense has been satisfactorily managing the program but did not specify how he plans to make this request.
Upon signing the ordinance that established the Working Group (WG) to facilitate the program's transfer from the Ministry of Defense, the Minister of Integration, Waldez Góes, emphasized that nearly 100% of what “Calha Norte” delivers is directly related to regional development. “It is an administrative reorganization of the State to ensure better implementation of public policies,” he said.
The Minister of Defense, José Múcio, noted that the change would enable the Armed Forces to focus on their specific areas of expertise, as involvement with “Calha Norte” had created confusion and hindered management. “We are ceasing activities outside the scope of our ministry, for which we lack expertise. My desire is for the Armed Forces to return to their barracks and fulfill their primary duties,” he stated during the signing of the ordinance on September 4, 2024.
Initially designed to support communities along the Solimões and Amazonas rivers, the program has expanded over the years and now covers 783 municipalities across ten states, including some outside the Northern Region, such as Mato Grosso, Mato Grosso do Sul, and Maranhão.
According to the Ministry of Defense, of the 783 municipalities served by “Calha Norte,” 170 are located along the 14,938 kilometers of Brazil's border. This wide reach allows the program to operate in an area representing nearly 60% of the national territory, home to 27 million people, including 90% of the country’s indigenous population.
The MIDR states that the “Calha Norte” program delivers infrastructure projects in partnership with the Legislative Branch, encompassing health, education, sports, public safety, and economic development initiatives.
“Starting in January 2025, an interministerial Working Group will draft a report mapping out the necessary steps for transferring the 'Calha Norte' Program from the Ministry of Defense to the Ministry of Integration and Regional Development,” the receiving ministry announced in December 2024.
TARGET OF OVERSIGHT AGENCIES
An audit conducted by the Office of the Comptroller General (CGU) in August 2024, requested by Supreme Federal Court (STF) Justice Flávio Dino, who oversees cases related to the so-called "secret budget" amendments, revealed that “Calha Norte” is among the key programs funded through parliamentary amendments.
The Federal Court of Accounts (TCU) has also intensified oversight of resources allocated via legislative amendments.
According to an October 2024 report by O Globo, between 2009 and 2022, “Calha Norte” handled R$4.3 billion in public funds, which are now under investigation.
The report noted that TCU findings, based on the Ministry of Defense’s internal audits, highlight weaknesses in monitoring program agreements, particularly after the program’s scope was expanded.
Allegations range from overpricing and inflated project costs to uneven allocation of resources, often disproportionately favoring parliamentary strongholds of government allies.
In 2022, another O Globo report revealed that “through the secret budget alone, the Minister of Defense allocated R$588 million to projects in municipalities led by Bolsonaro government allies.” These projects included public squares, concrete walkways, council chamber buildings, and even funeral chapels.
From 2020 to 2023, the TCU initiated 25 special accountability processes to investigate irregularities in the use of amendments linked to “Calha Norte.”
(*) With information from the Ministry of Defense
PCN Actions, According to the Ministry of Defense
The program operates through two main branches: military and civilian. In the military one, the PCN allocates budget resources directly to the Armed Forces to implement, adapt, and expand Navy, Army, and Air Force units in the region.
In the civilian one the program voluntarily transfers budget resources, allocated via Annual Budget Laws (LOA) and parliamentary amendments, to state and municipal governments through agreements with the Ministry of Defense. These funds support basic and complementary infrastructure projects and equipment acquisitions.
Currently, the PCN manages 1,620 active agreements and 1,234 ongoing projects across 783 municipalities in ten states, with approximately R$3 billion in resources.
Remote Audits
TCE-AM invests in teleauditing to overcome the geographical challenges of the Amazon
Pedro Sousa – Special for Cenarium
MANAUS (AM) - Fulfilling the primary role of a State Court of Accounts takes on unique dimensions in regions such as the North of the country. In Amazonas, the largest state in the federation, covering over 1.5 million square kilometres, the mission of overseeing public expenditure faces challenges that few courts in Brazil encounter. Logistics is the greatest of them. Given the difficulties posed by the vast territory and natural obstacles, such as river floods, it is easy to understand the Amazonas State Court of Accounts (TCE-AM) investment in remote
monitoring mechanisms, among them tele-auditing, which allows for remote supervision.
To reach Amazonas' 62 municipalities, auditors of the Court of Accounts often undertake journeys involving air travel, river routes, and, in some cases, even treks through the forest. These challenges are exacerbated by cycles of historic floods and droughts, which can render previously viable routes practically impassable at certain times of the year.
External control auditor Vinícius Dantas has experienced this reality firsthand. During an audit in the municipality of Ipixuna, 1,363 kilometres from Manaus, he embarked on a complex journey: departing from Manaus to Brasília, then continuing to Cruzeiro do Sul, in Acre, where he spent the night, before boarding a small, single-engine aircraft with a capacity for just four people. During the flight, with no
co-pilot on board, he received emergency instructions from the pilot on what to do in case of a medical emergency.
“The experience left a mark on me, not only because of the challenge of the journey but also due to the risk involved,” Dantas recalls. Years later, he discovered that the same aircraft had been involved in a fatal accident: it struck a motorcyclist while landing on an airstrip without air traffic control, which was crossed by streets in a neighbourhood within the same municipality. “Our mission is to audit all municipalities, and in many of them, due to the region’s particularities, it requires a true adventure,” he said.
INNOVATION IN AUDITING
To overcome the region’s challenges, in December 2024, at the end of the first year of her second term, councillor-president Yara Amazônia Lins inaugurated the Court’s
TCE-AM auditor faces a flooded area to conduct an audit
Credit: Joel Arthus | TCE
“Our mission is to audit all municipalities, and in many of them, due to the region’s particularities, it requires a true adventure”
Vinícius Dantas, External control auditor of TCE-AM.
tele-auditing room, designed for real-time remote monitoring.
Located on the second floor of the TCEAM’s main building, at the heart of the Secretariat of External Control (Secex), the tele-auditing room boasts entirely in-house technology, featuring high-performance computers, interactive screens, and a strategic conference room equipped for video conferencing. This setup enables auditors and municipal managers to engage in virtual face-to-face interactions.
“The Amazonas region demands innovative solutions due to its geographical particularities. This space symbolises our commitment to innovation and the continuous improvement of the Court’s services. More than just a room, it represents our mission to serve the people of Amazonas with excellence, ensuring that every public resource is used responsibly and for the benefit of all,” highlighted Yara Amazônia Lins at the inauguration.
HOW TELE-AUDITING WORKS
The current Secex secretary, Mário Sato, explains that tele-auditing represents a significant step forward in oversight, allowing auditors access to a broad range of technological tools without the need for physical travel.
“The tele-auditing room is an integrated environment where auditors can utilise satellite imagery, remote sensing,
and other resources to monitor, in real time, the execution of public works, water resource management, and even environmental conservation issues. Furthermore, the video conferencing room enables municipal managers to be contacted directly to provide clarifications, submit documentation, and resolve queries, streamlining the entire auditing process,” explains Sato.
The technology has already demonstrated a positive impact on the speed and efficiency of audits, making them quicker and more detailed.
COST SAVINGS AND EFFICIENCY
In addition to optimising the auditors’ work, tele-auditing has a significant impact on cost reduction. Previously, audits
required lengthy trips and large amounts of printed paperwork.
“Tele-auditing reduces travel expenses and eliminates unnecessary paper usage, resulting in annual savings of approximately R$ 1 million. In the past, we had to print large volumes of documents at the audited units and then digitise them. Today, everything happens electronically,” notes Stanley Scherrer, former Secex secretary and current Director of External Control in Information Technology (Diceti).
The technology has also improved audit quality. “With this system, we can audit remote locations more than a thousand kilometres from the Court’s headquarters more swiftly and, in many cases, even with greater accuracy than in-person inspections,” highlights Scherrer.
Background and Regulation
Tele-auditing was formalised by Resolution No. 28/2021, which updated Resolution No. 4/2020 to regulate the Remote Oversight System. The model had been tested since 2017, but it became essential during the Covid-19 pandemic when audits were conducted entirely remotely.
Currently, remote audits are scheduled and published in the Official Gazette, and municipal managers must be online to respond to the Court’s requests in real time.
The innovative model has already attracted the interest of other Courts of Accounts in the country, such as that of Tocantins, which seeks to adapt the technology to its own context. The combination of satellite monitoring, remote sensing, and video conferencing establishes a new standard of efficiency and transparency, consolidating Amazonas as a pioneer in a more agile, secure, and accessible auditing process.
Tele-auditing room at the TCE-AM headquarters
Credit:
Neonazi Symbols
Brazilian government employee repeats Musk’s gesture similar to Nazi Salute Jadson Lima – From Cenarium
MANAUS (AM) – Marcelo Costa Mota, a 46-year-old employee of the Brazilian Agricultural Research Corporation (Embrapa), replicated the behavior of businessman Elon Musk by making a gesture similar to the “Sieg Heil” salute used by Adolf Hitler’s totalitarian regime during World War II (1939-1945), according to images obtained by CENARIUM
A photograph of Marcelo was published on January 25, five days after Musk made a similar gesture at former President Donald Trump’s inauguration in Washington, D.C. (USA). After the image spread across messaging groups, the employee spoke on social media, claiming the gesture was “a joke,” but later deleted the post. Businessman Elon Musk also denied any Nazi reference after facing criticism, justifying that the gesture symbolized “the heart reaching out to the crowd.”
According to Brazilian law, it is prohibited to “manufacture, commercialize, distribute, or display symbols, emblems, ornaments, insignias, or propaganda that use the swastika or similar symbols for the promotion of Nazism.” Known as the “Racism Law” (No. 7,716/89), it establishes prison sentences ranging from two to five years for those convicted of such crimes. The Brazilian Penal Code, under Article 287, also classifies the act of advocating for criminal ideologies as a crime, punishable by three to six months of detention or a fine. When associated with symbols or ideologies that promote discrimination or intolerance, the act can be further scrutinized.
In the image accessed by CENARIUM, the Embrapa employee is seen wearing light-colored shorts and a black shirt, raising his right arm at an upward angle with his fingers slightly tilted downward. He is also holding a red, white, and black flag featuring an eagle and a cross. The symbols
and gesture are similar to those used by Nazi Germany. When contacted for a statement, the employee said he would refer all inquiries to his legal counsel.
Marcelo Costa Mota is an IT technician at Embrapa in Manaus (AM), serving in a leadership sector. According to information gathered by CENARIUM, he has held this position since joining the institution on September 29, 2008.
On Tuesday, January 28, Embrapa, which is affiliated with the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock (Mapa), stated that it is “investigating the facts to take appropriate measures based on its internal regulations and legal framework.”
THE SECOND REICH
Dr. César Augusto Queirós, a historian with a Ph.D. from the Federal Univer -
sity of Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS) and a professor at the Federal University of Amazonas (UFAM), told CENARIUM that the image clearly depicts a Nazi salute, further reinforced by the presence of the Second Reich flag. The expert explained that Nazism appropriated and repurposed many national symbols.
“He is clearly reproducing a Nazi salute, which is further emphasized by the use of the Second Reich flag. The eagle, a symbol of Germany, was reappropriated, and the swastika was incorporated. The Iron Cross, also featured on the flag, had a swastika added to its center”, said Dr. Queirós.
César Augusto pointed out that these symbols are used by neo-Nazis and the far right as a reaffirmation of supremacist ideals. He emphasized that extremists carry significant anti-immigrant and xenophobic sentiments. “We must understand these
Embrapa (AM) employee, a company linked to the Ministry of Agriculture, makes a gesture similar to the Nazi salute in a photo
Credit: Imagem
actions as expressions of far-right ideologies, which dangerously align with Nazi and fascist beliefs”, he concluded.
MUSICAL CONNECTION
Besides being an Embrapa employee, Marcelo is also the owner of an independent music label called Kingdom of Darkness Productions and was a member of the Black Metal Manaus scene. After the Nazi-referencing photo spread through messaging groups, he responded via the label’s social media page, claiming the image was “a joke.” The post was later deleted, but CENARIUM obtained a copy.
To confirm Marcelo’s connection to the independent music label and the post in which he denied the Nazi affiliation, the website of the band Black Goat, of which he was also a member, was reviewed. According to publicly available information, Marcelo joined the group on September 13, 2014. Additionally, records updated in October 2023 confirm that he is the owner of Kingdom of Darkness Productions.
DELETED STATEMENT
In the retraction note posted on social media, Marcelo Mota claimed the image in which he appears making the Nazi-associated gesture was “posted by other people” He stated that he has always been “labeled as a playboy, a ‘condo rocker,’ and a ‘nazi’” and claimed he was a victim of “defamation.” He also referenced a report aired on Fantástico, a TV Globo program, on Sunday, January 26, which covered Brazilian Black Metal bands linked to Nazi ideology.
Marcelo further explained that the photo was taken during a gathering with two friends on Saturday, where they were drinking and listening to music. He insisted that the image was just “a joke” amidst the loud political debates in the metal scene. “We took a photo, joking about all this, and it ended up leaking and escalating,” Marcelo stated via Kingdom of Darkness Productions’ profile.
However, he did not clarify the presence of a flag with Nazi symbols in the setting or explain the context in which it appeared.
Embrapa’s website shows that Marcelo Costa works as a technician at the institution
Record made on the website of the band Black Goat, which indicates that Marcelo is the owner of the label Kingdom of Darkness
See the full text, published and later deleted: CENARIUM had access to the content published by Marcelo after the case became public
A member of the group forwarded the message sent by Marcelo Costa in a WhatsApp group
Brazil Criminalizes Advocacy
Brazil’s Racism Law classifies as a crime “the manufacture, commercialization, distribution, and dissemination of symbols, emblems, ornaments, badges, or propaganda that use the swastika or hooked cross for the purpose of promoting Nazism.” This offense is provided for in Article 20, §1 of Law No. 7.716/1989, with a penalty of two to five years in prison and a fine.
Article 287 of the Brazilian Penal Code defines the offense of advocating for a crime and establishes a penalty of three to six months in detention or a fine “for publicly praising a criminal act or its perpetrator.” “When there is an association with symbols or ideologies that promote
discrimination or intolerance, the conduct may be analyzed under the perspective of current legislation,” specialists consulted for the report pointed out.
Brazil is a signatory to the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, which instructs signatory countries to adopt measures to curb and punish expressions of racial hatred and the advocacy of totalitarian regimes responsible for crimes against humanity.
It is the responsibility of the Federal Police (PF) and the Federal Public Prosecutor’s Office (MPF) to investigate reports of the use of Nazi symbols and gestures associated with this context.
The image also does not show the two friends he mentioned in his post.
Following the backlash, Marcelo allegedly sent a message in a private chat saying he was “considering” shutting down his label after some of the bands associated with it distanced themselves from Kingdom of Darkness Productions. “I must respect their wishes. I won’t force anyone to be by my side… I don’t need to and never will need to message anyone,” he stated. See message sent by a group member to CENARIUM:
EMPLOYEE’S ONLINE GROUP
According to information obtained by CENARIUM, Marcelo Mota also adminis-
Group member mentions jail, in case there is a possible leak of exchanged messages
Press addressed Black Sun in photo of Ukrainian soldier in 2022
Messages in a group administered by the Embrapa employee show the spread of extremis ideas
Rafael Teles has an area code from Mato Grosso do Sul
ters a group named Kingdom of Darkness Productions. In one of the messages sent in this group, an unidentified member states, “If the communist f** still hangs around here, we’ll end up in jail.”
In the same message, sent at 3:51 PM, the individual describes a circular tattoo on the back of his hand that resembles a swastika. He mentions that he had visited a police station to report a stolen motorcycle, and the officer questioned him about the tattoo.
“I told him [the officer] that it represents a Black Sun, and for me, it has significant meaning. I had to testify about the tattoo before they even filed my stolen vehicle report,” he wrote. See the text:
The Black Sun (Schwarze Sonne in German) is an esoteric symbol linked to Nazi occultism and later adopted by neo-Nazi and far-right movements. It appears as a circle with 12 rays emanating from the center, resembling a solar wheel. While not widely used by the Nazi government at the time, the symbol resurfaced post-war and has since been embraced by white supremacist and far-right esoteric groups. In many cases, it serves as an alternative to the swastika, which is banned in several countries. In 2022, a photo of a Ukrainian soldier bearing a Black Sun tattoo went
Mviral on social media, prompting international media coverage on the symbol’s significance.
In the messaging group attributed to Marcelo Mota, after sending the photo of the Black Sun, the same contact sends another message, followed by three more in the next few minutes. He mentions that he allegedly questioned the police authority if they would spend two hours listening to his explanations about the “[tattoo’s] meaning.” “He [the officer] told me that he thought it was a Nazi symbol,” he highlighted.
The author of the message also says that, once again, he questioned the police authority if they had studied history. “Have you ever heard of the Weimar Republic?”—a reference to the transitional period between World War I and Nazism. “No one ever talked about what would happen, about Jewish oppression over the Germans.” He also criticizes the Brazilian parliament, stating that deputies and senators are “responsible for these baseless, bogus laws.”
See the messages:
Nearly five hours later, another member of the group administered by Marcelo Costa, identified in the messages as Rafael Teles, responds to a message from the
Embrapa employee. The message contains a photo of him making a gesture in support of Nazism, and Teles offers his support. The report found that his full name is Rafael Junqueira Lima Teles, and his area code is from the state of Mato Grosso do Sul.
“Don’t worry […] If you want me to help, I’ll post a picture of my autographed Mein Kampf,” Teles says, referring to Adolf Hitler’s two-volume book in which he expressed his antisemitic, anti-communist, and far-right nationalist ideas.
At 8:41 PM, Rafael Teles sends another message in which he states that “a lot of people will take this opportunity to pose as the holder of some truth.” The group member adds that “the move is to take it to litigation and cause chaos. We’re in this together… 666“, he concludes. See the messages:
The group spreading neo-Nazi ideas also includes members from four Brazilian states, including São Paulo, Mato Grosso do Sul, and Amazonas. This information is found in the content accessed by CENARIUM. The report also found that the full name of a group member from Sergipe is Warwick Gomes Alves. He also sent an image to the group, but it was not possible to identify its content.
Embrapa investigates employee who made salute referencing Nazism
ANAUS (AM) – The Brazilian Agricultural Research Corporation (Embrapa) opened an administrative proceeding on Friday, the 31st, to investigate allegations of Nazi propaganda by Marcelo Costa Mota, a 46-year-old employee of the institution based in Manaus. The institution, which is linked to the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock (Mapa), informed CENARIUM that it had reported the case to external investigative agencies.
According to experts, it is the responsibility of the Federal Police (PF) and the Federal Public Prosecutor’s Office (MPF) to investigate complaints regarding the use of Nazi symbols and gestures associated with this context. When contacted by the report, the agencies had not yet confirmed whether they had received the complaint or provided updates on the progress of the investigation. CENARIUM also requested clarifications from Mapa and is awaiting a response.
Embrapa stated that the procedure against the institution’s employee is being processed within the Internal Affairs department, which is responsible for internal investigations.
“The recently publicized case is being rigorously investigated, and all appropriate measures will be taken in accordance with internal regulations and current legislation. Upon learning of the incident, Embrapa initiated an administrative process, which is currently being handled by the institution’s Internal Affairs department,” a portion of the statement reads.
READ THE FULL STATEMENT:
“Embrapa reaffirms its unwavering commitment to democratic principles, diversity, and respect for human rights. The company vehemently rejects any manifestation that alludes to extremist or discriminatory ideologies or that violates the ethical and legal values of Brazilian society. The
recently publicized case is being rigorously investigated, and all appropriate measures will be taken in accordance with internal regulations and current legislation.
Upon learning of the incident, Embrapa initiated an administrative process, which is currently being handled by the institution’s Internal Affairs department, the internal body responsible for the investigation. Additionally, relevant information has been forwarded to the competent external investigative agencies.
Embrapa values a work environment based on mutual respect and ethics, requiring its employees to maintain conduct aligned with these values. Any behavior that violates these principles will be addressed with due rigor, ensuring the application of appropriate measures.
We reaffirm our commitment to transparency and responsibility and continue to monitor the case with the seriousness it demands”.
Favela Growth
Six of the 20 most populous favelas in the country are in Manaus; find out which ones
MANAUS (AM) – The capital of Amazonas, according to data from the 2022 Demographic Census by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), concentrates to six of the 20 most populous favelas in the country. The neighborhood of Cidade de Deus, in the North Zone of the city, is the most populous among those mentioned in Manaus, with 55,821 residents.
Among the 392 favelas and communities in the country, the three largest in terms of population are in Manaus.
Cidade de Deus and Alfredo Nascimento, in the North Zone, together have 55,821 inhabitants. The São Lucas Community, in the Tancredo Neves neighborhood, in the East Zone, recorded 53,674 residents. And the Zumbi dos Palmares neighborhood, also in the East Zone, accounted for 34,706 residents.
In addition to these, the neighborhoods of Colônia Terra Nova, in the North Zone of the city, with 30,142 residents, and Grande Vitória, also in the East Zone, with 26,733 inhabitants, are also on the list.
Ana Pastana – From Cenarium
Stilt houses in a community in Manaus
Credit: Ricardo Oliveira | Cenarium
Source: IBGE – Censo Demográfico Credit: Ranking Favelas
Luan Rezende, from the information dissemination section of IBGE Amazonas, explained how favela areas are classified.
“The IBGE defines a favela as an area with households in a situation of legal insecurity regarding land ownership, which must also have at least one of the following three characteristics: absence or incomplete and/ or precarious provision of public services; predominance of self-built housing, roads, and infrastructure different from those defined by public agencies; or location in areas with occupation restrictions defined by environmental or urban planning laws,” he explained.
“More than half of the state’s favelas and urban communities were located in Manaus alone,” said Luan Rezende.
AMAZONAS
In 2022, Amazonas had 392 favelas and urban communities, with 236 of them located in Manaus. Besides the capital, data shows that out of the 62 municipalities in the state, 30 have favelas and communities.
LEGAL AMAZON
In 2022, 3.8 million people lived in 1,694 favelas and urban communities in the Legal Amazon, with Amazonas being the state with the highest proportional concentration of this population (34.7%), followed by Amapá (24.4%) and Pará (18.8%).
Of the 1,694 favelas and communities recorded across the nine states of the Legal
Amazon, 392 are in Amazonas, 79 in Acre, 121 in Amapá, 723 in Pará, 58 in Mato Grosso, 198 in Maranhão, 74 in Rondônia, 10 in Roraima, and 39 in Tocantins. The state with the lowest percentage of households in favelas is Mato Grosso (2.03%), followed by Roraima (2.46%) and Tocantins (2.56%).
Across the entire country, 12,348 favelas and communities were recorded, with a population of 16,390,815 people, equivalent to 8.1% of the country's population. In the case of the Brazilian Amazon, the population living in favelas corresponds to 23.6% of the national total. Compared to the nearly 28 million inhabitants of the region, this percentage drops to about 14% of residents living in favelas and communities.
Beiru
Airports to Sale
Federal government auction in the Legal Amazon is expected to generate R$ 3.4 billion
Ana Pastana – From Cenarium
MANAUS (AM) – The auction of 43 regional airports in the Legal Amazon is expected to generate R$ 3.4 billion in the first phase of the Private Investment Program in Regional Airports (AmpliAR), according to federal government estimates. The State of Amazonas has the highest number of available airfields, with 15 in total.
According to the Ministry of Ports and Airports, which opened a public consultation in December 2024, the goal is to
attract private investments to terminals with low connectivity. The auction notice is expected to be released between March and April, with contracts signed in the first half of 2025.
PROGRAM
In total, the program is expected to include 100 financially struggling regional airports. According to the federal government, the company GRU Airport, which manages São Paulo’s Guarulhos Airport, and RIOgaleão, which operates Galeão Airport in Rio de Janeiro, are among the companies interested in acquiring some of these facilities.
The AmpliAR Program will allow concessionaires to take over the management of regional airports through simplified
competitive processes. As compensation, concessionaires will have access to contractual rebalancing mechanisms, such as reduced fees or extended deadlines. The main goal is to modernize airport infrastructure, promote greater integration into the national air network, and foster socioeconomic development.
“With AmpliAR, States and municipalities will have the opportunity to experience the benefits of the federal concession program reaching regional airports. Concessionaires will be able to bid for airport blocks in simplified auctions, with guaranteed remuneration through the rebalancing of their primary contracts”, said the National Secretary of Civil Aviation, Tomé Franca, in a publication on the federal government’s website.
Aerial view of Araguaína Airport in Tocantins, one of the airports to be auctioned by the federal government
Credit: Reproduction | City Hall of Araguaína
Here’s where the airports in the Legal Amazon up for auction are located
Amazonas
15 airports
Carauari
Eirunepé
Lábrea
São Paulo de Olivença
Santo Antônio do Içá
Barcelos; Manicoré
São Gabriel da Cachoeira
Fonte Boa
Santa Isabel do Rio Negro
Itacoatiara
Borba
Maués
Parintins
Apuí
Acre
2 airports
Tarauacá
Marechal Thaumaturgo
Rondônia
4 airports
Guajará-Mirim
Vilhena
Cacoal
Costa Marques
Pará
11 airports
Almeirim
Breves
Salinópolis
Itaituba
Oriximiná
Jacareacanga
Novo Progresso
Tucuruí
Redenção
Paragominas
São Félix do Xingu
Maranhão
3 airports
Barreirinhas
Bacabal Balsas
Tocantins
1 airport Araguaína
Mato Grosso
7 airports
Aripuanã
Juína
Cáceres
Tangará da Serra
Canarana
Porto Alegre do Norte Primavera do Leste
Source: Ministry of Ports and Airports.
Illegal mining back to Madeira
Satellite captures 130 rafts in the Amazon and indicates resumption of illegal mining
Jadson Lima – From Cenarium
MANAUS (AM) – One hundred and sixty-five days after the largest operation against illegal mining on the Madeira River, located in the state of Amazonas, new records show the resumption of illegal activities. On Monday, the 3rd, the non-governmental organisation (NGO) Greenpeace warned about the return of mining in January this year and revealed that around 130 rafts are positioned along one of the largest tributaries of the Amazon River.
The illegal activities have been confirmed through alerts issued from different points along the Madeira River, between the municipalities of Novo Aripuanã and Humaitá, located 227 and 590 kilometres from Manaus, respectively. The monitoring
was conducted between 10 and 22 January this year.
“The organisation warns that mining remains active and uncontrolled on the Madeira River,” denounced Greenpeace.
According to the NGO, seven alerts indicated that there are rafts in operational phases in the region. Another five referred to rafts in transit towards areas of illegal activity. The images were captured by a remote monitoring system developed by Greenpeace Brazil itself, which used SAR radar images via the Sentinel 1 satellite. The technology is effective for areas with high cloud cover, a characteristic of the Amazon.
Greenpeace also stated that the Madeira River is facing an epidemic of illegal gold exploitation. The illegal activities are driven
Illegal mining rafts in the Madeira River region seen through a satellite lens
Credit: Composition by Paulo Dutra | Cenarium
“The destruction caused by mining is sustained by a criminal chain that operates with total impunity. It is urgent that the Brazilian government adopts
integrated policies
that combine
technology, efficient enforcement, and sustainable economic alternatives
to protect our rivers and populations”
Jorge Eduardo Dantas,spokesperson for the Indigenous Peoples’ Front of Greenpeace Brazil.
by miners using rafts to dredge sediment from the riverbed. This measure destroys the riverbed, contaminates the waters, and affects riverside communities living in the region who depend on the river for their livelihood.
“The destruction caused by mining is sustained by a criminal chain that operates with total impunity. It is urgent that the Brazilian government adopts integrated policies that combine technology, efficient enforcement, and sustainable economic alternatives to protect our rivers and populations,” says Jorge Eduardo Dantas, spokesperson for the Indigenous Peoples’ Front of Greenpeace Brazil.
Largest Operation
In August last year, several federal agencies launched an operation against illegal mining in the Madeira River basin, in Amazonas. The actions were coordinated by the Federal Police (PF) and supported by the National Foundation for Indigenous Peoples (Funai) and the Brazilian Institute of the Environment and Renewable Natural Resources (Ibama). In total, the operation destroyed around 460 rafts used for illegal mining.
At the time, the Ministry of Indigenous Peoples stated that the joint action identified that miners were forcing indigenous
people to carry out labour analogous to slavery in one of the indigenous lands in the region. “In others, federal agents found that the criminals were paying negligible amounts for the communities to allow mining”, said the ministry in a statement.
After the operation, the Federal Police aimed to reach the financiers of the mining activities, advancing investigations into environmental crimes committed in the region. However, so far, there have been no further phases of police operations targeting the financial arm of these crimes. “The mining activity pollutes the
river’s waters and causes environmental damage, resulting in a direct impact on the health and food security of the indigenous communities in the region”, said the MPI in a statement.
CENARIUM requested a statement from the Federal Police Superintendence in Amazonas for clarification on the planning of new operations to curb environmental crimes in the Madeira River region. The report also sought information from Ibama regarding actions to be undertaken following the resumption of illegal mining. So far, there has been no response.
Satellite images show rafts positioned on the Madeira River
SAR radar images indicate the resumption of mining in the Madeira River region
Rafts destroyed during an operation against mining in August 2024
The Rescue of Golias
A jaguar cub that lived with a family in Amazonas reignites debate on the domestication of wild animals and proper rescue methods
MANAUS (AM) – The case of the jaguar Golias Goes, rescued from a family that was raising it in the city of Santo Antônio do Içá (AM), has reignited the debate about the implications of domesticating wild animals and the lack of proper structures for rescue and shelter in more isolated regions of the Amazon. On 8th February, biologist Henrique Abrahão Charles, who has nearly 800,000 followers on Instagram, commented on Golias' case and reminded people of the reasons why the animal could not remain in the place where it had been living.
The case gained attention in early February, after the eight-month-old jaguar was handed over to the municipal environmen-
tal authorities. The family created an Instagram profile – @goesgolias – to showcase the cub's routine, named "Golias". The profile has been active since 6th February and had more than 8,000 followers at the time of this report.
On Golias' profile, images depicted the care given to the wild animal and showed details of its routine, including photos with family members. One of the family members who was caring for the cub wrote: "Now, yes, Golias has been handed over to the authorities of SAI [Santo Antônio do Içá]. The municipality will cover his expenses. Now, we just have to wait for Ibama to come and get him," they said.
The biologist shared a video aired by CENARIUM, which showed the animal's routine, and it was watched more than 3 million times. Henrique Abrahão Charles recalled the case of the capybara Filó, which lives under the responsibility of influencer Agenor Tupinambá in the countryside of Amazonas. For the biologist, despite both being wild animals, they have different behaviours.
“You’re talking about a jaguar cub, not a capybara. One thing is like, ‘Oh well, Agenor lived out there in the wild, the capybara was already there, it had free access...’ Fine, you can even discuss that, but another thing is a jaguar cub in the middle of the neighbourhood. Where is your head at?”
Marcela Leiros – From Cenarium
Images of the jaguar cub Golias Goes
Credit: Composition by Paulo Dutra | Cenarium
he said. “The family can’t keep the jaguar, so take that idea out of your head.”
Henrique also responded to comments about Golias staying with the family, reminding them that it is a wild animal that will naturally develop wild behaviour.
“A jaguar is a cat, mate, and cats jump over walls. Imagine a jaguar wandering around the neighbourhood. What’s going to happen is it might end up attacking someone because it’ll feel threatened, and then it could either kill a dog or even cause a very serious accident. So, it’s a huge irresponsibility for a family to raise a jaguar,” the biologist warned.
IBAMA AND IOP
In the video, the influencer spoke about criticisms regarding the actions of the Brazilian Institute of Environment and Renewable Natural Resources (Ibama), which is responsible for rescuing, rehabilitating, and reintroducing wild animals into the wild. The biologist points out that these are
Who is Henrique Abrahão Charles
Henrique Abrahão Charles began his scientific career in the Chemistry Technician course at Instituto Brasil (1998). He later graduated in Biological Sciences from the State University of Rio de Janeiro (2002) and obtained a master’s degree in Animal Biology from the Postgraduate Programme of the Institute of Biology at the Federal Rural University of Rio de Janeiro (2007), studying the predatory
behaviour of boids with different habits (anaconda, sucuri, salamander, and boa).
He has experience in the field of Zoology, focusing on animal behaviour, collection, rescue, release, monitoring of fauna, biodiversity conservation, and environmental education. Simultaneously, he produces videos on scientific outreach, combating pseudoscience, biology, the role of the biologist, environmental defence, and science curiosities.
“A jaguar is a cat, mate, and cats jump over walls. Imagine a jaguar wandering around the neighbourhood. What’s going to happen is it might end up attacking someone because it’ll feel threatened”
Henrique Abrahão Charles, biologist.
Henrique Abrahão Charles is a biologist and has nearly 800,000 followers on Instagram
just some of the institute's activities, and everything incurs costs to the public coffers.
“Look, honestly, you know Ibama has to deal with environmental licensing, combat animal trafficking, and a whole bunch of things. Can you imagine Ibama having to handle it every time someone goes out and picks up an animal? This overloads the public coffers, and we blame Ibama for everything. And then what do we do? ‘No, just send it to IOP, Leandro will take care of it.’”
The abbreviation mentioned by Henrique refers to the Instituto Onça-Pintada (IOP) – Jaguar Institute, in free translation – founded in 2002 by biologists Anah Tereza de Almeida Jácomo and Leandro Silveira, which is dedicated to promoting the conservation of this species in its native biomes and in captivity. He praises the founders and emphasizes that the costs of caring for the animals at the institute are very high.
“Dr. Leandro is the world’s leading jaguar expert, but this comes at a cost to him, to this biologist, and to this fabulous
family. It’s not just a case of dropping them off at IOP. So, I’d like to make a campaign for IOP here. First of all, the jaguars at IOP are not Ibama’s jaguars. Many times, Ibama sends them there, and Leandro has to deal with it, and it comes at a cost. Jaguars eat meat, and meat is incredibly expensive,” he adds.
In the video, Henrique, who is also a teacher and environmental analyst, campaigns for IOP. He also points out that wild animals raised in domestic environments may develop health problems with costly treatments.
“Why not, instead of washing our hands and saying, ‘Leandro will take care of it at IOP,’ let’s say: ‘Let’s collaborate with IOP, let’s follow IOP’s page, let’s contribute financially to IOP,’ because they need it. After all, they need to feed a lot of animals, and usually when this kind of thing happens, it’s left on IOP’s shoulders. Sometimes, these animals come with pathogens because they’ve been raised like pets. They could have distemper, a whole bunch of diseases, and contaminate Leandro’s entire collection. It’s not that simple. Do you think things are that simple?” the biologist questions.
Law Prohibits
In Brazil, the Environmental Crimes Law (Law No. 9,605/1998) prohibits the breeding, possession, transportation, commercialisation, and use of wild animals without authorisation. The infraction is outlined in Article 29 of Law No. 9,605, dated 12th February 1998, which deals with environmental crimes and those against fauna.
According to the legislation, the crime occurs when a person “kills, pursues, hunts, captures, or uses specimens of wildlife, native or migratory species, without the proper permission, licence, or authorisation from the competent authority, or in violation of the obtained permission”.
Golias being examined
Box with the feline being placed on the FAB plane that transferred it to Manaus
Ana Pastana – From Cenarium
Internet Users Questioned the Structure
MANAUS (AM) – After the jaguar cub, named Golias Goes, was rescued on 4th February from the municipality of Santo Antônio do Içá (AM), 879 kilometres from Manaus (AM), and placed in an improvised structure due to the lack of an appropriate facility for the wild animal in the municipality, internet users criticised the way the cub was housed.
“Inside the mud?”, “Straight to the cage,” and “From there to captivity” were some of the comments on social media posts like Instagram and Facebook. The animal was under the responsibility of the Municipal Secretariat of Environment after being rescued by the Military Police of Amazonas (PM-AM).
Without the structure to accommodate the cub, Golias was initially returned to the family due to the lack of a proper place for it. Later, it was taken from the family again and placed in a temporary shelter.
On 7th February, the animal was transported by boat to the municipality of Tefé (AM), 521 kilometres from Manaus, so that the team from the Brazilian Institute of the Environment (Ibama) and the Mamirauá Institute could transfer the cub to the capital of Amazonas. According to the Municipal Secretariat of Environment, a box was adapted for the transportation of Golias.
IBAMA
In a statement released by its press office on 13th February, Ibama informed that it “was contacted by the Municipal Secretariat of Environment of Santo Antônio do Içá (Sema-SAI) about the voluntary surrender of a jaguar cub. The Secretariat requested Ibama’s assistance to rescue the feline, as it lacked the necessary means to care for the animal.”
Ibama also informed that it offered to support the Secretariat in transferring the animal to Manaus, and that the jaguar was initially moved to Tefé, where it was cared for by a veterinarian. Afterward, the jaguar was flown to Manaus with the support of the Brazilian Air Force (FAB) on 12th February. The institute also communicated in the statement that, as of that date, the animal was under the care of the Centre for
the Rehabilitation of Wild Animals (Cetas/ Ibama/AM), which has a specialised team of staff with qualifications in biology and veterinary medicine.
According to Ibama’s statement, the institute has services and contracts that consolidate it as “an appropriate location for the treatment, rehabilitation, and reintroduction of any species of wild fauna in the State of Amazonas, being a reference in this sector in the country.”
“The Ibama also has a contract for veterinary medical services and a contract for animal caretakers with both daytime and nighttime (24-hour) care, throughout the entire week (including Saturdays and Sundays). The Cetas of Ibama Amazonas also has an active contract for the delivery of food and medication that caters to the various species of wildlife found in the centre’s facilities,” states the note.
Image of the jaguar in the cage at the location where it was initially taken after rescue
Credit:
To village the ‘seventh art’
Amazonas opens first cinema hall in indigenous village
Ana Pastana* - From Cenarium
MANAUS (AM) – Amazonas had its first cinema hall in an indigenous village opened on 1st February through the “Cine Aldeia” project. The hall is located in the Inhaã-bé indigenous village, in Tarumã-Açu, a region of the metropolitan area of Manaus. To celebrate the inauguration, eight short films are being shown, remaining on display in the first months of 2025. The documentary “Traços da Resistência,” directed and produced by indigenous producer Thaís Kokama, was also launched during the opening event.
The Cine Aldeia project is the first cinema hall in an indigenous village in the North Region and one of the first in the
country. The initiative was funded with resources from the Paulo Gustavo Law (LPG), through a call for projects from the Manaus City Hall, via the Municipal Culture Council (Concultura).
The amount of R$ 100,000 was used for the construction of the space and the purchase of equipment for film screenings, exhibitions, festivals, and initiatives aimed at audiovisual production. The hall, with a capacity for around 200 people, will showcase productions made by indigenous people.
Creator of the project, Thaís Kokama points out the progress for the indigenous community through cultural funding calls. “Currently, the Inhaã-bé village, even after
the isolation caused by Covid-19 and, more recently, affected by the drought in the Tarumã-Açu lake, has gained strength with various cultural actions, and now, with the new cinema hall, we see another positive phase for us, indigenous people, as we are included in this cultural segment,” she said.
For the cinema hall inauguration, with free entry, free transportation was provided, departing from the Prainha port, located in Tarumã-Açu, at 4 pm, and returning to the same departure point at 6 pm.
CREATOR OF THE PROJECT
Thaís Kokama is active in the indigenous cultural cause in the state. On the social
“Cine Aldeia” project launches cinema hall for the first time within an indigenous village
media platform Instagram, the indigenous woman shared videos and photos that marked the evolution and pride of the emergence of the new indigenous space in the state. “This journey was only possible thanks to the effort, unity, and resilience of everyone who participated in the village’s puxiruns,” she wrote.
Thaís highlights that the drought impacted the construction process of the space, but with the community’s effort, it was possible to overcome the difficulties. “A lot of people look at the final result and admire it, but few know how hard it was to get here. We faced huge challenges, and the drought was one of the biggest. The dry land, the scorching sun, the scarce resources. But giving up was never an option. It was a collective effort, made with unity and dedication. Everyone contributed in their own way, with effort and determination. We worked like ants, tireless and organised. Our tuxaua always says that ‘the work of ants is organised and quick,’ and we followed that wisdom,” she said.
(*) With information from the press office.
Thaís Kokama, creator of the “Cine Aldeia” project, is a film producer
“This journey was only possible thanks to the effort, unity, and resilience of everyone who participated in the village’s puxiruns”
Thaís Kokama, creator of the “Cine Aldeia” project.
Image of the cinema hall in the Inhaã-bé village, in Tarumã-Açu, a metropolitan area of Manaus
Travelling through the Amazon
CENARIUM partners with Gracco Viagens to promote tourism in the region
Ana Pastana – From Cenarium
MANAUS (AM) – The CENARIUM Network — a media outlet specialising in coverage of the states of the Legal Amazon — has partnered with Gracco Viagens e Turismo to produce online content showcasing tourism in the Amazon region, initially focusing on the capitals Manaus (AM) and Belém (PA). The recording is set to air in March 2025.
Founded in Manaus in 2016, Gracco Viagens e Turismo has orchestrated over 15,000 travel experiences over its eight-year history. The company’s owner, José Graco Ferreira da Silva, renowned for his tailored customer service, has made it his mission to "facilitate and fulfil travel dreams, whether within Brazil or abroad."
"The Amazon has been attracting significant attention, particularly from international travellers. Take Belém, for instance— since its selection as the host city for COP30, it has welcomed an increasing number of visitors who are already planning their trips to the capital of Pará ahead of the event. Manaus, too, is a prime destination, offering a unique cultural and culinary experience rooted in the Amazonian heritage," Gracco remarks.
The travel and tourism expert also highlights the challenges of an increasingly competitive market. What makes Gracco Viagens different is its commitment to a bespoke and human-centric approach.
"Gracco Viagens prioritises service excellence, and for this reason, we continue to refine our consultancy and personalised advisory services to ensure the best possible experiences for our clients," he explains.
CENARIUM’s General Director, journalist Paula Litaiff, underscores the importance
“Gracco Viagens prioritises service excellence, and for this reason, we continue to refine our consultancy and personalised advisory services to ensure the best possible experiences for our clients”
José Graco Ferreira da Silva, owner of Gracco Viagens e Turismo.
CENARIUM and Gracco Viagens join forces to boost tourism
of producing journalistic content on the attractions of the Legal Amazon states, not only to inform but also to foster employment and economic growth in the region.
“There are still many misconceptions about tourism in the Amazon that need to be dismantled, and CENARIUM, in collaboration with Gracco, aims to contribute to a greater production of content about the region while also supporting the local economy. This initiative benefits not just one company, but an entire network of businesses and professionals," Litaiff notes.
CONTENT IN TEXT AND VIDEO
From March onwards, the partnership between CENARIUM and Gracco Viagens
“There are still many misconceptions about tourism in the Amazon that need to be dismantled, and CENARIUM, in collaboration with Gracco, aims to contribute to a greater production of content about the region”
Paula Litaiff, General Director of CENARIUM
e Turismo will extend to a fortnightly podcast. According to the director of the travel agency, audiences can expect insights on accommodation, travel arrangements, and tips on securing affordable flight tickets, alongside a wealth of content for travel enthusiasts.
"Our aim is to showcase the Amazon in all its splendour, revealing breathtaking destinations that are just as worthy of a visit as any other iconic location in Brazil or across the globe. I might be slightly biased, but I can assure you that the content will be absolutely fantastic. Audiences can look forward to an authentic perspective of the Amazon, straight from those who call it home," he enthuses.
Amazonas and Pará
According to Brazil’s Ministry of Tourism, Amazonas welcomed over 28,400 international tourists in 2024, marking an 18.2% increase compared to the previous year. Among its most visited attractions are the iconic Amazon Theatre, the Meeting of the Waters, jungle treks, river cruises, and immersive visits to indigenous communities.
In 2023, Amazonas was highlighted in Folha de S.Paulo’s feature "100 Incredible Places in Brazil", with four key attractions listed as must-see destinations in the state. The feature showcased national parks, cultural festivities, and adventure tourism opportunities. The Folha’s curated selection aims to assist readers in choosing the finest destinations across Brazil, with the complete list available online (https://www1.folha.uol.com. br/folha-topicos/100-lugares-imperdiveis-no-brasil/).
Meanwhile, Pará— the host of the United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP30) in November 2025 — recorded a total of 64,314 international visitors in 2024, reflecting an 18.8% increase from the previous year, according to the Pará State Secretariat of Tourism (Setur).
One of the region’s most significant cultural attractions is the Círio de Nazaré, one of the largest religious festivals in Brazil, drawing thousands of visitors annually.
Entrepreneur José Graco Ferreira da Silva
José Graco Ferreira and Paula Litaiff, directors of Gracco Viagens and CENARIUM, respectively, establish a partnership to promote the Amazon
Credit: Cenarium
Credit: Ricardo Oliveira | Cenarium
‘Trans-lives’
Between struggles and discoveries: transgender individuals share their experiences
Thais Matos – From Cenarium
MANAUS (AM) – “I didn’t like my body,” “I didn’t like seeing myself in the mirror,” “I understood my identity as a transfeminine person,” “They [travestis] were at the forefront of the fight for rights.” These are statements from transgender people interviewed by CENARIUM, who share their experiences, challenges, and perceptions of being transgender, whose gender identity differs from the sex assigned at birth.
On 29th January, it marked 21 years since the national act for the launch of the “Travesti and Respect” campaign, promoted by the National STD/AIDS Programme of the Ministry of Health, was established as a day to highlight Trans Visibility, celebrated annually on this date. Since then, the day
has been a milestone in reinforcing the fight for rights.
Over the last 20 years, the trans population in Brazil has achieved significant progress in gaining rights. Among these advancements are the right to use a social name in official documents and public exams, civil requalification—which allows gender changes on birth certificates and other records—and access to gender reassignment surgery through the Unified Health System (SUS).
At a global level, another significant achievement for this community occurred in 2019, when the World Health Organization (WHO) removed transsexuality from its classification of mental disorders, marking a historic victory for the community.
‘I
ALWAYS FELT LIKE A STRANGE
MAN’
Psychologist Victor Hugo Pereira Mendes discovered he was a trans man at around the age of 20 when he learned about the
story of writer João Nery, the first trans man in Brazil to undergo gender reassignment surgery, who became a symbol in the fight for transgender rights. Reading about Nery helped Mendes see himself reflected in his story.
“Since childhood, I always felt like a ‘strange’ man, but until I was 20, I still performed femininity, living as a woman in society’s eyes. This happened because I didn’t know I could be a trans man—I had no reference at all for transsexuality. Although I had happy moments, I also went through periods of intense dysphoria. I didn’t understand why I disliked my body or why I no longer wanted to wear the clothes I used to,” explains the psychologist.
To work in the field of Psychology, Victor Hugo says he had to endure small forms of transphobia, particularly when looking for jobs, as well as daily microaggressions, which accumulated and left him in deep discomfort. He currently works in the municipality of Rio Preto
From left to right: Melissa Castro, Yamilla Manicongo (top), Victor Hugo (bottom), and Karla Eshiley
Credit: Composition by Yankee Sena e Weslley Santos | Cenarium
da Eva (57 kilometres from Manaus), in the area of social assistance, dealing with cases of rights violations, such as sexual abuse, domestic violence, neglect against the elderly, women, and LGBTQIAPN+ people, including cases of transphobia and homophobia, homelessness, and other situations involving rights violations.
“One particularly striking episode for me happened during a selection process for a job in a prison, which would have been my first job after graduating. At the time, I hadn’t yet undergone mastectomy [chest surgery] and used a binder [a compression band to disguise the volume of my chest].
When I arrived for the interview, I had to go through a security check, which was mandatory for entering the prison. When they felt the band around my chest, they asked me to explain why I was wearing it. It was a difficult and embarrassing moment,” said Victor Hugo.
“Since childhood, I always felt like a ‘strange’ man, but until I was 20, I still performed femininity, living as a woman in society’s eyes. This happened because I didn’t know I could be a trans man—I had no reference at all for transsexuality”
Victor Hugo Pereira Mendes, psychologist.
Regarding his relationship with his family, the psychologist explains that he now has a good relationship with them, though it wasn’t always that way—especially with his mother, aunt, and grandmother, who have been his closest relatives since childhood.
“I went through anxiety crises during this phase, which was marked by conflict and a lack of understanding within my family environment. I believe it took from when I was 20 until around 23 or 24 years old for my family to start understanding what was happening. I usually say that, just like me, my family also had to ‘transition’. It took about three years for them to truly comprehend who I was,” he explained.
Over time, Victor’s family came to respect his name, pronouns, and address him as ‘he/him’, fully recognising his identity.
‘WHEN I CAME OUT, I FELT FREE’
Nursing technician Karla Eshiley says that, at 15, she could no longer hide who she truly was, and so she came out to her family as a gay man. A few months later, she began identifying as a travesti.
“Since I was about five years old, I always felt different from other boys—I didn’t feel comfortable taking part in boys’ games. At ten, I felt extremely uncomfortable at school, especially during PE lessons […] At
trans person protesting in a public street Victor Hugo Pereira Mendes works in social assistance in the municipality of Rio Preto da Eva (AM)
Victor Hugo Pereira Mendes works in social assistance in the municipality of Rio Preto da Eva (AM)
that same age, I didn’t like looking at myself in the mirror. When my father dressed me in masculine clothes, I felt as if I was dirty, covered in mud. I would look at myself in the mirror and couldn’t see myself, it was such a strange feeling. When I came out, at that moment, I felt free, I found happiness,” says Eshiley.
Karla recounts that she now has a good relationship with her family, but it wasn’t always this way. When she first started identifying as herself, she and her mother stopped speaking. Her father, on the other
“Don’t allow yourself to be used, trust the process, and don’t think you have to handle everything alone. Take care of your mental and physical health. I wish you success and trans prosperity”
Yamilla Manicongo, entrepreneur.
hand, refused to talk to her for more than 20 years. Today, as a healthcare professional, she has gained her family’s respect.
“I am currently working in a shelter for former homeless people, where I serve as a social carer. My family is very proud of me for leaving behind the world of prostitution, the street corners, the drugs, for quitting alcohol and cocaine. Today, I work with former homeless people, participate in associations and discussion groups, and I am an example for many people. I feel very proud of myself,” she said.
The nursing technician is part of the Amazonas Association of Travestis, Transsexuals and Transgender People (Assotram), an organisation that fights for LGBTQIAPN+ rights, with a particular focus on the trans community.
“We, trans people, exist, and we are human beings like any other, regardless of sexual orientation, gender identity, colour, or race—we are all equal in the eyes of God. We, trans people, fight for our rights to education, healthcare, dignity, inclusion, and diversity. We don’t want to be better
Yamilla Manicongo is a black, indigenous, multiartist, performer, and entrepreneur travesti
Yamilla Manicongo owns a bio-jewellery shop, MANÍÍ Biojoias
“I think that, on the 29th of January, we need to emphasise those who have been at the forefront of this fight, and those have been the travestis,” reflects Assotram representative Melissa Castro on the National Trans Visibility Day. Melissa highlights that trans women and travestis face alarming rates of violence, particularly black, peripheral women, and those in prostitution.
“If we look at the history of travestis in Brazil, we will see that, since always, they have been at the forefront of the struggle for the rights of the LGBTQIAPN+ community, in the country, in the world, and often on the margins of society. It’s
Fight for Rights
important to remember that it was these women, mostly prostitutes, who paved the way and faced prejudice to secure important advances for the community,” emphasises Castro.
Assotram has been in existence since 2017, with the aim of coordinating and promoting initiatives for social transformation, visibility, and citizenship for travestis and trans people in the state. The association has already contributed to the rectification of birth certificates for 40 travestis, trans women and men, through a collective effort carried out in 2020. Recently, representatives from the association were sworn in as deputies on
the State Health Council, where they hold monthly meetings and promote awareness-raising actions alongside travestis and trans women sex workers at their workplaces.
“Since January 2018, we have promoted workshops related to Trans Visibility Day, celebrated on the 29th of January. This month is treated with special dedication and reflection, as it marks a period – like so many others – of struggle and resistance for the recognition of our rights, our citizenship, and our identities. We remain committed to doing even more, continuously and for an indefinite period,” states Melissa.
“We, trans people, exist, and we are human beings like any other, regardless of sexual orientation, gender identity, colour, or race — we are all equal in the eyes of God. [...] We don’t want to be better than anyone else, we just want respect”
Karla Eshiley, nursing technician
Nursing technician
Karla Eshiley
Karla Eshiley (graduate), with her mother, sister, and niece, at her Nursing Technician graduation ceremony
than anyone else—we just want respect,” she concluded.
‘BEING TRAVESTI IS POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL RESISTANCE’
Yamilla Manicongo is a Black, Indigenous, multi-artist, performer, and entrepreneur travesti who found in art a way to express herself and discover her identity. She has been redefining transvestite in her own way, turning it into a symbol of strength and resistance.
“I realised that I didn’t fit into the gender binary imposed by cisnormativity. I saw myself outside of that—I recognised myself in a non-binary identity. As I engaged with other people, I questioned myself and identified with trans experiences. I understood my identity as transfeminine. As for the travesti identity, I reclaim it from my ancestors. It is a term from the margins, one
that many see as pejorative, but for me, it represents political, economic, and social resistance,” says Manicongo.
In 2024, Yamilla took part in a crafts course promoted by Assotram, where she learned to create bio-jewellery, soaps, and biscuit pieces. She saw this training as an opportunity to generate income and express her own aesthetic. This is how ‘MANÍÍ Biojewels’ was born—the name ‘Maníí’ comes from the Kikongo language and means royalty. In March this year, the brand will celebrate its first anniversary.
For Trans Visibility Day, Yamilla shares a message of support and reflection: “Stay close to people who uplift you and make you feel good. Be mindful of those you share with, as they are not always trustworthy. Don’t allow yourself to be used, trust the process, and don’t think you have to handle everything alone. Take care of your mental and physical health. I wish you success and trans prosperity”.
“If we look at the history of travestis in Brazil, we will see that, since always, they have been at the forefront of the struggle for the rights of the LGBTQIAPN+ community, in the country, in the world, and often on the margins of society”
Melissa Castro, Assotram representative
Travesti Identity
Travestis are people who embody a female gender construction, opposite to the sex designation assigned at birth, followed by a permanent physical transformation, which is recognised in social, familial, cultural, and interpersonal life through this identity. This definition is based on information from the National Association of Travestis and Transsexuals (Antra Brasil) and Portal Catarinas, which connects the feminist political agenda with fundamental and human rights in Brazil.
In Brazil and Latin America, the term travesti has been reclaimed by travestis themselves to transform its previously pejorative connotation into a positive one. Some travestis may also identify as trans women, while others prefer to affirm themselves solely as travestis for political and identity-related reasons. As the terms are interchangeable, many trans women may also identify as travestis. For all these reasons, recognising travesti identity is crucial, as it asserts itself in response to the historical stereotype and stigmatisation of the term.
