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Koe Tan Kauk Village

"Father, what can we do?" Rohingya Genocide Report December 2018


Asian Dignity Initiative is supporting victim survivors and local activists who strive to change their lives and uphold dignity in conflict affected area in Asia.

Newly arrived Rohingya refugees from Myanmar get on the truck transporting them to Kutupalong camps. Shah Porir Dwip, Teknaf, Bangladesh on 13 October 2017.

143 Sangdo-ro 15-gil, #410 Dongjak-gu, Seoul, 06937, Republic of Korea Tel : 02-568-7723 E-mail : asiandignity2016@gmail.com http://www.adians.net Donate : SHINHAN Bank 100-031-396381 / ě•„ë””(ADI)

This project was funded by Gwangju Human Rights Peace Foundation, Human Rights Foundation Saram, Truth Foundation, and Hanwoo Memorial Fund.


Ⅰ. Executive Summary

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Ⅰ. Executive Summary

them from morning until evening, and ultimately detained them in one place for two days. The whereabouts of those Rohingya arrested then remain unknown to this day.

Report on the Massacre of the Rohingya People1 - Koe Tan Kauk Village

Ⅰ. Executive Summary

On August 25, 2017, security forces from the Myanmar military, Border Guard Police, and Rakhine civilians attacked the village of Koe Tan Kauk, located in Maungdaw, Rakhine State. Battalion 537 had previously deployed to the area and stationed at a Rakhine temple in Shinklin, as well as at the school and at a military camp to the north of Shinklin. The 200-500 assailants besieged the village at dawn and sprayed gunfire at Rohingya villagers as they fled for their lives. Security forces stormed houses and physically beat the Rohingya, then killed and injured many Rohingya villagers. 80% of victim-survivors interviewed had lost direct family members, defined as spouses, children, and parents. Many were forced to abandon the dead bodies where they fell in order to preserve their own lives. Rohingya men in particular faced a torturous choice between fleeing for their lives and perhaps endangering their female family members to physical and sexual violence versus remaining to protect their families and being shot to death. After escaping to the forest, Rohingya men ultimately saw their families shot dead before their eyes or

returned home to their families’ dead bodies. Security forces set fire to hundreds of homes in the village and looted property. The arson began in the early morning between 7:00 a.m. and 8:00 a.m. and lasted for hours until the afternoon. The only building that remained standing afterward was the school. Based on an initial survey, the total number of Koe Tan Kauk villagers killed on these two days amounts to 148. In the terror after such mass-scale violence and killing, Koe Tan Kauk villagers escaped to Bangladesh, where they now live in temporary tents inside precarious refugee camps. Yet the systematic destruction of the Rohingya people began far earlier than August 2017. Starting from decades earlier, the government confiscated land from Rohingya villagers and allocated it to Rakhine people. In 2012, Rohingya villagers were forcibly expulsed from their ancestral village of Frangchaung and later settled in an IDP camp in Koe Tan Kauk. In 2016, military, police, and immigration forces surrounded Koe Tan Kauk on the pretext of locating militants. They dragged the Rohingya from their homes, brutally beat

And during the time period of 2012-2016, Rohingya experienced various forms of religious discrimination and persecution. They were forbidden to freely practice their religion, with those caught in prayer charged with exorbitant forced fines or arrested. Holding religious events or observing religious festivals required payment of forced bribes. Marriage required payment of high fees, in order to obtain permission from authorities. As the permission was issued, authorities directed the Rohingya to have no more than two or three children, under threat of punishment. The Rohingya had no freedom of movement but were forced to obtain a series of travel permissions, even to travel to the market. Even after obtaining such permission by paying large amounts of money, the military or security forces could still bar the Rohingya from traveling. From 2016, the Rohingya were forbidden to even leave Koe Tan Kauk village and barred from harvesting, going fishing, or going to the market. The Rohingya faced discrimination in schooling, thereby foreclosing their education. The government barred Rohingya from obtaining public employment. The military and security forces regularly conscripted the Rohingya into forced labor. The Rohingya also faced discrimination in obtaining medical treatment and healthcare. Although Rohingya voted before 2015, this too was foreclosed after 2015. Finally, no Rohingya held Myanmar citizenship. Indeed, the military forced the Rohingya to accept NVC, a card which registered them as foreigners. In summation,

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the Rohingya were deprived of basic rights in essentially every aspect of daily life. With the history of religious discrimination and persecution as the backdrop, we recommend first that the international community provide affirmative support to having this matter referred to the International Criminal Court or to a newly established special or ad-hoc court for investigation. The truth-seeking investigation must proceed without any grants of immunity, for the wrongdoers occupy the highest levels of the Myanmar military and BGP, as well as officials of the Myanmar government, including State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and other Cabinet Members, and are ordinary civilian citizens. We also recommend that the Myanmar government provide remedy and relief to the victims and survivors, founded first on restoration of previously-held rights, as well as financial recompense to those for whom such restoration is insufficient, such as victims who have suffered psychological harm. In such situations, it is critical to respect and decide the specific substance and form of remedy and relief according to the wishes of the victims and the Rohingya community. Further action includes the introduction of legislation and administrative measures to abolish systems and practices that discriminate against Rohingya, including those involving hate speech and other forms of prejudiced information. Education is necessary to improve awareness of hatred, bias, and discrimination. The Myanmar government must cease registering the Rohingya with NVC identification cards and must ensure restoration of their citizenship rights. Finally, the Myanmar government and the international community must actively guarantee and ensure participation of Rohingya people in discussions about possible repatriation.


Contents 4

Ⅰ. Executive Summary

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Ⅱ. Background

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Ⅲ. Methodology

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A. Interviews

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B. Initial Survey

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C. Limitations

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Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People A. Discrimination Experienced 2012-2016 1. Oppression of Religious Practice 2. Repression of Marriage and Control of Population (Child-Bearing) 3. Restriction of Movement 4. Denial of Education 5. Denial of Employment 6. Compulsory Forced Labor 7. Rape and Gender-Based Sexual Violence 8. Denial of Healthcare 9. Suppression of Voting Rights 10. Revocation of Citizenship

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B. Forcible Expulsion from Frangchaung in 2012

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C. Brutality in October 2016

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D. Massacre on August 25, 2017 1. Situation Prior to the Massacre 2. Siege of the Village 3. Killing Rohingya Villagers En Masse 4. Rape 5. Arson and looting

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E. Perpetrators

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F. Escape to Bangladesh

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Ⅴ. Facts from Initial Survey

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Ⅵ. Conclusion and Recommendations

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Ⅶ. Annex

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Ⅷ. Acknowledgments


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Ⅱ. Background

Ⅱ. Background

denial of the right to freedom of movement; restrictions on access to food, livelihoods, heath care, and education; restrictions on humanitarian access; restrictions affecting private life; oppression through arbitrary arrest and detention; and other forms of oppression.

Ⅱ. Background

In August 2017, the Myanmar military commandeered a brutal crackdown on the Rohingya, immediately after Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) reportedly attacked approximately 30 police posts and an army base. The military’s so-called counter-terrorism maneuvers were in fact horrific acts of mass killing, rape, arson, and looting of property. The military termed the scheme “Clearance Operations” and inflicted mass-scale violence against defenseless civilians who had already suffered systematic destruction under the boot of the government. As a result, 800,000 Rohingya people fled to Bangladesh in search of safety and refuge.

using legal and medical analyses, identified how the massacres in Rakhine State conformed with the Myanmar government’s systematic pattern of attacks.6 Al Jazeera published an in-depth article reporting on the details of the “land grab” and destruction of life and property in Koe Tan Kauk, as revealed through interviews with Myanmar private authorities and Rakhine colonizers who are newly settling in the now-deserted village.7 Other resources quote individual testimony from survivors of Koe Tan Kauk.8 The perpetrators have consistently been identified as the Myanmar military and Border Guard Police (BGP), the border guard security force that replaced Na Sa Ka.9

Numerous massacres in Rakhine State have been well documented by NGOs, like Physicians for Human Rights and Doctors Without Borders,2 and several press outlets, including The Wall Street Journal,3 Al Jazeera, The New York Times4, and CBS.5 A report by Physicians for Human Rights,

The UN has acknowledged multiple human rights violations in Myanmar against the Rohingya through an Independent International FactFinding Mission. The reports detail “systematic oppression and persecution of the Rohingya” and list the factors of denial of legal status and identity;

“458. The Rohingya are in a situation of severe, systemic and institutionalised oppression from birth to death. Their extreme vulnerability is a consequence of State policies and practices implemented over decades, steadily marginalising the Rohingya and eroding their enjoyment of human rights. The process of “othering” the Rohingya and their discriminatory treatment started long before the period covered by the Mission. “459. The cornerstone of this system of oppression is the lack of legal status of the Rohingya. This is compounded by restrictions affecting their movement, subsistence and development, and numerous other human rights violations.... “622. The level of oppression faced by the Rohingya is hard to fathom. Cumulatively all the rules, regulations, orders and practices laid out in this section have made life for the Rohingya in Rakhine State slowly but steadily unbearable. Rights were eroded and removed, in a process of marginalisation, exclusion and “othering”. Layers of discrimination and ill treatment have been added. This occurred in the context of hateful and divisive rhetoric targeting the Rohingya on the basis of their ethnicity, religion and status. The multiple elements of oppression are based on State-sanctioned policies and practices and occur in the context of State-sanctioned discriminatory rhetoric. The Mission concludes that this severe, systemic and institutionalised oppression, from birth to death, amounts to persecution.

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“623. This persecution has put the Rohingya population in a situation of extreme vulnerability, undermining all aspects of their lives and eroding their living conditions and their coping mechanisms. The daily attacks on human dignity have created intolerable conditions, and have weakened individuals, families and communities, pushing them further into destitution and insecurity. It is this oppressive climate, and the fear and desperation resulting from it, that forced thousands of Rohingya to leave Rakhine State by boat in the years since 2012. ”10 “In its report, the Fact-Finding Mission also called on the UN Security Council to refer Myanmar to the International Criminal Court (ICC), or to an ad hoc tribunal for investigations and prosecutions for the crimes.”11

Asian Dignity Initiative conducted an initial survey of 1064 survivors in refugee camps in Bangladesh and carried out in-depth interviews with selected victims. The purpose of the initial survey and this report is to advance truth-seeking in order to support and aid the Rohingya victims of mass-scale violence, as well as to promote and actualize transitional justice. In addition, a criminal trial to hold perpetrators responsible for their horrific actions will ultimately require the submission of relevant evidence to the authorities. Because such prosecutorial processes take time and often occur in stages, Asian Dignity Initiative also undertook this project with a view toward gathering and preserving such evidence, including direct sworn statements in the form of tape recordings, affidavits prepared based on that oral testimony, and related electronic and documentary evidence, such as personal identification documents, photographs of wounds, and locations mapped via satellite.


Ⅲ. Methodology

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Ⅲ. Methodology

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Ⅲ. Methodology

A. Interviews Asian Dignity Initiative interviewed 20 people in total, consisting of 9 women and 11 men. Of these, 1 was under 20 years old; 9 were in their 20s; 3 were in their 30s; 2 were in their 40s; 2 were in their 50s; and 3 were over 60 years old. Victim-survivors, defined as those who personally suffered the trauma of injury, wounding, or death and loss of a close family member at the hands of the military on August 25, 2017, accounted for 15 people. In this situation, arson and looting, although terrifying, are not considered personal harm. Witnesses, defined as those who did not personally suffer such harm but nevertheless experienced the atrocity and mass-scale violence, accounted for 5 people. Before conducting the interview, the interviewer introduced Asian Dignity Initiative, our purpose, and the intended use of the interview content. All interviews proceeded only after receiving both verbal and written agreement. In this report, for the sake of protecting identity, victims’ names are anonymized, and photos of their faces are purposely blurred. Yet the names of the deceased persons are their real names. The interviews, which included more than

B. Initial Survey 100 questions, consisted of four parts in the following order: the initial survey; experiences of discrimination 2012-2016; the atrocity in October 2016; and the brutality in August 2017. For 5 select interviewees, who security forces had driven out from their village of Frangchaung and settled in an IDP camp in Koe Tan Kauk, the section on discrimination experienced focused on the forcible expulsion from Frangchaung. The interviews were held in their tents in the camp and each lasted for at least an hour. The interviews were conducted by people who speak the Rohingya language and who received training in human rights documentation. The entire content of the interviews was recorded with the consent and agreement from the victims. Geographical information about the 2017 incident was also collected using imaging from a satellite map. At times, video recordings or photos related to particular incidents were collected from interviewees for the purpose of preserving evidence. Interviews with rape victims were conducted by a female interviewer. However, the location of the interview was not in privacy, due to the difficulty of arranging such space within the camp.

An initial survey of the Rohingya refugee population in the camps in Bangladesh was conducted by 10 interviewers over a period of three months, from April through June 2018. The total target population was 588,000 refugees in Camps 1-13.12 The interviewers, after going door-to-door and visiting every tent in 13 camps, selected refugee families from the villages of Tulatoli, Inn Din, Koe Tan Kauk, Chut Pyin, and Done Paik for mapping and information gathering. The initial survey documented information about the hometown, extent of harm and loss suffered by family members, and names of the deceased. Also collected by photograph were the fronts and backs of the surveyed people’s identification cards issued by the camp authority in Bangladesh. The back of the card states the name of the hometown in Myanmar, which was useful for confirming what was told and written.

C. Limitations The initial survey did not cover the entire refugee population in the camps. This means that more than 115,800 refugees, in Camps 14, 15, and 16, were excluded.13 It is also possible that people who were later interviewed were not involved in the initial survey. Specifically, Asian Dignity Initiative interviewers first conducted the initial survey and later visited again in order to hold in-depth interviews with selected survivors and to gather their sworn statements and relevant evidence. Therefore, family members who were absent when Asian Dignity Initiative staff visited the tents for the initial survey may not have been counted. There was no revisit for the initial survey. It is thus unclear how many people were omitted from the initial survey. Asian Dignity Initiative interviewed 20 people in July and August 2018, approximately a year after the atrocities. Although the degrees may vary, it is possible that all interviewees remained traumatized and/or their testimony included recall biases.


Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

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Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

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the certificate of permission, the chief of Na Sa 2. Repression of Marriage and Control of Population (Child-Bearing) Ka or other authorities asserted that the married 44

Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People A. Discrimination Experienced 2012-2016 1. Oppression of Religious Practice Security forces greatly restricted the Rohingya people’s freedom of religion. They were forbidden to use the mosque after 2012. 14 Security forces barred them from worshiping freely, and this included everyday prayers,15 juma (Friday mass),16 religious sermons,17 Qurban,18 and prayers for the Eid Festival.19 Villagers used to pray in secret, having one to two people act as watch guards.20 When caught in prayer time, security forces beat up the villagers,21 and even arrested them.22 “If anyone was found in the mosque, the military used to beat him.... Nazir Ahamed (30, son of Zafar Ahamed) was beaten by military when he was found in the mosque. Iman Hussain (23, son of Mohamed Sayed) was also beaten by the military when he was found in the mosque.”23

Even during Eid al-Adha, the Rohingya had to pay 15,000-20,000 kyat in a forced bribe to the village administrator for permission to sacrifice a cow (Qurban) and also hand over 1kg of the meat to the military camp.24 They were not permitted to light their houses at night.25 They were forbidden to use a megaphone to announce prayer times in

their villages,26 and while performing marriage ceremonies.27 Security forces physically occupied the mosque to prevent worship and also defaced religious property.28 The Rohingya were not allowed to build new mosques or repair Islamic buildings.29 “Most of the time, they kicked the Holy Quran in the mosque. They used to enter the mosque and stay there. If anyone was found there in the mosque, they used to beat and kick. Later, they released the victims after extorting money.... When Na Sa Ka was there, they did not allow the villagers to use the mosque. When the military was there, they also did not allow us to go to the mosque.”30

One hallmark display of the systematic destruction of the Rohingya people were the concerted efforts to control population growth, by constraining marriage and childbirth in a variety of ways. The Rohingya needed the government’s permission to get married and were not allowed to have more than two children. For a Rohingya to marry, the guardians of both the bride and groom first had to pay a fee of 20,000-30,000 kyat to the village administrator.34 Then they needed to get La-teiguwang, a certificate of permission for marriage, from BGP/Na Sa Ka, 35 at Nemmray 18. 36 Issuance of the La-tei-guwang took 2-3 months.37 Only men 20 years and over and women 18 years and over could marry.38 Both the bride and groom had to visit the BGP/Na Sa Ka camp to take photos or give fingerprints and obtain the certification of permission.39 In some cases, the certificate of permission was denied if the village administrator did not accompany the couple to the BGP/Na Sa Ka camp.40

The Rohingya were forced to register their family members on a household list.

Punishment for violating these population control restrictions was harsh. Sometimes, the additional children were excluded from family registration, but more often, the Rohingya were beaten and jailed.48

“If we changed a pillar of the mosque, Na Sa Ka extorted 100,000 kyat as a forced fine from us.”31

It was forbidden for more than five Rohingya people to gather at once.32 Educating children in Arabic was also banned in Moktob and Madrasa.33

couple shall not have more than two children, or three children.45 One survivor added, “They made us use contraceptive pills and injection for birth control. They also used to charge costs for birth registration.”46 BGP/Na Sa Ka imposed a registration fee of up to 20,000 per child.47

The Rohingya were forced to obtain special permission to marry, paying forced fees of up to 500,000 kyat.

Survivors’ testimony indicates that the fee for the certificate of permission varied between 50,000 and 500,000 kyat. The amount was determined by level of wealth. The upper class paid 200,000 kyat or more,41 the middle class up to 200,000 kyat,42 and others 50,000 kyat.43 In the process of issuing

“If anyone married and had births, the parents had to live in hiding and the newborn babies were not included in the family list. Anyone who violated the restriction was arrested, and also beaten and jailed. One of my uncles, Asad Ullah (30), was beaten. My brother-inlaw, Hussain, left the country with his wife for being unable to live there violating this restriction.”49


Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

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More severe abuse of this policy entailed exorbitant forced fines. The village administrator or military made the Rohingya forfeit up to 50,000 kyat for every additional child,50 with overall forced fines ranging from 100,000-500,000 depending on wealth.51 “Na Sa Ka extorted 150,000 kyat from Hussain and Sha Alam for having more than two children.”52 “If anyone violated the restriction, Na Sa Ka used to come at night and arrest the violator and extort 200,000-300,000 kyat as a forced fine.”53

One survivor recounted that she married without obtaining the certificate of permission. She and her husband later tried to obtain La-tei-guwang but were denied. Therefore, she was forced to live in secret at her parents’ house and the couple was not permitted to register their children.54 Another survivor was in fact able to gain La-tei-guwang after he married without prior permission, but only after he paid an immense fee of 1.2 million kyat.55 The intent of these obstacles and restraints was clearly to fetter population growth of the Rohingya people and ultimately drive them out of Myanmar. “They used to say, “You are not citizens of this country. Someday, you must leave this country. You are not an owner of this country.” They always used to say these kinds of racially discriminatory words. Once, when I was a member of the village committee, Na Sa Ka used to call us into a meeting once a month. In the meeting, they used to ask us how many children were born in our respective villages. We had to stand up and say how many we have. Then they said, “Go to the Immigration office and register your children by paying 1,000 kyat per child.” Na Sa Ka also used

to call pregnant women and tested them for pregnancy by hitting with sticks on their wombs. We faced such brutal acts from the government.”56

3. Restriction of Movement The Rohingya people’s movement was severely restricted. Before 2016, they could visit neighboring villages, but this was completely banned after 2016.57 First, to visit another village, they had to obtain Tawkenza, a certificate of permission to travel, and pay a fee of 1,000-3,000 kyat to the village administrator,58 for a maximum of 7-10 days’ permission.59 Further, if a guest came to visit from another village, Rohingya had to inform the village administrator.60 But the travel permission was valid only for close distances,61 and security forces even beat Rohingya as they went to visit the village administrator to request travel permission.62 “We were able just to go to nearby villages and the market. Once the police beat me just for crossing the line to the Maungdaw side from Rathedaung.”63

Having the travel permission was no guarantee of safety. One survivor went to Maungdaw with the travel permit, only to be arrested by the police there: “Then they threatened me and made me bend down for more than one hour.”64 The Tawkenza was no protection against police brutality and security forces could nevertheless block Rohingya from traveling even with the Tawkenza. “Police used to beat us as we crossed the checkpoints even though we had permission.”65

Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

“But even then, we were not allowed to travel even with permission.”66

Failing to return during the short duration of the Tawkenza meant a forced fine of up to 100,000 kyat. 67 Security forces also monitored the movement and presence of Rohingya villagers in other ways. “When security forces encountered anyone traveling without a Tawkenza, they accused the villager of being a foreigner and sent them to jail. Karim Ullah (30, son of Azizu), Nurual Kabir (45, son of Habi Hossain), and Muggul Ahmed (25) went to Maungdaw to work. The police arrested them when they returned to the village camp. The police knew that the villagers had traveled, because the police counted each family member every month through the registration form. So the police knew about the villagers.”68

Second, to visit another district, they had to complete Form No. 4, turn it in to the village administrator with payment of up to 150,000 kyat,69 and then also pay an additional 1000 kyat at each of 18 checkpoints.70 Third, the Rohingya were barred from traveling to the township and Sittwe, the capital city of the state. Form No. 4 was not released for this travel,71 even though they could travel to Rathedaung before 2012.72 If they were caught in violation of this restriction, they were imprisoned and forced to pay fines,73 and often brutally beaten up as well.74 One survivor noted that there are 16 checkpoints on the way, so even if they obtained travel permission, they were forced to pay 500 kyat at each of the 16 checkpoints,75 so it was not feasible for them. Another survivor reported that the military caught the “violators” at checkpoints and extorted 50,000-100,000 kyat, with those unable to pay sent to jail.76 A third

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survivor reported that Mohammad Hossain (50, son of Zahor Mullak) secretly went to Sittwe and was later arrested and sentenced to three years in jail.77 A fourth survivor dared to ask why he was forbidden from traveling to the township: “We were not issued any permission for traveling to the township. I asked a few why can’t we go to the township. Na Sa Ka said, “You can’t go but Rakhine can. You are “kalar.” This is a word of hatred.”78

The travel restrictions further tightened after 2016. “The military came to our village and said that we were not allowed to move to anywhere from the village. We were not even able to go to the sea to fish or to the forest to collect wood. So we were not able to work and that’s why we suffered a lot for good. We did not eat rice for about 5-10 days in 2016.”79 “I was a fisherman. I was able to go fishing thrice a month. I was not allowed to go fishing the rest of the days by the government. I was in such a bad situation. We could some days go fishing and some days not, due to the restriction.”80

4. Denial of Education The Rohingya were discriminated against in receiving schooling: “The government did not allow us to be educated. If Muslims are educated, they will be clever.”81 After the incident in October 2016, children were forbidden from going to school.82 One survivor explained how security forces and teachers punished him for attending school: “One day, I was going to school and riding my bicycle in front of the police camp. An


Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

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on-duty police officer called me over, so I stopped riding and went over to him. He began kicking me and beating me with his gun butt without asking any questions. I fell down on the ground from this severe police brutality. Later, some of my friends found me and carried me home.... “If Muslim children went to school, the teachers used to discriminate against us in teaching lessons. If we passed the exam, they failed us. Rakhine students were passed although they failed. One day, the teacher passed a Rakhine student in my name. I was failed by the teacher. Then I quarreled with the Rakhine boy and beat him. For that, he complained to the police against me. I had to pay 500,000 kyat as a forced bribe. Rakhine teachers used to come to school indulging in wine and beat Muslim students for no reason.... For two reasons, one beaten by police and the other beaten by the teacher, I stopped my studies.”83

The school in Koe Tan Kauk was in the Rakhine village, but Rohingya students were not permitted to enter the Rakhine village after 2012. 84 According to testimony, compared with Rakhine students, Rohingya students were neglected and not taught at public school.85 And when students fought, the teachers punished the Rohingya but not the Rakhine students.86

5. Denial of Employment According to testimony, the Rohingya were deprived of the opportunity to be employed even when their educational level was high, especially with public and government jobs.87 In addition, the government stole land from Rohingya villagers and allocated them to Rakhine

colonizers.88 One kani of land is equivalent to 1.32 acres. The government plundered approximately 41 kani of land from one villager.89 The land had belonged to his parents but the government confiscated the bequeath from him upon their deaths.90 Another villager lost 32 kani of land.91 “Twenty-seven years ago, the police took away my 32 kani of lands. Those lands were allocated to Rakhines. The police said that those lands did not belong to me but were Rakhines’ lands. So, they allocated to Rakhines.”92

Even if the land theft was in “lesser” amounts, these “smaller” thefts are no trifle. With denial of access to education and denial of access to jobs, farming lands that they owned was the main viable way to work and support their families. Without land ownership, the Rohingya were forced to pay rent for farmland, thereby reducing their income even further.

6. Compulsory Forced Labor The military and BGP/Na Sa Ka conscripted Rohingya villagers into forced labor, to build bamboo fences, carry heavy loads, dig bunkers, cut bushes, pave roads, collect wood in the forest, and clean the military camp.93 There is not a single recorded case of the Rohingya being paid for this forced labor.94 Although Rakhine people were paid for working,95 Rohingya forced laborers were not even given food to eat.96 Moreover, the unpaid forced labor compounded the hardship the Rohingya experienced, by starving them, as well as by obstructing the Rohingya from working at their own livelihoods and even requiring payment of a forced bribe for release after providing forced labor:

Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

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“My husband was not able to work agriculture freely. When he was working in the field, the military took him for forced labor. Later, I had to pay money for my husband’s release.”97

some military came to my home and broke inside. They called us inside for gang rape! We were five women and we did not go inside. I said to them that if you want you can kill us but we will never go inside with you.”105

Rohingya were conscripted into forced labor 5-10 times per month,98 and as often as four times per week,99 starting as young as age 12.100 Some times the military or BGP/Na Sa Ka simply took the Rohingya and other times they ordered the village administrator to gather the Rohingya.101 If they failed to work on their designated day, security forces arrested and made the Rohingya pay money.102

“Police raped Abul Foyas’ wife as she was returning home from the Inn Din clinic. Another one, Rajahan’s daughter, was also raped.”106

“A person was arrested at night if he did not go. His legs were put into wooden holes. There he was detained for one or two days. After that, the village administrator had to go to the camp to get him released, with a forced bribe of 100,000-200,000 kyat. If the detainee was rich, then they demanded 500,000-1,000,000 kyat. The Rohingya were also beaten severely. My uncle Shabbir Hossain (38, son of Lal Mia) was forced to pay 200,000 kyat and to give wood as punishment.”103

At times, the military beat up these Rohingya villagers if they slept at night.104

7. Rape and Gender-Based Sexual Violence Rohingya women were also subjected to rape and gender-based sexual violence. “If security forces found any girl on the road, they raped her. They also took women to their military camp. After that we don’t know what they did inside the military camp…. One day,

“A Rakhine man raped one of my cousins, Runa Begum (16), when she was working at a rock breaking site.”107

8. Denial of Healthcare The Rohingya experienced discrimination in receiving medical services.108 “Many times the clinic rejected us as patients. They told us, “There is no medicine for you because you are not Myanmar people; you are Bengali.” If we needed treatment, we had to pay an extra 1000-5000 kyat to the doctor.”109 “One of my aunts, Laila Begum (35), was hospitalized for childbirth. First she was rejected. When her relatives showed money to the doctor, she was given service at last.”110

The public health center refused to treat Rohingya unless they made additional payment,111 and rejected them if they could not pay.112 One survivor was rejected 6 times because he could not afford to pay the extra money to the doctor.113 The additional amounts demanded ranged from 1,000-10,000 kyat.114 One Rohingya paid an extra 50,000 kyat for typhoid treatment and also was called an ethnic slur while receiving treatment:


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“There was no government hospital in our village. But there was for Rakhine. We used to go there before 2012 and received treatment. But, after 2012, it was closed to us. We had to pay money for treatment even before 2012. Those who had money, they used to go. I also went to the clinic and got treatment for my typhoid after they took 50,000 kyat. “One day, I went to the government doctor at his home. The doctor’s wife who is also a nurse herself was treating me. When her husband came home and saw me, he said, “Don’t treat “kalar.”” It is a word of hatred. Then his wife rejected me without giving treatment.”115

These amounts were in addition to forced bribes paid at checkpoints along the way to the clinic.116 Yet, although the public clinic extorted Rohingya for additional money, their alternative, a Muslim village doctor, was not permitted to freely practice medicine and had to do so in secret.117 Another survivor reported that the UNHCR clinic was no better: “There is one clinic which was given by UNHCR. It runs in the name of UNHCR but no power of UNHCR. The doctors are from the government. They don’t give treatment without additional money. They used to take money for treatment.”118

9. Suppression of Voting Rights The Rohingya were denied their voting rights after 2015,119 although they were allowed to vote before 2015.120

10. Revocation of Citizenship The Rohingya did not hold citizenship of Myanmar. An elder survivor held an AK card in the past and also had a temporary registration certificate.121 The Rohingya were initially given temporary white cards called Yiayi Caffra,122 but the government collected these back later.123 Then they were given “receipt cards.”124 The Rohingya’s identification documents typically stated their nationality to be Bengali.125

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“In 2010, we were able to go to Sittwe. But then, they said, “You can’t go.” Then they say, “You can’t go village to village.” Then they say, “You can’t leave your home.” Systematically they are doing this. Finally, the government brought out NVC cards which says we can’t keep even 40,000 kyat in our pockets and we can’t own any property with this card. To take NVC means we can’t own anything with it.”132

“The government never accepted us as citizens! They told us that there are no Muslim people in this country.”126

All interviewees refused to register with NVC. They stated that this process was intended to force the Rohingya to admit their non-citizenship status, since NVC registered them as foreigners, as Bengali rather than Rohingya.127 Rohingya often considered NVC to be even less valuable than the temporary registration certificate, and they feared they would experience further oppression if they accepted it.128

One elder Rohingya survivor managed to preserve his precious AK card even as he fled to Bangladesh, because it serves as proof of his identity and citizenship.

“I did not accept the NVC because this is not a national identification card. There it is written that we are guests of this country and that we have no nationality. That’s why we did not accept this NVC.”129 “I did not take it because it is not for me. It is for foreigners. I am not a foreigner. I am an indigenous citizen of Myanmar.”130 “I did not receive NVC. Earlier, we received a card like NVC. The government told us that we could travel anywhere we wished. But, after receiving the card, we could not travel anywhere that we could before. That is why we feared that we would face such consequences if we again received the NVC like the card that we received before.”131

The Myanmar government gave the Rohingya “temporary cards,” which were later taken away.

After confiscating the temporary cards, the Myanmar government then distributed “receipt cards” as identification documents for the Rohingya.


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B. Forcible Expulsion from Frangchaung in 2012 A number of Rohingya lived in Koe Tan Kauk after having previously been driven out of another village, Frangchaung. These villagers have experienced the tremendous devastation of repeatedly being exiled and cast out of their homes. As stated simply by one survivor, “The government deported us.”133 After fires burned in Sittwe, the Rohingya in Frangchaung were directed to leave their village.134 The Rohingya replied that what happened in Sittwe did not concern the Frangchaung villagers and asked why they must leave their ancestral village for something that occurred far away.135 Rakhine people set fires in the villages of Anok Fran, Sera Frang, and Zoe Fran.136 Subsequently, on June 14, 2012, the Rohingya community leader of Frangchaung, Anzul Hossain, received a letter from the Rakhine leader of Lounchaung.137 The letter, sent by Aye Maung, a school teacher, and Ko Ko Naing, a Rakhine villager, 138 ordered the Rohingya to remove themselves from Franchaung and threatened that the Rakhine would kill the Rohingya who refused to be ousted.139 The letter said, “This is not your country. Go to your country Bangladesh. Go quickly. This country belongs to Burmese and Rakhine.”140 Anzul Hossain took the letter to the village administrator, Thin Zaw, who responded that he could not protect the Rohingya villagers.141 Then approximately 500 Rakhine villagers raided Frangchaung and again ordered the Rohingya to vacate the village.142 Heavy rains made movement difficult, especially for young children.143 The Rakhine snapped, “No, you can’t stay here. Your country is Bangladesh. Go to your country. You are Bengali.”144 The Rohingya fled to the forest and hid there for a long time.145 They barely survived on bananas and a fruit called iinthi gula.146 Two pregnant women gave birth to children while they

hid in the forest.147 The Rohingya then returned to their village. Some time later, between 7:00 a.m.148 and 9:00 a.m.,149 approximately 500 Rakhine people from Lounchang and three other Rakhine villages breached Frangchaung,150 with knives, swords, spears, and homemade guns.151 Aye Thoilaing (40) and Aye Maung (40, son of Chang Chang Aung) led the violence.152 Also participating were Sin Zaw (60), Sumong Anong (50), Thing Tua Mong (50),153 Hla Maung (40), Aye Tun Hlain (55), Aye Tun Naing (50), Sain Ye (45), Ko Ko Naing (23), and Ba San (47).154 Anzul Hossain, together with another Rohingya community leader, Abdu Jalil (80, son of Shahar Mulluk), returned the village administrator and said that they would not leave the village, because they had not quarreled or fought with anyone.155 The village administrator repeated that he could not protect or save the Rohingya from the Rakhine.156 Abdu Jalil then visited a Rakhine religious leader and requested a temporary stay of the expulsion for two days due to the heavy rains.157 The Rakhine religious leader responded, “You have to leave the village immediately. Otherwise you will be killed or cut by Rakhines.”158 The Rohingya begged to be able to stay near their village somehow, saying, “We don’t know Bangladesh. Please let us stay around here.”159 But in response, the Rakhine brought more Rakhine people, to a total of approximately 700 people.160 As noted by one survivor, Frangchaung was the only Rohingya village, compared with 22 Rakhine villages, so the Rohingya were far outnumbered.161 The Rohingya continued to plead to be permitted to stay in the mountainside, but the Rakhine village administrator unilaterally stated, “We decided in our meeting that we will not allow you to stay here.”162 Police officers and the Rakhine village administrator

Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

ordered the Rohingya to move, giving an ultimatum that they must flee by 10:00 or lose their lives.163 “The security forces said, “You can’t live here. It is not your village. If you don’t move, you will be killed. We know you face to face. If new Rakhine from other villages come, they will kill you.””164

The assailants, both Rakhine and police forces,165 fired guns in the air to terrify the Rohingya.166 Security forces beat and injured Mohamed Hussain (52) and Habiuz Zaman (53), and only Mohamed Hussain survived to live.167 Security forces also beat Gani Mia (45, son of Isakim) and Kalu (50, son of Mantaz Mia) with sticks,168 and kicked the elderly Hair Hussain to death.169 After the Rohingya fled to the forest,170 the Rakhine looted houses for cows, hens, goats, rice, money, and household items and stole gold ornaments from Rohingya women.171 Security forces burned down the Rohingya villagers’ homes,172 with the flames and smoke visible from the forest.173 They were forced to leave behind four old men at the top of the mountain because they could not walk.174 Another elderly man, Nurul Islam (58), died on the way because of the long walk.175 They crossed the mountain, over Shinklin and then walked to Koe Tan Kauk,176 arriving between 11:00 p.m. and 1:00 a.m.,177 with some spending the night in the forest in exhaustion.178 In Koe Tan Kauk, a military major called Anzul Hossain and demanded to know why they had not arrived earlier, after being pushed to the mountain at 9:00 a.m.179 Anzul Hossain explained their pain and suffering at having to abandon their elders. 180 The displaced Franchaung villagers first rested in religious buildings,181 and then took shelter in host families’ verandas and homesteads for months,182 suffering and somehow surviving through hunger.183 Later the government hired Rakhine people to build the IDP camp,184 with wood and tin.185 Some time

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later, residents in the IDP camp received assistance from WFP, of 13kg of rice and one liter of oil per person per month.186 UNHCR staff also provided basic necessities like soap.187 The refugees also collected wood from the forest to sell in the market, but the military beat any Rohingya found in the forest.188 The military also hassled and intimidated the Rohingya by penetrating the IDP camp, roaming around threateningly, and looting hens from houses.189 Although the refugees had shelter in the IDP camp, they nevertheless were permitted only to travel within Koe Tan Kauk village, and even then only with the Tawkenza travel permission after paying 1,000-1,500 kyat to the village administrator.190 “We were inside Rathedaung area but attached to the Maungdaw border. There is a BGP camp and we were not allowed to cross into Maungdaw territory without a permit.”191 “We were able just to go to nearby villages and the market. Once the police beat me just for crossing the line to the Maungdaw side from Rathedaung.”192 “One day in 2016, I was beaten by Rakhine people while I was going to visit my relatives in Shinklin village.”193


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C. Brutality in October 2016 On October 9, 2016, ARSA reportedly attacked police and military camps. A number of Koe Tan Kauk villagers heard the sound.194 Subsequently, a police officer summoned the leader of the village, Mohamed Ayoub, and asked about an injured man and a dead man.195 Although Mohamed Ayoub said he did not recognize either of the two men, the police officer ordered him to bury the dead body, which he did away from the Rakhine village to avoid assault from the Rakhine.196 The military then sent a notice to the Rohingya village leaders, stating that the military would conduct “Clearance Operations.” 197 The military, police, immigration, and Rakhine forces surrounded Koe Tan Kauk village.198 About a month later,199 at about 12:00 a.m.,200 approximately 10-16 trucks of military forces slammed Koe Than Kauk.201 They came from the south,202 from the direction of Maungdaw.203 They had been stationed at Koe Tan Kauk military camp.204 They wore green military uniforms and police uniforms that were white or mixed-color,205 with red cloths around the neck,206 and with red symbols.207 Witnesses described the symbols as flowers,208 moon and star,209 and bandulla (ancient army general) and sunshine marks,210 and sun and star.211 The assailants totaled 100-200 forces,212 and consisted of police, military, and Rakhine people.213 They carried AK47s, brand guns, strength guns, rifles, and motor bum,214 and the military gave guns and uniforms to the Rakhine.215 The Rakhine carried snacks for the military and police forces.216 As reported by the then-deputy village administrator, security forces smashed the fences of the Rohingya villagers’ homesteads and commandeered a search.217 “The military and police said that we Muslims Imagery ©2018 CNES / Airbus, Digitalglobe, Map data ©2018 Google Security forces made the Rohingya villagers gather by a rosewood tree and beat them incessantly for two days and two nights. Security forces killed Md. Hasan and Zahid Hussain in the locations noted.

attacked the military camp. They also said that there were two militants in the village. They told us to indicate the militants and not to provide any shelter to militants.”218 “In the early morning the next day, at around 5:00 a.m., about 600 military personnel... surrounded the village. They informed us that they needed to investigate people in our village and told us to bring our family registration lists. They said they would not harm us if they did not find any militants in our village. They said they would release those with valid papers and arrest those without valid papers. However, after inquiring with some families, they stopped the inquiry and gathered the villagers at a place and beat us mercilessly for two days.”219

Security forces dragged all of the villagers from their homes and beat them incessantly,220 while shouting that the Rohingya were not people of Myanmar and that Myanmar was not their country.221 They forced the Rohingya to gather in the southern part of the village and made everyone lay down.222 The beating lasted for many hours, from 9:00 a.m. to 6:00-7:00 p.m.223 Security forces injured countless Rohingya, pummeling anyone who raised their head, and beat them into unconsciousness, with boots, guava tree sticks, bamboo, and rifle butts.224 One survivor saw the military gouge out the eyes of a Rohingya man.225 The Rohingya villagers were detained for two days and two nights.226 Security forces also looted Rohingya property, including goats, hens, solar panels, cows, pigeons, rice, and money up to 200,000-300,000 kyat.227 Security forces arrested 5-16 people from around the rosewood tree for no reason.228 Although the arrestees seem to have been transported from Koe


Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

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Tan Kauk to other places, such as a military camp, Nemmray, Maungdaw jail, and Buthidaung jail,229 their status remains unknown. “We appointed an advocate, U Moung Thoang, for the arrested people. The advocate informed us over the phone that Ahmed Shorif died in jail in Sittwe. The

others were sentenced to 35 years in jail and they are still in Sittwe jail now. The advocate took 10 million and 3,500,000 kyat from me to get my son released but she could not get him released…. The military beat them on the way to Inn Din. My son told me that the military pulled out their nails.”230

D. Massacre on August 25, 2017 1. Situation Prior to the Massacre After the October incident in 2016, villagers were confined and not even allowed to leave their houses.231 BGP and the military banned the Rohingya from going to the market, working in the fields or harvesting, fishing, and collecting wood from the forest.232 The slightest movement resulted in a severe beating and fines.233 In addition, gatherings of 5 people in one place were also prohibited.234 The weather on August 25, 2017, in Koe Tan Kauk was rainy in the morning and sunny in the afternoon.235 It rained at night as well, which made the unsheltered forest wet.236

2. Siege of the Village Rohingya villagers first heard gunshots in the early morning,237 between 3:00 a.m.238 and 4:30 a.m.,239 from the direction of the military camp.240 The military and security forces poured into the village from the military camp and Rakhine village in the south,241 while firing their guns,242 at about dawn call to prayer time.243 They numbered 200-500 forces and wore green military uniforms and khaki police uniforms,244

with symbols like flowers on their arms.245 Other uniforms had bandulla and flag marks,246 and star and moon symbols.247 They carried guns, launchers, motor guns, and heavy weapons like AK47s, rifles, and G3s.248 The Rakhine assailants wore longyi pants and white shirts,249 carried gasoline containers and snacks for the military, and also bore knives and lances as weapons.250 With rapid gunfire all across the village, the military began storming houses and trying to physically beat the Rohingya, so the villagers fled in panic to the forest.251 Yet not everyone fled. Some villagers remained in their homes, thinking that security forces would not do anything because the IDP camp was under government authorization.252 One Rohingya man fled to the forest after the village leader Fayazullah was shot dead before his eyes.253 In particular, Rohingya men faced a traumatic choice. They could flee and possibly save their lives, while their female family members might suffer physical and sexual violence and even death. Or they could remain to protect their female family members and possibly be killed themselves.254 “After having breakfast, my daughter asked me, “Father, what can we do?” I said, “The military may not do anything to women.

Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

But they will harm men. If we all leave the village, they will burn down the homes. So, it is better if us males leave and the females stay at home. Now we have no shelter to save our lives except the forest.” Saying so, I fled to the forest. One of my sons was also with me. After some time, military forces approached the village firing indiscriminately. When my grandchildren and daughters and my wife encountered the forces, security forces shot my family to death.”255 “We were five family members in Burma. Now, I am single. The military brutally killed my four family members…. We men hid at

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approximately 4:30 a.m. in the forest, leaving the women and children in the house…. I witnessed that on October 9, 2016, men were arrested. So I left my wife and children in the house when the military and Rakhine approached firing their guns…. I saw that the military killed my wife and children: Mazu (23, wife); Mohamed Rashel (5, son); Mohamed Faisal (3, son); and Mohamed Yeasir (6 months, son).”256

Later, security forces laid in wait and killed additional Rohingya who, thinking the military had dispersed, returned to Koe Tan Kauk to gather rice to eat.257


Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

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3. Killing Rohingya Villagers En Masse The reckless and indiscriminate gunfire killed many Rohingya villagers. 80% of victimsurvivors lost direct family members, meaning spouses, children, and parents.258 Many of these victim-survivors were forced to abandon the dying and dead bodies of their family members, because it was heart-breakingly more urgent to flee and preserve their lives.259 The terrified refugees left the dying and dead bodies where they dropped in the paddy fields or forest.260 “They killed my husband. His name is Mohammad Salam and he is 35 years old. I was very upset when they killed my husband with gunshot. After the gunfire, my husband fell down in the paddy field. I saw them when they killed my husband but I was not able to go there because there were lots of military at that moment.”261 “I saw my son’s father being shot to death. My husband’s name is Iqbal Hussain (25, son of Mator). When I was fleeing away, I looked back and saw my husband got shot with a

bullet and was on the ground, trembling, in the south of the paddy field. I could not go back because of the military. I proceeded forward with my child.”262 “Halima Khatun (47, wife of Rahmat Ullah) was my mother’s sister. We came to carry her to the forest from the village. When the military started firing, we left her and fled away again. From a little distance, we watched. The military went to the house and pulled out my mother’s sister and shot her to death. Then she was pulled out of the village and put into a broken boat. Then they burned her in the boat by pouring gasoline. She was weak and ill. So, she could not flee. So, the military found her at home and shot her to death.”263

Unlike the atrocity in October 2016, this assault had no arrests, because the military shot and killed all Rohingya they came upon.264 “Whomever the military met, they shot to death.”265

Imagery ©2018 CNES / Airbus, Digitalglobe, Map data ©2018 Google

Imagery ©2018 CNES / Airbus, Digitalglobe, Map data ©2018 Google

One 28-year-old Rohingya man lost his entire family (his wife and three young sons) in the slaughter. He managed to bury his wife and youngest son with the help of family and neighbors. But as the Rohingya fled for their lives, he no longer had help and had to leave his elder two sons’ bodies unburied.

A 20-year-old Rohingya man saw his mother die from gunshot. He later found her dead body and was able to lay her to rest in the ground.

Imagery ©2018 CNES / Airbus, Digitalglobe, Map data ©2018 Google Locations of Rohingya killed, often as witnessed by close family members like spouses, parents, and children.


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4. Rape

5. Arson and looting

One survivor reported that five military soldiers and four police officers raped women 4-5 times, for about an hour.266

Along with shooting countless Rohingya to death, the military set almost all the houses on fire. The number of houses burned is estimated at between 200 and 400. 267 Survivors consistently testified that the arson began between 7 a.m.,268 or 8:00 a.m.,269 and lasted until the afternoon.270 The military set houses on fire by shooting launchers or pouring gasoline on the roofs. 271 Security forces brought the gasoline with them in vehicles.272 The only building that security forces did not burn was the school.273

Imagery ©2018 CNES / Airbus, Digitalglobe, Map data ©2018 Google

A Rohingya witness-survivor identified this location as where military soldiers and police officers raped Rohingya women.

Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

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BGP and the military looted cows, hens, goats, and motorcycles.274 Rohingyas arrive in Shah Porir Dip, Teknaf, Bangladesh on Oct 14, 2017. © CHO Jinsub

F. Escape to Bangladesh E. Perpetrators According to testimony, Battalion 537 led the massacre in Koe Tan Kauk village. 275 One survivor, who was the deputy village administrator of Koe Tan Kauk, reported that Battalion 535 and Battalion 537 deployed to the area before August 25, 2017.276 He said in his role of deputy village administrator, he had to communicate and be in contact with the military.277 The military stationed at Shinklin Rakhine temple,278 and at the school,279 as well as at the military camp to the north of Shinklin.280 They numbered 200-500 forces and wore green military uniforms and khaki police uniforms,281 with symbols like flowers on their arms.282 Other uniforms had bandulla and flag marks,283 and star and moon symbols.284 They carried guns,

launchers, motor guns, and heavy weapons like AK47s, rifles, and G3s.285 The Rakhine assailants wore longyi pants and white shirts,286 carried gasoline containers and snacks for the military, and also bore knives and lances as weapons.287

Most Rohingya unwillingly fled to Bangladesh, driven purely by fear for their lives. Many walked for 10-18 days in the forest,288 and some walked an additional three days along the beach.289 Others moved toward Bangladesh only after waiting for 10-17 days in the forest while wishing only for peace and a way to return to their village,290 or only after their children were on the verge of starving to death,291 from eating only leaves.292 “We did not walk through the forest. We stayed inside the forest for 17 days waiting for peace. As there was no peace, we started walking…. “Because our village was completely burned down, there was no shelter for us…. We stayed in the forest for 17 days. After 17 days, we got down from the forest to the sea beach and started walking to the border. I had a lame daughter. I hired two laborers to carry my daughter. Then after three days we arrived at

the border of Nakkhondia.”293 “We could not decide at once…. We stayed in the forest for 14 days eating leaves from trees…. We walked at night and hid in daytime in the bushes of the beach.”294 “We stayed in the forest for 1 day…. Our children were about to die of starvation. Then we decided to go to Bangladesh…. We walked through the forest for 10 days. When it became unbearable, we started walking to the border.”295 In the dire and traumatic situation, women gave birth to babies as they fled.296 To actually cross the border into Bangladesh, destitute Rohingya villagers had to pay money to the boat guide, in amounts varying from 5,000100,000 kyat.297


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Ⅴ. Facts from Initial Survey

Ⅴ. Facts from Initial Survey The initial survey defines one family as a unit of people who are from Koe Tan Kauk and who live together in the camp. In the case of Koe Tan Kauk, the survey covered 1064 people in total, 609 men and 455 women. Of those surveyed, there were 2 children under age 10; 90 teenagers; 391 people in their 20s; 217 people in their 30s; 133 people in their 40s; 129 people in their 50s; 68 people in their 60s; 27 people in their 70s; 4 people in their 80s; and 1 person in their 90s. Based on the initial survey, the number of people who were killed on August 25, 2018, amounts to 148. The names of the deceased are attached in the Annex. Of the deceased, there were 33 children 10

years of age and younger; 15 people in their teens; 22 people in their 20s; 18 people in their 30s; 13 people in their 40s; 20 people in their 50s; 9 people in their 60s; 5 people in their 70s; 5 people in their 80s; and 3 people in their 90s. Devastatingly, 45 of the deceased were under the age of 18. In addition, almost each and every interviewed person was both a victim of arson and robbery/ looting as well as a witness. Of the total 1064 people interviewed, the sole exceptions were a tiny handful of 14 people who did not experience arson in Koe Tan Kauk, although they were victims of robbery/looting.

Ⅵ. Conclusion and Recommendations On August 25, 2017, the Myanmar military Battalion 537, BGP, and mobilized Rakhine villagers besieged and breached Koe Tan Kauk village, invaded houses, and committed a massacre of Rohingya civilians, killing approximately 148 innocent residents of Koe Tan Kauk. Villagers fled to the forest in a desperate effort to save their lives. The total extent of suffering of these survivors is horrifying. During the massacre, no information whatsoever reported any activity of ARSA or other similar insurgent groups. However, the destruction of life of the Rohingya people began much earlier. The government stole land from Rohingya and reallocated it to

Rakhine. From 2012, the Rohingya villagers in Koe Tan Kauk village were deprived of their basic rights in almost every aspect of daily life. Some Koe Tan Kauk villagers had previously been forcibly expulsed from their ancestral village of Frangchaung and settled into an IDP camp in Koe Tan Kauk. And in October 2016, military, police, and immigration forces surrounded Koe Tan Kauk, on the pretext of locating militants. Security forces dragged all Rohingya from their homes and brutally beat them from morning until evening, ultimately detaining them for two days. A number were arrested and their status and whereabouts

Ⅵ. Conclusion and Recommendations

remain unknown to this day. From 2012 to 2016, a number of restraints sought to systematically destroy the ethnic Rohingya. First, all religious activities were banned. This included prayers at the mosque and holding religious ceremonies and events. If caught in any kind of religious practice, security forces forced fines from them and even arrested them. Second, to even marry, villagers had to acquire a certificate of permission from the military after paying an exorbitant bribe. When the military issued a certificate of permission to marry, they warned Rohingya not to have more than two children. If Rohingya had more than two children, the village administrator forced fines from them. Third, the boundary of movement for Rohingya was systematically controlled and restrained. In order to visit other places, the Rohingya were required to get a series of permissions from the level of village, district, township, and to the capital (Sittwe) – which essentially meant that they needed the military’s permission. In addition, they were required to fill out Form No. 4 and pay an exorbitant amount of money in bribes. From 2016, they were forbidden from even leaving Koe Tan Kauk Village. They were barred from harvesting, going fishing, or going to the market. Fourth, the Rohingya were discriminated against in educational opportunity and employment. The Rohingya were not allowed to be public workers. Fifth, the military regularly conscripted Koe Tan Kauk villagers into forced labor. The Rohingya were never paid any wages for their work. If they did not comply and provide forced labor, security forces forced fines from them. Sixth, Rohingya

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were denied medical treatment and healthcare. Seventh, from 2015, the Rohingya were deprived of voting rights, which had been legally exercised up to the year before. Lastly, no Rohingya was granted citizenship. The military in fact forced the Rohingya to register with NVC, which meant that they would be treated as foreigners. Rohingya were called the derogatory term, “kalar,” which is an ethnic slur. When asked why Myanmar security forces perpetrated such terrible acts, Rohingya survivors spoke clearly: “They did these things to us because they have racial discrimination against us. They always used to say that they must drive us from the country one day.”298 “They did such things to us because we are Muslims. To drive us from the country, they did it. Racial and religious discrimination.”299 “We were citizens of Myanmar before. The government canceled our citizenship. We claimed it again. So, they did such things to us. And deported us from the country.”300 “They did these things to us to free up the land that Rohingya own, so that they can conquer it. The second reasons is that we demanded our ethnic name of Rohingya.”301

The Rohingya may have found physical safety from persecution in the refugee camps in Bangladesh, but such shaky and uncertain quarters can hardly be considered homes, especially since the Rohingya have lived in Burma for generations, if not centuries. The Rohingya are aware of how they have suffered discrimination and persecution.


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Ⅵ. Conclusion and Recommendations

Yet they desire to return to their homeland, provided that they can do so following Justice, with full citizenship rights, as well as all of the privileges and benefits those rights confer.

driven out yet again in August 2017. Therefore, our view is that the international community needs to actively intervene and take steps to address the situation.

Article II of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, as well as the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, set forth the following definition of “genocide:” “... any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such: (a) Killing members of the group; (b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; (d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; (e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.”302

During the course of conducting interviews, the survivors consistently declared their desire for justice, and now it is our turn to respond. For these reasons, we recommend the following.

In this report, Asian Dignity Initiative sought to explain how the Rohingya suffered from systematic destruction between 2012-2016, as well as to demonstrate that the massacre and atrocities committed in October 2016 and on August 25, 2017 in the village of Koe Tan Kauk followed the pattern of genocide and/or ethnic cleansing. The report also detailed the forced expulsion of Rohingya villagers from Frangchaung in 2012 and their subsequent settlement in an IDP camp in Koe Tan Kauk, from which they were ultimately

Firstly, the government and military of Myanmar must permit a thorough, effective, and unbiased investigation within the country. For this, the international community must provide political, financial, and technological support. However, considering that the Myanmar government and the military have denied the existence of the Rohingya, have outright denied the genocide, and have failed to cooperate with the international community's efforts to ascertain the truth, the international community, including the United Nations, should refer the case to the International Criminal Court or set up a special or ad-hoc court to investigate the case. To capture the many types and instances of genocide and ethnic cleansing, the truth-seeking inquiry must include the massacre in Koe Tan Kauk, atrocities in the many other Myanmar villages where the Myanmar military and security forces attacked, and the systematic destruction that occurred starting in 2012 across the fabric of Myanmar society and government. Secondly, the truth-seeking investigation must proceed without grant of immunity to wrongdoers. The focus of the investigation, the wrongdoers, occupy the highest levels of the Myanmar military

Ⅵ. Conclusion and Recommendations

and BGP, yet also include ordinary people from other ethnic minorities in Myanmar. In addition, officials of the Myanmar government, including State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and other Cabinet Members, must also investigated for their roles in the atrocities. None of the actors should receive immunity or be exempt from from scrutiny. Thirdly, the Myanmar government must provide remedy and relief to the victims and survivors. The principle of restoration of previously-held rights is the basic foundation, with financial recompense to those for whom such restoration is insufficient, such as victims who have suffered psychological harm. In such situations, it is critical to respect and decide the specific substance and form of remedy and relief according to the wishes of the victims and the Rohingya community. Fourthly, the Myanmar government should introduce legislation and administrative measures to abolish systems and practices that discriminate against Rohingya. Social leaders and citizens who speak, advance, or promote hate speech and other forms of prejudiced information must be punished. Education should be provided to improve awareness in ordinary citizens of their deep-rooted hatred, bias, and discrimination. Fifthly, the Myanmar government must cease registering the Rohingya with NVC identification cards and must ensure restoration of their citizenship rights.

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Sixthly, the Myanmar government and the international community must actively guarantee and ensure participation of Rohingya people in the discussions about possible repatriation.


Ⅶ. Annex

34

Ⅶ. Annex Name Abdo Shokkor Abdo shokkur Abdol Hamid Abdol hamid Abdol Hashim Abdu Sawlam Abdul Amin Abdul Amin Abdul Hashim Abdul kalin Abduraman Abduroshit Abdushokor Abol hussin Abu Taher Abul Huson Abul Kashim Abul Kasim Ahmir Huson Akbal Husain Alam bar Ali Ahmed Am Ras Ammar Anowar Anuwar begum Arfanullah Asemat din Asima khatun Asma katu Ayasa Aye sha Aysha khatun Azimollah Azimullah Azimullah Aziran Azor Mia Banu Hossin Basa mia Bodo jamal Bodujamal Dil mammod Dildarullah Dill Kayas Dollu Eman Hossen Eman husson Emanhason Erashat Esamoud Farid Ullah Fason Feran

Age 50 30 1 19 16 52 55 55 2 30 23 30 30 65 40 65 25 45 7 22 50 88 12 1 25 60 55 65 50 8 60 60 50 40 13 90 83 65 65 80 92 15 2 1 27 55 25 6 5 47 90 35 45

Name Feran Gul bahar Gul Bahar Gul Bahar Gul Bahar Gul Bahar Gulbhar Hadir hossin Hamid Husson Hasan Hashimullah Hasina Hasina Haydayatullah Holill Hosson Ahmmed Hosson Ammed Ibra Him Iqbal Hossain Iqbal Hossain Jafor Hoson Jahid hossen Jamil Jomil Hossin Jomir hossen Kisma Tara Kotija Mali hosor Mamo Roshid Mashida. Begun Mayana khatun Mayuna Mazeda Md Amin Md Anwar Md Enos Md Fasel Md Hossen Md Hosson Md Kair Md Nobi Md Nobi Md Rasel Md Rofig Md Zobiar Md.Fasil Md.Kasil Md.Rashal Moggul Hashim Mohzoraman Mojoma katu Molha Banu Morium khatun Mosa Alai

Age 35 70 1 80 65 55 70 30 2 50 16 17 4 1 58 18 4 26 22 27 30 50 25 1 50 28 7 23 70 55 22 25 16 50 3 4m 80 1 31 35 5 35 25 3 6m 6 30 10 4 60 18 -

Name Motlof Motul hussin Mufizur Rahman Mv Shomsor Alom Nasuwa katun Nobi hoson Noor Islam Nosu Noyoumullah Nur Fatayma Nur Hason Nur Mohamad Nur Mohammed Nur Mohammed NurJan Nurushin Osman Patan Patan Ali Rahim Ullah Rahim Ullah Rahima Khatun Rashid Ullah Rashida Rohema Khatun Rohima khatun Samira begum San Mia Sara katu Sayed Ahmed Sayed Hossin Sayed Md Setera Shahajan Shanok Shokor Shomsida Shona mer Solimullah Solimullah Sowlim Ullah Sryad Mammed Sum mia Tasmin bi bi Umma hyir Yas mina, Zahit Husson Zolamot Zula Ha Zulaha

v 45 70 13 25 30 27 50 35 2 2 11 20 40 75 3 6 45 53 45 35 35 25 40 50 45 15 26 30 45 35 25 8 40 1 27 4 13 14 40 25 7 23 5 20 15 5 65 59 50

Endnotes

Endnotes

35

9. 10.

1. 2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

This project was funded by Gwangju Human Rights Peace Foundation (interviews), and Human Rights Foundation Saram (initial survey). “’No one was left:’ Death and violence against the Rohingya in Rakhine State, Myanmar,” Doctors Without Borders, March 2018, available at https://www. doctorswithoutborders.org/sites/default/files/201808/%27no-one-was-left%27_-death-and-violenceagainst-the-rohingya-in-rakhine-state%2C-myanmar. pdf. “We’ll turn your village into soil: Survivors recount one of Myanmar’s biggest massacres,” The Wall Street Journal, 11 May 2018, available at https:// www.wsj.com/articles/burn-the-houses-rohingyasurvivors-recount-the-day-soldiers-killed-hundreds1526048545?mod=e2fb. “A genocide incited on Facebook, with posts from Myanmar’s military,” The New York Times, 15 October 2018, available at https://www.nytimes. com/2018/10/15/technology/myanmar-facebookgenocide.html. “Investigators call for genocide prosecutions over slaughter of Rohingyas,” CBS News, 2 August 2018, available at https://www.cbsnews.com/news/rohingyacrisis-myanmar-genocide-military-commanders-unhuman-rights-mission/; “Peace Prize Laureates accuse Myanmar leaders of genocide against Rohingya,” CBS News, 1 March 2018, available at https://www. cbsnews.com/news/nobel-peace-prize-laureates-accusemyanmar-military-aung-san-suu-kyi-genocide-againstrohingya/. Physicians for Human Rights, “Please tell the world what they have done to us,” 19 July 2018, available at https://rohingya.phr.org/resources/ chutpyin/?ms=homepagebanner. ”Myanmar’s ethnic Rakhine seek Rohingya-free buffer zone,” Al Jazeera, 16 March 2018, available at https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2018/03/ myanmar-ethnic-rakhine-seek-rohingya-free-bufferzone-180316072803598.html. “Halting Myanmar ethnic cleansing,” USA Today, 22 October 2017, available at https://www.usatoday. com/story/opinion/2017/10/22/five-criticalactions-halt-ethnic-cleansing-myanma-joanne-lincolumn/779739001/; “Myanmar: Harrowing new evidence proves systematic campaign of crimes against humanity to drive Rohingya out,” Amnesty International UK, 17 October 2017, available at https://www.amnesty. org.uk/press-releases/myanmar-harrowing-newevidence-proves-systematic-campaign-crimes-against-

11.

12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51.

humanity. Note that, in their sworn statements, many Rohingya survivors use the terms BGP and Na Sa Ka interchangeably. “Report of the detailed findings of the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar A/HRC/39/CRP.2,” 18 September 2018, available at https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/ HRCouncil/FFM-Myanmar/A_HRC_39_CRP.2.pdf. “Accountability for atrocities in Myanmar ‘cannot be expected within its borders -- UN investigator,’” UN News, 24 October 2018, available at https://news. un.org/en/story/2018/10/1024062. ISCG, map ID_0216, 26 February 2018 ISCG, map ID_0216, 26 February 2018 Affidavit – Case Number KTK10 – Koe Tan Kauk (hereinafter “KTK10,” with the same rule applying in numbering Koe Tan Kauk cases), KTK20. KTK04, KTK06, KTK12. KTK04, KTK11, KTK12, KTK20 KTK01, KTK11. KTK02, KTK20. KTK02, KTK04, KTK12, KTK20 KTK03, KTK12, KTK13 KTK12, KTK20 KTK06, KTK07. KTK20. KTK08, KTK12 KTK01, KTK03. KTK12, KTK20. KTK02. KTK15, KTK20. KTK02, KTK09, KTK11. KTK15 KTK11. KTK07, KTK11. KTK02, KTK06. KTK07, KTK11 KTK11, KTK13 KTK10. KTK10 KTK10. KTK13, KTK15. KTK11. KTK10 paid 400,000 kyat to marry. KTK11 paid 500,000 kyat to marry. KTK13, KTK15. KTK05, KTK06 KTK07, KTK11. KTK05, KTK06, KTK08, KTK10, KTK13. KTK13. KTK15. KTK13. KTK13. KTK07, KTK08, KTK13. KTK06.


36

52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61.

KTK11. KTK15. KTK04. KTK20. KTK09. KTK05, KTK07, KTK11. KTK07, KTK09 KTK10, KTK20. KTK09. Affidavit – Case Number KTKIDP16 – Koe Tan Kauk IDP (hereinafter “KTKIDP16,” with the same rule applying in numbering Koe Tan Kauk IDP cases) 62. KTK03. 63. KTKIDP16. 64. KTKIDP16. 65. KTK20. 66. KTK01. 67. KTK15. 68. KTKIDP14. 69. KTK03, KTK07. 70. KTK02. 71. KTK03, KTK04, KTK07, KTK20. 72. KTK01. 73. KTK10, KTK11, KTK13. 74. KTK01, KTK05, KTK11, KTKIDP14, KTK20. 75. KTK03, KTK09. 76. KTK07. 77. KTK10. 78. KTK11. 79. KTK07. 80. KTK11. 81. KTK05. 82. KTK03. 83. KTK03. 84. KTK07, KTK08. 85. KTK01, KTK02, KTK03. 86. KTK02. 87. KTK10, KTK11. 88. KTK12. 89. KTK01. 90. KTK01. 91. KTK12. 92. KTK12. 93. KTK07, KTK10, KTK12. 94. KTK07, KTK08, KTK12. 95. KTK12. 96. KTK02, KTK13. 97. KTK13. 98. KTK01, KTK06, KTK07, KTK08. 99. KTK01, KTK03. 100. KTK11. 101. KTK10. 102. KTK10, KTK12. 103. KTK10. 104. KTK07. 105. KTK07. 106. KTK09.

Endnotes

107. KTK13. 108. KTK07, KTK13. 109. KTK07. 110. KTK13. 111. KTK07, KTK11, KTK13. 112. KTK04, KTK07. 113. KTK11. 114. KTK07, KTK08, KTK12, KTK13. 115. KTK03. 116. KTK15. 117. KTK10. 118. KTK09. 119. KTK02, KTK04, KTK08. 120. KTK03, KTK05, KTK09, KTK12. 121. KTK12. 122. KTK01, KTK06, KTK08, KTK09, KTKIDP18, KTKIDP19, KTK20. 123. KTK01, KTK09, KTK11, KTKIDP14, KTKIDP18, KTKIDP19, KTK20. 124. KTKIDP14, KTKIDP18, KTK20. 125. KTK01, KTK03, KTK06, KTK08, KTK09, KTK20. 126. KTK07. 127. KTK06, KTK08. 128. KTK03, KTK07, KTK11, KTKIDP17. 129. KTK07. 130. KTK09. 131. KTKIDP17. 132. KTK03. 133. KTKIDP16. 134. KTKIDP17. 135. KTKIDP17. 136. KTKIDP19. 137. KTKIDP14, KTKIDP18. 138. KTKIDP16, KTKIDP17. 139. KTKIDP18, KTKIDP17. 140. KTKIDP17. 141. KTKIDP18. 142. KTKIDP17. 143. KTKIDP18. 144. KTKIDP17. 145. KTKIDP17. 146. KTKIDP17. 147. KIDP19. 148. KTKIDP18. 149. KTKIDP14, KTKIDP17, KTKIDP19. 150. KTKIDP18. 151. KTKIDP14, KTKIDP18. 152. KTKIDP14, KTKIDP18. 153. KTKIDP16. 154. KTKIDP14. 155. KTKIDP18. 156. KTKIDP18. 157. KTKIDP18. 158. KTKIDP18. 159. KTKIDP17. 160. KTKIDP17. 161. KTKIDP17.

Endnotes

162. KTKIDP17. 163. KTKIDP16. 164. KTKIDP16. 165. KTKIDP16, KTKIDP17. 166. KTKIDP14, KTKIDP18, KTKIDP19. 167. KTKIDP17. 168. KTKIDP14. 169. KTKIDP19. 170. KTKIDP17. 171. KTKIDP14, KTKIDP16, KTKIDP17, KTKIDP18, KTKIDP19. 172. KTKIDP14, KTKIDP16. 173. KTKIDP17. 174. KTKIDP18. 175. KTKIDP16. 176. KTKIDP14, KTKIDP16, KTKIDP17, KTKIDP18. 177. KTKIDP17, KTKIDP19. 178. KTKIDP14. 179. KTKIDP18. 180. KTKIDP18. 181. KTKIDP17, KTKIDP19. 182. KTKIDP14, KTKIDP16, KTKIDP18. 183. KTKIDP16. 184. KTKIDP14. 185. KTKIDP18. 186. KTKIDP14, KTKIDP18. 187. KTKIDP17. 188. KTKIDP17. 189. KTKIDP16. 190. KTKIDP14, KTKIDP16, KTKIDP17, KTKIDP18, KTKIDP19. 191. KTKIDP17. 192. KTKIDP16. 193. KTKIDP19. 194. KTK02, KTK10. 195. KTK01, KTKIDP17. 196. KTK01, KTKIDP17. 197. KTKIDP16. 198. KTKIDP16. 199. KTK02, KTK03, KTK09. 200. KTK01. 201. KTK01, KTK02, KTK12. 202. KTK02, KTK08. 203. KTK01. 204. KTKIDP14, KTKIDP16, KTKIDP19, KTK20. 205. KTK01, KTK02, KTK06. 206. KTK08. 207. KTK06. 208. KTK08, KTKIDP17, KTKIDP19. 209. KTK02, KTK07. 210. KTK10. 211. KTKIDP14. 212. KTK08, KTK10. 213. KTK02, KTK06, KTK12, KTKIDP16. 214. KTK01, KTK10, KTKIDP14, KTKIDP16. 215. KTK02. 216. KTKIISP16, KTKIDP17.

37

217. KTK10. 218. KTK10. 219. KTK01. 220. KTK02, KTK06, KTK08, KTK12, KTKIDP16, KTKIDP17. 221. KTKIDP16. 222. KTK02, KTK12, KTKIDP16. 223. KTKIDP17, KTKIDP18. 224. KTK02, KTK06, KTK08, KTKIDP18. 225. KTK06. 226. KTK02, KTK03, KTK06, KTK12. 227. KTK02, KTK06, KTK08, KTKIDP16, KTKIDP17. 228. KTK08, KTKIDP16, KTKIDP18. 229. KTK03, KTK04, KTK10. 230. KTK02. 231. KTK03. 232. KTK07, KTK11, KTK13. 233. KTK02, KTK07, KTK08. 234. KTK07, KTK11. 235. KTK09, KTK10, KTK15. 236. KTK09, KTK11. 237. KTK07, KTK10. 238. KTK09, KTKIDP14, KTK15, KTKIDP16. 239. KTK08, KTK10. 240. KTK07, KTK10, KTKIDP14, KTKIDP16. 241. KTK07, KTK08, KTK09, KTK15. 242. KTK04, KTK06, KTK07, KTK10. 243. KTK10, KTK15. 244. KTK07, KTK10, KTKDIP14. 245. KTK08, KTK10, KTK12, KTK13, KTKIDP17, KTKIDP19. 246. KTK10. 247. KTK11, KTKIDP14. 248. KTK07, KTK09, KTK10, KTKIDP14, KTKDIP16. 249. KTK08, KTKIDP14. 250. KTK06, KTKIDP16. 251. KTK07, KTK08. 252. KTKIDP17. 253. KTKIDP17. 254. KTK09, KTK10, KTK15. 255. KTK09. 256. KTK10. 257. KTK03, KTK07. 258. KTK01, KTK02, KTK05, KTK06, KTK07, KTK08, KTK09, KTK10, KTK12, KTK13, KTK15, KTK20. 259. KTK05, KTK06, KTK11, KTK20. 260. KTK05, KTK06, KTK11, KTK20. 261. KTK07. 262. KTK06. 263. KTK03. 264. KTK09, KTK15. 265. KTK09. 266. KTK08. 267. KTK07. 268. KTK07, KTK08. 269. KTK09, KTK10. 270. KTK04, KTK08, KTK13.


38

271. KTK07, KTK08, KTK10, KTKIDP14, KTKIDP16. 272. KTK09. 273. KTK10. 274. KTK07, KTK08, KTK10, KTKIDP14, KTKIDP16. 275. KTK10. 276. KTK10. 277. KTK10. 278. KTK10, KTKIDP16. 279. KTK10. 280. KTK10, KTKIDP14, KTKIDP16. 281. KTK07, KTK10, KTKDIP14. 282. KTK08, KTK10, KTK12, KTK13, KTKIDP17, KTKIDP19. 283. KTK10. 284. KTK11, KTKIDP14. 285. KTK07, KTK09, KTK10, KTKIDP14, KTKDIP16. 286. KTK08, KTKIDP14. 287. KTK06, KTKIDP16. 288. KTK01, KTK02, KTK06, KTK11. 289. KTK06, KTK13. 290. KTK09, KTK10, KTK15. 291. KTK15. 292. KTK13. 293. KTK09. 294. KTK13. 295. KTK15. 296. KTK06. 297. KTK10, KTKIDP14. 298. KTKIDP16. 299. KTKIDP16. 300. KTKIDP20. 301. KTKIDP19. 302. Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, Art. II; Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, Art. 6.

Endnotes

Ⅷ. Acknowledgments

39

Ⅷ. Acknowledgments

This report was produced through the support of many individuals and organizations. We would like to express our respectful gratitude to Gwangju Human Rights Peace Foundation, Human Rights Foundation Saram, Truth Foundation, and Hanwoo Memorial Fund for supporting our work in documenting human rights condition of Rohingya. Warm gratitude to Jung Jiwon and Kang Heewon, who poured their hearts out in working on this publication, as well as to Kang Jungmin. To photographer Cho Jinsub, who visited the camps with Asian Dignity Initiative, sharing in our

joys and sorrows while also sharing in our work in documenting human rights, and who helped greatly in editing the photographs for this report, a special thank you. Thank you from the bottom of our hearts, to the six activists who traveled to the ramshackle Rohingya refugee camps in 2018 to conduct interviews with survivors and to gather their evidence. And most importantly, our deepest gratitude to the Rohingya survivors of Koe Tan Kauk village. Our work would not exist without your assistance and bravery in speaking your truth. Thank you.

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