The dissertation, Can I Work Here: Workation in the Countryside of South Korea, investigates the transformation of offices, coupled with leisure, into a distinctive and dispersed model of working environments in the country’s peripheries. A confluence of factors including rapid demographic shifts, technology-driven production, and the pursuit of sustainable development amidst global competitiveness has underscored the South Korean government’s urgent need to reshape its industrial and labour landscape. As part of the strategies to leverage this paradigm shift, the revolutionary working environment called “workation”—a compound word combining “work” and “vacation”—has emerged as a protocol and spatial intervention aimed at revitalising neglected areas in South Korea. The shift in working environments towards a hybrid form of work, living, and leisure challenges the traditional office as a single entity, serving both individuals and communities.
The dissertation traces the global tendency of integrating work and leisure in working environments over the past seven decades and raises typological and urban questions about the role and form of offices in relation to socio-economic strategies, spatial procedures, and their extended influence on territorial and communal levels. It critically scrutinises the ever-shifting perspective of coupling work and leisure, questioning whether this coupling is visionary or restrictive and exploitative. Carrying this forward, the dissertation addresses how the workation model of South Korea, as a spatial and social framework, can be restructured to serve as a new mode of social engagement and a collectivised support network in a rural context.
This dissertation examines case studies of workation under multi-scalar categories, including connectivity, building typology, operation, users, and programmes, that stretch from geographical dynamics to local and community dynamics. This research addresses the model’s distinctive yet generic strategies and unfolds the real and imaginary aspects of this phenomenon. Finally, the design brief is an act of subversion against workation by exposing the cumulative sacrifice of invisible service labour and the exploitation of resources to sustain leisure, which anticipates potential friction and inequality between locals and newcomers.
Through the re-assemblage of the spatial and constitutional structure of work, living, and leisure, the dissertation tests the possibilities of workation as an alternative mode of settlement—not merely functioning as an economic tool, but as a framework for shared infrastructure and cooperative networks that prioritise local interests through an architectural agenda. This approach challenges the logic of economically driven spatial planning and the urban-rural dichotomy, instead advocating for an autonomous framework that encourages locally led initiatives and sustainable development in South Korea’s countryside.
Research Questions Objectives and Aims
Disciplinary questions:
• What is the potential for alternative architectural interventions within the phenomenon and framework of workation in the countryside of South Korea?
Typological questions:
• How has office typology been serving the economic models?
• What typological conditions have been adopted to facilitate the workation model?
• How can a hybrid model of work, leisure, and living serve the collective interests and mutual benefits of stakeholders?
Urban questions:
• How has the merging of offices with work, leisure, and living challenged or disrupted urban, semi-urban, and rural contexts?
• What kind of relationships can the workation model generate between peripheral regions and metropolitan areas in South Korea?
This dissertation investigates the new intervention of workation in South Korea, a hybrid model that combines work, leisure, and living to understand both the frictions and possibilities that could emerge within the extended territories of working environments. It identifies and extracts the organisational and spatial framework while addressing the challenges of potential exploitation of resources, spaces, and users inherent in the model. The dissertation further reconstructs the current workation framework to serve the interests of local communities.
The dissertation aims to test the possibilities of working environments under the workation model as an apparatus of community-building that generates collective relationships among stakeholders in South Korea’s peripheral areas, which are facing the threat of extinction.
Paradigm Shifts in Work as Coupled with Leisure
By the late Industrial Revolution, labourers had become the main protagonists within a production-oriented society. The transition from goods-based to knowledge-based modes of production fundamentally redefined the notion of labour, recognising living labour1 not merely as a component of production but as the key driver of productivity and economic growth. This reconceptualisation of labour was also reflected in the transformation of production spaces. Factories gave way to more humancentric office environments, manifested in modernist architecture, such as Frank Lloyd Wright’s Johnson Wax Headquarters 2 Fig. 2
Although this new era of capitalist production did not adhere to Fordist assembly-line structures, it continued to capitalise on the surplus value extracted from human labour (Marx, 1976). In her seminal work, The Human Condition, Hannah Arendt critically examines the socio-economic transformations at the apex of the Industrial Revolution and the upheavals of the wars, focusing particularly on how human activities are both valued and organised. Arendt introduces the concept of Vita Activa, which categorises human activities into three distinct spheres: labour (concerned with biological sustenance, including employment), work (involving the creation of objects and environments), and action (encompassing social and political activities) (Arendt, 1958). Despite Arendt’s efforts to reassess the distinct value of each of these activities and to critique the exploitation of living labour for economic productivity, the boundaries between these spheres have increasingly blurred over time.
Fig. 1. Albert Kahn, Ford Motor Assembly Plant, Highland Park, MI, USA, 1913.
While Arendt sought to distinguish between humans and labour by conceptualising action as a unique category, the concept of leisure 3—separate from work in both time and space—began to emerge. In the 1950s and 1960s, sociologists, political theorists, and Labour parties across different countries perceived leisure as a distinct sphere of life (Parker, 1971). This sphere was regarded not only as a remedy for the pervasive fatigue among labourers but also as an apparatus for regenerating the workforce’s capacity to work. Architects, as intellectuals, also championed this idealistic, optimistic view of leisure, progressively and radically instrumentalising leisure amenities as a means of welfare, attraction, and control. This transition, driven by industrial civilisation and capitalistic pursuits, effectively subordinated all aspects of life to the demands of a production-oriented society. This paradigm shift, wherein work was increasingly coupled with leisure, ultimately materialised in the evolution of the office typology.
Over time, this integration of leisure amenities created environments in which offices could operate as a singular entity, not as a part of society or a component of the urban fabric. This shift has facilitated offices relocating to various contexts- suburban, semi-urban, or rural- for their financial benefit. In this context, the coupling of work and leisure accentuates the power dynamics and strengthens the genealogy of economic models.
Decentralised and flexible work arrangements further amplify this overlap, and the potential of coupling work and leisure has global implications, particularly in cultural contexts like Japan and South Korea, where traditional office cultures face scrutiny and transformation. In 2018, the Japanese government introduced protocols such as “Workation” 4 and “Telework,” 5 where employees can work remotely while travelling to or staying in leisure destinations, mostly in Japan’s countryside Fig.3. Workation reflects the ultimate iteration of work and leisure integration where the idea of working is subsumed by leisure, and the fixed office space becomes increasingly nomadic. Indeed, the implementation of a strategic adaptation of this paradigm was inevitable not only to enhance labour rights in response to declining labour productivity but also to address socio-economic challenges such as rural extinctions. The top-down approach to workation in Japan serves as a testing ground for new settlement models for mobile workers.
Fig. 2. Frank Lloyd Wright, Johnson Wax Headquarters, Racine, WI, USA, 1936-39.
Given the reciprocal relationship between Japan and South Korea, which share similar cultural attributes and socio-economic challenges, the workation model has burgeoned in South Korea’s countryside since its formal promotion in 2021. As urban congestion and regional economic disparities intensify, the South Korean government has adopted workation as a tool to redistribute economic activity in varied contexts, including semi-urban, tourist cities and rural areas, leveraging existing natural and cultural assets. To accommodate the workation model in these neglected areas, former industrial buildings, tourist infrastructure, and local amenities are repurposed. However, unlike in Japan, where the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare oversees workation-related policies, South Korea’s Ministry of Culture, Sports, and Tourism leads these initiatives, adding another layer of exploitation by embedding workation within tourism’s operational and spatial frameworks.
The combination of work, leisure, and living accentuates the hybridity of use and enables further extraction by superimposing multiple uses onto existing spatial conditions. In addition to spatial exploitation, workation often imposes significant burdens on local communities, transforming residents into service labourers to sustain the model and redirecting local resources towards external stakeholders. Notably, 80% of workation users are aged between 20 and 30, whereas rural areas continue to experience population ageing, further exacerbating inequalities and segregation. Despite its promising narrative, debate persists over whether workation is truly visionary or inherently exploitative. Beyond the concept of coupling work and leisure, workation in South Korea is envisioned as an alternative tool for new settlements in rural areas, incorporating ‘living’ into the equation. Thus, it highlights the potential friction between locals and newcomers, as it disrupts the local economy, community, and environment, ultimately raising concerns about gentrification.
The evolving economic models, accompanied by societal conflicts, have not only transformed how we work and where we live but have also accelerated this transition. This shift is closely tied to the Korean government’s active facilitation of workation today. The evolution of work and leisure integration- from the Industrial Revolution’s human-centric office designs to South Korea’s contemporary workation model- reveals a trajectory where the architectural discipline has consistently served economic imperatives, prioritising productivity and efficiency by assimilating human domains into the realm of production and hybridising programs and uses for maximum extraction.
Fig. 3. Official logo for Workation & Bleisure under Tourism Strategy Implementation Promotion, Japan, 2021. Published by Japan National Tourism Organization.
A new style of travelling
Workation & Bleisure
Work, Rest, Live
Given the exploitative tendencies of workation, alternative approaches necessitate a radical reimagining of the integration of work and leisure. The dissertation critiques this paradigm and examines the potential for alternative architectural interventions within the framework of workation in South Korea’s countryside. Reimagining workation as an alternative mode of settlement through the reassembly of work, leisure, and living serves as a test of its possibilities- not merely as an economic tool but as a framework for shared infrastructures and cooperative networks that prioritise local interests through an architectural agenda. This approach challenges the logic of economically driven spatial planning and the urban-rural dichotomy, instead advocating for an autonomous framework that encourages locally led initiatives and sustainable development in South Korea’s countryside.
1 The concept of living labour is elaborated upon by Karl Marx in his seminal work, Das Kapital (Capital). Marx argued that living labour is the source of surplus value, which capitalists extract to generate profit. In his analysis, the exploitation of living labour by capital is central to the functioning of capitalist economies.
2 Designed by Frank Lloyd Wright and completed in 1939, the Johnson Wax Administration Building in Racine, Wisconsin, pioneered a more modern, aesthetically pleasing, warm space for workers reflecting a departure from Taylorist principles.
3 Sociologist Stanley Parker, one of the founders of the Leisure Studies Association (established in 1975 in the United Kingdom), approached leisure with a sense of confidence and optimism in his book, The Future of Work and Leisure (1971). Parker differentiated work and leisure in terms of time allocation. Work time encompasses work activities and obligations, whereas non-work time includes time for physiological needs and non-work obligations. Only after fulfilling these obligations does time for leisure become available. While Parker noted that work is generally constrained to work time, he acknowledged that leisure activities can sometimes take place during work, viewing leisure as both a free activity and non-work time.
4 The term “workation” is a compound word for work and vacation.
5 The term “telework” is a compound word derived from “tele-” (meaning “distance” or “remote”) and “work.” It is commonly used in Japan to refer to remote work.
The Geneology of Economy and the Office Typology
The emergence of office spaces as urban typologies is closely tied to the evolution of industrialised economies and corporate culture. As cities grew in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, office buildings became distinct architectural forms, reflecting shifts in labour organisation and economic structures. The rise of 9-to-5 corporate offices paralleled the standardisation of work schedules, reinforcing a culture of discipline, hierarchy, and efficiency (Whyte, 1956). Skyscrapers and business districts symbolised economic power, while interior layouts evolved from rigid cubicles to open-plan designs aimed at fostering labour productivity and shaping cultural expectations and professional identity.
As social, political, and economic paradigms shifted—marked by increasing recognition of labour rights, state-driven planning, and the rise of knowledge- and technology-based industries with high capital power and productivity—the traditional office, once a symbol of stability, was challenged by the growing integration of work and leisure. This transformation reflects broader societal changes in how and where work is performed. While the measurement of productivity and profitability continues, traditional benchmarks of efficiency and effectiveness have proven inadequate. Instead, the evolution of workplaces increasingly intertwines work with leisure as entertainment, aesthetic appeal, and persuasiveness gain prominence Fig. 4
Fig. 4. Skidmore, Owings & Merril, Connecticut General Life Insurance Company Headquarters, Bloomfield, CT, USA, 1957. Photograph by Ezra Stoller, ESTO.
The three case studies—the Connecticut General Life Insurance Company Headquarters, Centraal Beheer Headquarters, and the Googleplex—are investigated in this dissertation to understand and highlight working environments integrated with leisure. This analysis operates on three scales: economic model, geography, and office typology. These three canonical case studies most clearly reflect the ethos of the economic model through architectural languages and they are meticulously located in different contexts from suburban, semi-urban, and campus towns. In contrast to the traditional office towers in the urban centre, this comparative analysis will serve as a basis for understanding and triggering the following transition of working environments with new spatial layouts and contexts.
Introduction of Leisure into Working Spaces
Is the coupling of work and leisure visionary or controlling? It appears that this integration has resulted in a seamless synthesis. In the 1950s, with the rise of social reformers, offices were relocated from bustling city centres to more tranquil landscapes. Leisure amenities in these spaces emerged as “recharging stations” aimed at enhancing employees’ physical and mental well-being. The Connecticut General Life Insurance Company headquarters exemplifies mid-century modernist office design that fully implemented extensive amenities, including a cantilevered cafeteria wing over a reflecting pool Fig. 6, lounges Fig. 7, and laundry services as a form of caregiving, inner courtyards, table tennis, outdoor grounds for baseball and tennis, and a pond with trails to strengthen companionship Fig.8. The north wing exclusively designated for executives, was rightfully positioned at the end of the grand driveway, while the three-storey main building sat in a central meadow with four courtyards and a rear terrace, bridging workspaces with nature Fig. 5 All employees were never more than 60 feet away from windows, ensuring access to landscape views throughout their working day and even after working hours Fig. 8-1 .
These amenities undoubtedly attracted both managerial elites and young, unmarried clerical women, who comprised 75% of the 2,000 employees. This was proven by a 70% increase in hiring and a 20% reduction in turnover. Even though the articulation of the executive wing and limited access to some leisure spaces underscored the rigid corporate hierarchy and reinforced gender divisions, this pastoral suburban setting, with its leisure amenities, succeeded as a public relations tool. It constructed an image of corporate paternalism and democratic engagement, realised through a collaborative vision of executives and designers to create the “office of the future” (Mozingo, 2011). Despite controversies over whether these specialised, isolated environments for corporate elites created separation and segregation or reinforced self-conceptions of well-being—this distinctive typology continued its legacy into emerging office types such as corporate campuses and office parks, shaping contemporary definitions of productivity and liberation.
By the 1970s and 1980s, there was a greater emphasis on cultivating corporate culture and employee commitment, with offices increasingly designed to resemble homes or social hubs to foster a sense of community. Herman Hertzberger’s Centraal Beheer Headquarters, designed in 1973, exemplified this shift by challenging traditional organisational hierarchies and incorporating social functions within the office layout. Influenced by Team 10, particularly Jaap Bakema and Aldo van Eyck, Hertzberger advocated for “individual interpretations of communal working patterns” over rationalist, functionalist models that imposed collective structures on individual working habits (Hertzberger, 1974).
Leisure activities played a central role in this office-as-social-space approach. Employees could display personal artwork in the hallways or customise their workspaces with plants, photographs, and even furniture, signifying individual expression within the communal setting. Shared spaces, such as coffee bars, restaurants, casual meeting areas, and terraces, were designed to encourage interaction and build community. Employees were also invited to bring family and friends into the workspace Fig. 11, fostering a sense of ownership both individually and collectively. This design strategy further constructed an idea of freedom by integrating architectural elements of outdoor streetscapes into the building’s interior Fig. 10 A ceiling window over the main pathway, along with a courtyard featuring exterior materials, and designed experiences such as phone booths resembling those commonly found in Dutch streets and office cafés where employees could casually stroll for a coffee, much as they would in the city during non-working hours, reinforced the idea of liberation through the familiarity of urban engagement (Hertzberger, 2016) Fig. 12
In the 1970s the fact that many office workers spent the greater part of their waking day in offices was an issue to be addressed rather than something to be blithely accepted, prompting a reconsideration of office design Fig. 13. Compared to the scientifically optimised, dehumanising offices of the early 20th century, with their endless rows of desks and routine administrative tasks, Hertzberger’s Centraal Beheer office building can be considered one of the first attempts to address the individual employee within the office community, referring to an office as a “home-from-home” (Hertzberger, 2016). However, these experimental office spaces also justified the shrinking threshold between working and non-working life.
The vision of this new office typology was to merge the concept of the workplace with the experiences and spatial characteristics of educational environments, creating a distinct mode of working. Googleplex’s layout, spatially and geographically integrated with nearby Stanford University, embodied a loosely structured university system, fostering self-directed work and incorporating the unlimited support system of learning, collaboration, recreation, and food services designed to enable individuals to conceive, investigate, and execute the seemingly impossible (Meachem, 2004) Fig. 18
The campus office was infused with educational facilities such as libraries and lecture halls alongside leisure spaces like game rooms Fig. 16, cafés and bars Fig. 17, and holistic wellness programs offering yoga classes, meditation rooms, and massage therapy, all aimed at creating environments for learning, self-optimisation, and recuperation from long working hours (Johnston, 2014). The accessory functions were strategically placed along a “main street,” connecting both indoor hubs and outdoor areas, allowing for the exchange of ideas and information, and casual encounters among the fellow “students” at any time, day or night. Meanwhile, the workplaces were situated around the building perimeter, designed for more focused, “heads-down” activities with various options, including workrooms, workstations, huddle rooms, and meeting rooms1
As these selected case studies illustrate, offices have evolved and experimented with supplemental amenities and more extreme leisure activities to remain competitive in the labour market. Elite workers are drawn to these working environments for the desirability of privileged access to such workspaces and the status recognition offered in an achievement-oriented society Fig. 15. However, the reconfigured work environments also subtly reinforce implicit expectations and exploitation, demanding employees’ time and dedication. This evolving push-and-pull dynamic between labour and corporations is manifested not only in the architecture but also in the geographic scope of contemporary workspaces, extending into larger spheres of influence.
1 Workroom and workstation are designed for quiet, resident work, with reconfigurable furniture to accommodate team needs and enable adjoining offices for larger teams. Huddle rooms are suited for quiet, nomadic work that support focused, collaborative efforts, while meeting rooms are intended for impromptu team collaborations and can also function as “war rooms.” Clive Wilkinson Architects categorises these spaces according to their specific intended uses.
Skidmore, Owings & Merril, Connecticut General Life Insurance Company Headquarters, Bloomfield, CT, USA, 1957.
Fig. 5. Ariel View, Photograph by Ezra Stoller, ESTO.
Fig. 6. Cantilevered Cafeteria Wing over a Reflecting Pool on the Ground Floor, Photograph by Ezra Stoller, ESTO.
Fig. 7. Lunge on the Ground Floor, Photograph by Ezra Stoller, ESTO.
Fig. 5
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Skidmore, Owings & Merril, Connecticut General Life Insurance Company Headquarters, Bloomfield, CT, USA, 1957.
Fig. 8. Site Plan. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 9. Work and Leisure Diagram. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 8
Fig. 9
Work
Leisure
Skidmore, Owings & Merril, Connecticut General Life Insurance Company Headquarters, Bloomfield, CT, USA, 1957.
Fig. 8-1. Ground Floor Plan. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 9-1. Work and Leisure Diagram. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 8-1
Fig. 9-1
Herman Hertzberger, Centraal Beheer Headquarters, Apeldoorn, NL, 1972.
Fig. 10. Inner Courtyard and Corridor, Photograph by Willem Diepraam, AHH.
Fig. 11. Office Restaurant, Photograph by Willem Diepraam, AHH.
Fig. 12. Corridor, Photograph by Willem Diepraam, AHH.
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Herman Hertzberger, Centraal Beheer Headquarters, Apeldoorn, NL, 1972.
Fig. 13. First Floor Plan. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 14. Work and Leisure Diagram. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 13
Fig. 14
Clive Wilkinson Architects, Googleplex, Mountain View, CA, USA, 2004.
15. Outdoor Valleyball Court, Photograph by Benny Chan, Fotoworks.
16. Lounge with Arcade Cabinets, https://officesnapshots.com/2008/02/19/google-mountainview-headquarters.
Fig.
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Fig. 17. Office Cafeteria, Photograph by Benny Chan, Fotoworks.
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Clive Wilkinson Architects, Googleplex, Mountain View, CA, USA, 2004.
Fig. 18. First Floor Plan. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 19. Work and Leisure Diagram. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 18
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From the Office to the City
In the complex economic, political, and social landscapes of mature capitalism, decisions regarding the location of offices have come to involve increasingly strategic analysis and planning. This strategic approach draws on a wide array of disciplines, ranging from political science and social theory to cultural studies and architecture. The three case studies demonstrate the strategic placement of offices; Connecticut General Life Insurance Company headquarters was relocated from the urban centre to a suburb, aligned with an introduction of a new management system and the reconstruction of social structure. Centraal Beheer was relocated from the capital to the semi-urban area to accommodate the establishment of a new provincial city, and the Googleplex was built strategically in a campus town to gain competitiveness in the labour market.
The trend of relocation from the generalised notion of offices in highly dense urban centres to unconventional contexts was all rooted in the productive and competitive dynamics not only between labour and corporations but also deeply influenced by governments offering corporations tax incentives and infrastructure development (Mozingo, 2011). However, these top-down strategies carry significant implications for individuals, including employees and locals’ working and living conditions, while collectively influencing broader social structures by impacting surrounding constituencies.
Enrico Moretti in The New Geography of Jobs, demonstrates how the geographic distribution of job opportunities in the United States has led to a widening economic divide between different regions. Clusters of productivity generate a self-reinforcing cycle of growth, attracting labour, companies, and investment, thereby deepening economic and socio-political disparities (Moretti, 2012). The following case studies signify varying degrees and strategic approaches to mediated centres, as well as countervailing pulls toward decentralisation, which have challenged urban, suburban, and rural dynamics with substantial repercussions beyond the realm of offices, impacting broader social and economic contexts.
Skidmore, Owings & Merril, Connecticut General Life Insurance Company Headquarters, Bloomfield, CT, USA, 1957.
Fig. 20. The Office Manager’s Family Standing on the Trail along the Pond. Photograph by W. Eugene Smith, Fortune Magazine.
Skidmore, Owings & Merril, Connecticut General Life Insurance Company Headquarters, Bloomfield, CT, USA, 1957.
Fig. 21. Site Plan. Drawn by Author.
By the late 1940s, after nearly two decades of economic depression and war, economic optimism among American corporations spurred national and international business expansion, resulting in distant branches and diversified ventures. This broadened scope of enterprise led to the creation of a professionalised and specialised management system designed to dominate global capitalism. At the top of this hierarchical management system, a new type of workspace was required, both for efficiency and to symbolise exceptional growth. Consequently, corporate headquarters for executives adopted a new office typology: the corporate estate. One of the principals at Peter Walker’s landscape architecture firm referred to these corporate projects as the “American Versailles”—managerial capitalism set amidst oak-studded meadows, juxtaposed bosques of trees, long allées traversing the topography, and a secluded lake on the property.
When the Connecticut General Life Insurance Company Headquarters doubled its business to over $2 billion in 1947, it reloaded its headquarters from downtown Hartford to suburban Bloomfield, 5 miles outside the city. This modern building on a tranquil landscape, located 30 minutes from the urban centre, reflected the rationalised hierarchical management system in geographic and physical form, embodying decentralisation, specialisation, and concentration. However, enterprises were not the only agents appropriating the notion of pastoral capitalism; the post-war milieu also accelerated the reconstruction of cities rapidly towards decentralisation, as a means of both territorial planning and social moral codes. Suburban areas were equipped with auto-accessible infrastructure, rigorous zoning divisions, and greenery, creating an orderly society that was predictable, spacious, segregated, and specialised, in stark contrast to the diverse, expensive, and messy city centres Fig. 21. Just as the location of productivity was deliberately planned, the idealisation of suburban pastoral conditions constructed an identity for the middle class, nuclear families, and suburban white communities (Mozingo, 2011) Fig. 20
Corporations enforced the idea of democratic liberalism, as executives and directors could find complacency in an idealised identity that was both attainable and accessible, thanks to the meritocratic, relatively egalitarian ethos of the period. They strategically used this framed identity and bucolic yet technologically modern workspaces not only to attract qualified and elite personnel for the new management system but also to project their right-mindedness and welfare-oriented approach to the public, addressing acute concerns about enterprises exercising new power. This particular moment, at the apex of corporations in the postwar 1950s, marked the appropriation of capitalism in the suburbs, fuelled by big business, expansive suburbanisation, and elite American ideals.
Fig. 22. Site Plan. Drawn by Author.
In a contrasting European context, Centraal Beheer, established in Amsterdam in 1909, expanded steadily through the first half of the 20th century, evolving alongside the early Dutch social security system. This growth accelerated in the post-war period with the introduction of general insurance policies, aligning with the rise of consumer society (Anderson, 1994). By the early 1970s, this expansion led Centraal Beheer to relocate its headquarters from the capital, Amsterdam to Apeldoorn, moving into a new office complex designed by Herman Hertzberger in 1972. This relocation reflects an alternative approach to the one taken by Connecticut General Life Insurance Company, demonstrating differing strategies in how corporations engaged with their urban and suburban contexts.
Centraal Beheer headquarters was strategically placed in the urban area of Apeldoorn to ensure easy accessibility from various parts of the city and become an actual component of the city. To strengthen the urban integration of the office, Hertzberger envisioned building an underground pedestrian tunnel under the highway that separates the train station and the city centre (Hertzberger, 2016) Fig. 22. He believed it would create continuous publicity via the office building as the indoor public pathway with small shops linked the railway station to the city centre (Hertzberger, 2016). Even though this wasn’t fully realised, Centraal Beheer still accommodated commercial spaces on the underground and ground floors, such as post offices, shops, and cafés, further blending the city’s infrastructure and inviting public interaction.
The building itself was notably open and accessible to all, a quality emphasised by the absence of a single main entrance. Instead, numerous entry points were integrated, allowing for fluid, individual connections with Apeldoorn. This gesture also facilitated visits from employees’ families, who were encouraged to drop by for lunch in the company cafeteria. Such an arrangement blurred the boundaries between home and office and between private and public. Conversely, in his article Labour, Andreas Rumpfhuber highlights how the workspace gradually opened up and merged with the surrounding city. Drawing on Mario Tronti’s concept of the “Factory of Society,” in which the entire city becomes a workspace, Rumpfhuber argues that Hertzberger’s Centraal Beheer consciously dissolved traditional workspace enclosures, effectively erasing clear distinctions between productive space and non-productive space (Rumpfhuber, 2019).
If Centraal Beheer’s strategy of integrating urban functions into the office was aimed at diminishing thresholds between the inside and outside of the workplace, Googleplex’s approach, incorporating the language of the urban condition, was to reinforce an impression of corporate space as a secured space, separated from public access and dedicated to being a place of closely guarded information, knowledge and power. By constructing Googleplex as “an average American city,” Clive Wilkinson envisioned achieving the concept of decentralisation and self-organisation (Meachem, 2004).
Herman Hertzberger, Centraal Beheer Headquarters, Apeldoorn, NL, 1972.
Reflecting the sprawling urban landscapes typical of California, Googleplex’s monumentality is expressed internally rather than externally Fig. 23. However, Peter Jakobsson and Fredrik Stiernstedt, in Googleplex and Information Culture, argue that the decentralising tendencies are a strategic downplaying of centralisation. They state that it supports Google’s “information culture” business model, where decentralised, yet networked architecture facilitates seamless connectivity and the invisibility of data flows. In this model, the sheer volume of data storage facilities worldwide remains strategically ambiguous; the Googleplex is both a physical hub for processing and a symbol of the “entropic incalculableness” that arises from managing vast information flows (Ericson, Staffan, and Kristina, 2010).
In reinforcing the security of intellectual property, Googleplex’s 190,000 square metres “neighbourhood” effectively contains its workforce within the complex. Beyond typical campus elements such as canteens, auditoriums, lounges, and sports facilities, the site includes urban features like hairdressers, medical clinics, and daycare centres. These amenities, arranged along the main circulation pathway, replicate a neighbourhood scheme, fostering a self-sufficient environment. With limited public facilities nearby, employees are inclined to stay within the office precinct, drawn by the comprehensive range of resources available within Googleplex.
The design of productivity has shaped office buildings across the past 70 years reflecting strategic responses to the economic, social, and cultural paradigms. As office locations shifted from urban centres to suburban and campus settings, geographical decentralisation and spatial dispersion became tools for increasing productivity and reshaping workforce management. However, this decentralisation raises controversial questions about the authenticity of these “constructed paradises,” which resemble enclosed, corporate-controlled communities designed to make ruptures impossible and boost productivity (Johnston, 2014). Furthermore, the expansion of corporate territories has smoothly generated a ripple effect in local economies and the social ecosystem, demonstrating how contemporary office environments continue to reinforce corporate boundaries, embedding themselves into the broader socioeconomic landscape.
Clive Wilkinson Architects, Googleplex, Mountain View, CA, USA, 2004.
Fig. 23. Site Plan. Drawn by Author.
Integrated Leisure
Capitalist development operates as a form of “permanent revolution,” perpetually taming and organising labourers, or “living forces,” in ways that society, as a machine, is structured to extract maximum value from labour (Tronti, 1966). This idea sheds light on the initial development of office typologies, which were purely functional and hierarchical. However, as modes of work and labour structure progressively evolved throughout the 20th century—driven by economic pressures, technological advancement, and changing social dynamics—the role of the individual within the organisation, alongside established hierarchies and social norms, came under scrutiny. It also questioned the definition of given spaces as being individual or collective or mixed and as being private or public or intermediate, which consequently rendered the questions of the office, of office work, and of the office worker as subjects to be reframed.
The introduction of leisure through spaces for socialising, eating, and physical activities has redefined the relationship between work and personal life. It instrumentalises the fundamental definition of leisure as the source of personal fulfilment and social empowerment for offices to perform forms of caring, gathering, and learning (Neulinger, 1974) Fig.24. While the notions of flexibility, informality, and personal freedom emerged in these fragmented workspaces, these shifts were often meticulously calculated. In Herman Hertzberger’s Centraal Beheer building, for example, the enclosed executive offices—formerly symbols of achievement and status—were removed. Instead, the informal meeting areas and communal facilities nearly doubled the personal space allocated, at 19.5 square metres per person compared to 9.75 square metres for individual workstations (Anderson, 1994). This shift spatially expressed a shift from rigid hierarchies to a more decentralised, open-plan layout that promotes individual autonomy while subtly reinforcing collective responsibility.
Fig. 24. Taxonomy of Leisure Spaces in Connecticut General Life Insurance Company Headquarters, Centraal Beheer Headquarters, and Googleplex. Drawn by Author.
In the Googleplex campus, the emphasis on autonomy and versatility goes further, creating a self-contained environment with diversified settings for collaboration, recreation, and personal productivity. Yet this democratic approach to the workspace has also introduced new forms of regulation and subtle expectations of continuous productivity. The seemingly informal work settings allow informal relationships with work colleagues to flow over into their relaxation time and their friendships to blend into work practice anytime during the day and night. In addition, the embedded laptop ports in every corner of the complex enable employees to keep their laptops running, perpetually regulating connections and the workforce under self-management (Johnston, 2014). This duality—promoting both freedom and exploitation—is still strongly embedded in the strategically built environment of offices, and the decentralised management of today’s workspaces situates labour in continuous engagement, where work and personal life intersect and overlap.
As flexible work arrangements, hybrid offices, and cloud-based systems become more prevalent, the shift towards decentralised work reflects a global reassessment of the office’s role on a geographical scale, not as a singular, fixed location but as a flexible, dynamic space. In recent years, decentralisation has taken on new forms within specific cultural contexts, particularly in Japan and South Korea, where traditional office culture has been defined by long hours, hierarchical structures, and collective responsibility. The concept of “workation”—combining work and vacation—illustrates an extreme form of working environment, driven by an urgent need to manage overwork, provide a sense of personal autonomy, and redistribute the workforce.
The décor of meeting booths in Googleplex mimicking the modern boutique traveller’s hotel to stimulate innovation and creativity, is now fully realised in actual hotels and motels of South Korea. Looking forward, questions of the office as a locus of daily life will require further reframing and reformulation. As more of us work increasingly not only from home but from tourist cities or rural areas, the office as a concept is radically altered, raising fundamental questions about what an office can be in the evolving landscape of labour, corporate structures, and society.
Workation: A New Mode of Work
Since the onset of the Industrial Revolution, humans have existed as tools for production, and production and consumption have determined the way of life and become the purpose of life itself. These dynamics have intertwined the relationships between workers, corporations, and states even more intricately and tightly. Through contemporary neoliberalism, advanced industry, and mature capitalism, we anticipated a reassessment of social priorities, hoping that individuals could value human existence over mere productivity. However, confronted with the Fourth Industrial Revolution, we still measure human productivity quantitatively, and the state rigorously scrutinises the labour structure and devises comprehensive strategies since the loss of labour is considered the greatest tragedy.
In March 2024, the Korea Employment Information Service released an analysis of employment trends over the past decade (2015-2023) and employment projections for the next decade (2022-2032) to understand the structure of the labour market in South Korea. This report identifies rapid demographic shifts, technology-driven production, and responses to climate change as the most significant long-term and structural factors affecting labour supply and demand. Examining employment trends from 2015 to 2023 reveals clear changes in labour supply structures due to the decline in the working-age population1 caused by the low birth rate 2 and an ageing population Fig. 26
Fig. 25. “Labour Shortage in Japan is Reshaping its Culture of Overwork.” March 2018. The Economist.
Fig. 26. Changes in Employment Structure by Age Group, Republic of Korea, 2023. Statistics Korea.
Fig. 27. Trends in Employment Share by Major Industry, Republic of Korea, 2024. Statistics Korea.
Fig. 28. Population Movement to the Capital Area, Republic of Korea, 2014. Statistics Korea.
Fig. 29. Map of Regional Extinction Risk Index, Republic of Korea, 2023. Korea Employment Information Service.
Fig. 29
Fig. 28
Fig. 26
Fig. 27
Data Source: National Archives of
Fig. 30. Industrial Complex Development by Decade (1960–2020). Drawn by Author.
Korea.
Complexes
Complexes
The labour demand trends over the last ten years by industry have also evolved due to changes in population structure and technological advancements. Analysis of major industry divisions shows that employment rates have notably increased in health and social welfare services, professional/scientific and technical services, and information and communications sectors. Conversely, the manufacturing industry, which holds the largest share of domestic industries, has significantly decreased (Korea Employment Information Service, 2023) Fig. 27
After the Korean War, South Korea’s government initiated a wave of industrialisation in the 1960s, focusing on establishing industrial complexes along the southern and eastern coasts. Strategically positioned for exports, these areas became production clusters for heavy industries such as steel, shipbuilding, and petrochemicals. However, since the 2000s, the nation’s industrial focus has shifted with the rise of knowledge-based industries—such as IT, services, and finance. These new industries, which rely heavily on connectivity and information flow, have concentrated in Seoul and its surrounding metropolitan area, contrasting with the earlier distribution of industrial complexes across provincial areas (National Assembly Futures Institute, 2022) Fig. 30
This shift in production has driven significant population movements toward urban centres Fig. 28 , exacerbating regional disparities and leaving many coastal industrial areas underutilised, echoing the decline of Fordist production Fig. 29. In response, the South Korean government is exploring new policies to redistribute productivity, alleviate overpopulation in the metropolitan area, and reactivate neglected tissues of the country. Recognising the growing trend of remote work, particularly digital labour, that allows mobility and flexibility has led to the development of a government-driven work model called “Workation,” a compound word for work and vacation. This designed package offers designated workspaces, accommodations, and tourist experiences. Indeed, this model has been influenced by reciprocal relationships with Japan, which initiated and tested 5 to 10 years ago.
1 Population aged 15-64
2 In 2022, South Korea’s total fertility rate was 0.78 children per woman, with a total of 249,186 births. This rate is approximately 0.75 percentage points lower than the OECD average of 1.51, marking the lowest total fertility rate among OECD countries.
Japan as the Forerunner of Implementing Workation
“Innovation for Companies, Motivation for Employees, and Collaboration for Local Governments”
— Nagano Prefecture, Japan 3
In Japan, in particular, a chronic labour shortage caused by the decline in the working-age population has reduced the workforce to a national crisis. To address the continuous stagnation of labour productivity and the urgent need to acquire skilled professionals, the legislation “New Work Style Reform Bill” was passed under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe as a core growth strategy on June 29, 2018. This labour reform, which hadn’t been considered for 70 years since the enactment of the Labor Standards Act in 1947, finally arose to the surface to reconcile the issue of long working hours inherited from post-war labour culture 4 and reformulate working conditions. Among the bullet points of reformation, terms such as “Telework” and “Workation” are introduced as an alternate way of working, affiliated with the idea of a flexible work environment (Gunihiko, 2021).
The term “Workation” emerged in the early 2010s and was largely popularized within Western cultures. Initially, it referred to “working on holiday,” where individuals would adopt flexible working environments based on the volume and nature of their tasks to step outside the constraints of a rigid work schedule and traditional work environments. Japan adopted the concept of workation, influenced by Western practices, but developed a unique variation operated by local governments and corporations. Unlike the Western model, where workation was primarily labour-driven, often incorporating personal activities like tourism, Japan’s top-down approach has expanded its application, not only to improve working conditions and elevate labour rights but also as a tool to address social and economic challenges, such as rural extinction (Lee and Park, 2023).
Varying stakeholders from government organisations and municipalities to corporates constitute the workation model in Japan. Ministry of Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare, concurrently, the Japan National Tourism Organization also promoted this new mode of work integrated with leisure, aiming to
Kamiyama Village, Japan, 2011. NHK News Watch 9.
diversify work styles and create more leisure opportunities for overworked labourers. Companies interpret workation as an opportunity not only to secure elite labour and reinforce their public image through the ESG 5 operation but also possibility of this cost-efficiency model to locate their satellite offices in rural areas with tangible subsidies and benefits from the government. While regional municipalities sought to revitalise local economies through this longer-term tourism package and eventually to challenge local extinction through the inducement of companies and relational populations who do not reside permanently but maintain a strong connection with the area through constant visits and relationship with locals (Jeong, 2018) Fig. 32 .
Kamiyama, a small mountain village on Shikoku Island, has become known as one of Japan’s popular workation destinations. Located a 40-minute drive from the city centre, Kamiyama faced a decline in population and a regional extinction due to the forestry industry’s collapse. In 1999, the village launched an artist-in-residence program in an abandoned elementary school, beginning to attract outsiders to the area. Despite its endeavour to overcome the existential threat, it couldn’t defeat its precarious status and lack of employment opportunities.
Kamiyama had to change its strategy by encouraging people with jobs that could be relocated there. To facilitate this, the town established the Green Valley NPO, an organisation responsible for promoting migration to Kamiyama and attracting IT companies. In 2009, Kamiyama Green Valley created a website to support these relocations, providing details about local residents, available old houses for rent, and other resources. In October 2010, Kamiyama’s first satellite office opened. Sansan, a Tokyo-based IT venture specializing in cloud-based business card management, chose Kamiyama as its satellite office location. Chikahito Terada, the company’s CEO, drew on his experiences working in Silicon Valley, where he observed flexible work practices and its possibilities that creativeness and innovation could be carried out anywhere, even in remote rural areas. With this experience, Sansan opened its satellite office, Kamiyama Lab, in a 70-year-old house introduced by Green Valley (Kanda, 2020).
On December 8, 2011, NHK’s News Watch 9 aired an eight-minute documentary titled “Why IT Companies are Heading to Underpopulated Areas,” and Kamiyama gained national attention. The footage showed a young IT developer dipping his feet in a cool stream during summer while holding a video call with his colleagues back in Tokyo Fig. 31. With the lush green mountains in the background, this scene portrayed the uplifting new work environment that this remote work could offer. Nonetheless, this spectacle could
Kamiyama Village, Tokushima, Japan.
Fig. 33. Site Plan. Drawn by Author.
have been constructed for the sake of performance, the news feature generated a flood of inquiries to Green Valley, leading to a surge in interest. Between 2008 and 2016, Kamiyama witnessed the establishment of around 20 workspaces, including satellite offices and co-working spaces operated jointly by local government and resident-led NPOs and 161 newcomers settled in the area (Kanda, 2020) Fig. 33 .
Workation is part of a broader strategy that consciously liberates labourers by enabling them to work autonomously, free from traditional constraints of time and space. Furthermore, it recognises the growing prevalence of non-regular workers operating outside conventional organisational structures, promoting performance-based reward systems. This dispersed work model, catalysed by the increased mobility of labour, has reconfigured Japanese corporate culture, individual lifestyles, and approaches to urban and rural planning. Beyond labour relations, this model has extensive and comprehensive impacts on the local context.
With the surge of the ageing population in Japan, securing a youth workforce has become a primary objective for both companies and states. Since 2010, when retirements among the baby boomer generation accelerated, companies have urgently sought new measures to expand their talent pools. In addition, if the population decline continues at this rate, a report warned that half of the local governments across the country would face the risk of disappearing. In response, regional revitalization became a key policy under the second Abe administration in 2014. Although Japan entered an ageing society earlier than South Koreathe closest neighbour geographically and a country that shares similar social and economic structures- it is also facing the same phenomenon. This reciprocal context has contributed to the implementation and expansion of workation in South Korea.
3 The title of the Workation campaign published by Nagano Prefecture in Japan. Nagano Prefecture was one of the municipalities that initiated the model at the beginning of its implementation, and many IT companies have established their satellite offices under this policy.
4 According to 2018 statistics, the annual leave usage rate among Japanese employees was reported to be only 50%. Kanichi Suzuki, a professor at the Social Infrastructure Research Institute at Shinshu University, explained, “Japanese work culture strictly prioritises the organisational structure, so individual activities are not encouraged. There’s a culture of how much employees are complied to the organization or to seniors’ commands.” This tendency has persisted in Japanese society for a long time, leading many employees to report feeling uneasy or even guilty abut taking their own annual leave.
5 ESG stands for Environmental, Social, and Governance, and in business management, it refers to the importance of managing non-financial factors alongside financial performance to achieve “sustainable management.” CSR (Corporate Social Responsibility) signifies a company’s responsibility to society and is often reflected in corporate social contribution activities. Companies are approaching workation from the perspective of contributing to regional revitalisation, implying that it can enhance their social contributions and responsibilities.
6 Its name, Green Valley, reflects the vision of transforming this rural area into a vibrant community where something new can emerge, similar to how Silicon Valley, once an empty countryside in the U.S., became the birthplace of the IT industry. Nearly all of Green Valley’s members live in the village, including its 9 board members, 6 staff members, and 55 general members.
The Framework of Workation in South Korea
A confluence of factors, including rapid demographic shifts, technology-driven production, and the pursuit of sustainable development amidst global competitiveness, has prompted the South Korean government to highlight the urgent need to reshape the industrial and labour landscape. As part of the strategies to leverage this paradigm shift, the revolutionary working environment, workation, has emerged as a protocol, resonating with the model conducted by the Japanese government as a reference point. In contrast to the Japanese case, where labour reform initiated the framework, South Korea’s Ministry of Culture, Sports, and Tourism has been the primary spearhead, collaborating with local municipalities and establishing protocols similar to those designed for tourism-oriented products Fig. 34
Although workation is defined as an alternative form of work in the Workation Activation Project Guidance published by the Ministry of Culture, Sports, and Tourism, where employees can simultaneously perform their job tasks while enjoying rest in a chosen location, this hybrid form of work and vacation highly depends on the tourism facilities and frameworks. It does so by sharing spatial conditions where work, travel, and stay are combined, often spanning from a few days to a month. Furthermore, working spaces created through this holistic integration of work and vacation have often established in remote and unconventional sites such as rural villages where resources and infrastructure for this constructed package are already provided. This naturally invites a diverse range of stakeholders and substantially affects local social and economic dynamics. The driving agencies – including the state, municipalities, corporates, labour, and workation operators- advocate and implement their own strategies, collectively shaping the framework of workation in South Korea Fig. 35 .
The state’s grand narrative around workation offers more than just a flexible work arrangement for employees or a profitable venture for tourism. It is framed as a multifaceted solution to pressing socio-economic issues and as a means of reconfiguring economic geography, particularly addressing regional economic disparities and rural extinction. Workation envisions the promotion of job opportunities in rural
Fig. 34. Illustrations to Advertise Workation Model, Republic of Korea. Published by South Korea Ministry of Culture, Sports, and Tourism and Municipalities.
areas, encouraging companies and talented professionals to contribute to local economies, easing urban congestion, and offering new growth pathways for regions historically neglected in mainstream economic development (Korea Culture & Tourism Institute, 2022). This redistribution fosters economic resilience on a national scale, mitigating the concentration of wealth in metropolitan area and facilitating more balanced economic growth and opportunities across regions. Another agency of this top-down approach, the municipalities, has incorporated workation as a revitalisation strategy, especially in regions experiencing economic decline and population shrinkage. Beyond the short-term vision of economic growth in the tourism sector through remote workers who temporarily stay and work in the region, it can potentially address long-term challenges. These include reimagining regional identities through the renovation and repurposing of unused spaces or infrastructure and fostering population retention under the workation model.
In contrast to the state’s projective planning strategies, operative engines such as corporations, labour, and workation industries have appropriated the model differently. For corporations, workation stands for an opportunity to strengthen their workforce and human resource management by attracting young talents and stimulating productivity and creativity. Ideally, the abnormal and informal environments that workation offers facilitate innovation-driven work of individuals and spontaneous casual interactions among employees, fostering stronger bonds and the exchange of ideas. Moreover, it addresses corporate representational performances such as social responsibility. Companies can align their participation in workation programs with Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG) principles by contributing to local economies and addressing regional challenges to fulfil the growing demands of investors and stakeholders who prioritize ESG criteria (Min, 2023).
However, unlike the Japanese model, where companies actively participate in workation for their financial benefits and subsidies, South Korea’s workation policy has yet to encompass direct corporate benefits fully. Moreover, ESG initiatives are largely limited to large corporations due to the nature of capacity and resources to invest in the future. Workation operators whether private companies or local cooperatives, strategically target decision-makers of companies, such as human resources managers or executives to encourage the participation of corporations. Consequently, workation has redefined its narrative to ensure it is a legitimate form of work; they emphasise workation’s potential as a productivity-oriented model, highlighting the images of a well-equipped, professional working environment comparable to those in urban
Fig. 35. Framework of Workation Model in South Korea. Drawn by author.
offices while offering the advantages of a change of scenery. Additionally, operators curate post-work programs, such as evening tourism activities not to interrupt their regular work while providing a comprehensive package (Kim, 2022).
Lastly, the concept of flexibility and freedom inherent in workation portrays the uplifted status of professionals as autonomous and liberated workers. This aligns with the aspirations of the younger generation across industries, who seek greater control over their professional and personal lives. The persisting emphasis on self-motivation, self-esteem, and work-life balance are legitimising the autonomy to choose where, when, and with whom to work. This integrated form of work, living, and leisure has eliminated commuting time and unnecessary interruptions, thereby reinforcing self-discipline and efficiency. In addition to their professional demands, their preferences as the actual users of this model have developed a variety of types of accommodation and amenities, ranging from dormitories to family-oriented facilities, enabling them to adjust their personal and professional lives in new ways. Meanwhile, such flexibility requires a foundation of trust or constraints between employees and employers, proven by clear performance metrics and transparency to ensure that productivity remains high (Korea Culture & Tourism Institute, 2022).
Since the government formally promoted workation in 2021, over 70 workation spaces have been developed across South Korea’s peripheral regions. These interventions represent a spatial response to the growing demand for remote work. Designated workspaces, often combined with small-scale accommodations or inserted into existing hotels and resorts, relocate gig workers from densely populated urban centres to idyllic villages or vibrant tourist cities. According to the Workation Activation Project Guidance, workation facilities must include coworking spaces for remote work environments alongside nearby accommodations suitable for stays of two nights or longer. These accommodations are required to offer heating and cooling systems, a kitchen, shower/bathroom, bedding, laundry facilities, breakfast services, and WiFi. Additionally, proximity to local amenities and tourist attractions is emphasized (Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism, 2024). Although the criteria for infrastructure are straightforward, the spatial and operational conditions of workation vary depending on different constituencies’ strategies and specific contexts.
The research unfolds strategies to facilitate workation models across dimensions, including connectivity to urban centres, adaptation of building typologies, operational approaches, intended user groups, and programs. These dimensions are carried by advocates of constituencies and manifested spatially. The
phenomenon of remote and dispersed workation locations makes a pertinent case for South Korea where the country is very centralised around Seoul and its metropolitan area, yet it also has always pursued decentralisation to stimulate growth in peripheral regions by fostering industries ranging from heavy manufacturing to tourism and information technology. The nation’s feasible size and extensive infrastructure— including hyper-connected fibre optic networks—have enabled even distant regions to remain accessible and tightly integrated into the national economy.
Once the location of the workation is validated in its ability to be connected to the centre, finding an available infrastructure becomes a starting point of the project. Since the subsidies and budgets are limited due to the beginning stage of implementing this model, spaces such as underutilised facilities or abandoned old houses and industrial structures become ideal for repurposing and renovating. Particularly, the protocol for workation, largely spearheaded by the Ministry of Culture, Sports, and Tourism in collaboration with local municipalities, shares features similar to those for tourism-oriented products. It has allowed the hybrid of work and vacation to share the spatial conditions with tourism facilities such as easy access to transportation infrastructure, various accommodations, and both man-made recreational facilities and nature-based leisure activities. As a result, tourist cities such as Gangwon and Jeju—regions already well-equipped with tourism infrastructure—are experiencing significant growth (Min, 2023).
The varied advocates who have initiated, funded, and operated, ranging from private businesses to cooperative partnerships with municipalities and locals, have generated distinctive economic models such as local tourist, hospitality businesses, and even real estate businesses. It strategically targets types of work, the capacity of workers, and types of agreements to advertise unique experiences of the working environment. In addition, the types of workers’ companions formulate different packages of work, stay, and leisure, embodying architectural scales and interventions on territory and community.
Appropriated Leisure
Approaches to workation in Japan and South Korea share similar socio-economic challenges and the criteria for appropriating it across contexts where unique local characteristics draw young professionals to peripheral regions. However, the different involvement of constituencies in the process of the operating model makes a big difference to the local community (Jeong and Kim, 2018). In the case of Japan, the varying constituencies encompassing states, corporations, local municipalities, and individuals including both locals and newcomers interpret workation as a promising solution7 to major social issues such as the concentration of population in metropolitan cities accompanied by rural depopulation, the generational transition in rural populations, and regional extinction. The stakeholders align their mutual goal with rural revitalisation. For instance, in Kamiyama village, residents and companies that have relocated to the area jointly established a resident-invested company to promote workation through experiential accommodations and a satellite office complex. Residents, migrants, private entities, and administrative institutions came together through Kamiyama Solidarity Corporation 8 to establish regional development strategies through numerous meetings, focusing on housing, community-building, and job creation (Kanda, 2020).
In contrast to Kamiyama’s framework-driven implementation, South Korea’s approach, which emphasises spatial framework for rapid implementation, appears to be merely a band-aid measure to address economic disparities across regions. Nonetheless, the irresistible appeal of workation, not only structured but also marketed to stakeholders, has resulted in a dynamic yet intricate relationship among them, reflecting their distinct narratives and priorities. The state’s planning strategy, focused on redistributing productivity and reshaping the regional economy, geographically anchors workation in regions where economic revitalisation is needed. This persistent phenomenon of shrinkage and dispersion makes territorial connections tighter and more accessible for alternative agendas.
Fig. 36. Spatial Framework of Workation Model in South Korea. Drawn by author. Decentralisation from Metropolitan Area
Meanwhile, corporations’ dual objectives—to foster employee productivity and fulfil corporate social responsibility—dictate a conventional layout and functionality of working spaces for workation, negotiating professional rigour with informal environments. In contrast, the customised options provided for labour, designed to highlight the elevated and autonomous experience of workation, have expanded the spectrum of accommodations and leisure facilities. These interwoven strategies and the multifaceted framework of workation have resulted in spatial conditions that are both distinctive within their given circumstance and generic in their replication across the peripheries of South Korea Fig. 36 .
Case Study
The Extremity of the Solution for an Office (2021 –)
The notion of workation, which merges work with vacation, has developed as a spatial solution to meet the growing needs of coupling work and leisure and the push towards decentralising urban economies. Following its formal introduction in South Korea in 2021, workation models have swiftly proliferated across the nation’s peripheral areas (Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism and Korea Tourism Organization, 2023 and 2024 Fig. 37. However, the evidence supporting this growth is fragmented, often appearing in pieces of newspaper articles and anecdotal narratives of marketing. These accounts frequently perpetuate stereotypes or selective representations, making it difficult to distinguish between constructed images and the reality of workation spaces. This dissertation addresses this gap by examining the spatial manifestations and operational strategies underpinning workation developments, emphasising their distinctive yet generic characteristics.
To unpack the complexities of workation in South Korea, this study focuses on four case studies: Rustic Town, Tongyeong Restart Platform, Dear Monday, and Dumi Island. Each represents a distinct typology of workation: the repurposing of underutilised leisure facilities, the renovation of abandoned industrial structures, integration within resort hotels, and the transformation of local facilities. This comparative analysis examines peripheral workation models in contrast to the working environments of IT-centric business clusters in metropolitan areas, which are defined by highly connected, infrastructure-rich settings yet retain conventional office layouts. It is to provide a comprehensive understanding of how workation offers exceptional working conditions tailored to the knowledge and computer-based professionals. Ultimately, this research contributes to a broader understanding of how workation not only reflects socio-economic tendencies but also discovers opportunities for architectural interventions, challenging preconceived notions and frameworks of the workation model in South Korea.
Fig. 37. Workation Case Studies are Marked. Drawn by author.
Pangyo H Square
Location : Seongnam-si, Gyeonggi-do
Context : IT Business Park in the Metropolitan Area
Connectivity : 13 km (Distance from Gangnam)
Transportation : 30 mins by Car / 15 mins by Express City Tube
Operator : Private Real Estate Developer
Capacity : B4~10 floors
3,400m2 per floor (avg. 19 office units per floor)
Marking a New Employment Boundary Line
Pangyo, located in Seongnam, South Korea, is a prominent knowledge industry complex often referred to as the “Silicon Valley of Korea.” Pangyo Techno Valley was officially established in 2005, with substantial development occurring in the late 2000s and early 2010s. It was a government-led initiative for a business park for innovation-driven industries such as information technology, biotechnology, and cultural technology. Although Pangyo is just south of Seoul, tightly connected to the Gangnam district by the express highway taking 30 minutes by car and 15 minutes by the city express tube, it has loosen the tension on the economic concentration in Seoul and its immediate vicinity a little. “Employment Southern Boundary Line” is a recently emerged term related to the employment phenomenon where economic opportunities are only located within the capital region and job seek are reluctant to seek employment further south (Hankyung, 2021). Pangyo sets the boundary line for white-collar and R&D positions.
The case study, Pangyo H Square is one of many office buildings in Pangyo Techno Valley housing tech companies, startups, and research institutions next to the highway interchange and 15 minutes’ walk from the tube station Fig.39. The strips of mixed-use office buildings offer commercial amenities including restaurants, cafes, clinics, and stores from the basement to the first floor. The rest of the upper floors are a typical open plan subdivided into smaller units for the efficiency of real estate Fig. 42. Furthermore, the planned complex is equipped with other urban infrastructure including parks, department stores, and big residential complexes for the most convenience of gig talents Fig. 40. However, due to the high rental, most workers commute from different areas of the city’s peripheries.
Korea,
Pangyo H Square, Seongnam-si, Gyeonggi-do, South
2011. Fig. 38. Ariel View. Photograph by Seongnam City.
Routes from Gangnam
Pangyo H Square, Seongnam-si, Gyeonggi-do, South Korea, 2011.
Fig. 39. Connectivity Diagram. Site Plan. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 40. Context Diagram. Site Plan. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 39
Fig. 40
Pangyo H Square, Seongnam-si, Gyeonggi-do, South Korea, 2011.
Fig. 41. Site Axonometric. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 42. Floor Plan. Drawn by Author
Fig. 41
Fig. 42
Location : Ogok-myeon, Gokseong-gun, Jeollanam-do
Context : Agricultural Village in the Mountain
Workation Type : Workation Office with Accommodation
Rustic Town, Ogok-myeon, Gokseong-gun, Jeollanam-do, South Korea, 2022.
Fig. 43. Terrace Workstation. Photograph by Rustic Town.
Dreaming of a ‘Never-Dark’ Pangyo in a Remote Mountain Village
One case study of workation is Rustic Town, located in a pastoral and secluded mountain village in Gokseong. Like many small villages with an agricultural heritage, the agriculture industry here struggles to sustain itself due to an ageing population and declining productivity. Consequently, promoting tourism by leveraging the natural environment becomes a rational approach. Along the Seomjin River, disused railway stations have been converted into rail biking stations and zip-line facilities, while the riverbanks have been transformed into camping sites. Edges of the mountainous terrain are activated for the trail routes Fig.45 . Rustic Town actively uses these leisure facilities as marketing assets for their business. However, located a 15-minute drive from the village entrance, it also emphasises its isolated setting in nature, providing a focused and immersive work environment (Gwangjuin News, 2023).
The traditional hanok village where Rustic Town is placed previously hosted Shim Cheong Village, a hanok experience site developed as part of a tourism initiative. However, the site closed after the COVID-19 pandemic. In 2022, a local cooperative of five members, including an IT developer with experience in Silicon Valley and another with working holiday experience in Australia, repurposed the site into a coworking and accommodation complex (Hankyoreh21, 2024). The site is organised with two main levels—working on the lower and living on the upper terrain. The 24-hour workspace incorporates diverse areas such as coworking spaces, dedicated focus zones, terraces, lounges, and meeting rooms, facilitating both solitary and collective work Fig.47. Since their primariy target groups are individuals or pairs, a shared kitchen and outdoor BBQ facilities are provided to encourage social interaction (Sustainable Tourism Local Government Council, 2024). While it contributes to rural revitalisation through the tourism industry and the workation model, access to workspace and lounges is restricted to those using the accommodation, including locals.
Rustic Town
Rustic Town, Ogok-myeon, Gokseong-gun, Jeollanam-do, South Korea, 2022.
Fig. 44. Connectivity Diagram. Site Plan. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 45. Context Diagram. Site Plan. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 44
Fig. 45
Routes from Seoul
Rustic Town, Ogok-myeon, Gokseong-gun, Jeollanam-do, South Korea, 2022.
Fig. 46. Site Axonometric. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 47. Floor Plan. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 46
Fig. 47
Dear Monday Gangreung
Location : Gangneung-si, Gangwon-do
Context : Tourist City
Workation Type : Workation Office in a Resort Hotel
Connectivity : 230 km (Distance from Seoul)
Transportation : 2.5 hrs by Car / 1.5 hrs by Train
Operator : Workation Business
Capacity : Workstation: 53 ppl
Duration : Days
Dear Monday Gangreung, Gangneung-si, Gangwon-do, South Korea, 2023. Fig. 48. Workstation. Photograph by Dear Monday.
For Days Without the Monday Blues
Dear Monday is located in Gangneung, a city approximately 1.5 hours by train or 2.5 hours by car from Seoul. Known as a city where tourism permeates every corner, Gangneung attracts 6–8 million visitors during the summer vacation season alone, with annual visitor numbers ranging from 15 to 18 million. Geographically, the city is flanked by the Baekdudaegan mountain range to the west and the East Sea to the east, offering abundant leisure activities tied to its natural environment. Additionally, Gangneung has developed numerous tourism products centered on culture and cuisine. This makes Dear Monday more reliant on the city’s extensive tourism infrastructure compared to other workation cases Fig. 50 .
The Dear Monday workstation is integrated into a high-rise hotel resort in the heart of Gangneung’s tourist district. It shares access to premium amenities such as pet-friendly facilities, a sauna, a gym, an infinity pool, and hotel rooms designated for workation accommodations (Korea Tourism Organization, 2023). As it is operated by a specialised workation service provider offering both B2C and B2B options, Dear Monday emphasises luxury and professional convenience. Its optimised office environment, comparable to that of Seoul’s urban workplaces, includes pet-friendly offices, coworking spaces, dedicated focus areas, terraces, lounges, meeting rooms, and phone booths Fig. 52
To address potential inequalities arising from differences among workers—such as employment status, industry, and company size—Dear Monday participates in government-sponsored programs. These initiatives provide subsidies to workers and companies, enabling them to experience workation services at a reduced cost. Meanwhile, Dear Monday’s pet-friendly workspaces and accommodations signify recognition of evolving family forms and modern lifestyles, offering services that reflect inclusivity and adaptability.
Dear Monday Gangneung, Gangneung-si, Gangwon-do, South Korea, 2023.
Fig. 49. Connectivity Diagram. Site Plan. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 50. Context Diagram. Site Plan. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 49
Fig. 50
Routes from Seoul
Dear Monday Gangneung, Gangneung-si, Gangwon-do, South Korea, 2023.
Fig. 51. Site Axonometric. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 52. Floor Plan. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 51
Fig. 52
Tongyeong Restart Platform
Location : Tongyeong-si, Gyeongsangnam-do
Context : Municipal City Center
Workation Type : Workation Office with Local Amenities
Connectivity : 385 km (Distance from Seoul)
Transportation : 4 hrs by Car or Intercity Bus
Operator : Workation Business Collaborated with Municipality
Capacity : Workstation: 20 seats + 23 rooms
Duration : Days
Tongyeong Restart Platform, Tongyeong-si, Gyeongsangnam-do, South Korea, 2022. Fig. 53. Workstation. Photograph by Tongyeong-si.
Tongyeong, Battleground for Industrial Transition
Tongyeong Restart Platform is located in an exemplary model of provincial city where the primary industry, represented by fisheries, the secondary industry, exemplified by shipbuilding, and the tertiary industry, focused on tourism, have all developed in balance. In other words, it can be said that the city has continuously made way for new industries and has coexisted with them. For instance, ports in Tongyeong, formed as sea pushes deep into the land, has long been the ultimate condition for harbor activities. Fishing boats used to come and go frequently, and the pier was a place where fish were dried in abundance. However, these ports have now ceded their space to docks for shipbuilding, in the name of national economic development. More recently, these areas have been cleaned up and transformed into waterfront squares to accommodate tourists (Hansan News, 2017).
Responding to the industrially transitional agenda, the workation site is developed in once an office building for a shipbuilding company, but has been renovated into a mixed-use facility (TY Newspaper, 2020) Fig. 56. The worktion program was funded and implemented by Gyeongnam branch of the Korea Tourism Organization, as part of Tongyeong City’s Regional Tourism Organisation (DMO) and operated by workation business collaborated with the local municipality. Thus, its operation and programs are inclusive to locals and tourists as well. Compared to Rustic Town’s horizontal layout embedded in the landscape, the Restart Platform adopts a vertical typology within its 6-floor structure, providing multi-cultural and educational programs catered to locals and tourists on the lower levels and designated workstations and offices are on the upper floors for gig workers Fig. 57. While retaining the building’s original function, it now stands alone on an abandoned industrial harbour, serving as an initiative for urban regeneration.
Despite the same work-live intent, the Tongyeong Restart Platform diverges by offering flexibility in accommodation through local partnerships rather than onsite housing. For instance, its packages offer hotels and condominiums for families, and guesthouses or dormitories for single users. This distinction also reflects the different levels of integration and boundaries experienced by newcomers at the sites and indicates a hybrid model on an urban scale. Despite its excellent natural environment, exemplified by the Hallyeohaesang National Park, its location at the southernmost tip of the Korean Peninsula limits convenient transport links to Seoul. However, to establish itself as a prominent tourist city, a high-speed rail line is scheduled for completion in 2029. Currently, it takes four and a half hours to travel from Seoul by car or intercity express bus, but once the rail station is operational, the journey time will be reduced to under two and a half hours, thereby strengthening its connection to the capital (Dong-a Ilbo, 2022).
Tongyeong Restart Platform, Tongyeong-si, Gyeongsangnam-do, South Korea, 2022.
Fig. 54. Connectivity Diagram. Site Plan. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 55. Context Diagram. Site Plan. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 54
Fig. 55
Routes from Seoul
Tongyeong Restart Platform, Tongyeong-si, Gyeongsangnam-do, South Korea, 2022.
Fig. 56. Site Axonometric. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 57. Floor Plan. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 56
Fig. 57
Location : Yokji-myeon, Tongyeong-si
Context : Fishing Village on a Isolated Island
Workation Type : Workation Office with Accommodation
Connectivity : 335 km (Distance from Seoul)
Transportation : 4 hours by car or intercity bus + 2 hours by ferry
Operator : Local residents
Capacity : Workstation: 10 people
Duration : Days to Months
Chosen as ‘The Island You Want to Live On’
Meanwhile, the Dumi Island Smart Work Centre is located on an isolated island facing depopulation once the population in island reached more than 500 resident but currently only 89 residents and 59 households are living in the island by 2020. The remoteness of island requires a four-hour drive from Seoul to the ferry terminal in Tongyeong city centre, followed by a two-hour ferry ride. Nonetheless, the Dumi Island Smart Work Center, the first workation model on an island, was developed as part of Gyeongnam Province’s island regeneration initiative to establish a sustainable, community-run village operated by a local cooperative. Selected in 2020 for Gyeongnam’s “Creating Livable Islands” project, the initiative specifically focused on island-based telecommuting, made possible by the installation of underwater fibre-optic internet cables nine years earlier, enabling work environments comparable to those on the mainland (Hankook Ilbo, 2022).
Accommodations or amenities for gig workers are minimal compared to previous cases since the island itself lacks infrastructure. The workstation is placed in a former youth hall which has lost its function, and accommodation is refurbished on the second floor of the senior centre offering one room with two bunk beds, a bathroom, a table, and a refrigerator Fig.62. Since there are no restaurants on the island, lunch and dinner are provided by residents for a fee of 10,000 KRW (equivalent to 5.5 pounds) per meal in their communal kitchen or even in their house (Dong-a Ilbo, 2022). However, the landscape itself becomes part of the workation experience, offering unique opportunities such as outdoor meetings on the cliff looking out the Hallyeohaesang National Park or explorations of trails along the island Fig.60. Facilities to activate the workation model are taking over the existing local facilities and slowly integrating the entire island as a work environment.
Dumi Smart Work Centre, Yokji-myeon, Tongyeong-si, Gyeongsangnam-do, South Korea, 2021.
Fig. 58. Working at a Picnic Table Overlooking the Port.
Photograph by Korea Island Development Institute.
Dumi Smart Work Centre
Dumi Smart Work Centre, Yokji-myeon, Tongyeong-si, Gyeongsangnam-do, South Korea, 2021.
Fig. 59. Connectivity Diagram. Site Plan. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 60. Context Diagram. Site Plan. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 59
Fig. 60
Routes from Seoul
Dumi Smart Work Centre, Yokji-myeon, Tongyeong-si, Gyeongsangnam-do, South Korea, 2021.
Fig. 61. Site Axonometric. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 62. Floor Plan. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 61
Fig. 62
The Parasitic Office
The concept of the hybridity of use in the workation model—integrating work, living, and leisure— seems visionary, as the non-linear trajectory of the hyperlink offers an array of pathways, opening up possibilities of operational flexibility and functional adaptability while simultaneously naturalising the economic model to thrive by maximising productivity and profits. In the tourism industry, the term “package” often refers to a curated set of experiences. Similarly, workation amalgamates work, living, and leisure into a single package, blending previously distinct forms and functions of entities into a unified model. However, this integration often mirrors the dynamics of tourism-induced gentrification as a commodified value chain. As Aureli criticises, the idea of fluid, adaptable, and market-force-driven design questions instrumentalisation of hybridity solely for functional multiplicity without architectural stance (Aureli, 2011).
A comparative analysis of the case studies of workation identifies how economic and contextual strategies inform architectural and operational decisions in relation to building form, site design, and the integration of live-work dynamics. It highlights the varied types, developed by the ease of adaptation and economic efficiency, strategically articulated to suit the given conditions. The paradoxical idea of an “office” within the workation model - given that modern workspaces require only two surfaces to put a laptop and sit on, and an outlet to be hyper-connected- allows the working environment to act as a parasite within any spatial conditions or building typologies Fig.63. In addition, accommodations utilise available options, including existing tourism infrastructure such as hotels and motels, repurposed rooms for temporal accommodation, and even local homes provided by residents as part of rising interest in the tourism industry. This has resulted in conventional and bare minimum working and living conditions, emphasising cost-effectiveness and rapid implementation. Employees are carrying out their regular work, albeit with the added advantages of the non-ordinary aspects of a location and sightseeing opportunities after working hours Fig.64. Meanwhile, to fulfil the fantasy of work and leisure integration and to compensate for the bareness of spatial conditions, the workation model is sustained by the exploitation of other service labour and natural resources.
Fig. 63. The Condition for Working. Diagram. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 64. Comparative Analysis of Working Conditions in Pangyo H Square, Rustic Town, and Dear Monday Gangneung. Perspective. Drawn by Author.
Beyond the Narrativeof Workation: Newcomers vs. Locals
Workation—a flexible work style free from the constraints of time and space—also exacerbates social disparities from a mobility perspective. In their paper The Meaning of Workation Phenomenon and Change in Social Space from the Mobility Paradigm, authors Song and Lee reference John Urry’s concept of the mobility paradigm, explaining how the network era of modern society is characterised by the interconnectedness of people, spaces, and objects through innovations in information and communication technology. Workation, as a product of this network era, is discussed in terms of its physical mobility benefits and associated pleasures, pains, and social and physical ripple effects caused by movement. While they Chapter 3
The protocol of workation responds to rapidly changing social values and economic challenges by providing a provocative alternative that seeks to redefine the ways in which labourers work and live. However, it also perpetuates socio-economic inequalities ingrained in capitalist society by commodifying the mobility and productivity of specific demographics. A recent labour market report anticipates that population growth will slow, and industries prioritising capital-intensive, high-value, and export-oriented sectors will continue trends established over the past decade but at an accelerated pace, further exacerbating disparities. The working-age population will gradually decline, while young workers in these high-value sectors will be increasingly valued, deepening class inequalities. Workation is also framed as one form of compensation for these young professionals, with society recognising and celebrating their achievements. Workers, in turn, have been reluctant to relinquish the identities ascribed to them, further solidifying the exclusivity of privileges they alone enjoy—such as the ability to seamlessly integrate leisure within the temporal and spatial domains of their labour.
Fig. 65. The Badanuri Ferry Entering the Pier of Buk-gu Village on Dumi Island. Photograph by Sooyoung Lee.
Fig. 66. Existing Community Spaces in Dumi Island. Axonometric. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 67. Existing Community Spaces in Dumi Island. Floor Plan Diagram. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 66
Fig. 67
Fig. 68. The Former Youth Hall and the Second Floor of the Senior Center Converted into Working and Living Spaces for Newcomers. Perspective. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 69. The Self-Built Structure for Socialising between Locals’ Houses. Perspective. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 68
Fig. 69
Fig. 70. Existing Housing Type in Dumi Island. Elevation. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 71. Existing Housing Type in Dumi Island. Floor Plan. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 70
Fig. 71
Fig. 72. Existing Housing Type in Dumi Island. Axonometric. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 73. Existing Housing Type in Dumi Island. Floor Plan Diagram. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 72
Fig. 73
Fig. 74. Locals’ Living Room Repurposed into Restaurants. Perspective. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 75. Locals’ Living Room Subdivided into a Convenience Store. Perspective. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 74
Fig. 75
argue that mobility and flexibility allow for a new perspective on traditional social spaces and relationships, they simultaneously highlight that all mobility requires economic resources, thus generating what they term “network capital” (Song and Lee, 2024)
Meanwhile, workation’s reciprocal benefits with tourism by adopting or relying on operational patterns and spatial use methods from the tourism industry, add an exploitative layer to its essence. The rapid transformation of South Korea’s rural regions into tourism-centric areas has raised significant concerns regarding the exploitation of local communities and natural resources. Government initiatives and business ventures increasingly target rural areas, marginalising local communities, transforming authentic cultural landscapes into commodified tourist attractions, and prioritising economic gains over sustainable development and community welfare (Lee, 2018). This trend aligns with global patterns of overtourism, where urban and rural spaces are restructured to cater to mass tourism, often at the expense of locals’ social, cultural, and economic well-being.
Particularly in the context of workation, which, unlike conventional tourism, encourages prolonged stays and deeper integration into local life, escalating conflicts beyond those typically associated with tourism. The narrative of workation appears inclusive to locals as municipalities present them as beneficiaries of newly refurbished facilities and encourage them to participate in operations to gain financial benefits. However, locals are often excluded from decision-making processes, with only certain groups—such as live-fish market vendors, cruise operators, restaurant owners, and accommodation providers—directly profiting. Does this present an opportunity or a conflict for local communities? Unlike tourism-driven cities, isolated and vulnerable regions like Dumi Island are not yet optimised for the work and vacation model, which presents opportunities for spatial reimagining but also poses risks of further exploitation of local environments and communities.
This dissertation closely examines Dumi Island, where workation renders locals passive recipients and subjects them to involuntary appropriation. The arrival of newcomers, including tourists and gig workers, to Dumi Island gives rise to social and economic conflicts due to the ageing population, limited infrastructure development, and traditional economic activities. First, Dumi Island is classified as a super-aged society, with 30% of its 89 residents being over 70 years old, in contrast to the more than 80% of workation users who are 20-30 years old young workers. There are no opportunities for interaction between
Fig. 76. Existing Platforming Conditions in Dumi Island. Diagram. Drawn by Author.
the two groups, except for locals who participate in the workation model as service providers. This segregation deepens, and consequently, elderly locals have been displaced from their social spaces, prioritising younger, urban workers for their productivity and comfort. This spatial shift is evident, as the underutilised youth hall has been converted into a workstation, while the second floor of the senior centre now serves as accommodation for gig workers Fig. 67. Conversely, the locals spend their time in self-built structures between their houses (EBS, 2024) Fig.69
Unfortunately, local traditional economic activities such as fishing and farming have become vulnerable due to environmental changes and a limited market for vendors; thus, locals are inevitably forced to rely on tourism or the workation model. However, due to insufficient infrastructure to accommodate newcomers, locals’ houses have been repurposed for tourism-related functions Fig. 70. Of the 62 households on the entire island, 30% have already been converted into guesthouses (Gyeongnam News, 2021). Locals often share bedrooms to rent them out, or in some cases, the entire property has been reconfigured for accommodation purposes Fig. 73. Additionally, as there are no restaurants or convenience stores on the island, locals’ living rooms have been repurposed into restaurants, where elderly residents serve meals using locally cultivated produce and seafood Fig. 74. In other cases, the living room has been subdivided into a small store selling water, snacks, and fishing supplies (Korea Island, 2021 Fig.75 .
These exploitative tendencies extend beyond architecture to the landscape and natural resources, which have become central to the workation experience. To counteract the minimal working and living conditions that Dumi Island offers, the ocean and foreshore, once a field of production for the locals’ livelihoods, have been transformed into a fishing village attraction, where visitors engage in activities such as setting gillnets, using fish traps, and clam digging, as well as recreational scuba diving. On the mountain side, instead of a road cutting through the island, a 13 km-long forest road has been established, allowing visitors to circle the island while enjoying views of the sea. To facilitate hiking to Cheonhwangsan, the island’s central peak standing at 476 metres, trail signs have been installed between the houses to mark the path (Gyeongnam News, 2021).
Aligned with the demands of tourism, workation has disrupted the local economy, community, and natural resources. Elderly locals have been relegated to precarious service roles because they can no longer sustain the traditional livelihoods they have depended on for decades. The only space that still
reflects local tradition is a self-built structure, made of scaffolding columns and corrugated roofing, situated next to the dock, where visitors can purchase local produce and seafood as souvenirs (Korea Island, 2021).
Although there are no visibly defined architectural typologies or formally designated spaces for gathering, caregiving, or production activities, an analysis of local practices reveals that raised platforms have long served as informal yet integral grounds for communal engagement Fig. 76. Within individual households, foldable tables are laid out on the living room floor for every meal, temporarily transforming the space into a communal dining area where families gather and guests are welcomed. On days with favourable weather, these tables are taken outside, where elderly neighbours convene to dry red peppers, repurposing the platform as a shared workspace. Beyond domestic settings, informal yet permanent raised platforms— constructed by pouring concrete and layering tiles along the natural terrain—can be found. Accompanied by a canopy made of scaffolding pipes, these serve as small communal retreats between neighbouring houses, offering spaces where elderly residents can rest and socialise.
Historically, these platforms have also played a crucial role in linking local livelihoods with the natural environment. While they now primarily function as docks for fishing tours catering to tourists, the numerous Ssanpan—floating platforms constructed from Styrofoam and wooden panels within the harbour—previously served as essential production spaces. These structures facilitated the secure berthing of fishing boats and provided workstations for processing freshly caught seafood. These platforms have served as a means for the local community to connect with nature and sustain their livelihoods while minimising their environmental footprint. However, the indiscriminate overlapping of functions and their repurposing for tourism-related activities have obscured their original roles, making it increasingly difficult to recognise them as spatial mechanisms of collective life.
As evident in Dumi Island, the workation phenomenon has gentrified and disrupted many vulnerable regions and remote towns to accommodate young newcomers seeking recreation and temporary stays ranging from days to months. Addressing its shortcomings and urgency requires a shift from a unilateral, economically driven model to a collectivised, intergenerational form of community. The proposed design brief aims to dismantle the existing framework and the exploitative hybridity of the workation model, instead reconstructing programmatic fluidity to establish shared infrastructures and cooperative networks that serve all stakeholders through architectural autonomy.
A Collectivised Communal Complex
The contemporary phenomenon of “workation” is frequently presented as an alternative lifestyle model that merges work, leisure, and living outside the hustling metropolitan area. However, its impact on local communities in the countryside often reveals a more exploitative nature, wherein economic imperatives override social and environmental considerations. Dumi Island exemplifies this trend, where the influx of young, temporary residents has disrupted the local economic and social fabric, relegating elderly locals to precarious service roles. Recognising these challenges, this chapter proposes a design intervention that dismantles the existing workation model, shifting from a top-down, profit-driven enterprise to a cooperative, community-led framework. By fostering collective participation and reconfiguring spatial relationships, the design intervention challenges the prevailing workation paradigm and introduces an architecture of shared infrastructure and negotiated coexistence.
Through a series of strategic interventions, the proposal seeks to establish an adaptive and inclusive settlement model that integrates both locals and newcomers. At the core of this proposition is the transformation of workation from a system of economic and spatial extraction into one of the rural revitalisation strategies, centred around the phenomenon of digital nomadism. This is achieved through three primary strategies: restructuring governance to ensure local participation, reimagining programmatic relationships to facilitate intergenerational interaction, and designating specific areas for interventions to minimise disruption to the local community and economy while ensuring gradual assimilation Fig. 81 .
Fig. 77. Design Proposition: Deulmaru. Drawn by Author.
The first and foremost strategy focuses on restructuring the top-down governance of workation developments. Currently, decision-making is dominated by external institutions and transient populations, marginalising locals in decisions that affect their lives. The framework centralised around the Ministry of Culture, Sports, and Tourism exacerbates the workation model, allowing it to function only as an extended tourism product. To counter this, it is proposed to decentralise by integrating broader disciplines including the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Transport, and the Ministry of Environment to more comprehensively position it as a projective settlement plan and rural revitalisation across the nation.
The framework at the municipal level which has a more direct influence on the locals needs to be reassessed. It is necessary to reverse the conventional planning processes led by administrative institutions so that local governments do not simply take the lead. Strategies such as defining the capacity of newcomers and the boundaries of revitalization should be planned together. The collaboration model integrates local stakeholders into planning and negotiation processes, ensuring that development is adaptive, inclusive, and responsive to local needs. This participatory approach fosters sustainable decision-making, wherein locals and newcomers collaboratively shape the evolving landscape of the settlement Fig. 78
Beyond governance, the intervention introduces programmatic propositions, fostering collective engagement rather than reinforcing the conflicts between locals and newcomers and the binary dynamic of service providers and consumers. An analysis of Dumi Island’s existing social and economic structures through the locals’ and newcomers’ activities reveals potential avenues of engagement among them such as daily subsistence, production, leisure, and transportation Fig.79. This analysis further informs the need for living, collective care, and leisure functions as interdependent elements within a series of spatial interventions that operate at multiple scales Fig.80 .
The design intervention develops spatial mechanisms through the reinterpretation of existing architectural languages. A raised platform, Deulmaru which has historically functioned as a flexible, informal gathering space and a transitional element between the interior and exterior, serves as a symbolic and physical guiding principle for sharing Fig. 77. Traditionally used for resting, socialising, and production activities such as drying produce, these platforms have long facilitated communal life on Dumi Island. The design proposal seeks to reclaim these platforms as active sites of collective engagement, expanding their function to accommodate diverse spatial conditions and social relationships while minimising ecological disruption.
Fig. 79. Activities of Stakeholders in Dumi Island. Drawn by Author.
The spatial strategy unfolds across three scales: the individual dwelling, the communal cluster, and the natural landscape. At the smallest scale, living units are designed to foster both privacy and connectivity. The placement, connection, and expansion of the platform act as spatial agents that define how spaces are used and shared Fig. 82. The spatial layout of each living unit is informed by the existing vernacular, with private areas oriented toward the mountainous terrain and communal platforms facing the ocean Fig. 85. These platforms act as transitional spaces, accommodating informal gatherings, domestic work, and moments of leisure. A cluster of six defines a block that is organised around shared amenities, including a kitchen, a laundry facility, and communal water storage connected by a corridor platform, encouraging various forms of interaction and collective support among neighbours Fig. 87
A community hub for interaction among locals and newcomers of all ages features cultural, athletic, and educational facilities adjacent to the residential block. The lounge, responsible for welcoming newcomers, hosting village meetings, and providing a reading area, is strategically placed along the most accessible roadside. Further up the slope, the learning-and-making lab serves as a space for exchange and education, where senior residents can learn computer skills from younger gig workers while also sharing hobbies and skills Fig. 90
These spaces are interconnected through a continuous platform sequence, with the village guardian tree standing at its centre. This arrangement preserves the historical role of the traditional elevated wooden platform that has long existed beneath the guardian tree—ensuring it remains a focal point for gathering and social interaction. Beyond circulation, this platforming condition actively encourages spontaneous social engagement.
At the landscape scale, the design interventions reinforce the settlement’s ecological and social sustainability. Communal gardens, agricultural plots, and fishing docks provide spaces for collective cultivation and food production, reinforcing the concept of care within the community Fig. 91, 92. These productive landscapes serve multiple functions, as they support local subsistence, provide economic opportunities and act as sites of intergenerational learning. By positioning leisure activities within these ecological processes, the intervention challenges the conventional tourism-driven notion of leisure, instead framing it as an integral component of communal living and minimising environmental impact Fig. 93 .
Fig. 81. Zoning Proposition for Design Intervention in Dumi Island. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 82. Design Proposition: Deulmaru. Diagram. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 83. Design Proposition: Deulmaru. Diagram Axonometric. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 83
Fig. 82
Fig. 84. Design Proposition: Living Unit. Floor Plan. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 85. Design Proposition: Living Unit. Axonometric. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 85
Fig. 84
Fig. 86. Design Proposition: Defining a Block. Floor Plan. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 87. Design Proposition: Defining a Block. Axonometric. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 87
Fig. 86
Fig. 88. Design Proposition: Defining a Block. Perspective. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 89. Design Proposition: Defining a Block. Perspective. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 89
Fig. 88
In this collectivised settlement, the impact of leisure can be tested in a setting where the distinction between local and newcomer is not rigidly enforced or packaged as a consumerist experience but rather negotiated through shared practice and spatial engagement. A communal kitchen, for instance, becomes more than a space for food preparation—it operates as a site of intergenerational exchange, where elderly locals teach newcomers traditional preservation techniques in a leisurely manner. Fishing as a leisure activity for newcomers can also be sold at local food stalls. Furthermore, newcomers can develop local specialities using their specialised knowledge as a means of creative leisure in addition to their work and contribution to the local economy.
Reimagining workation as a viable settlement model requires a fundamental rethinking of the relationship between living, work, and leisure. Rather than perpetuating extractive, profit-driven gentrification, this design proposition serves as a testbed for a new framework and intervention for rural revitalisation that supports shared infrastructures, negotiated interactions, and ecological sustainability. By shifting workation from an institution-led to a decentralised, community-driven model, the intervention reveals the potential for more inclusive and adaptable forms of settlement.
This approach is not intended as a fixed blueprint but rather as a flexible framework—an irreproducible manual that evolves in response to local conditions. While the specifics of its application will vary across different contexts, the underlying principles remain constant: fostering participatory governance, reconfiguring programmatic relationships, and embedding spatial interventions within ecological processes. As remote work and mobility continue to reshape spatial phenomena, the need for alternative models of settlement becomes increasingly pertinent. The strategies developed for Dumi Island offer a compelling precedent for other sites grappling with similar pressures, demonstrating that the role of design can serve as both an instrument of resistance and a mechanism for collective agency.
Fig. 90. Design Proposition: Connecting Programs. Axonometric. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 91. Design Proposition: Bridging to Terrain. Axonometric. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 92. Design Proposition: Bridging to Ocean. Axonometric. Drawn by Author.
Fig. 92
Fig. 91
Fig. 93. Design Proposition: Setting a Boundary. Axonometric. Drawn by Author.
Can I Live Here?
Workation, perhaps popularised as a coincidence or temporary trend during the COVID-19 era, has evolved into a structural phenomenon reflecting broader transformations in contemporary work culture, migration patterns, and rural revitalisation strategies. While its rise has been extensively analysed through corporate productivity metrics, tourism economics, and workspace design, its broader socio-spatial significance remains insufficiently explored. This dissertation addresses that gap by critically assessing workation as a spatial and economic mechanism within the context of South Korea, revealing both its potential and its contradictions.
The integration of work and leisure, once a defining feature of corporate office typologies, has now extended into regional development models, facilitated by digital connectivity and shifting labour practices. This dissolution of rigid boundaries between professional and personal life has allowed workers to relocate outside metropolitan centres. Governments in Japan and South Korea have attempted to leverage this shift by embedding workation within rural revitalisation policies designed to redistribute economic activity and human capital. By strategically merging work, leisure, and living, these policies aim to restructure urban-rural dynamics. Unlike the global digital nomadism trend—characterised by individual mobility and flexible consumption—South Korea’s approach to workation is framed as a long-term strategy for regional stabilisation rather than short-term tourism.
This positioning is especially pertinent in Korea, where the migration of young professionals to metropolitan areas has led to an acute imbalance in regional economies. The overconcentration of IT and knowledge-based industries in Seoul and its surrounding areas has resulted in the hollowing out of provincial cities, exacerbating economic disparities and deepening generational anxieties (KBIZ News, 2022). As evidenced by reports on employment trends, recent graduates find themselves trapped in a cycle where remaining in rural regions limits career opportunities, while relocating to the capital burdens them with unsustainable living costs (National Assembly Futures Institute, 2022). Against this backdrop, workation
Fig. 94. A Collectivised Communal Complex in Dumi Island. Site Axonometric. Drawn by Author.
policies emerge as an intervention that seeks to reconfigure labour distribution by promoting regional life as attractive through advocating work-life balance and incorporating leisure. The country’s relatively small size and highly developed infrastructure make such redistribution logistically feasible, reinforcing the rationale for workation as a structural, rather than incidental, phenomenon.
However, despite its promise, the current workation model is not a neutral, beneficial model. Its implementation carries inherent frictions that expose deeper structural tensions within rural revitalization policies. While it presents itself as an alternative lifestyle in the countryside, it often operates as another mechanism of capital extraction. Much like tourism-driven economies, workation strategies frequently rely on the appeal of rural landscapes and traditional culture, packaging them as consumable experiences for urban professionals seeking a temporary escape. Government subsidies and infrastructure investments designed to attract remote workers and entrepreneurs often create an asymmetrical power dynamic, where long-term residents become passive subjects of an externally driven transformation. Under the guise of revitalization, workation risks reinforcing urban-rural hierarchies rather than dismantling them.
This dissertation does not reject workation outright but rather seeks to critically reposition it within urban and architectural discourse. If workation is to serve as a sustainable model for rural revitalization, it must move beyond top-down frameworks that merely transplant urban professionals into new environments without addressing the operational and spatial frameworks that are inclusive and sustainable. The current model risks reproducing a digital nomad economy, in which individuals extract cheap real estate, scenic landscapes, and leisurely lifestyles without engaging with the communities they enter. Instead, workation must be reimagined as a reciprocal process—one in which newcomers contribute meaningfully to local economies, knowledge networks, and governance structures.
To achieve this, several key interventions must be considered. First, workation governance structures must incorporate mechanisms to prevent exploitative forms of gentrification. The establishment of buffer zones, intermediary governance bodies, and community-led planning frameworks could mitigate the risks associated with speculative development while ensuring that revitalisation efforts align with local needs. Second, design must be understood not simply as an aesthetic or infrastructural tool but as a medium for negotiation—one that facilitates new forms of social and economic integration between locals and newcomers, work and leisure, stability and mobility.
Future research should examine workation not as an isolated trend but as an evolving testbed for broader transformations in labour and settlement patterns. This dissertation has laid the groundwork for exploring how workation intersects with regional migration, economic restructuring, and the shifting nature of professional identity. Future research could build upon this foundation by targeting specific regional conditions—mountainous villages, coastal towns, or mid-sized provincial cities—each of which presents distinct challenges and opportunities. Additionally, workation models could be extended to non-touristic regions, ensuring that revitalization efforts are not limited to areas already endowed with aesthetic or recreational appeal but also benefit communities in need of long-term economic stability.
Ultimately, the goal is to move beyond the perception that living outside metropolitan areas is a compromise or downgrade. As scholar Ryu Seok-jin has argued, the discourse should shift from “Even in the provinces, life is bearable” to “Because it is the provinces, life is fulfilling.” (Kanda, 2020) Reimagining workation within this framework requires more than policy incentives or architectural interventions—it demands a fundamental rethinking of how and where life can be meaningfully lived. The ambition of this dissertation is not to romanticize workation as a panacea for regional decline but to propose a model in which work and habitation coexist in ways that are neither extractive nor precarious. If executed with careful consideration, workation can contribute to a broader reconfiguration of urban-rural relationships, ensuring that every part of the country is not merely a destination but a place where a sustainable future can be built.
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Acknowledgement
This dissertation would not have been possible without the support of many individuals who have been crucial throughout this journey. I would like to begin by expressing my deepest gratitude to the Projective Cities faculty: Platon Issaias and Hamed Khosravi for their insightful guidance, thought -provoking discussions, and consistent encouragement, which shaped the trajectory of my research. Likewise, I am profoundly thankful to Anna Font, whose unwavering dedication and critical feedback were pivotal in refining this dissertation. Your expertise and patience have helped transform abstract ideas into concrete research.
I am immensely grateful to Roozbeh Elias-Azar, Cristina Gamboa, and Daryan Knoblauch for sharing their knowledge and networks in London, Barcelona, and Berlin, as well as for their invaluable mentorship, including the discussions we had both in the classrooms and on the streets.
To my parents, I owe endless gratitude. Your tireless support and constant encouragement have been the backbone of my achievements thus far. I would also like to thank my friends, Stephanie Leem, my visual communication hero; Seunghye Kim, my ever-cheerful supporter; and Jun Jeon, who drove through every corner of the island in Tongyeong, even though the site has since changed. You all stood by me during the most demanding times, offering unwavering support and encouragement. Your presence, both near and far, made this journey not only more manageable but also truly memorable.
Thank you to the PC Ladies for sharing the journey with me and for the endless discussions we had over the past 18 months. I hope that we continue to build on our collective intelligence in the future.
Finally, this work would not have been the same without the individuals who inspired, supported, and challenged me to push boundaries. I look forward to continuing the collaborations and dialogues that began during this process and extending their impact into future endeavours.
MPhil in Architecture and Urban Design Projective Cities
