EUROPEANS ABROAD: VOTE 2014 EUROPEAN CITIZENS ABROAD: PAVING THE WAY FOR A BETTER DEMOCRACY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION
EUROPEANS ABROAD - VOTE 2014 / EUROPEAN CITIZENS ABROAD - PAVING THE WAY FOR A BETTER DEMOCRACY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION
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EUROPEANS ABROAD: VOTE 2014 EUROPEAN CITIZENS ABROAD: PAVING THE WAY FOR A BETTER DEMOCRACY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION COMPILED BY Natasha Marie Levanti & Edmund Patrick Gavaghan Comprehensive overview of voting rights and processes in the 28 Member States of the European Union, for the European Parliament elections in 2014. Analysis of how the European sphere can address citizen disengagement by resolving all forms of disenfranchisement and developing an innovative expatriate policy.
Natasha Marie Levanti, Director of Policy European Citizens Abroad
Roger Casale, Director New Europeans
Edmund Patrick Gavaghan, Editor EuropeanPublicAffairs.eu
Thomas Fillis, Regional Manager, Europe, Asia & North America Women in Parliaments Global Forum
WITH CONTRIBUTIONS FROM: Rainer Bauböck, co-Director EUDO Citizenship Niels Jørgen Thøgersen, Director Europeans Throughout The World Janice Thomson, co-editor An ECI That Works!
Olivier Nataf, Founder & Executive Director European Citizens Abroad Maxime Oillic, Director of European Partnerships European Citizens Abroad Pierre Touzel, Creative Director European Citizens Abroad
EUROPEANS ABROAD - VOTE 2014 / EUROPEAN CITIZENS ABROAD - PAVING THE WAY FOR A BETTER DEMOCRACY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
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EDITO Rainer Bauböck, Co-Director – EUDO Citizenship observatory High Patronage INTRODUCTION Olivier Nataf, Founder & Executive Director – European Citizens Abroad SECTION 1: Comprehensive overview of voting rights and processes in the 28 Member States of the European Union, for the European Parliament elections in 2014 - Austria - Belgium - Bulgaria - Croatia - Cyprus - Czech Republic - Denmark - Estonia - Finland - France - Germany - Greece - Hungary - Ireland - Italy - Latvia - Lithuania - Luxembourg - Malta - Netherlands - Poland - Portugal - Romania - Slovakia - Slovenia - Spain - Sweden - United Kingdom SECTION 2: Analysis on the European elections from the perspective of citizens abroad - Voting rights and EU citizenship - Current Legal Principles - Treaty allowances to streamline European election practices - Commission Recommendation from Spring 2014 - Voting Rights Scenarios for citizens abroad – Pre Elections analysis - Voting Rights Scenarios for citizens abroad – Post Elections analysis - United Kingdom, Vote Denied Roger Casale, Director – New Europeans - Czech Republic Confusion
SECTION 3: Reflection on EU citizenship - EU citizens, on what it means to be European - Citizenship must be at the core of the European Union Thomas Fillis, Regional Manager, Europe, Asia & North America – Women in Parliaments Global Forum - The need for a European Emigrants’ policy: an interview with European Throughout The World (ETTW) Niels Jørgen Thøgersen, Director – Europeans Throughout The World - Twelve Golden Stars: Are Europe’s Political Symbols a Means to – or product of – Europe and its Integration? Thomas Fillis, Regional Manager, Europe, Asia & North America – Women in Parliaments Global Forum SECTION 4: Shaping the future: voting rights, citizenship and political leadership - European elections and European political leadership – Pre & Post election - The ECI’s promise in peril Janice Thomson, co-editor of An ECI That Works! - What didn’t happen with the European Citizens’ Initiative … and what did? Janice Thomson, co-editor of An ECI That Works! - Voting methods and democratic participation Maxime Oillic, Director of European Partnerships – European Citizens Abroad - EU representation abroad: for more integration and cooperation Olivier Nataf, Founder & Executive Director – European Citizens Abroad - Call to action and recommendations from European Citizens Abroad Olivier Nataf, Founder & Executive Director – European Citizens Abroad CONCLUSION Olivier Nataf, Founder & Executive Director – European Citizens Abroad
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EDITO
Everybody agrees nowadays that an inclusive and equal suffrage is a key condition for calling a political system democratic. Since 1979, the European Union has aimed to gain democratic legitimacy for its legal order and political decisions through direct elections to the European Parliament (EP). Yet, as this book documents, voting rights for EU citizens in EP elections are neither fully inclusive nor sufficiently equal. The European franchise has three circles. Those who reside in the Member State, whose nationals they are, can vote only for candidates on national lists within that state – given the absence of pan-European party lists. Those who reside in another Member State have the right to vote for candidates running in that state. Whether they can also choose to cast their vote instead for a national list in their country of nationality depends on the national legislation of that country. Finally, the third circle consists of EU citizens residing in a third country outside the Union. If their Member State does not provide an external franchise to its citizens living abroad, then they will be completely disenfranchised in EP elections. How should we think about this? In my view, states should generally be free to decide whether they let permanent emigrants, and those who have merely inherited a national citizenship without ever living there, vote in their general elections. What they cannot do without violating the equality of the franchise is letting emigrants residing in country X vote, while excluding those settling in country Y. Yet this is exactly the effect of the current European Parliament franchise for European citizens abroad. Since a large majority of EU states have already introduced an external franchise for national elections, the only acceptable point of convergence is to enfranchise all EU citizens in EP elections, wherever they reside. Those who raise the objection that this will give voting rights to persons who are Europeans merely by ancestry, should not defend unequal voting rights but turn their critique towar-
ds national citizenship laws that produce European citizens abroad whose claims to European passports are not grounded in past residence or current ties. I therefore welcome this debate and campaign initiated by European Citizens Abroad and hope it will point the way towards reforms that make European democracy inclusive and equal for all its citizens. Rainer BaubĂśck European University Institute Co-Director of the EUDO CITIZENSHIP observatory
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INTRODUCTION EUROPEAN CITIZENS ABROAD: PAVING THE WAY FOR A BETTER DEMOCRACY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION
INTRODUCTION
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OLIVIER NATAF, FOUNDER & EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR EUROPEAN CITIZENS ABROAD
Millions of Europeans live outside the European Union (EU) and many more live outside their country of origin within the EU. It is sometimes difficult for these expatriates or emigrants to fulfil their civic duty, and vote in their own countries’ elections – because they forget, because they do not know when, do not know how or worse, because it does not matter to them anymore. Many of them do not even know that they can vote in European Elections, and some do not have the right to vote. For example, an Irish citizen who lives in The Netherlands cannot vote for Irish Members of European Parliament (MEPs), while a Danish citizen can vote for candidates from his country’s constituency even if he resides in another EU member state. However, a Danish citizen living in the US cannot vote at all, while a French citizen can. All could vote for candidates representing the EU country where they live, when they live in an EU member state, but many are not aware of this possibility, or ignore the different registration procedures associated with it. To cast their vote according to their country of origin’s rules, some EU citizens can only use postal voting, some can only vote at diplomatic posts (sometimes very far away from where citizens live), others enjoy both, and sometimes proxy voting or even e-voting (only for Estonians). While a short list of common EU provisions have to be observed by all Member States, such as proportional representation, voters in some countries can only vote for a list following the order of candidates pre-determined by the corresponding political party (closed list), while others can change the order of candidates on the list and therefore prioritize the ones they believe are more qualified (preferential vote with varying degrees of liberty). All in all, trying to make sense of the various eligibility criteria, voter registration procedures and deadlines, voting methods, seats allocation principles that vary based on the voter’s country of citizenship, country of residence, the different
constituency boundaries or thresholds for seats allocation … is extremely complicated for citizens. European Citizens Abroad is a non-partisan, non-profit and pro-EU international citizens’ organization focused on education, citizenship and advocacy by, and for citizens living abroad. At European Citizens Abroad, we believe that Europe is the way of the future for our twenty-eight countries/Member States. We believe that, in addition to rights and duties, European citizenship is about a sense of belonging to a broader transnational family with whom we share a common set of values, aspirations and strong ties built throughout history. We believe that embracing European citizenship does not mean denying national or regional identities, but rather enriching ourselves as a modern community ready for a prominent role in the world today and tomorrow. We believe that democratic participation is essential to the construction of the European Union for the 21st century. We believe that the European Parliament (EP) represents all EU citizens and not only citizens in the EU. Last year, we launched “Europeans Vote Abroad 2014” an innovative online and field grassroots project, aimed to increase awareness of the European Elections 20141 among Europeans living outside of their native country – in or outside Europe. We created a dedicated non-partisan “get out the vote” website/ platform to educate our fellow European citizens on the issues at stake, help them understand how to vote abroad, and allow them to engage in a civic pro-European campaign. 1 European elections 2014. 2015. European elections 2014. Available at: http://www.elections2014.eu/en. [Accessed 2015].
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With Europeans Abroad Vote 2014, we have taken an unprecedented step towards changing the way expatriates engage in EU policy. In fact, we believe that living abroad is a fantastic way to appreciate what European citizenship really means, and we want to leverage the strengths and experience of our expatriates for the benefit of all. The first challenge we are trying to address is to ensure that wherever they live, Europeans abroad have the same voting rights in EP elections as any other European. We have conducted in-depth research to understand specific European Parliament electoral rules of each of the twenty eight Member States. We were fortunate to find an outstanding source of information about citizenship laws and policies at EUDO2 citizenship. We were honoured to also count them as one of our first partners in our effort to bring clarity to citizens on this topic using EUDO’s own reports. We subsequently completed the information with other sources, adding more details around specific deadlines and procedures, and dedicated a full section of our website to the following key question: “can you vote in EP elections?” We therefore created what is certainly the first, and only web resource to provide accessible, comprehensive, up-to-date information on how to vote in EP elections when one does not live in his or her country of origin, describing the rules of all EU Member States and the situations in which citizens become disenfranchised. In addition to educating citizens on very complex electoral situations, we are also determined to bring about the change that is required to make the EU a more modern and vibrant democracy, considerate of all its citizens and ready to take our society forward with confidence. The European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) says that, “Euroscepticism has now spread across the continent like a virus.” In times when the
2 EUDO CITIZENSHIP. Available at: http://www.eudo-citizenship.eu. [Accessed 2015].
very legitimacy of our leaders is being challenged, we see the defence of the European project as the citizens’ duty. We need to take full responsibility for the future of our Member States in the EU and help our fellow citizens find a renewed sense of European citizenship, regardless of their country of residence. European Citizens Abroad took action by advocating for reform in electoral law, to ensure equal voting rights in European Parliament elections for all EU citizens, and provide access to uniform voting procedures. Our petition3 has gathered over nine hundred signatures and we intend to continue to work with European organizations, NGOs, governments and other citizens groups to make significant progress before the next EP elections in 2019. Citizens’ participation in EU policy does not have to be limited to elections. This is why we have also raised awareness of the European Citizens’ Initiatives (ECI), which were created in 2011 as an alternative way for citizens to influence the legislative and political agendas. With the voice of one million citizens, a successful ECI is an ideal way of representing an issue that is important to the European people. But the complexities associated with the process of setting up, promoting, gathering one million valid signatures within one year and then taking the project to the Commission for a hearing, before it is recommended for the European Parliament to make it a new law, shows the urgent need of revision. In this context, this document examines the institutional and political ecosystem of the EU and its members states from the perspective of its citizens abroad, summarizes voting rights scenarios in EP elections and highlights situations where voting rights are denied. It also proffers an original analysis of the re3 Petition · Council of the European Union: Equal Voting Rights and Procedures for all EU Citizens in EP elections ·Change.org. 2015. Petition · Available at: https://www.change.org/p/martin-schulz-equal-votingrights-and-procedures-for-all-eu-citizens-in-ep-elections. [Accessed 2015].
INTRODUCTION
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sults of the 2014 EP elections, and key policy priorities related to voting rights from the expatriate standpoint. We will also report our initial advocacy steps for equal voting rights, make specific recommendations on the changes we would envision and discusses how our organisation could lead, influence or participate in paving the way for a better democracy in the European Union. Figure 1
EU-13. Trust in the EU - Net Support* (2007-2012) 70
2007
60
Source: Standard Eurobarometer 67, Spring 2007 Standard Eurobarometer 78, November 2012
50 40 30 20
-30 -40 -50 -60 -70 * “Net support in the EU” has been calculated by subtracting the people who “tend to trust the EU” from the people who “tend not to trust the EU”. A methodological note including a detailed table summarising the data for 27 EU member states can be found on ECFR’s website: http://www.ecfr.eu/publications/summary/the_ continent_wide_rise_of_euroscepticism207
UK
Spain
Portugal
Poland
Italy
Greece
Germany
France
Finland
Czech Republic
-20
Bulgaria
0
Denmark
10
-10
2012
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SECTION 1 COMPREHENSIVE OVERVIEW OF VOTING RIGHTS AND PROCESSES IN THE 28 MEMBER STATES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION, FOR THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT ELECTIONS IN 2014
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AUSTRIA
BELGIUM
Country: Republic of Austria Accession date: 1 January 1995 Population: 8.5 million4 Language: German Total MEPs, as of 2014: 18 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 45.39%
Country: Kingdom of Belgium Accession date: 23 July 1952 (founding member) Population: 11.1 million5 Language: Dutch / French / German Total MEPs, as of 2014: 21 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 89.64%
Office: Ministry of Interior Affairs Website: www.bmi.gv.at
Office: Ministry of Interior Affairs Website: www.ibz.fgov.be
Austrian citizens are eligible to vote for Austrian MEP candidates in European elections when living either within an EU member state, or when residing internationally.
Belgian citizens are only able to vote for Belgian MEP candidates if they are residents within the EU. Citizens residing outside of the EU have no voting rights, either via proxy or postal voting.
Votes are submitted via postal voting and are allocated to the constituency of the citizens’ former place of residence. If for any reason this does not apply, such as those who abide in an international school until eligible to vote, various criteria are used to determine where their votes are counted. This includes their parent’s last place of residence; place of birth; secondary relatives; place of employer; and real estate ownership within Austria. Austrian citizens are eligible to vote from sixteen years of age, on or before the designated Election Day. To register to vote, citizens must complete a Voter Registration Form and forward this, along with a copy of their passport, to the constituency they are best associated with, according to the regulations. Citizens will then receive an absentee ballot for the next ten years from their registered constituency. Before expiration of this ten-year ballot access, the constituency in question is duty bound to inform the citizen with information on how to re-register. Postal votes can be sent directly to the constituency electoral commission, or handed in to the nearest Embassy or Consulate to the citizen. If this second route is chosen, the postal ballot must be handed in nine days in advance of Election Day to ensure delivery. The ballot must arrive at the polling station, or constituency electoral commission, by 1700 Austrian time on the day of election. EU citizens residing permanently within Austria only have to register themselves once, and provide a valid copy of their passport to their constituency office, along with proof of residence, to be able to vote.
4 «WPR.» Austria Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http:// worldpopulationreview.com/countries/austria-population/.
Compulsory voting was introduced in 1892 for men, and in 1949 for women. As such, it is the oldest existing compulsory voting system in the world. You must be eighteen years of age on or before the Election Day to vote. In order to register to vote if living abroad (but within the EU), you must submit a voter registration form to your previous or local Belgian constituency, or consular authorities officially able to confirm your new residence. However, there is no obligation for external voters to register to vote, as registration and voting is only compulsory for citizens who declare their official residency within Belgium. When registering, citizens must indicate which constituency they would like to be associated with (i.e. added to the electoral roll). They must also justify their link to their chosen constituency via the following criteria: last official residence; place of birth; parental residence; where a relative up to the third degree was/is residing; and residence or birthplace of an ancestor. These are in order of priority, but all are accepted by the authorities and electoral commission. Citizens are able to cast their vote in five ways: via the registered constituency – though citizens must travel back to Belgium to perform this; via proxy vote within Belgium; via a Belgian Consulate or Embassy, after proof of identity has been verified; a proxy vote at a Consulate or Embassy – the proxy must sign a form to verify this after a prior authorisation signature by the citizen; and by mail, in which case the citizen must notify the authorities, after which a package is received from the relevant commission and the citizen must complete the enclosed forms and return to the appropriate constituency. It is worth noting that no voter can act as a proxy for more than one other voter.
5 «WPR.» Belgium Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015.http:// worldpopulationreview.com/countries/belgium-population/.
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EU citizens residing in Belgium are able to vote for Belgian MEPs if they register with their residential constituency, show they are not undertaking the vote in their home nation, or that they have previously been stripped of their right to vote in that nation. Voting is only compulsory in Belgium once you have registered as a voter, as such, EU citizens do not have to register if they do not wish to, but must vote or participate if they do register.
BULGARIA Country: Republic of Bulgaria Accession date: 1 January 2007 Population: 7.1 million6 Language: Bulgarian Total MEPs, as of 2014: 17 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 35.84% Office: Central Election Commission Website: www.cik.bg Bulgarian citizens are eligible to vote for Bulgarian MEP candidates in European elections when living within an EU member state, and when their residence is outside the EU. All Bulgarian citizens are part of the general electoral register and are able to vote upon turning eighteen years of age, however there are only a few available means of submission, unlike other EU countries. Voting by proxy or via mail is not yet permitted, and as of this time, there are no steps to undertake such a practice. Voting must be completed through traditional polling stations. The polling station is usually located within the Embassy or Consulate of the given country, but separate or singular polling stations can sometimes be set up if there is a significant Bulgarian community within a given region, such as in Birmingham within the UK or Frankfurt in Germany. For the 2014 European Parliament elections, the Bulgarian Central Election Commission opened one hundred and sixty seven polling stations across thirty-five separate nations. As all Bulgarian citizens are already on the electoral register, pre-accreditation is not necessary, a citizen is able to simply turn up at an official polling station with proof of identification, in order to register and then cast a vote. However, each citizen does need to sign a declaration that they will not be voting in another place (i.e. at another polling station, or indeed back in their home country). EU citizens residing in Bulgaria are able to vote for Bulgarian MEPs if they hold long-term or permanent residence status. Long-term Residence permits last five years for EU citizens, which can only be gained if the applicant has opened a Bulgarian bank account and secured a letter of confirmation. Registration must be completed the electoral commission with proof of residence via their bank account as a necessity.
6  ÂŤWPR.Âť Bulgaria Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/bulgaria-population/.
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CROATIA
CYPRUS
Country: Republic of Croatia Accession date: 1 July 2013 Population: 4.2 million7 Language: Croatian Total MEPs, as of 2014: 11 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 25.24%
Country: Republic of Cyprus Accession date: 1 May 2004 Population: 1.1 million8 Language: Greek / Turkish Total MEPs, as of 2014: 6 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 43.97%
Office: State Electoral Commission Website: www.izbori.hr
Office: Ministry of Interior Affairs Website: www.moi.gov.cy
Croatian citizens are eligible to vote for Croatian MEP candidates in European elections when living within an EU member state, and when their residence is outside the EU.
Cypriot citizens are unable to vote for their national MEPs if they reside outside of Cyprus, regardless of whether they live within the EU. Voting is compulsory within Cyprus for those over the age of eighteen, which places the voter turn-out of 43.97% for the 2014 EP elections in stark contrast to the laws’ original objectives.
Much like Bulgaria, the Croatian authorities maintain an electoral register of all citizens, but those who are living abroad must actively register to become part of it. Citizens can register either in person at Croatian consular services, such as Consulates and Embassies, or via post to their regional constituency headquarters. Registration must take place at least ten days prior to the election date for their ballot to become active, citizens are required to be eighteen or over on the day election. Polling stations are held at Croatia’s respective diplomatic missions across the world, within the EU this is mostly within Consulates and Embassies; proxy voting, mail ballots and absentee voting however, are not allowed or currently planned to be incorporated for future elections. EU citizens residing in Croatia are able to submit a registration form clarifying their residence, accompanied by a statement signed by a reference acknowledging their credentials and right to vote within the EU. This registration must be completed at least thirty days before any election day, and concluded or ratified via the local constituency office.
7 «WPR.» Croatia Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http:// worldpopulationreview.com/countries/croatia-population/.
Cypriot voter registration is linked to residential status. To be able to vote in European elections you must reside within Cyprus for six months prior to the day of the election in order to be eligible. Voter eligibility is only given outside of these parameters to those who are outside of Cyprus on Election Day for business, educational studies, vacations, or those who are posted at Cypriot missions abroad, such as Consulates and Embassies. Voting rights for EU citizens residing in Cyprus follow the same rules, residency must be established six months prior to the Election Day and citizens must be eighteen years of age, after which they will be added to the electoral role. Proxy or postal voting is not available.
8 «WPR.» Cyprus Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http:// worldpopulationreview.com/countries/cyprus-population/.
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CZECH REPUBLIC Country: Czech Republic Accession date: 1 May 2004 Population: 10.7 million9 Language: Czech Total MEPs, as of 2014: 21 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 18.2% Office: Ministry of Interior Affairs Website: www.mvcr.cz Czech citizens are unable to vote for Czech MEPs in European elections when residing outside of Czech territory. Citizens are only able to vote if they travel back to their constituency within the Czech Republic on the day of election. If residing abroad, citizens wishing to vote must register with the relevant and most appropriate consular authority within the country of their residence, usually a Consulate or Embassy. Registration must include proof of current residence, identification, alongside information on their previous address within the Czech Republic. This information must be received or completed at least forty days prior to Election Day. Upon completion and ratification via the consular authority, the citizen will receive a voter ID card; this card will be given out no earlier than fifteen days prior to Election Day. Citizens who reside abroad must bring the voter ID card, along with proof of identification, to the polling station in which they are registered within Czech territory, usually their constituency of previous residence, or the constituency of nearest family. The voter ID card also acts as a fail-safe to stop the citizen from voting in another district within Election Day. At this time, postal or proxy voting is not in practice, and there are no plans to extend voting rights to citizens residing abroad via the consular authorities. EU citizens residing within the Czech Republic, who wish to vote for Czech MEPs must register with their local authority electoral commission at least forty days prior to the Election Day. EU citizen registration is not recorded automatically, and the registration criterion is more thorough than that for Czech citizens. Proof of identification, residence, as well as previous country of residence is required and must be verified before eligibility is granted.
9 «WPR.» Czech Republic Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/czech-republic-population/
DENMARK Country: Kingdom of Denmark Accession date: 1 January 1973 Population: 5.6 million10 Language: Danish Total MEPs, as of 2014: 13 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 56.32% Office: Ministry of Economic Affairs and the Interior Website: www.oim.dk Danish citizens are eligible to vote for Danish MEPs when residing within the EU, but are ineligible if residing internationally (i.e. outside of the EU). Danish voter eligibility is constitutionally linked to residence within Denmark. However, the scope of eligibility is incredibly broad, granting Danish citizens residing within the EU a chance to vote unless they fail to miss the outlined specifications of a genuine link to Denmark. The preconditions to vote in European elections for Danish MEPs are set out in the Folketing Elections Act, and include: [Section 2 (1)] citizens employed by the Danish state; citizens who have taken temporary residence in an EU state; those employed by a Danish public agency, association or private undertaking within an EU state; citizens employed by an international organisation of which Denmark is a member; those representing relief organisations; students or those located abroad for the purpose of education; citizens abroad for health reasons; citizens who reside in another country but intend to return to Denmark within two years of the election date; those who feel strong affiliation to Denmark, along the above eligibility but may not be defined as such in the above specifications. The latter is essentially a safety net to ensure all Danish nationals are able to vote and partake in elections if affiliated to the Danish realm – and; [Section 2 (2)] those living, or in a marriage/partnership, with a Danish citizen. To register to vote, a Danish citizen residing abroad must submit a request to be placed on the electoral register in the constituency of their last residence. Citizens who have resided outside of Denmark for more than four years and who do not fall under Section 2 (1) must be verified under Section 2 (2) by the electoral commission (Franchise Board), before they can be included within the electoral register. Decisions by the electoral commission / Franchise Board are valid for two years and can be re-applied for prior to the expiration date of the original decision. Eligibility to vote is granted and extended through this
10 «WPR.» Denmark Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/denmark-population/
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process until ratification has been made by the commission. Absentee voting via post is available to citizens, but must be done three weeks prior to Election Day via the constituency that the voter is registered to, or at Danish Consulates and Embassies in the citizen’s respective country of residence. EU citizens residing within Denmark are eligible to vote for Danish MEPs, as long as they hold permanent Danish residency, voting rights are not granted to those who do not hold this, though the length of residency within Denmark is not accounted for, unlike some EU Member States.
ESTONIA Country: Republic of Estonia Accession date: 1 May 2004 Population: 1.2 million11 Language: Estonian Total MEPs, as of 2014: 6 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 36.52% Office: Estonian National Electoral Committee Website: www.vvk.ee Estonian citizens are eligible to vote for Estonian MEPs in European elections regardless of residency, either within the EU or internationally.
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Citizens over the age of eighteen remain on the electoral register and need only update their current residence via either an online form or by post, after applying for it initially through the national population register. With Estonia being one of the most advanced nations in terms of e-voting and registration, digital data and ease of access for citizens to documents or forms are well in advance of many fellow EU nations. This is most recognised in the process of voting, which is described below. Citizens who wish to vote for Estonian MEPs in the European elections are offered numerous avenues by which to vote. Citizens can vote via Consulates or Embassies on at least two different days in the fifteen days preceding the Election Day. If the citizen is residing in the nation temporarily, or is outside of Estonian territory on Election Day, they must write their home-nation residential address on the front of their ballot paper to ensure double voting does not occur. Postal voting is available to those citizens who permanently, or temporarily, reside outside of Estonia, as long as the population register knows of their address. An e-mail or registration card will be sent up to eighty five days before election day to that address and this must be returned, indicating the citizens last known residence within Estonia (if not previously down as residing permanently abroad), alongside a copy of the citizens identification for authentication. If the citizen has not resided in the home-nation, such as being brought up in an international school, the last known Estonian residence of their relatives must be noted. Once the citizen’s address and previous residence are confirmed, a ballot paper alongside a list of MEPs for their particular constituency is sent out. This must be returned to the relevant (i.e. country of residence) Consulate or Embassy
11 «WPR.» Estonia Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/estonia-population/
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by the fourth day prior to elections. This is then forwarded on to Estonia for counting. E-voting is available to all citizens of Estonia. Voting takes place between the tenth and fourth day prior to Election Day; however, the voter is allowed to change their vote up to the fourth day, or in person at advanced polling stations within Estonia (or international Embassies / Consulates). The last preferred vote of the citizen is taken as their final vote, while a list of all citizens who voted electronically is given to the relevant voting stations for clarification in case of double voting. It is useful to note however, that if there is a discrepancy, paper ballots take precedence, and will be taken above any electronic vote. Estonia also grants the opportunity for all citizens who permanently reside abroad to vote within their home-nation constituency in advanced polls (but not on Election Day itself), while those who live abroad but maintain their registration as permanent Estonian residents are able to return and vote up until Election Day. EU citizens residing in Estonia are eligible to vote for Estonian MEPs if they hold permanent residency and are registered with the national population register. A request must be submitted to the population register no later than thirty days prior to the election with proof of residence and a statement that they wish to only vote in Estonian elections, not their home-nation. The home-nation is informed via the Estonian population register of their addition to the Estonian list, so as to avoid double voting.
FINLAND Country: Republic of Finland Accession date: 1 January 1995 Population: 5.4 million12 Language: Finnish / Swedish Total MEPs, as of 2014: 13 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 39.1% Office: Ministry of Justice Website: www.vaalit.fi Finnish citizens are eligible to vote for Finnish MEPs in European elections when residing within the EU and internationally. The Population Information Act requires all Finnish citizens who reside abroad to update their personal information for the Population Information Office (PIO)13. The PIO is a computerised national register that contains basic information about Finnish citizens, and foreign citizens residing permanently in Finland. Basic personal data recorded in the system includes: name, personal identity code, address, constituency of residence, citizenship, family relations, and date of birth. Other details registered concern guardianship, restrictions of legal competence and continuing power of attorney as well as native language, communication language, occupation, and restrictions on the disclosure of data provided by the person. The PIO helps confirm the Finnish Voting Register for European elections and attaches the citizen to their constituency of last residence, or the residence of the nearest relatives. Citizens residing abroad are able to vote in advance at designated polling stations via consular offices, usually Consulates and Embassies. They are required to bring their voting card and an identity card. The voting card is sent to all Finnish citizens using the information from the PIO. Postal voting, proxy voting and e-voting is not in use at this juncture. Advance voting takes place between the eleventh and eighth day prior to the election, at which point ballots are collected and sent to the central election committee and then on to the local constituency committees of the citizen’s home residence as designated within the PIO. If, for any reason, a citizen misses the advanced voting station, they are allowed to issue their vote within Finland on Election Day in their last place of residence. EU citizens wishing to vote for Finnish MEPs are able to join the national register as long as their permanent residence is within Finland. Certification of this must be completed at least fifty-one days prior to the election. Registration takes place at their local constituency office.
12 «WPR.» Finland Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/finland-population/ 13 «WPR.» Finland Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/finland-population/
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FRANCE
GERMANY
Country: French Republic Accession date: 23 July 1952 (founding member) Population: 64.6 million14 Language: French Total MEPs, as of 2014: 74 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 42.43%
Country: Federal Republic of Germany Accession date: 23 July 1952 (West Germany = founding member) Population: 82.6 million15 Language: German Total MEPs, as of 2014: 96 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 48.1%
Office: Ministry of Interior Affairs Website: www.interieur.gouv.fr French citizens are eligible to vote for French MEPs in the European elections when residing within the EU and internationally.
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Citizens who reside outside of their home-nation are automatically retained on the French electoral roll, but can sign up to the Register of French Residing Abroad. By registering (which can be done at French Consulates) you can choose how to exercise your right to vote in elections – both national and European. For the 2014 European elections, citizens were required to register by end of December 2013, and if citizens missed this deadline they were unable to vote. It is unclear at this point if this will change for the next European elections. All citizens who are registered and turn eighteen at least three months before the Election Day are included in the electoral roll and will be sent a confirmation letter from the Consulate with instructions. French citizens are able to vote at designated polling stations, usually Consulates. Proxy voting is also available, but must be declared in advance to the relevant constituency office or most appropriate Consulate. If you are an EU citizen residing in France and wish to vote for French MEPs, you simply need to register with the local constituency providing proof of identity and proof of address. However, this process can take time with citizen voting applications (if not a French national) notoriously slow within local constituencies. Once registered the citizens home nation is informed in order to stop double voting.
14 «WPR.» France Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http:// worldpopulationreview.com/countries/france-population/
Office: Federal Ministry of Interior Affairs Website: www.bundeswahlleiter.de German citizens are able to vote for German MEPs in European elections regardless of residence, whether within the EU or internationally. In 2013, Germany introduced the Federal Electoral Law, which changed the eligibility criteria for German citizens. Citizens are now able to vote in European elections regardless of whether they have ever resided within Germany. In order to register to vote, citizens must prove a direct connection to Germany in the form of relatives who currently, or used to reside permanently, within Germany. Registration is not automatic and each case is viewed and evaluated by the local constituency office most relevant to the citizen’s application. Criteria for registration also extends to those who have a direct affinity to Germany, this includes workers who live outside of German territory (such as along its borders) and commute into Germany for work, therefore contributing to society as well as the economy at large. Those who work for German missions or government departments abroad are automatically accepted onto the electoral roll upon application, whilst those involved with German associations and industry abroad are also usually accepted but face further scrutiny to ensure they meet the electoral criteria. Citizens residing abroad are only able to vote via postal ballot, or have to return to their registered constituency voting station. Citizens are required to register with the constituency of either their last German residence, or constituency of strongest affinity (i.e. where they work, have resided in the past or have direct relatives). This request to join the electoral roll must reach the constituency in question at least twenty-one days before the Election Day. EU citizens who wish to vote for German MEPs simply have to register with their local constituency, provide proof of identification and proof of residence, as well as be at least eighteen years of age on or before Election Day. Applications to register must be received by the constituency at least twenty-one days before the election and are subject to a declaration of the citizen’s right to vote within the EU and eligibility with German voting law.
15 «WPR.» Germany Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/germany-population/
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GREECE
HUNGARY
Country: Hellenic Republic Accession date: 1 January 1981 Population: 10.8 million16 Language: Greek Total MEPs, as of 2014: 21 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 59.97%
Country: Republic of Hungary Accession date: 1 May 2014 Population: 9.9 million17 Language: Hungarian Total MEPs, as of 2014: 21 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 28.97%
Office: Ministry of Interior Affairs Website: www.ypes.gr
Office: National Election Office Website: www.valasztas.hu
Greek citizens are eligible to vote for Greek MEPs in European elections when residing within the EU but not if they reside internationally.
Hungarian citizens are eligible to vote for Hungarian MEPs in European elections when residing within the EU and internationally.
Citizens are able to vote at EU polling stations within Consulates and Embassies in their country of residence but a declaration of intent must be submitted well in advance of the day of election. This declaration must be submitted to the citizen’s nearest and most relevant consular authority and include confirmation of their residence and their wish to vote at the consular once polling opens. Polling stations and electoral rolls are created depending on the information Greek authorities receive and so citizens must engage with their foreign office to be eligible.
Citizens who wish to vote whilst residing abroad need only register to the National Election Office at least fifteen days prior to Election Day. This can be done either: electronically, by post, or in person at consular authorities, such as Consulates or Embassies. To register citizens will need to provide a valid passport and a personal ID card, which is granted to all Hungarian citizens upon the age of fourteen.
Voting is usually held the day before the Election Day itself so as to give adequate time for the votes to be added to the overall Greek ballot. Postal or proxy voting is not available for Greek citizens and although compulsory voting has been ingrained in law since 1975, it is not strongly enforced at national level, while citizens who reside abroad are exempted from this law – alongside those who are seventy years of age or over. EU citizens residing in Greece are required to register with the local constituency upon residence. Once completed, they are added to the electoral roll and participate on the day of election at their local polling station once proof of identity has been confirmed.
16 «WPR.» Greece Population 2014. Accessed January 22, 2015. http:// worldpopulationreview.com/countries/greece-population/
Since 2011, Hungary has introduced two laws to assist with the ability of their citizens voting rights, these are: The Hungarian Election Law [2011], which enabled non-resident citizens to vote – as this was previously not enshrined in law – and the Electoral Law [2013] which introduced postal voting for the first time. EU citizens wishing to vote for Hungarian MEPs must register with the National Election Office and prove they are permanent residents via a signed declaration and proof of residence stating that they are not temporary migrants within Hungarian territory.
17 «WPR.» Hungary Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/hungary-population/
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IRELAND
ITALY
Country: Republic of Ireland Accession date: 1 January 1973 Population: 4.6 million18 Language: Irish / English Total MEPs, as of 2014: 11 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 52.44%
Country: Italian Republic Accession date: 23 July 1952 Population: 61.1 million19 Language: Italian Total MEPs, as of 2014: 73 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 57.22%
Office: Citizens Information Board Website: www.citizensinformation.ie
Office: Ministry of Interior Affairs Website: www.elezioni.interno.it
Irish citizens are only eligible to vote for Irish MEPs in European elections if they reside within Ireland itself. Irish citizens who are EU or international residents are unable to vote when residing abroad.
Italian citizens are eligible to vote for Italian MEPs in European elections if residing within the EU, but ineligible if they reside internationally.
The only exception to this rule belongs to citizens who are employed by government bodies located abroad; these citizens are automatically retained on the Register of Electors and can participate via postal vote.
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As citizens are ineligible to vote when living abroad, postal voting is only available to Irish diplomats or those working for the Irish government or associated organisations, their spouses, or full-time members of the defence forces. Postal voting is also used for home-nation voting when illness, occupation, or imprisonment restricts the citizen’s ability to reach a polling station. However, if you are a postal voter you must register with the Register of Electors in advance of the Election Day and in-person voting will then not allowed. EU citizens who wish to vote for Irish MEPs must register with their local constituency and enrol in the Register of Electors. To be eligible, citizens must provide proof of identification and proof of residence, as well as officially reside within Ireland by 1 September on the year of election.
18 «WPR.» Ireland Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http:// worldpopulationreview.com/countries/ireland-population/
If the citizen resides permanently abroad, they must participate in the Registry of Italians Resident Abroad (AIRE), which must be processed at the Consulate of their country of residence. Citizens must be registered at least eighteen days prior to Election Day for their name to be added to the electoral register. Citizens who are only temporarily abroad, either traveling or will be returning to Italy within a set time, are not required to register on the AIRE, but are required to actively inform the Consulate of their residence by 31 December of the year preceding the election. Their details are then forwarded onto the home constituency so that the electoral roll can be modified. They can however still return home and vote on Election Day, as long as they inform the local authority at least one day prior to the election. Citizens who are serving overseas for the Italian government such as: army personnel and diplomats, as well as professors, researchers and students are able to register later than the 31 December deadline. Italian citizens residing within the EU who wish to vote for Italian MEPs in the European elections must vote at the Consulate to which they are registered. Citizens who are only residing outside of Italy under the preceding specifications are able to use postal voting; however this must be cleared with their home constituency at least eighteen days prior to Election Day. EU citizens wishing to vote for Italian MEPs in the European elections must register with their local constituency office at least ninety days prior to Election Day. The citizen’s application must provide proof of identification and residence. Once cleared through the office the citizen will be added to the additional electoral list, the liste agiunte.
19 «WPR.» Italy Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http:// worldpopulationreview.com/countries/italy-population/
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LATVIA
LITHUANIA
Country: Republic of Latvia Accession date: 1 May 2004 Population: 2 million20 Language: Latvian Total MEPs, as of 2014: 8 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 30.24%
Country: Republic of Lithuania Accession date: 1 May 2004 Population: 3 million21 Language: Lithuanian Total MEPs, as of 2014: 11 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 47.35%
Office: Central Electoral Commission Website: www.cvk.lv
Office: Central Electoral Commission Website: www.vrk.lt
Latvian citizens are eligible to vote for Latvian MEPs in European election when residing both within the EU and internationally.
Lithuania citizens wishing to vote for Lithuanian MEPs in the European elections are able to vote when residing within the EU and internationally.
Latvian citizens are automatically included within the population register and therefore the national electoral register that is run by the Central Election Commission. However, it is up to the citizens themselves to ensure that their information is accurate and their residence is updated. Postal voting is allowed when residing abroad. Applications and requests must be submitted to the Consulate or Embassy of their country of residence one month in advance, online submissions are also now available. Unlike many other EU countries, Latvia does not offer services or polling stations via their European or international missions such as Consulates or Embassies. All residents must vote via postal ballot under the guidance described above. Citizens can change the voting constituency within Latvia if residing abroad, though this must be done via the electoral register and via the Central Election Commission.
Citizens wishing to vote are only able to do so at the specific polling station on the electoral roll for which they are registered. All citizens are automatically included in the electoral register drawn from the population register. This includes all citizens who reside abroad using information garnered from Lithuanian missions (both Consulates and Embassies). Lithuanian citizens are presumed to be permanently residing abroad if they leave the country for a period of longer than six months, unless they are employed by the Lithuanian government as diplomatic or consular staff, or are in the armed forces. Families of these exempted citizens are also not included within this six month rule.
EU citizens residing in Latvia, who wish to vote for Latvian MEPs must register on the electoral roll via their local constituency or the Central Election Commission. This application must be done at least thirty days prior to the Election Day with proof of identification and proof of residence.
20 «WPR.» Latvia Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http:// worldpopulationreview.com/countries/latvia-population/
It is up to the citizens themselves to update their information and current residential status on the electoral register. This can be done at the closest or most appropriate Consulate or Embassy. This will then be submitted via the Lithuanian mission to the national Central Electoral Commission at least fifteen days prior to the elections. Citizens are able to vote at their registered Consulate or Embassy, which operates a polling station. Military establishments such as ships or bases are also sometimes used. Early postal voting is available to those who are leaving the country temporarily, but this must be signed off and cleared with their constituent office – a process not available to residents who reside abroad permanently – as defined above. Citizens must vote at their designated or registered polling station, and are unable to switch once their registration has been added to the electoral roll fifteen days before election. EU citizens wishing to vote for Lithuanian MEPs must register along the same lines as Lithuanian citizens. Applications to the constituency office, along with proof of identification and proof of permanent residence must be supplied, at which point they will be added to the electoral roll.
21 «WPR.» Latvia Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http:// worldpopulationreview.com/countries/latvia-population/
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LUXEMBOURG
MALTA
Country: Grand Duchy of Luxembourg Accession date: 23 July 2952 (founding member) Population: 0.5 million22 Language: French / German / Luxembourgish Total MEPs, as of 2014: 6 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 85.55%
Country: Republic of Malta Accession date: 1 May 2004 Population: 0.4 million23 Language: Maltese / English Total MEPs, as of 2014: 6 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 74.8%
Office: Ministry of Justice Website: www.elections.public.lu
Office: Electoral Commission Website: www.electoral.gov.mt
Citizens of Luxembourg are able to vote for Luxembourg MEPs in European elections no matter where they reside, either within the EU or internationally.
Maltese citizens are ineligible from voting in European elections if they reside outside of Malta, whether they reside within the EU or internationally.
Voting in Luxembourg is compulsory. As such, citizens who reside abroad must request their polling card from their constituency office, this will be either the constituency of their last residence, birthplace, or nearest affinity via relatives and family, at least thirty days prior to Election Day. For citizens who have never resided in Luxembourg, as well as those who were not born within the nation (those citizens whose parents hold citizenship and moved abroad), their constituency is automatically registered as the capital city.
Maltese citizens are only eligible to enact their right to vote if they have resided within Malta for at least six months in the eighteen months prior to Election Day. If the citizen does not meet this qualification, then they are disenfranchised and removed from the electoral register. The only exceptions to this rule are citizens who are classed as out of the country on state business. This can include military service and diplomatic and consular staff who are then classified as a home-resident.
All citizens shall receive their voting package at least twenty days prior to the Election Day. It is up to the citizen to inform their local authority and electoral commission of their most current address as compulsory voting within Luxembourg is enforced by the authorities. Voting ballots must be returned to the citizens registered polling station at least fourteen hours before the Election Day for the postal vote to be valid. EU citizens who wish to vote for Luxembourg MEPs must have resided within Luxembourg for at least two years before the day of election in order to be eligible. If this requirement is met, a request to register must be made to the local constituency office that includes proof of identification and length of residence within the country. The citizen must de-register from their home-nation in order to be eligible for European elections, as the Luxembourg government will automatically de-register the citizen from eligibility prior to election, if the citizen is still registered with their home nation.
22 «WPR.» Luxembourg Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/luxembourg-population/
Those who are included in this rule are given the opportunity to fly back into Malta to vote seven days before official national polling occurs, subject to taking a vow in front of the Electoral Commission stating that they will not be able to vote in Malta on the Election Day itself. No polling stations outside of Malta are opened and postal or proxy voting is not in action at this time. EU citizens residing in Malta who wish to vote for Maltese MEPs must adhere to the same rules as Maltese nationals. Residents must have resided within Malta for at least six months out of the eighteen prior to Election Day and hold a Maltese national ID card. Any application must be done through the Electoral Commission with proof of ID, and proof of length of residence which meets the above time period.
23 «WPR.» Malta Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http:// worldpopulationreview.com/countries/malta-population/
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NETHERLANDS
POLAND
Country: Kingdom of the Netherlands Accession date: 23 July 1952 (founding member) Population: 16.7 million24 Language: Dutch Total MEPs, as of 2014: 26 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 37.32%
Country: Republic of Poland Accession date: 1 May 2004 Population: 37.1 million25 Language: Polish Total MEPs, as of 2014: 51 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 23.83%
Office: Electoral Council Website: www.kiesraad.nl
Office: National Electoral Commission Website: www.pkw.gov.pl
Dutch citizens are eligible to vote for Dutch MEPs in European elections whether they reside within the EU or internationally. Citizens who reside abroad must register with the electoral commission in The Hague in order to be eligible to vote. The Dutch government does not retain a register of citizens residing abroad and therefore citizens must re-register for each election they wish to participate in. This registration must be completed no later than six weeks prior to the date of election. The Dutch government allows citizens who reside abroad to vote by mail, proxy, or return to their local polling station at the constituency in which they are registered to carry out their electoral right.
Polish citizens are eligible to vote for Polish MEPs in European elections when residing either within the EU or internationally.
There are no polling stations held in Dutch missions abroad, such as Consulates or Embassies. Citizens then must actively engage with the electoral process to exercise their right and inform the authorities of their voting choice in the initial application to register, stating whether they will submit their ballot paper by post, via proxy, or at their registered constituency station back in the Netherlands.
Citizens who wish to vote are required to register with their nearest and most relevant consular services within the nation they are residing in, this includes both Consulates and Embassies. Registration must be completed at least twenty one days prior to Election Day. Voting is possible either in person at polling stations located within the consular services, as long as registration has been cleared and approved, or via postal voting. If the citizen wishes to submit their ballot via post, a declaration of intent must be made to the consular services where the citizen is registered. This must be done in person at least fifteen days prior to Election Day. Citizens are also able to return home to their constituency to vote at their home nation polling station, however if they have registered with their relevant consular office, a written letter from this service must be sought and brought as validation of their right to vote, in addition to establishing that they are not dual voting.
EU citizens who reside within the Netherlands and wish to vote for Dutch MEPs must register with their constituency office through a written request to be entered into the local electoral roll. Proof of identification and residence must be provided to be eligible. The citizen will remain on the electoral roll until they leave the Netherlands, or leave the nation to reside in another country. Local authorities will forward your details on to your home-nation, stating your intention to vote for Dutch MEPs, so that dual voting does not occur. It is worth mentioning that residence within the Netherlands as well as the right to vote in European elections is linked to residence within Dutch territory located within Europe, and not lands governed by the Netherlands that are outside of the EU, such as Aruba or Sint Maarten.
EU citizens residing within Poland who wish to vote for Polish MEPs are required to register with the local constituency office providing proof of residence and identification. Polish authorities allow voting abroad for both EU citizens and Polish citizens wishing to vote for Polish MEPs. Therefore, when an EU citizen who has registered to vote within Polish elections is temporarily abroad, but still has residence within Poland, all they need do is register with the consular services nearest and most relevant to them. Their vote and registration within the electoral register will then be coordinated between their constituency and the consular authorities.
24 «WPR.» Malta Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http:// worldpopulationreview.com/countries/malta-population/
25 «WPR.» Poland Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http:// worldpopulationreview.com/countries/poland-population/ation/
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PORTUGAL
ROMANIA
Country: Portuguese Republic Accession date: 1 January 1986 Population: 10.6 million26 Language: Portuguese Total MEPs, as of 2014: 21 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 36.67%
Country: Romania Accession date: 1 January 2007 Population: 21.6 million27 Language: Romanian Total MEPs, as of 2014: 32 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 32.44%
Office: National Electoral Commission Website: www.cne.pt
Office: Permanent Electoral Authority Website: www.roaep.ro
Portuguese citizens who wish to vote for Portuguese MEPs in European elections are eligible to vote when residing either within the EU or internationally.
Romanian citizens who wish to vote for Romanian MEPs in European elections can exercise their electoral right when residing either within the EU or internationally.
Citizens who wish to vote are required to register with the most appropriate and relevant consular authorities within their country of residence, usually a Consulate or Embassy. Proof of identification via either a passport or citizen card must be provided upon registration, along with proof of residence within the country in question. Voting stations will open at the relevant consular offices abroad and are run by the consular staff designated by the Portuguese electoral commission. Voting is only allowed in-person and via post, however postal ballots must be arranged with the designated consular office within the country of residence in advance. The citizen is unable to vote in their home constituency if they have registered with a consular service in their nation of residence. However, they can organise to send their postal vote from their home country back to the designated consular office of which they are registered as resident. Polling stations located outside of Portugal open two days before the election and close on the day of election to allow time for votes to be recorded and counted.
Romania does not distinguish between permanent and temporary residents abroad as all citizens are registered automatically onto the electoral roll via the Permanent Electoral Authority.
EU citizens residing in Portugal are able to vote for Portuguese MEPs as long as they register with their local constituency office and are successfully entered onto the electoral role for that region. EU citizens are required to provide proof of identification, residence within Portugal along with validation of previous residence within their nation of origin.
26 «WPR.» Portugal Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/portugal-population/
As such, citizens who find themselves outside their home-nation (Romania) on the day of election and are only temporarily abroad, can only vote in consular offices abroad, even if still registered with their local constituency. If the citizen registers to vote abroad, they must register with the appropriate consular services to enter onto the electoral roll in that country or region. Citizens who reside abroad must provide proof of identification and proof of residence at the consular services most appropriate for them (i.e. nearest Consulate or Embassy). Romanian citizens must update their residence information through the Permanent Electoral Authority if they wish to be added to the correct electoral roll. Postal or proxy voting are not, as of this time, in practice and voting must be done in person at the consular offices in question. EU citizens who reside within Romania and wish to vote for Romanian MEPs must make a written request to the constituency in which they reside. This request must be submitted at least sixty days prior to Election Day, with a response received within ten working days. The citizen will remain on the electoral roll unless a request to be removed is made, or the citizen no longer fills the requirements, such as residing outside of the constituency or indeed outside of Romania. EU citizens are counted as no different from Romanian citizens and so are also able to vote in consular offices abroad if enrolled in their local Romanian constituency electoral roll. They may also vote in neighbouring or different constituencies within Romania, as long as confirmation between local authorities’ offices to prevent dual voting occurs prior to the Election Day.
27 «WPR.» Romania Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/romania-population/
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SLOVAKIA
SLOVENIA
Country: Slovak Republic Accession date: 1 May 2004 Population: 5.4 million28 Language: Slovak Total MEPs, as of 2014: 13 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 13.05%
Country: Republic of Slovenia Accession date: 1 May 2004 Population: 2 million29 Language: Slovene Total MEPs, as of 2014: 8 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 24.55%
Office: Ministry of Interior Affairs Website: www.minv.sk
Office: State Election Commission Website: www.dvk-rs.si
Slovakian citizens are unable to vote for Slovakian MEPs in European elections when residing outside of Slovakia, this includes any other EU member state or internationally.
Slovenian citizens who wish to vote for Slovenian MEPs in European elections are able to vote when residing within the EU and internationally.
At present, there are no plans by the Slovakian government to change voting rights for Slovak citizens residing abroad. If citizens wish to vote in European elections for the Slovak MEPs of their constituency, they must reside within Slovakia and be registered on the electoral roll, or, be present within the territory of Slovakia on the day of election with proof of identification.
Citizens are automatically enrolled on the electoral register when residing within Slovenia. If the citizen moves out of Slovenian territory, they must update their records via the register and they will be transferred from the register of nationals to the register of non-nationals. This request must include information pertaining to their current residence (including current country of residence); evidence of the Slovenian national citizenship; proof of last place of residence within Slovenia, of either themselves or that of their parental line; or in case this is not possible, such as a citizen having an upbringing in an international school and not having resided within Slovenia in their lifetime, a declaration of the electoral constituency they wish to exercise their electoral right in. This must then be confirmed and ratified via the electoral register. Citizens are able to vote via postal ballot to the constituency they are enrolled with, either that of last residence, parental line, by declaration as stated above, or in person at Slovenian consular services such as Consulates and Embassies.
EU citizens who reside permanently within Slovakia and wish to vote for Slovak MEPs are able to do so, and must simply register via the local authority nearest to where they reside, and show proof of identification and residence. This right is guaranteed by Article thirty of the Slovak Constitution.
If a citizen is temporarily out of the country on the day of election, they may vote via postal ballot or in the aforementioned consular services, as long as they notify the electoral commission at least thirty days prior to the day of election. EU citizens wishing to vote for Slovenian MEPs are able to register with their local authority and be entered on to the electoral roll, but must request to be registered. EU citizens are not automatically enrolled upon residence within Slovenia. This request must be made to the electoral commission, via the constituency office in which they reside, with proof of residence, identification, and details of their previous recorded residence before residing within Slovenia.
28 «WPR.» Slovakia Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/slovakia-population/
29 «WPR.» Slovenia Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/slovenia-population/
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SPAIN
SWEDEN
Country: Kingdom of Spain Accession date: 1 January 1986 Population: 46.6 million30 Language: Spanish Total MEPs, as of 2014: 54 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 43.81%
Country: Kingdom of Sweden Accession date: 1 January 1995 Population: 9.6 million31 Language: Swedish Total MEPs as of 2014: 20 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 51.07%
Office: Ministry of Interior Affairs Website: www.interior.gob.es
Office: Swedish Election Authority Website: www.val.se
Spanish citizens are able to exercise their right to vote for Spanish MEPs within European elections when residing either within the EU or internationally.
Swedish citizens residing within the EU or internationally are eligible to vote in European elections for Swedish MEPs. Citizens who reside abroad are automatically retained on the Swedish electoral roll for the first ten years after they leave Swedish territories. Within this timeframe, their details are retained for the constituency of their last known and recorded residence. Once this ten-year period is complete, an application by the citizen must be made to the Swedish tax agency at least thirty days prior to the election, requesting re-registration on the electoral roll. This application process must be completed for every ten-year period they reside out of Swedish territory and can be done online or via post.
Citizens are enrolled on the electoral register when residing within Spain at their own request, not automatically. Once a citizen resides outside of Spanish territory, they are switched over to the Register of Residents Abroad, which is managed by the Spanish Consulate of the country in question. Spanish citizens must register as well as declare their residence to the correct and appropriate consulate in order to be included on this register and be eligible to exercise their electoral right. Spanish citizens who have never resided within Spain, such as those who have attended international schools, are also included on this list and must also actively register in order to exercise their voting rights. Citizens are able to vote either via postal ballot or in person at the appropriate Consulate, as long as they are registered. Voting opens between the fourth and second day prior to Election Day, so that votes may be recorded and allocated to the appropriate constituencies. Proxy voting as well as e-voting are not yet allowed and no plans for their introduction are currently in motion. Citizens who find themselves outside of Spanish territory temporarily for Election Day are able to request postal voting as long as their request is given in good time. This postal ballot must be sent to the electoral register of the constituency in which they are enrolled and reside in.
When the citizen is registered, they are issued an electoral card for verification. Citizens are able to cast their vote through Swedish consular services such as Consulates or Embassies, but proof of identification must be brought if voting in person. The voting card cannot be used as a form of identification, but does act as an addition to help streamline the process on the day. Postal voting is also accepted, though documents must be ordered in advance, and must be sent via international postage to the relevant constituency in which they are registered. EU citizens residing in Sweden and wishing to vote for Swedish MEPs must simply request inclusion on the electoral role of the local constituency. This request must be made no later than thirty days prior to the day of election with proof of identification, residency, and information on previous residency prior to moving to Sweden.
EU citizens residing in Spain and wishing to vote for Spanish MEPs in European elections must register with the local authority office of which they reside with proof of identification and residence. Once certified via the local office they are entered into the electoral register and are able to vote under the same conditions as Spanish nationals on Election Day.
30 «WPR.» Spain Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http:// worldpopulationreview.com/countries/spain-population/
31 «WPR.» Sweden Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/sweden-population/
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UNITED KINGDOM Country: United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland Accession date: 1 January 1973 Population: 63.5 million32 Language: English Total MEPs, as of 2014: 73 Voter turn-out in 2014 EP elections: 35.6% Office: The Electoral Commission Website: www.electoralcommission.org.uk British citizens who wish to vote for British MEPs in European elections are able to exercise their electoral right from either within the EU, or internationally. Citizens are able to exercise their electoral right to vote in British and European elections for up to fifteen years after they have left British territories. Beyond this fifteen-year timespan, they are unable to vote but retain British citizenship. To regain their right to vote they must reside within, or have a permanent residence within, the UK and register with the electoral commission which can be completed, as of 2013, online. The citizen, whilst abroad, must register with the constituency of their previous residence (within the UK). If for any reason the citizen has never resided within the UK, such as attending an international school, the citizen is ineligible to vote. If the citizen left the UK prior to their eighteenth birthday, but has not been outside of the UK for more than fifteen years, they are able to register under the same conditions as previously described. Citizens who are registering to vote from abroad must complete a registration form indicating such no later than sixteen days prior to Election Day. This overseas voter declaration must be submitted to the constituency in which the resident most recently resided in. Citizens are able to vote either via proxy, in person if they travel back to the relevant constituency in which they are registered, or by postal vote. The citizen, once registered, will receive a polling card with instructions for their local constituency and information regarding the polling station to which they have been enrolled. Proxy voting must be notified in advance with a signed consent form sent to the relevant constituency office. The same advanced notification process occurs for postal voting. The ballot paper will then be sent to the citizen’s address,
32 «WPR.» United Kingdom Population 2014. Accessed January 23, 2015. http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/united-kingdom-population/
and must be returned to the correct polling station by 2200 on the day of election in order to be counted. Any postal votes received past this time are disregarded. Citizens who are out of the country or away from their polling station on the day of election can also submit a request to vote, either by proxy or by post. Citizens residing within the UK, who wish to vote for British MEPs are able to do so if they are a member of the Commonwealth, a citizen of the Irish Republic, or a citizen of another EU member state. The citizen must register with the electoral commission, proffering proof of identification and residence. If the citizen registered and is ratified at least one month prior to the election, the citizen should receive a European Parliament Voter Registration Form through the post from their local authority that requires completion. This form states that the citizen will not vote in the European elections of their home country, but only within the UK. If the citizen does not receive this form one month prior to election, a request should be made to the local constituency office as you will be unable to vote without its completion.
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SECTION 2: ANALYSIS ON THE EUROPEAN ELECTIONS FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF CITIZENS ABROAD EUROPEAN CITIZENS ABROAD, AS SHOWN IN ARTICLES PUBLISHED PRE-ELECTION, PREDICTED MANY OR THE PROBLEMS AND SUBSEQUENT DISENFRANCHISEMENT. OUR ANALYSIS IS CONTINUED IN THE POST-ELECTION ARTICLES, THROUGH WHICH WE LAY OUT POTENTIAL RAMIFICATIONS, AS WELL AS FUTURE SCENARIOS FOR EU CITIZENS VOTING RIGHTS.
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VOTING RIGHTS AND EU CITIZENSHIP
BY NATASHA MARIE LEVANTI, DIRECTOR OF POLICY EUROPEAN CITIZENS ABROAD
Responsible citizenship is a concept resounding throughout the ages. It is widely acknowledged that participating in a vote is the pinnacle essence of living in a democracy. It is what people have fought for and are fighting for, all around the world. After years of fighting for this right, and blood being spilt fighting for it – the call for voting in elections should resonate in all Europeans.
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In Europe, citizens are “directly represented at the Union level in the European Parliament”33 and as such, hold the right “to participate in the democratic life of the Union”34. Yet the natural complexity of this citizen engagement occurs when one considers the notion of freedom of movement and the right of the member state to determine voting processes. European children are raised with the notion that varying one’s location is simply a matter of geography. As such, the number of Europeans studying, working and living in Member States, aside from their member state of origin, is increasing. Not only are Europeans increasingly expressing their right to freedom of movement in Europe, but with the interconnectivity of today’s world, you can find European citizens in practically every country around the globe. “EU Citizenship is destined to be the fundamental status of nationals of the Member States”35, and these internationally oriented Europeans, whether in the EU or outside the EU, are no exception. Logic tells us that as such, a European, no matter their location, should be able to vote to choose who they are represented by within the European Parliament. But this is not the case, and this is the motivation behind European Citizens Abroad.
33 Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union
The unfortunate truth is that one’s ability to vote, which is undeniably considered a fundamental right, is dependent upon not only one’s country of origin, but also one’s residence. This makes the entire endeavour to fulfil your responsibility as a citizen to vote, extremely complicated and so difficult that many give up trying. Citizens have varying electoral rights, processes, and privileges depending not only upon their member state of origin but also their place of current residence – inside or outside of the EU and access to the changing methods of vote submission, such as diplomatic outposts, e-voting, postal voting, or other member state specific submission processes. As such, EU citizens currently do not have an equal right or procedures to submit a vote in European elections, particularly if they reside outside of their member state of origin. With around 13 million European citizens abroad in the EU, and over 10 million outside of the EU36, the number of individuals impacted by this inequality of voting is akin to the population of Romania – a member state that is represented by 32 Members of European Parliament (MEPs). This number of EU citizens potentially negatively impacted by the hurdles involved, or ultimately disenfranchised by the lack of streamlined processes is what drives us to continue to draw attention to the electoral issues present, and continue to provide citizens with reference information, as well as strategic analysis. The number of voting processes and standards, as well as the number of individuals impacted by voting inequalities in the European Union, makes this not only a personal heartache for politically engaged citizens, but a matter of democratic deficit within the European Union. One that must be addressed. The European Parliament, as the democratic arm of the European Union, is intended to represent all EU citizens, not just
34 Treaty on the European Union – Title II, Article 10 35 ECJ – Case C – 184/99 – Rudy Grzelczyk v Centre Public D’aide sociale d’Ottignies-Louvain-La-Neuve
36 European Council. Eurostat 2014. Available from: http://ec.europa. eu/eurostat/data/ [Accessed 2015]
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citizens currently in the EU, or residing in their member state of origin. Citizen involvement in democratic processes is essential to the European Union in the 21st century, and that wherever Europeans live, they must have the same rights as any other European, particularly concerning their representation in European Parliament. At European Citizens Abroad we are determined to bring about the change that is required to make the EU a more modern and vibrant democracy, considerate of all its citizens and ready to take our society forward with confidence and a renewed sense of European citizenship regardless of the country of residence. No matter your age, nationality, country of residence or party affiliation, we invite readers to utilise this publication as a reference, in order to learn about European electoral rights, debate about electoral process difficulties, and engage in the future of European voting rights. Though the 2014 election is over, the status of voting rights at that time must be examined thoroughly in order to improve European voting rights, processes, and practice for the future. Too often issues surrounding the electoral process are ignored until the next elections are upon us. This is our effort to make sure that this important issue is not forgotten. As Europeans, we are all in this together, and as we have always done, we must look at the past and present, in order to improve European realities for future generations. Organised thematically, the commentary articles that follow include pieces written both prior to the 2014 European elections, as well as after the 2014 elections. This is done so as to capture our predictions and publicised warning pre 2014, as well as analyse how this democratic deficit within EU electoral rights is seen post-election. Whilst information concerning the myriad of voting rights discrepancies was available pre 2014,
no one in the political realm put enough force behind a political drive to fix these issues, and European citizens suffered as a result. The sincere hope is that this compilation of voting scenarios in each member state, and thematic commentary from both pre as well as post-election, will continue to add momentum to EU electoral reform, so that in 2019 EU citizens do not again fall prey to the folly of insufficient attention given to electoral rights at the EU level.
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LEGAL PRINCIPLES CURRENTLY IMPACTING EUROPEAN ELECTIONS BY NATASHA MARIE LEVANTI, DIRECTOR OF POLICY EUROPEAN CITIZENS ABROAD
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Often during the lead up to the 2014 European Parliament (EP) elections, we were asked why, since the electoral process is largely under control of Member States, there were some principles in common between Member States. These factors, namely the span of election dates, as well as the way votes contribute to the Member States representation, are due to some key elements that have been set by the European Union with which, all Member States must comply. The main treaty articles that concern the electoral process for the European Parliament are articles 20, 22, and 223 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. It was in article 39 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union that the right to vote in the elections for European Parliament and the right to stand for election, became fundamental rights of citizens from any European Union Member State. From that point, there have been a spectrum of decisions that impact the criteria under which the elections occur. These legalities, which Member States must comply with can be naturally divided into two categories, those that are stagnant, and those under voluntary alteration or interpretation from the Member States. The legal elements shall be discussed within those categorisations, identifying the directives that specify or suggest implementation beyond the vague treaty articles.
STAGNANT STANDARDS The most basic stagnant standard is the enforcement of voting in the European Elections being considered a right of citizens. Based within the TFEU, article 22 section 2, the specifics regarding the implementation of this were assumed through Directive 93/109/EC, and amended through Directive 2013/1/EU. When one assumes that those within the role of a European Parliamentarian would prioritise that role above their other interests, there is a vast list of priority incompatibilities, which has been added to most notably in 1997 and 2002, making this list quite extensive. The essence of all these added incompatibilities is that when the position of Member of European Parliament (MEP) is currently being held, that is the paramount priority and should not conflict in priority with any nationally held position, or any other position which would create a conflict of interests. The idea is that European politicians are just that, European politicians, whom work for the betterment of all Europe. As those in the field are well aware, and most informed citizens are aware, the representation of any particular area or party within the European Parliament is based off of proportional representation. This is done through either a list system, or a system of single transferable vote. This is specified within Council Decision 2002/772/EC.
LEGAL PRINCIPLES CURRENTLY IMPACTING EUROPEAN ELECTIONS
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UNDER ALTERATION FROM MEMBER STATES One of the basic electoral conditions that is under the discretion of the Member States (MS) is that of the voting age, as well as the standard of voluntary or compulsory vote participation. While Austria is the only MS with a voting age under 18, at 16 years of age, four Member States maintain a system under which all able citizens are legally required to cast a ballot. These nations, Greece, Luxembourg, Belgium, and Cyprus, extend this voting requirement not only to their own nationals residing in their nation of origin, but also to those EU citizens currently holding residence and registered to vote in their nation. While Member States, as specified in the section on Stagnant Standards, must elect individuals to the European Parliament using a system of proportional representation, one of the related aspects that remains under the discretion of the Member State is the minimal threshold for which seats in the European Parliament must achieve to be filled. While this minimum threshold is not to exceed 5%, the minimum threshold is decided by the Member State. Different Member States, namely Germany in 2011 and 2014, have struggled with the conception of what is, or is not a constitutionally allowed threshold for the European elections. The majority of Member States facilitate the election of individuals to represent the entire territory of the nation. However, five Member States divide their nation into various constituencies for which individuals will be elected as MEPs. The requirements for individuals to run in an election for Members of European Parliament vary from MS to MS, from the nomination of individuals by political parties to the minimum age that a citizen must be prior to standing for election. The running of the electoral campaign by candidates is also
regulated by the Member State, and rules on proper conduct, length, and financing vary greatly. Along this line, the filling of seats between elections varies greatly between Member States. Whilst not common, and typically due to personal withdrawal from the seat, Austria remains the only member state that will readmit someone to holding their previously given up European Parliament seat, once the reason why they left is determined moot. In Belgium, Ireland, Germany and Sweden a substitute list is kept for this case. In Greece, if there are not enough alternatives from the same list as the individual who left, then by elections will be held. In Denmark, Finland, Portugal, Austria, France, Luxembourg, Italy, Croatia, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom, the individual filling a vacant seat will be the next runner down on the electoral results list, who had not achieved enough votes for election. The actual date of the election within a Member State is determined by that Member State, as long as it is within the date range that is set forth. For those who use the list system for MEP elections, there are a variety of rules and standards regarding the ability for voters to express more opinion in the vote, as well as the process to change the listing order of candidates. Along with this, nominations are frequently but not always according to the political parties, yet this is not always the case, as this is determined by the individual Member State. Prevalent to the mission of European Citizens Abroad, according to article 22 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, EU citizens who are resident of another EU state shall have the right to vote within their MS of residence. However, with differing processes, according to both nationality of the individual as well as the specific national requirements to disable double voting, there are a plethora of interpretations of this. Also factoring into this Member State determined process, is that the various Member States have vastly different interpretations of what residency consists of. For instance, Estonia,
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Finland, Poland, Slovenia, Romania, as well as France require legal proof of domicile within that Member State, whilst Belgium and the Czech Republic maintain population register lists. Denmark, Ireland, Greece, Cyprus, Luxembourg, United Kingdom Sweden and Slovakia require EU citizens to prove intent of long term residence, or ‘ordinary residence’ through proof of presence. Or, in the case of the Czech Republic, Cyprus, and Luxembourg, European Union citizens must be a legal resident there for over a certain period of time before they are considered eligible. The right for nationals who are considered expatriates to participate in the European Parliament elections occurring in their nation of origin is determined by the individual Member State. In general, the United Kingdom has a complex system of categorisation to determine the right of a UK citizen to vote in the European Parliament elections whilst residing elsewhere in the European Union, even maintaining a 15 year rule on the ability to keep one’s UK voting rights. Yet the UK is far from alone in the complexity of the European voting process. Since the mandate of European Citizens Abroad is largely based off of this principle, for brevity only a few scenarios will be exemplified within this section, since each nation is covered in depth within the confines of this book. Belgium and Greece allow their citizens throughout the EU to continue to participate in MS of origin MEP elections, but those citizens who live outside of the European Union do not have this right for the Belgian or Greek European Parliament elections. Both Denmark and Italy have other more complex restrictions on whether a national maintains their right to vote, whilst other countries flatly do not allow it. This publication focuses on this particular issue, so we invite you to become further acquainted with every member state’s condition within the present publication.
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WHY HAS EU VOTING NOT BEEN STREAMLINED? BY NATASHA LEVANTI, DIRECTOR OF POLICY, EUROPEAN CITIZENS ABROAD
With the confusion created by 28 Member States (MS) controlling voting processes, and the 1438 plus processes that European citizens across all Member States have had to undergo to participate in the vote in 2014, the myriad scenarios present begs the question of logic as to why. Why has this not been fixed before? And this question has never really been answered. European Parliament (EP) elections occur once every five years, and most citizens, now, consider voting such an essential democratic way of life that they do not usually concern themselves with thinking about the logistics, until right before an election. In the 2014 elections, the number of citizens reaching out to voting initiatives grew proportionately according to the nearness of the election. From the 22-25 of May, citizens from across the EU came face to face with issues, causing media hype, and boundless citizen inquiries to electoral initiatives, such as European Citizens Abroad. Yet within two weeks of the election, the woes of disenfranchised voters had vastly been forgotten by politicians and citizens alike. Why have politicians not paid more heed to the inadequacy of the current 1438 processes citizens across the European Union need to navigate in order to place a vote? That answer is both blatantly obvious to all citizens of nations undergoing elections, and yet, is extremely sad to strong believers of democratic principles. Sadly, the primary thought of politicians approaching an election is not how the election process is done, nor is it battling for the rights of the voter who will not cast a ballot relevant to the politician’s constituency. The primary thoughts of politicians when approaching any election, including the European Parliament elections, is numbers based, with concern about securing one’s job, being poised for positive public interest through spotless polishing, and attempting to be an all-around expert in efforts to prove oneself to be better than your opponent. Electoral issues are rarely remarked upon, unless politicians themselves feel that it impacts their ability to be elected, or that there is enough public outcry, that ignoring
the issue would be political ruin. Let us reflect on the 2014 election. The resulting elected Members of European Parliament (MEPs) were statistically more European Union pessimistic, or anti-European Union. The individuals most likely to fall prey to the labyrinth of voting, and subsequently disenfranchised from voting, are those European citizens who exercise one of the four basic EU rights – freedom of movement. This group is demographically more likely to cast a ballot in support of European virtues, and this group is also statistically more likely to be young well-educated voters who travel around Europe speaking multiple languages, whilst remaining pro-European due to this exposure. It is those proponents of the European Union that will be most likely to benefit from bringing the issue of the European electoral process onto the agenda. Yet, in the past more pro-European Parliaments also failed to find a solution for the plethora of voting processes. It is not that it has never gained attention, but rather that the issue was never thought to have enough of a political prowess to take priority over matters of everyday significance. The European Parliament has the right to discuss, and create proposals concerning European electoral law due to Article 138 of the EC Treaty. This topic has been brought up occasionally within the European sphere since the 1960s, though the council provision for MEP election by direct universal suffrage was not enacted until 1976. Yet, these discussions have been the pinnacle of national schisms and habit based disagreements between Member States, instead of the collective European discussion that is so needed. Within the Maastricht Treaty of 1992, there was an attempt to address this lack of consistency among Member States concerning electoral processes. It allowed for the European Parliament elections to be held in accordance with a uniform
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process, but clarified that the specifics would be drawn up in a proposal by the current parliament, which would then go forward for unanimous approval or adoption by the Council. Unfortunately, despite various proposals being made, nothing was agreed upon, since the task was being approached from largely national perspectives as opposed to collective European perspectives. As such the opportunity was missed.
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With no uniform procedure, the Treaty of Amsterdam was developed so as to enable the creation of ‘common principles’ within the electoral process. Whilst not the uniform or consistent processes that are truly needed, this was considered, at the time, to be an agreeable middle ground for all Member States. In 1997, the Parliament proposed once again for the establishment of a uniform electoral procedure. Many of the ideas from this 1997 proposal were incorporated into Council Decision 2002/771/EC, though this decision is best known for proportional representation, as well as the incompatibility of national and European political mandates. Currently, the reason why European Citizens Abroad can logically suggest that a uniform electoral procedure for the European Parliament be established is because, under the current legal standing of the European Union, there is a strong basis. That legal basis for the adoption of a common electoral process is found in the Treaty of Lisbon. Commonly known for giving stronger powers to the European Parliament, the Treaty of Lisbon allows for a uniform electoral process, given that it acquires the consent of the Parliament. This is the expansion upon Article 223 in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, otherwise known as the Treaty of Rome. Signed in 2007 and implemented in 2009, the Lisbon Treaty is the most current document governing the European Union. With such a current legal provision for the creation of a uniform electoral process for the European Parliament, while in the past the issue was not given adequate political prowess
for the change the occur, we remain confident in European politicians to do what is best for the people, and for European democracy. To prevent the disenfranchisement of citizens, by dismantling the 1438 vote casting procedures and creating a process where all European can easily have a vote in their government.
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SPRING 2014 PROGRESS MADE IN ELECTION LEAD UP? A PIECE COMPLETED DURING THE CAMPAIGNS FOR THE EUROPEAN ELECTIONS, CONCERNING AN APPLICABLE COMMISSION RECOMMENDATION MADE IN JANUARY 2014. WRITTEN: 29TH JANUARY 2014 BY NATASHA MARIE LEVANTI, DIRECTOR OF POLICY, EUROPEAN CITIZENS ABROAD
On the 29th of January, European Citizens Abroad alongside our fellow EU citizens, saw the release of a new Recommendation issued by the Commission and subsequently presented by Commissioner Reding. This was the only formal mention of problems surrounding voting rights, though most notably this recommendation was concerned with national voting, not the voting processes for the European elections, despite the European Parliament elections’ close timing with the recommendation release. Concerned with the difficulties facing EU citizens who are enacting their fundamental European right of freedom of movement, it is of vital importance that EU citizens are made aware of all current inequalities in voting rights for European citizen and all efforts or steps forward that are being made. COMMISSION RECOMMENDATION C (2014) 391 FINAL RELEASED: Brussels, 29.1.2014 TITLE: ADDRESSING THE CONSEQUENCES OF DISENFRANCHISEMENT OF UNION CITIZENS EXERCISING THEIR RIGHTS TO FREE MOVEMENT
WHAT ARE THE MAIN MESSAGES OF RECOMMENDATION? In this four page document, the Commission lays out justification of particular Member States (MS) needing to reconsider their rules concerning voting rights. The specific concern is that in several Member States (Denmark, Ireland, Cyprus, Malta, & UK) citizens become disenfranchised as they are denied their right to vote in national elections when residing outside of their member state of origin, but still in the EU.
THE KEY LOGICAL ARGUMENTS ARE AS FOLLOWS: Current socio-economic and technological realities Current trend of inclusive political participation Status of European integration currently Importance of the right to democratic participation Importance of the right to free movement
LEGAL DOCUMENTS USED TO SUPPORT COMMISSION RECOMMENDATION - Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union – Article 20, 21, 292 - Treaty on European Union – Article 10 - EU Charter of Fundamental Rights – Article 45 - EU Citizenship Report 2010 – (COM[2010]603) - EU Citizenship Report 2013 – (COM[2013]269) - Judgement of the European Court of Human Rights of 7 May 2013 (Case Shindler)
COMMISSIONS SUGGESTED ACTIONS In cases where citizens’ rights to vote in their home country are dependent upon residence, MS should review policy so that citizens can invoke their right to free movement/residence while having the option to stay on the electoral roll – thus maintaining their right to vote (Citizens may have to reapply to stay on Electoral roll).
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In order to make the option of remaining on the electoral roll accessible to citizens living elsewhere in the EU it should be possible to be submitted electronically.
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Member States should make sure that citizens are appropriately informed regarding arrangements and status of their right to vote in national elections.
THIS IS A STEP IN THE RIGHT DIRECTION, BUT MORE IS NEEDED REGARDING EU VOTING RIGHTS The recommendation currently made is regarding participation in national elections for those citizens residing in the EU, yet it does not address the participation in national elections for citizens residing outside of the EU. This recommendation is in no way addressing the unequal voting rights of EU citizens for participation in European elections. It does not address that current policies of particular Member States do not allow for a citizen to vote in European Elections from anywhere outside of their member state of origin. While other Member States do not allow their citizens to participate in European Elections if those citizens reside outside of the EU. European Citizens Abroad wishes to recognise that the Commission Recommendation is a step forward in beginning to address the inequalities in voting rights which are currently present in the EU. However, alongside this, it is our duty to draw attention to the inequalities in voting rights which are not even mentioned in the recommendation. The lack of this issue gaining any sufficient political attention is troubling, and while there being a recommendation made on electoral rights within
4 months of the election is a step in the correct direction, it is, as of yet, an insufficient answer to the myriad questions surrounding electoral rights within Europe.
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PRE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT ELECTIONS 2014 YOU WANT TO VOTE, BUT CAN YOU? 112 BASE SCENARIOS ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED 15 MAY 2014 ON: EUROPEANCITIZENSABROAD.EU, EUROPEANPUBLICAFFAIRS. EU AND THEPARLIAMENT.EU/BLOG THE ARTICLE BELOW PREDICTED THE MAIN FOUR INSTANCES IN WHICH VOTER CONFUSION, STEMMING FROM 112 BASE VOTING PROCESSES, WOULD RESULT IN POTENTIAL DISENFRANCHISEMENT. BY NATASHA MARIE LEVANTI, DIRECTOR OF POLICY, EUROPEAN CITIZENS ABROAD As an EU citizen, it is considered a civil duty to cast a ballot for the continuation of our democratic process. Due to the multilevel governance structure, this civil duty exists not only at the national level, but also at the European level. The voting process for the European Parliament (EP), currently the only direct elections by citizens for European politicians, is controlled by 28 different national authorities. With no streamlined policies regarding voter registration and submission of the vote, some European citizens will be caught up in the massive confusion surrounding voting rights for the European election in 2014, resulting in potentially significant disenfranchisement and discouragement of citizen participation in Europe’s largest democratic manoeuvre.
VOTER REGISTRATION CONFUSION 28 national policies set forth the required timelines, paperwork, and abilities of citizens to cast a vote. The process is usually determined for each citizen’s case by two factors, their nationality, and their country of residence. There are varying deadlines and sets of paperwork, for every country’s citizens who are currently: in their country, citizens outside their country but in the EU, citizens outside the EU, as well as other EU nationals opting to vote in the election of their place of residence. 28 main procedures that then potentially split into 4 procedures per country. If you logically calculate, this makes roughly 112 scenarios with drastically different processes to attempt to cast a vote in the European Elections of 2014. For those of us advocating for citizens to become registered to vote in the European Parliament elections, it is difficult for even those of us in the field to understand the full spectrum of scenarios. In order to truly encourage European citizens to vote there should not be such confusion, the registration as well as
submission should be as simple as possible, and maybe it is my logical approach, but I see no need to have over a hundred potential scenarios for a citizen to sort through in order to cast a ballot. This is a hurdle for enacting democracy that should not occur.
VOTER INFORMATION CONFUSION With 112 potential voting scenarios, it is hardly surprising that there have been, and will be, many instances of miscommunication concerning proper information to citizens. In these instances of muddled information, no entity is exempt. It appears that deadlines, which should have been stagnant throughout the entire process, were continuously evolving, as the experts themselves struggled with the isolation of various scenarios. Government sites have corrections to registration deadlines, which had been released to the public, news outlets confuse the different deadlines or use the miss-published dates from governmental sites. Other organizations also fall prey to the quick sand of voting problems, where the more you try to navigate the confusion, the faster you sink. While many have been working to correct this, a quick internet search will reveal many deadlines for this spring’s European elections, some true, some false.
VOTER EXERCISING MOBILITY CONFUSION Unfortunately, with mobility as a fundamental right of European citizenship, many voters residing in an EU state not of their origin, do not anticipate problems concerning voting, and
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have, or will, run into problems. Assuming easy registration, most voters abroad in the EU have been starting the process very close to registration deadlines. Too close for comfort, when the convoluted processes required occasionally reveal the inability to vote, or increased stages of paperwork for registration, which occasionally puts European citizens desiring to vote past the registration deadline, making them ineligible. In select EU states with constituencies, citizens, living in an EU state aside from their place of origin, find themselves all lumped in one designated constituency, typically the largest city. This logically skews representation of this constituency, providing for an often uncalculated factor in chances of success of politicians, despite the general lack of true campaigning for votes ‘from abroad’. Thankfully, some countries send information to their citizens abroad ahead of time to alert them to the potentially lengthy process, or mandatory constituency changes. Yet, it must not be forgotten that even though freedom of movement is considered a fundamental right, not all EU Member States allow their citizens to vote in the European Parliament elections if residing in another EU member state.
VOTER OUTSIDE OF EU CONFUSION While some European Member States do not allow a vote to be cast while a citizen is in another member state, even more Member States (MS) will not allow you to cast a ballot when you are outside of the European Union, even if it is a temporary location change. The truly frustrated citizen, with ample resources, can fly to their country of origin to cast a ballot, but for most citizens this is next to impossible, facilitating lack of proper voice at the European level. Some countries, though requiring registration for their nation’s voter ID cards at their local consulate, do not grant the ability to vote from outside the continental territory belonging to that member state. If you choose to travel back to the continental territory to cast a
ballot, don’t forget that identification card sent to your foreign address, because if you cannot produce ID with proper place of residence listed, you will still not be able to cast a ballot, even if you flew to your original MS. Over 100 Voting Scenarios… With all respect to member state rights concerning the establishment of electoral methods, there are problems with voting rights and procedures for European Elections. The ability of European citizens to have a voice in the EU will be hurt by this continuation of convoluted practices. Some argue that citizens who want to vote will find a way, but enacting one’s right to vote in a democratic society should not encompass jumping through hoops that cause even the most enthusiastic to give up in frustration. Whilst in election season, we encourage our fellow citizens to register and vote. Caught up in our work, we cannot forget that for many citizens this is easier said than done. What should be simple, is not, and that needs to be changed to make sure we maintain the democratic principles upon which our society depends. With voting procedures, less is more. Having around 112 scenarios only serves to disenfranchise citizens.
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POST EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT ELECTIONS 2014 THE REALITY OF VOTING SCENARIOS 112 base scenarios, put forth pre-election in ‘You Want to Vote, But Can You?’ which branch into 1438 voting processes to cast a ballot. The below piece was written after the 2014 European Parliament election, with more in depth realistic updates. Thorough analysis of the voting scenarios present reveals over 1438 procedures across the different European Member States (MS) for the submission of votes in the European elections. BY NATASHA MARIE LEVANTI, EUROPEAN CITIZENS ABROAD DIRECTOR OF POLICY
During the lead up to the 2014 elections, rarely did one hear in mass media that there was a deep seeded complexity within the European Parliament (EP) voting processes from a pan EU perspective. While some reporters and journalists highlighted these issues in the week that followed the election, few kept pursuing this as a major issue. This was ultimately one issue of democratic multi-level governance bureaucracy, in a world that sees far more immediately pressing issues concerning the preservation of the sanctity of life. With a 43.09% turnout rate for all eligible European voters, there were myriad factors keeping votes from being cast in 2014. However, while voter disengagement takes long term efforts from politicians in order to be properly corrected, the fact that many citizens who wanted to vote, involuntarily refrained from doing so, due to voter registration or process difficulties, is inexcusable for a block of countries that regards their democratic forms of governance, and rights as fundamental. To many democratic idealists’ dismay, the European elections for Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) is the only element of this multilevel European governance that allows leaders, and the institute itself, to claim the status of a Democracy. With this being the only claim to a democracy that the European Union has, this should be preserved, defended, and made a better outlet for citizen representation. Yes, currently the voting processes, even for the European Parliament, is under the jurisdiction of the national authorities. Yet, when the conflict between the European right to free movement, the right to vote, and differing national processes takes away European citizens’ right to vote for those representing them in the European Parliament, it is a democratic deficit that all European citizens should be worried about, and not just during the elections themselves.
VOTER CONFUSION AMONGST 1438 PAN-EU SCENARIOS Prior to the European elections in 2014, European Citizens Abroad was the first to break down the various European election voting scenarios and start looking at the sheer number of scenarios. While this started in order to aid fellow citizens in registering for and submitting a ballot, we quickly became horrified by the extent to which the number of processes was virtually endless. As a citizens’ organisation, our fellow citizens frequently came forward with questions, and our published figure of 112 voting scenarios was just the base, which then split into even more scenarios. If you look at the vast number of scenarios, across the European Union that branch off these 112 voting scenarios it makes the complexity and the importance of the problem facing EU voters clear. What follows is the in depth mathematical breakdown, beyond just the base scenarios. Since the European Parliament elections are intended to be representative of citizens from all Member States, the number breakdown shall be cumulative from across the EU, displaying the chaos faced by Europeans as a whole. There are 28 voting processes for those citizens attempting to vote in their member state of origin. There are 626 voting processes for those citizens attempting to vote in their EU member state of origin but from another EU member state of residence. This is due to the process depending on factors or requirements from both their member state of origin and their member state of residence. There are 28 Member States, yet 5 do not allow citizens of their origin residing elsewhere in the EU to vote in home elections. Thus 23 Member States that individuals originate from, which
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allow voting from other EU states multiplied by 27 Member States that they may be residing in, equalling 621. Plus the 5 dead-end scenarios for those Member States who do not allow their citizens to vote from their places of residence in the EU.
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There are 756 voting processes for EU citizens wishing to vote in the election of the EU member state in which they reside. Similar to the above conditions, these situations depend upon the requirements from both their member state of residence, and their member state of origin. There are 28 Member States in which EU citizens could be residing, with 27 Member States being possible Member States of origins. Multiplied to find the collective number across the European Union, there are 756 different voter registration and submission processes. There are at least 28 voting processes for EU citizens who are living outside of the EU, but desire to take part in the EU elections for their member state of origin. The number is far higher in this category, as factors such as overseas representations come into consideration, but 28 voting processes covers the basics of citizens from 28 Member States, all with different voting processes for living outside of the EU and taking part in the EU elections. In reality, this number should be exponentially higher, with 196 countries in the world, but this low holding number of 28 shall suffice for the moment. With the above considered, across the European Union there are 1438 total scenarios that an EU wide effort to help citizens register for the European Elections would need to know, which given the sheer number, is highly unlikely to be known by the EU public servants themselves. These are also the 1438 voting scenarios, which a potential citizen must navigate in order to cast a ballot. No wonder
people gave up or did not even try to vote in the 2014 European Elections and we should count ourselves as very lucky that the turnout for the elections was not lower, given the high prevalence of EU movement. In order to register for the European Parliament Elections, citizens must have the know-how, and dedication to democratic principles of political representation to sift through the voting scenarios most relevant to them, out of the 1438 potential voter registration and submission scenarios. Similar to finding a needle in a haystack, some individual’s registration process itself is harder to isolate than the actual completion of the vote casting. A sad revelation for those of us who believe in the decreasing democratic deficit within the European Union.
HOW TO HELP WITH 1438 SCENARIOS? Speaking from the perspective of one who spent countless hours in the lead up to the European elections trying to help European citizens with ‘complicated’ circumstances understand or enact their rights to vote, the sheer number of scenarios is confusing, and those meant to be experts in the field are not acquainted with the intricacies of all 1438 scenarios, let alone have these memorised, as many citizens, media and others assumed. Calling on behalf of citizens, embassies spoken to were baffled, electoral commissions glossed over the detailed requirements, which could have resulted in improper registration, and there were very few true efforts to notify EU citizens of any changes in procedure for registration or vote casting. Realistically, most officials do not have the time to individually process every citizen enacting their right to freedom of movement, as well as their right to vote. With 12-15 million European citizens enacting their right to live in another European member state,
it is not a low number of impacted citizens37. The best examples of the significance of EU electoral hurdles in the European Elections 2014 was the United Kingdom, which as of November 2014 has put EU voting on the Westminster agenda after various sets of inquiries.
EU VOTERS ASSUME CASTING A BALLOT WILL BE EASY Ultimately, many European citizens take voting for granted. We assume that it will be easy, we assume that if we are abroad we will be able to cast votes by absentee, or at the local consulate. Some nations choose to send out additional reminders to individuals detailing the process if they are living abroad. Yet, due to the myriad scenario possibilities across the 28 Member States, some citizens may be informed by their government, while the different governments of Member States may not make the effort to reach out with adequate information for citizens to cast a ballot. The Czech Republic was a very complex situation this year, and many Czech citizens have since raised concerns with European Citizens Abroad. Czech citizens’ participation in the European Elections in 2014 was so confusing that many complaints came from those working within European politics in Brussels. Even these individuals, trained in the sector, discovered this problem at a point that, due to barriers of having Brussels based Czech voting cards, as well as economic barriers for travelling back to Czech Republic, individuals were stripped of their ability to vote. Needless to say, this was a huge hurdle for citizens to cast their ballot. As such, the case of the Czech Republic shall be covered in depth within another section of the current publication. Within the United Kingdom, another situation that will be discussed particularly in more depth, there were also major issues. One of the many issues that occurred within that particular member state was the newly established and not widely dispersed, secondary form that was required for EU citizens living in the UK to fully register. As a result, one of the most frequent voting hurdles was the lack of information concerning the procedures for voter registration, which had been changed since the European Parliament vote in 2009. An additional confusion that did occur for those citizens who are enacting their right to vote is the voting age. This confusion is not typically considered since the voting age for European elections throughout the EU Member States is 18, with the exception of Austria whose citizens can vote in European elections from the age of 16. Yet, this causes confusion for Aus37 European Council. Eurostat 2014. Available from: http://ec.europa. eu/eurostat/data/ [Accessed 2015]
trians between 16-18 years old, who are abroad, or for other EU citizens within that age group who are abroad in Austria receiving conflicting messages about their ability or inability to vote. With the ever increasing amount of mobility for EU citizens in this age range, while this issue is counted among the smaller issues, it is still a factor that needs to be accounted for.
SOCIO-ECONOMIC HURDLES OF VOTING FROM ABROAD Democratic citizenship and participation in the electoral voting process is not supposed to depend upon socio-economic status. Yet, some citizens in the European elections encountered this problem in 2014, particularly with the requirement to go back to their nation of origin in order to participate in selecting who represents their views at the European level. Some nations have taken this into account through the various methods in which you can place your vote, while others have utterly failed to take this into consideration, creating a noticeable disadvantage for vote eligible citizens of the lower economic bracket that are attempting to exercise their right to vote. Not accounted for in the 1436 voting scenarios are the various methods in which you are able to place your vote from abroad. For those allowing votes cast from abroad there may be postal voting, proxy voting, e-voting, and embassy voting. Unfortunately, not every country allows all methods, in fact, in the 2014 elections only Estonia enabled voters to e-vote, which is noticeably less of an effort for citizens than the other methods of casting a vote from abroad. For instance, if you have to vote at an embassy and the closest is 1000 kilometres away, you will be hard pressed to make the journey. With voting categorised as compulsory for four Member States, one can contend that voting in the European elections is also an economic burden for citizens from Belgium, Luxembourg, Cyprus, and Greece. The burden of voting should not have an economic component since within Europe we pride ourselves on the equality of citizens. Reflecting upon the lead up to the elections, and the voting issues which occurred, it is quite alarming that so many of those enraged on the day of elections, or concerned in the week that followed, have seemingly forgotten about this fundamental citizens’ right being in question. We cannot forget the various fights around Europe for suffrage, and we should strive to live up to the high level of dedication that was displayed before our current day, to maintain full and equal democratic rights for citizens within the European Union.
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UNITED KINGDOM NEW EUROPEANS VOTE DENIED CAMPAIGN The following commentary was written by the Director of New Europeans, Roger Casale, concerning specifically the aftermath of the 2014 European Election difficulties in the United Kingdom. New Europeans has been a partner of European Citizens Abroad since Spring 2014. BY ROGER CASALE
On 25 May, as polls closed across the EU for the 2014 Europeans elections, Roger Casale, Chair of New Europeans took a call from Olivier Nataf, CEO of European Citizens Abroad in Philadelphia.
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“Hi Roger have you seen the reports of European citizens being turned away from polling stations in the UK, in the Huffington Post38. Can you help us find out why?” So began a six month investigation by New Europeans into the circumstances surrounding the non-participation by hundreds of thousands of non-native EU citizens in the European elections in the UK. New Europeans asked social policy analyst Samia Badani to lead the Vote Denied campaign and carry out a survey of EU citizens who had been unable to vote. Samia also contacted Electoral Registration Officers from around the UK for the official registration figures. What emerged from Samia Badani’s report were some shocking and dramatic statistics. At a time when EU leaders were preaching the importance of reconnecting Europe with the citizen, we found that 80% of non-native EU citizens who were registered to vote in the UK for local elections, were not entitled to vote in the European elections despite having the formal right to do so. In its statutory report into the European elections39, the UK Electoral Commission acknowledged the work that had been
done by New Europeans and said that the fact that some EU citizens had not been able to vote was unacceptable. Following several preliminary meetings, the Electoral Commission has promised to set up a working group with New Europeans. The group will include electoral registration officers and address the concerns raised by Samia’s report and put measures in place to eliminate barriers to participation. The main recommendations from our Vote denied report were launched on the ECA website on 11 July 201440. Our recommendations include: - Elimination of the 2 stage registration process for non-native EU citizens who currently have to complete an additional form to say they will not cast a second vote in their home member state. - Investment in a nationwide awareness-raising campaign about the voting rights of non-native EU citizens, to include a consultation on the new registration procedures. - Introduction of a system of redress for those who are prevented from voting as a result of maladministration. Behind the scenes, the European Commission41 has also been at work, looking into the issues raised by New Europeans and others about the conduct of the European elections in the UK in 2014. New Europeans alerted the office of Viviane Reding, the then
38 Huffington Post. European Elections 2014 Results: EU Citizens Claim UK Denied Them A Vote. Available from: www.huffingtonpost. co.uk/2014/05/23/eu-elections-2014-results_n_5379436.html [Accessed 2015]
40 European Citizens Abroad Blog - European Elections 2014 - European Citizens Abroad. 2015. European Citizens Abroad Blog - European Elections 2014 - European Citizens Abroad. Available at: http://www. europeancitizensabroad.eu/debate/votedenied-prelimary-recommendations-from-roger-casale-and-our-partners-at-new-europeans-in-theunited-kingdom. [Accessed 2015]
39 Electoral Commission - EP and local elections report. Available at: http://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/__data/assets/pdf_ file/0010/169867/EP-and-local-elections-report-May-2014.pdf [Accessed 2015]
41 Our appeal to the European Commission, DG Justice | New Europeans. 2015. Our appeal to the European Commission, DG Justice. Available at: http://neweuropeans.net/article/548/our-appeal-european-commission-dg-justice. [Accessed 2015]
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Vice-President of the Commission with responsibility for Citizenship on Saturday 24 May. The response was immediate and DG Justice has looking at New Europeans’ evidence as part of its own report into the 2014 European elections to be published later this year. The House of Commons Select Committee on Political and Constitutional Reform is also looking into the issue as part of their inquiry into voter engagement in the UK. New Europeans submitted written evidence42, including our Vote denied report and were also called as witnesses to give oral evidence to the inquiry43. The Select Committee has published its interim report endorsing New Europeans’ recommendations44 and urging more to be done to reverse the steep decline in voter registration by non-native EU citizens in the UK. As far as we are aware, this is the first time that the voting rights of non-native European citizens has been on the political agenda in the UK at this level. Work also needs to be done to increase voter registration of UK
expat voters in the EU45 and around the world. Currently only 15,864 registered out of a total of over 5.5 m UK expats, a tiny proportion, less than a third of one per cent. We live in a world where people are on the move. The next generation and the one after that are likely to be even more mobile. When people move from one state to another they should not forfeit their right to vote. Democratic participation is the key to generating consensus in modern, complex societies. The right to vote is a fundamental human right. Research by New Europeans has demonstrated the scale of the problem we face in reversing the alarming decline in voter registration amongst EU expat voters. We look forward to working with European Citizens Abroad, Europeans Throughout the World and all our partners and stake-holders to start to put this right. Postscript New Europeans work is financed by membership subscriptions, private donations, commissioned work and grants. Our Vote Denied report was made available to the European Commission and the Electoral Commission on a goodwill basis.
42 UK Parliament Committee Evidence. Available from: http://www. data.parliament.uk/writtenevidence/committeeevidence.svc/evidencedocument/political-and-constitutional-reform-committee/voter-engagement-in-the-uk/written/10904.html [Accessed 2015] 43 Parliamentlive.tv - Political & Constitutional Reform Committee 2015. Available at: www.parliamentlive.tv/Main/Player.aspx?meetingId=16033. [Accessed 2015] 44 Parliamentary committee endorses New Europeans’ #Votedenied recommendations. Available at:www.neweuropeans.net/article/492/parliamentary-committee-endorses-new-europeans-votedenied-recommendations [Accessed 2015]
45 Calls to address democratic deficit as millions of UK overseas voters drop off the register. Available at: neweuropeans.net/article/491/ calls-address-democratic-deficit-millions-uk-overseas-voters-drop-register. [Accessed 13 April 2015]
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THE CZECH REPUBLIC A CASE OF COMPLEXITY Given the amount of concern from Czech citizens, the following commentary examines the Czech situation, explaining the difficulties encountered and the lack of continued attention to the solving of these difficulties. BY NATASHA LEVANTI, DIRECTOR OF POLICY, EUROPEAN CITIZENS ABROAD
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Whilst we at European Citizens Abroad heard from individual Czech citizens who were disappointed in being unable to vote in the European Parliament (EP) 2014 elections due to rather confusing voting procedures, and befuddling statements on the availability of voting from abroad, there sadly has not been much domestic pursuit for a solution of this Czech problem after the European elections.
confused by the Czech voting conditions, there should be a warning flag concerning citizen disenfranchisement. Here is the Czech conditions for voting in the European Elections from abroad, either from elsewhere in the EU or from outside of the EU. Please bear in mind that the procedure has been largely translated for your convenience from Czech, aside from the more questionable elements.
In our approach to providing access to voting information to all citizens of EU Member States (MS), in 2013-2014 our core team heavily researched the situation in every nation. At that time we found that the case of the Czech Republic was exceedingly complicated to figure out, and it seemed as if there were mixed messages as to whether or not one is actually able to vote from the Czech embassy. After discussing with Czech legal experts, the full spectrum of complexity was revealed, and it was found that many individual Czech citizens claimed to have been informed that voting from embassies was available at embassies throughout the EU, as well as outside the EU, despite the fact that this is in fact unavailable. The voter information confusion, led to eligible Czech voters not being able to cast a ballot, and therefore European Citizens Abroad finds highlighting the Czech Republic voting confusion relevant to raising attention to EU voting issues.
Whilst Czech citizens do have the right to vote in the Czech EP elections despite living outside of the Czech Republic there is a four step process for them to actually be able to vote, with the last two steps putting a great degree of cost upon the enacting of this democratic right. An economic hurdle not all democratically inclined citizens can afford.
One such case raised to our attention, which should capture the attention of fellow Eurocrats, was a Czech citizen working in Brussels for EU based organisations. Having previously been told that embassy voting was possible, this individual registered, went to the embassy and was met with the statement of ‘fly home to vote’. Since this individual was bereft of resources to leave his/her post in Brussels to fly home to vote, he/she was unable to place a ballot in the European elections due to having been misguided, and therefore missing the deadline to withdraw from the Czech list, as well as register to vote in the Belgian European Parliament elections. With a highly educated individual who works in the European sphere in Brussels being
1/ Czech citizens residing abroad must register themselves in a ‘Special List of the Representative Authority’, for which their name must be put on the register at least 40 days from an election. This list remains on file at the embassy until the citizen withdraws from the list, for the purpose of citizen location matters. 2/ Since the Czech citizen is registered as living outside of the Czech Republic, they are not allowed to have a voter ID from any Czech municipality, but can only receive an ID from the embassy at which they are registered. This voter ID is not sent automatically in the lead up to an election, but must be particularly requested by the citizens. It will also not be given to the citizens prior to 15 days before the election, even when requested. With this two week limit on the dispersal of the voter ID, step three is made more difficult as an embassy can fulfil its obligation of dispersing this as close as one day to the election but no more than 15 days from the election. 3/ Whilst voting at the Czech embassy itself is possible when electing the Chamber of Deputies as well as the Presidential elections in 2013, it is not possible for citizens to vote from
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the embassy for the European Parliament elections, though this is rarely explicitly stated. The Czech law states ‘území České republiky’ meaning the territory of area of the Czech Republic, and whilst for Presidential or Chamber of Deputies elections the polling area of the Czech Republic is extended to the Czech embassies, within the European Parliament elections this standard of jurisdiction extension to representations abroad is not maintained. Whilst it is bizarre that there are different rights granted to the embassy, depending upon the type of election occurring, for the 2014 European Parliament elections, one could not vote from an embassy. After being issued their Voter ID from the embassy where they are registered, Czech citizens must appear with this at a polling station within the official borders of the Czech Republic in order to cast a ballot. While the embassy has two document sets, one being ‘guidelines for voting in the territory of the Czech Republic’ and the other being ‘guidelines for citizens living abroad’, the differing standard of jurisdiction extension for the different election types is vastly confusing to Czech citizens, who often assume all elections have similar, if not the same, protocol. Needless to say the stated ‘ability’ for Czech citizens living abroad to cast a ballot in the European elections as long as they are able to absorb the added cost of returning to the Czech Republic, is putting a monetary price on Czech citizens maintaining their democratic right to participate in the European Parliament elections. Whilst the cost degree varies, this puts yet another hurdle in place for those who are inclined to participate in democracy. Particularly since they are given less than two weeks from the time of getting their Voter ID to having to appear at a polling location to cast a ballot, making a last minute travel arrangement essential.
4/ Czech citizens, theoretically, should be able to show up at any Czech polling station within the borders of the Czech Republic, and vote in the European Parliament 2014 elections if they produce the Voter ID issued by the Czech embassy at which they are registered. However, many reported intense questioning, confusion of poll workers, and occasionally hours of ‘double checking’ processes with local authorities before being able to cast a vote; similar but not as widespread as the UK case. After having made the effort to physically return to the Czech Republic, this was yet another hurdle faced by Czech citizens. As the final blow in a long line of turbulence in following through with your obligation as a citizen to vote, this step also managed to discourage votes from being cast in the European Parliament Elections 2014. For Czech citizens the lack of clarity in the 2014 European elections is symbolic of a greater problem, and should be addressed, if not by the European Union, by the government of the Czech Republic in order to ensure that they are truly serving to better the lives of their citizens, no matter where those citizens may be physically located.
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SECTION 3 REFLECTION ON EU CITIZENSHIP
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EU CITIZENS ON WHAT IT MEANS TO BE EUROPEAN BY NATASHA MARIE LEVANTI, DIRECTOR OF POLICY, EUROPEAN CITIZENS ABROAD
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Amidst the lead up to the European elections, European Citizens Abroad asked what made people feel European. The participation from citizens throughout Europe and beyond flooded in, with some standing out as capturing the European spirit. Within this reference publication, we want to remind individuals of the sentiments, or everyday pride that other European have expressed. To start off this section, we will highlight two individuals from the European Citizens Abroad core team, one a native born European, and one who has chosen to be European. These two views shall be followed by statements submitted by 23 other European citizens. Maxime Oillic, our Director of European Partnerships, was born in France and sees the many benefits of being an EU citizen in his past, present & future. MY PAST What makes me feel European is, before all, the feeling of belonging to an incredibly rich and diverse community of more than half a billion inhabitants sharing a common destiny. As a French citizen, I cannot help but to feel European. Our culture, our history is all about Europe. Our gastronomy is a mix of Gallic and Roman traditions, later influenced by Italian, Spanish and Flemish cuisines. Our language evolved from Vulgar Latin and was influenced by several Celtic and Germanic (Frankish) languages, not to mention the numerous loan words from other languages. As a Breton (from Brittany, a region in Western France), I feel close to other Celtic regions in the British Islands and in North-West Spain, we have music and traditions in common. In fact, if you think about it, we have been Europeans forever. Our most famous composers, writers, artists have all experienced living abroad: Mozart, Chopin, Stevenson, Stendhal, Picasso – to name but a few. The wealth and prosperity of Europe were based on strong economic and political ties between
different states and regions. From the Republic of Venice to the Hanseatic League, the major trading and cultural centres were the ones open to the continent and the rest of the world, being both politically and economically integrated. MY PRESENT What makes me feel European is the ability to travel freely and enjoy paying with a single currency. I am so happy to have such a profusion of cultures, traditions, languages all around me; there is so much to see, to discover and it is all so close to me. I also enjoy the possibility of being able to live where I want in the Union, the possibility of evolving in such a vibrant context. Our daily lives are also positively affected by the EU: the food we eat, the toys our children play with, the quality of our environment and the privacy of our data are all EU-regulated. MY FUTURE What makes me feel European is the prospect of living in peace and security for me and my children. The European Union is the guarantee of being economically and culturally powerful at a time when emerging powers are re-shaping globalisation and international relations. The European Union also promotes and defends a certain number of values, from human rights to the environment. I share those values and at the same time I am aware that only a superpower like the EU can afford to set its own standards and truly make a difference in the way we produce, consume, and live on this planet.
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Natasha Marie Levanti, our Director of Policy, was born in the United States and is proud to have become a European by choice. In life, there are various kinds of citizenships. There are citizenships which are derived from the happenstance of your birth, and those which were chosen. Neither should be discredited. I was not raised in Europe, so being a European Citizen has been a choice – made with my heart and soul. After years of being involved in the ‘European sphere’, becoming European was a lifelong commitment I have made. To be European, is to truly return to a home teeming with diversity of language as well as culture, but with a common commitment of unity and preservation of the sanctity of life. Choosing to become a European citizen as an adult, you accept that every day you will be fighting to be considered a European by fellow EU citizens. The number of times I have been told that I simply ‘do not understand’ have been countless, despite my family’s European origins, or the fact that I have spent countless hours studying history and culture past the point of many native born citizens. Right now, immigration in Europe is a hot issue, and many assume that all those who have chosen to be European are of a different, lesser, variety than native born Europeans. People forget that at every stage of the creation of the European Union, a group was choosing to become ‘European’. The Schuman Declaration was a choice made by those Europeans who came before us. This was a choice to put their likenesses before their differences, in order to create a better place to live for all of us. Whilst the European Union is not a perfect model, it has created a regional environment that is sought after around the globe, and has put the collective economic survival as well as preservation of the sanctity of life, at the forefront, an accomplishment that would not have been achieved without this series of choices.
With the signing of the Schuman Declaration, they chose, and since that day others have chosen to join them in the ranks of European citizens. And I, I have chosen the same, to take my place amongst Europeans and work towards the collective good.
OTHER CITIZENS REFLECT ON, ‘BEING EUROPEAN’ Feeling European, by Ana, a Spanish national The EU has improved my life in uncountable ways. We constantly hear about the problems of the European Union – and yes, the EU is imperfect but we should not allow these imperfections to obscure the remarkable achievements and huge potential of unifying our continent further. On Europe & Being European, by Juraj, a Slovakian national Underlined by friendship and unity since its very beginnings, Europe means to stand together in the difficult times of today, especially to face the current geopolitical and security challenges with one single voice. From a more practical point of view, to be European means to be part of a great family of nations and cultures, united, yet celebrating its diversity. I am overwhelmingly happy to have had the opportunity to befriend many great people from all corners of Europe. Being European, by Tom, a British national Being European is about opportunity. The «American dream» long eclipsed that notion of a «European dream». But now, owing to establishing a post-war settlement in the 1950’s, and a truly unified Europe in 2004, nations and people talk of reaching the heights of the ‘European norm’, meaning we can now work at achieving a future of freedom, education, work and stability. A European dream.
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ON WHAT IT MEANS TO BE EUROPEAN
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Being European – What It Means To Me, by Patryk, a Polish national It’s hard to respond to the question about “being European” without repeating the stock phrases about the freedom to travel, work, study in any of the EU states or without falling into other clichés. But one of those clichés is very true – it is the feeling of security the EU citizenship gives me, and which is much more convincing than the talk about diversity and differences we’re all eager to happily overcome as proud EU citizens.
to know that if I’m in need of help in some distant part of the world, an embassy of any EU country will give this help to me as to its own citizen.
Looking at the processes taking place in European countries, I am aware that the reality is grimmer than EU enthusiasts would like it to admit – the antagonisms between European nations are still present, lurking along the national borders and feeding on such phenomena as migration, income inequality and the different national cultures.
Feeling European, by Josef, a German national What makes me feel European? Passing through EU borders without being stopped.
In the current electoral campaign to the European Parliament – or should we call it: electoral campaigns, taking place in each EU state separately – MEPs seem to be elected exclusively to fight for the stakes of their respective nations. This shows that the national interests are still in the spotlight at the expense of the common, European good and the idea of being European rather stands in opposition to distinct national identities than side by side with them. But although the European unity might look cloudy from the inside, I know that in the rather gloomy modern world, it remains a shining point sending light to the outside. With all of the troubles in the back of my head, any time I meet people from across the world, I feel confident and proud to tell them that I am an EU citizen. What gives me that confidence is not the want to look down on people from different corners of the world, but the awareness that the strength of my country is backed with the strength of all the other EU states. It gives me the feeling of security
It also makes me feel secure at home, where I know that anytime my rights are violated or anytime our politicians fail to act in line with law, there is some higher authority to hold them back. To me, Europe can boost what’s best in my country, but just as importantly, it can fight what’s the worst in it.
Feeling European, by Geertje, a Belgian national Eurovision makes me feel European, Erasmus makes me feel European, and all my lovely foreign friends make me feel European. I always considered Europe to be like a union in a way. Kind of like the United States, all different, but under one ‘flag’, so to speak. When I think of those things, I have quite a European feeling, a feeling of unity. I have a very ‘together’ sort of feeling. It’s hard to explain, I guess. It might have to do with me liking the idea of being part of something bigger (not religious-like), but knowing I’m connected with so many people, with so many different cultures, so many different languages. It may have to do with being from tiny Belgium, where 1/3 of the country wants to separate (well, not 1/3, but…). Being European, by Fred, a French national To be part of something bigger, with no borders. I see Europe more as a spatial or demographic entity than a giant political State. I mean, sometimes I forget that we have European governing bodies, simply because I enjoy being a loose cannon. Nonetheless, the idea of community remains very important to me. In addition, to be European means, unfortunately, engaging only marginally in policies we sometimes feel distant from. In fact, apart from my friends who work for the EU, I
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rarely hear about Europe – and even less in the media. Being European, by Juliette, a French national For me, being European means being part of a bigger entity than my own country. It means getting together around something more powerful in the world, while preserving our differences and specificities. It is full of possibilities of cultural exchange and mix. It makes me feel closer to my neighbours, it makes me want to know them better. Being European, by Dr. Serge-Arno Klumper, a Luxembourg national Being part of a society where you feel safe and protected to express your views on all aspects of life and belief - even if they differ from those of the majority. Being European, by Anna-Louise, a Swedish & German national Being European means that one can, without greater difficulty, experience multiple cultures, meet people from different backgrounds and with different stories. It means that one is part of something greater than just one nation, but one is part of the historic event of the European Union which is still under construction, thus we have the opportunity to influence the outcome. Being European, by Sebastian, a German national I am happy to be European. I am free to think, say, and do what I want. Torn down borders prevent being afraid of the unknown – we just travel, have a look, appreciate a good meal and start to understand that we all are quite the same. Thoughts on the European identity, by Stefan, a Danish national The way I identify myself is not ‘European’, but Danish. I know we are supposed to be united and behave like a unit, but we are really not, which is primarily due to the fact that the individual
countries have so much individual history. However, this does not necessarily have to be a negative thing. Actually I think it is amazing how well the EU countries collaborate considering the individual countries are highly independent. So something the rest of the world could learn from Europe is that even though we are so different, and come with a lot of individual baggage, we still manage to come together in some sort of weird way. It might not be pretty, but it’s European. What is European? By Ann Marie, a Maltese national ‘European’ is a big word but to me, it is a reflection of my identity. It does not hinder my nationality but complements who I am: a Maltese national, a resident of Belgium and a citizen of the EU. Being European and feeling European is not the same thing! Every day, thanks to being European, a world of opportunities unfolds before me but thanks to feeling European, I have a place where I belong! Being European, by Susanna, an Austrian national Being European is believing in our future. Being European, by Juan Antonio, a Spanish national I am personally proud of being part of the meaningful European project and dream. A project which was designed to be based – as it is written in the treaties – on respect, peace, solidarity, prosperity and Human Rights. However, I despise what politicians and interest groups are doing to the original ideal. As an example, one of the biggest achievements of the European Union, the common market, was triggered by a letter on behalf of W Dekker and the European Round Table of Industrialists (ERT) about removing all their production out of the EU. Politicians driven by business are undermining democracy; fostering social inequalities, economic divergences and provoking social unrest. Hereby, I claim for returning to the original dream. An EU for everyone, in which – with no fraud – the welfare of EU
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and non-EU citizens is the motivation, with no restriction. An EU where democracy is the exclusive management tool and where the will of the people is respected without non legitimate games. An EU which helps us to be united in diversity and not united in misery.
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Being European, by Farah, an Italian/French/Dutch national For me being European is being able to travel and work in all of Europe without any troubles. Being European, by Louise, a Danish national Being a European means being a part of something big, with both the good and bad things that follow. Being able to travel between such amazing cultures so easily and embracing the differences is very unique and makes Europe special. I’m first of all a Dane, but at the same time I’m European and a part of something big. Europe Day and what it means to be European? By Pauline, a French national Europe Day is a holiday at the European Commission, so for the occasion I decided to visit a Dutch friend in the Haag. We should celebrate friendship, which is the essence of the European Union. We should also remember that the 9 follows the 8 May, a day which marked the end of WWII in 1945. The European Union stands for reconciliation and peace. We should all celebrate the achievements of this long lasting friendship. We all know that in a friendship, there are ups and downs. Good friends can disagree but in the toughest moments they help each other. We should continue moving ahead together. There are certainly difficulties to be overcome but it is not the moment to bow under the Eurosceptic rhetoric. What is being European? by Mark, a British national In my day to day life, I would say freedom of movement – I love not having to apply for visas to visit France. People have more access to different cultures.
What is European? By Silvia, a Spanish national from the Canary Islands «European» is a polysemic concept. For some, it might be linked to identity, as a complement to the national, regional and local ‘feeling of belonging’. For me, it is not so much an identity issue, but the belief that a conglomerate of diverse democratic societies with some common historical and cultural roots, can team up to better face common challenges in an increasingly interconnected world. What is European, by Ole, a Danish national European means to share a continent based on respect of other cultures, historical legacy and closely connected economies. What does being European mean? By Lukas, a Czech national For me it means having a rich cultural heritage, diversity of nations, social services and a unique political union. Being European, by Jacob, a Danish national Being European is like being part of an enormous ancient family. Even though you sometimes find your cousins habits a bit strange you still know you will always belong together.
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CITIZENSHIP MUST BE AT THE CORE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION BY THOMAS FILLIS, REGIONAL MANAGER, EUROPE, ASIA & NORTH AMERICA – WOMEN IN PARLIAMENTS GLOBAL FORUM
In a speech on 20 January, the Polish foreign minister claimed that the Eurozone is the “real” EU. Radek Sikorski, the traditionally anglophile conservative Polish politician, made the comments to make clear Poland’s intention to join the euro (expected around 2020), not only for economic and financial, but also political reasons. To me, especially as a Brit, the comments outline what may be one of the defining debates concerning the future of the European Union, which will be considered the “heart” of Europe – the Single Market (and the Four Freedoms [free movement of people, materials, services and capital] it necessitates) or the Eurozone, the physical, palpable sign of Europe’s hard-won unity and common future? This is not a question I, or anyone, is in the position to answer. An EU with the UK as a member will gravitate towards the Single Market, so long as it retains its publically-popular euro-opt-out. A return of confidence to the Eurozone and Polish entry into the single currency will see the centre gravitate towards the Eurozone. But what overarches both these (mutually beneficial) components of the wider EU is common citizenship.
WHAT IS EUROPEAN CITIZENSHIP? Citizenship itself is not an easy concept to grasp, with different states attributing different things to it. To some, citizenship is about rights, about defining what you are entitled to (voting, social security, residence and protection). Another conceptualisation is that of citizenship as an obligation, allowing the state to call on you (military service or jury duty). Indeed, citizenship is a combination of what you must give, and what you are entitled to receive. Citizenship of the EU was created by the Maastricht Treaty in 1992. It declared that a citizen of any EU Member State would also be a citizen of the EU. In the Treaty of Lisbon, Article 20 declares:
Citizenship of the Union is hereby established. Every person holding the nationality of a Member State shall be a citizen of the Union. Citizenship of the Union shall be additional to and not replace national citizenship This affords EU citizens specific rights and privileges across the current 28 Member States (MS), such as the right to: - Move and reside freely within the EU; - Vote for and stand as a candidate in European Parliament and municipal elections; - Be protected by the diplomatic and consular authorities of any other EU country; - Petition the European Parliament and complain to the European Ombudsman; - These rights apply to all EU citizens who choose translations of the previous link; - The right to contact and receive a response from any EU institution in one of the EU’s official languages; - The right to access European Parliament, European Commission Choose translations of the previous link and Council documents under certain conditions - The right of equal access to the EU Civil Service; - The Treaty also prohibits discrimination on the basis of nationality. European Citizenship therefore has a secure legal basis in the EU’s structure. It is something which the European Parliament and Council of Ministers are able to legislate on and an issue the European Commission, as the Guardian of the Treaties, monitors, ensuring all EU citizens receive the rights to which they are entitled.
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HOW IS EUROPEAN CITIZENSHIP VALUED AND UNDERSTOOD?
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One thing uniting Europhiles and Eurosceptics/Europhobes, or those who follow politics and those more apathetic, is the knowledge that the EU is, on large, not popular. That is not to say it is specifically unpopular, but it is an organisation that is little understood by many of its own citizens. Elections to the European Parliament are often conducted in the context of national electoral cycles (something rendering the 2014 elections as especially interesting and important). Discussions in the Council are secretive, with Member State governments under pressure from national debates. The European Commission, the infamous “Eurocrats” in persona, is often perceived as a distant and complicated institution. Not all of this is unexpected (the European Parliaments role has been evolving constantly from 1992–2009, giving voters comparatively little time and electoral experience to understand a Member of the European Parliament (MEP) beyond their membership of a national party); nor is this even unreasonable (the Council is the institution which guards and enables the Member States to make policy and set the agenda, after all). The EU and its institutions often receive low-levels of public support, but this is a symptom also felt by national institutions and administrations – especially in the wake of Europe’s worst economic crisis since the 1930’s. This supposes bad news for an emerging European Citizenship. But that is not intrinsically the case. Europe is more united now than at any time in history. Despite economic crisis, Europe remains wealthy. Despite distant institutions, the freedom of movement, the right to work, study and travel is felt, and appreciated by a huge number of citizens. A poll from 2013 observes that 62% of people “feel a citizen of the EU”, opposed to 37% who don’t. 49% of Europeans feel “National and European” (with only national having 38%; European and National at 6% and only European on 3%). A European identity,
although not equally distributed throughout the Union, does exist. The EU does possess common symbols, the EU flag, the euro (€), a motto – “Unity in Diversity” and an anthem – Ode to Joy. The 9th May is also Europe Day, a holiday celebrated in all EU Member States, with the notable exception of the UK, which has a history of snubbing the day. As outlined earlier, citizenship can be seen as guaranteeing a right, or demanding something in return. In my native Member State, the UK, a deeply toxic debate dominated the final months of 2013. The Conservative Party, fuelled by the right-wing media and hard-line groups such as the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), launched a campaign against EU citizens wishing to work in the UK. The media spoke of “benefit tourism”, alleging that EU migrants came to the UK simply to use and abuse public services – the cessation of labour market restrictions on Bulgaria and Romania, added yet more fuel to the fire. The thousands of immigrants heading to the UK, it turned out, did not exist. The accusation that EU migrants were abusing the UK welfare systems proven untrue (EU migrants actually contribute more than they receive). But the damage was done. The government stripped non-UK EU Citizens of all rights to access the welfare safety-net to the limits allowed within EU law. The UK government made it plain and clear – in their eyes, EU citizenship does not guarantee you any rights. In Malta, the EU’s smallest Member State, EU citizenship demanded something. In exchange for €650,000, the Maltese government would offer Maltese (de facto European) citizenship to those who could afford it. The practice itself is not unheard of (the UK has been known to offer British passports to rich investors wishing to take residence in the City of London), but was shocking nonetheless. From the Anglo-Celtic western fringe to the middle of the Mediterranean, European Citizenship provokes profoundly different ideas in the minds of policy makers, the press and Europeans in general.
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WHAT DOES EUROPEAN CITIZENSHIP MEAN FOR THE FUTURE? This article opened with comments made by the Polish foreign minister, naming the Eurozone as the political heart of Europe. It is true that the euro is a symbol of European unity we can feel in our pockets or when crossing Member State borders. The euro is a symbol that Europe remains important in the global race, with the euro being the international alternative to the US dollar, and that this unity is built to last (and that there would be dire consequences should it fail). But 10 out of 28 Member States are outside the Eurozone, two have permanent opt-outs, Sweden has never indicated a warming to the idea and seven have not yet reached the levels of economic development to adopt the currency (with most candidate countries at a similar level to those outside the Eurozone). Regardless who sits in Euro Group meetings, or on the Board of the ECB, the 28 Ministers who sit in the Council, and a proportional number of MEPs represent all 500 million EU Citizens and the European Commission acts, “in the common European interest” – all working towards the completion of the Single Market and preserving the Four Freedoms. Citizen or consumer? Marketplace or a political union? The role Europeans have in relation to our institutions seems fluid, fickle, at times. But together, using institutions in Brussels (as well as Luxembourg, Strasbourg and Frankfurt), we have created the best Europe we have had. Whatever our desire for the future, whatever image we conjure of our perfect Europe, citizenship must surly remain at the centre, our own EU – for us all to be proud of. As Sikorski himself concluded, “shouldn’t those Ukrainians standing in the cold give us a renewed confidence that what we take for granted is something people actually dream about? Two generations of Poles fought long
and hard to free ourselves of Communism and to re-join the West. And here we are. And we rather like it”.
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THE NEED FOR A EUROPEAN EMIGRANTS’ POLICY AN INTERVIEW WITH NIELS JØRGEN THØGERSEN, PRESIDENT OF EUROPEANS THROUGHOUT THE WORLD
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Europeans Throughout The World, founded in 1984, is a non-governmental federation of national associations for residents abroad. With the objectives of promoting international collaboration between different associations, expanding knowledge about the rights as well as duties of Europeans abroad, and its work directly with EU institutions, European Citizens Abroad feels it is vital to highlight this important partner in the representation of Europeans wherever they may be living. Niels Jørgen Thøgersen was appointed in November as the President of the Europeans Throughout The World. Having served as a director of communication in the EU for 32 years, Niels brings a renewed sense of effective advocacy to Europeans Throughout The World. The below questions were written by Natasha Levanti, and the answers are direct unedited responses from Niels Jørgen Thøgersen during February of 2014.
WHAT DO YOU FEEL IS THE ESSENCE OF EUROPEAN CITIZENSHIP? The essence of European citizenship is that any European has the right to be fully involved in the political, economic, social and cultural life of the country where he or she lives. And my strong personal view is the European citizenship has to follow any European citizen wherever he or she goes. It has to happen automatically – and in full. This is part of very important European values. You cannot punish a citizen using the fundamental EU right to move to another country by cutting his fundamental rights on citizenship.
WHY DO YOU FEEL IT IS IMPORTANT FOR EUROPEANS TO HAVE A VOICE NO MATTER WHERE THEY LIVE? In our European democracies it is of crucial importance that every citizen participates and contributes to society. Not only by paying taxes and by following the laws of the country – but by having the possibility to take part in the political, economic, social and cultural life of the country. Fully involved citizens are normally happy and contributive citizens. And happy citizens are much better for us all than those who feel unhappy and excluded.
WHAT DO YOU THINK OF THE CURRENT EU VOTING RIGHTS AND PROCEDURES FOR ELECTIONS AT THE EUROPEAN LEVEL? It is very positive that 24 EU countries accept that their citizens living in another EU country can vote in their European election. We have to make the remaining 4 countries do the same. And it is also positive that 20 Member States accept voting from their citizens living outside the EU. We must work hard to make the remaining 8 countries accept the same. Furthermore, I think that we should aim at having the same date for registration in all countries. The present system with a different date for each country is very confusing and difficult to communicate. Finally, we all have to be much more creative and energetic in motivating European expats to vote. One thing is to have the
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right; another is to know about it – and actually use it.
WHAT CHANGES DO YOU FORESEE IN THE FUTURE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION? I see a Union where all European citizens will have the right to take part also in national elections – either in their country of birth or in the country of residence. Only that will be fully in conformity with active European citizenship as I see it. The laws are under national, not European competence. But this should in no way prevent us from working actively in that direction. And perhaps it can be part of a future change of the EU Treaties too. This would only be fair and natural.
IS THERE ANYTHING ELSE THAT YOU WISH FOR PEOPLE TO KNOW ABOUT EUROPEANS THROUGHOUT THE WORLD (ETTW)? Yes, certainly. We are working actively for a real European Emigrants’ Policy. More than 15 % of European citizens today live outside their country of birth. This is a figure which will certainly increase in the years to come. You can compare the size to the population of a medium sized member state in the European Union. Therefore, it is very important that Europe also cares about them. To ensure that they keep their rights; that they are well integrated where they live; that they keep good relations to their country of birth to the benefit of education, culture, business and other aspects; that they are guaranteed more help and protection than today, also when they live outside the European Union.
In its work, the ETTW is following the work of the EU institutions very closely. They have agreed to consult us in all matters of relevance to expatriates, and we present our ideas and proposals to the EU on a frequent basis on how we believe they should include the interests of expats in their activities and law making. At the same time ETTW works hard to have active member associations and partners all over Europe and beyond. You can reach Niels Jørgen Thøgersen, President of Europeans Throughout the World at niels@euromonde.eu or find out more by visiting www.euromonde.eu.
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TWELVE GOLDEN STARS ARE EUROPE’S POLITICAL SYMBOLS A MEANS TO – OR PRODUCT OF – EUROPE AND ITS INTEGRATION? BY THOMAS FILLIS, REGIONAL MANAGER, EUROPE, ASIA & NORTH AMERICA WOMEN IN PARLIAMENTS GLOBAL FORUM
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Across national, geographic, cultural, religious and many other barriers, political styles, objectives, means and – ultimately – ends, differ. However, one constant can be easily defined. From the medieval ultra-orthodox church through to the Stalinist bureaucracy, from the music of the flower-power sixties movements to the first use of architecture as a tool of communication (as opposed to functionality) in ancient societies, symbolism, and the need for symbols in our political lives has not decreased as humanity has developed. Indeed, with ever more advanced communication methods, symbols and symbolism have never been more important. It is interesting therefore to consider the role of symbols in the context of the European Union. The EU (perhaps take a moment to think about the following: Europe, the continent, the European Economic Area and the [EU’s] “outermost regions”) may be institutionally defined, but mean vastly different things to various people and groups (thinking about: citizens, opponents, consumers, businesses, migrant, expats). This is of course also the case at the national level. Membership emerges as a fundamental issue in the European context. EU Membership is loathed by some, longed-for by others and uninteresting/distant to many. It therefore offers a fitting point of departure when looking at the role of symbolism vis-àvis Europe. To those within, symbols such as the Euro, the European Flag, the composition Ode to Joy, to name but some, serve as identifiers. On the other hand, Europe’s symbols – and the “brand” of Europe itself – take on a powerful meaning, especially in the age of TTIP negotiations, the Arab Spring and the War in Ukraine. These two aspects then beg the question: are Europe’s political symbols a means to – or product of – Europe and its integration?
SYMBOLS WITHIN THE EU The EU (in short, but not limited to, the European Commission, Parliament, the Council of the EU as well as the ECB, EIB and various agencies), uses symbols in the way any political organisation would (some might say should) use them. This might be as branding, as recognition for a real or perceived positive intervention, creating uniformity or marking a difference. These are “hard symbols”. While the European Flag would probably be the most recognised, the Euro would certainly be the most palpable. The European flag however, is not only the flag of the EU. It is also the flag of the Council of Europe, a separate institution founded almost a decade before. The symbol then cannot be understood in just one capacity (the EU), but in another (here the Council of Europe, with a far removed structure and membership composition). Other “hard” elements would be the EU’s anthem (a rendition of Ode to Joy, by Beethoven, without verse), the motto “United in Diversity” and Europe Day. While Beethoven’s intervention into European integration might well be pleasant, beyond the Brussels-bubble and acolytes scattered around, this is unlikely to see people offering a spontaneous standing ovation (it is however the musical background score to Alan Rickman’s band of European villains in the 90’s American action film, Die Hard). Europe Day might well offer a chance for various institutions to promote information about the EU (funding, elections or clarifications) but has a limited capacity to reach to the whole of society. These “hard” symbolic items are ‘positive’, in the sense they combine to foster identity and promote organisations – so naturally, are not positive when concerning opponents – but are ultimately weak. The EU flag may be the strongest symbol of Europe (reaching across many organisations), but its meaning can therefore be reduced. Anthems and mottos play important supporting roles in a national context, but beyond an engaged minority, they become in away sym-
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bols themselves of Europe’s distance from its citizens. In this regard, only the Euro remains an exception (and one of some complexity, especially in the wake of the 2008 global financial meltdown). In contrast, Europe can also boast “soft” symbols. Two separate, but closely linked, examples of this would be the Schengen passport-free zone and the EU’s renowned Erasmus programme. Schengen makes a more physical reality of the core fundamental freedoms of the EU (the movement of people, goods, capital and services). These are themselves deeply symbolic, and form the legal core conception of the Union. The familiar Schengen signs (marked with a blue background and circle of twelve golden stars) embody the right of Europeans to move freely between Member States (the non-participation of some, and additional participation of others notwithstanding). The removal of Europe’s internal borders is one of the most powerful symbols of unity in Europe and one of the most poignant benefits we, as citizens, can experience. The transformation of Europe’s millennia-old borders to more administrative divisions – while toxic to some – cannot be underestimated in value, in terms of connecting European citizens to the public. On a similar vein, Erasmus – the exchange network between European universities – has itself worked to create a generation of ‘knowingly’ or ‘willingly’ European citizens. By harnessing the geographic, linguistic and cultural diversity of the EU, this programme has allowed people of all ages and backgrounds to learn different languages, experience different cultures and make themselves more economically valuable. Once again, the conceptual symbols of Europe (language, diversity, even education) are absent in a physical context, but represent the European spirit in the truest way. Through a select few examples, it is clear that symbols in the European context are complex and deeply interdependent (much like the countries of which the EU is comprised). What can be supposed from this brief analysis is that symbols are
interrelated. Without the technocratic Four Freedoms, there can be no flag. But the latter without the former would be barren of the spirit that has driven policy makers, activists, civil society, business and private citizens to work towards the goals of European integration.
SYMBOLS OUTSIDE THE EU When combined, the symbols of the EU (conceptual or physical, hard or soft) present to us the European Union (its principles, values, currency, citizens, flag etc.). So when discussing symbolism and the EU internally, it should also be done externally. To discuss Europe’s place in the world and its meaning to the different peoples of the world is not possible in these pages. But the overriding themes discussed do resonate strongly with recent global events which themselves interrelate strongly with Europe, including at a symbolic level. The idea of Europe bringing stability, freedom and prosperity is manifested clearly in scenes from 1989, the Brandenburg Gate and 2004 eastern Enlargement. For generations the use of EU structural and investment funds, the use of the Euro in Kosovo and the complementary security benefit of EU and NATO membership for the Baltic States, made Europe symbolic of peace, stability and reconciliation. The economic crisis in southern Europe – specifically the possibility of the “Grexit” – does much to undermine this. The belief that the EU is a club of countries so united they have developed powerful shared institutions, such as the Commission and the Court of Justice of the EU, is a powerful example to countries in the European neighbourhood, or members of the African Union and other regional blocks. However, the sometimes difficult UK-EU relationship also goes some way to challenge assumptions of total unity. Fights between Hungry and the European Commission on issues of media and judicial freedom, also tarnish this view.
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At the same time, relations with the U.S. and events in the Arab world and Ukraine demonstrate a different conceptualisation of Europe. The possibility of an EU-US trade agreement (the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, TTIP) has seen “bureaucrats in Brussels” at the heart of political debates on Capitol Hill and the EU’s Single Market enough to drive political debate in the U.S. In December 2013, Ukrainians took to the streets against then-President Viktor Yanukovych’s pro-Russian stance. At the beginning of a conflict – that persists today – the dream that Ukrainians could have a future like their counterparts in the west – a European Dream – caused one of the largest international political events since the fall of the Berlin Wall. Alternatively, the Arab Spring and subsequent rise of Islamic Extremists in parts of Iraq, Syria and elsewhere, have seen huge population movements towards Europe, seeking peace, security and tolerance. Europe remains one of the world’s most powerful brands, be it in an economic or value-based context, and has the ability to influence changes on the widest of scales.
croc-monsieur more expensive and latter often interrupts my enjoyment of it, represent – to me – Europe’s commitment to diversity (another symbolic core value represented in its motto) and freedom. Sadly, the strong Europhobe elite do their utmost to drown out and cloud over this fact.
As a British National, and a European Citizen, symbolism in the EU never fails to be a fascinating topic in a political context. Schengen and the Euro, two different but powerful symbols of Europe provoke strong emotions. For certain political groups in the United Kingdom, these symbols provoke reactions so hostile, ‘Europe’ becomes a near insult. However, those who contributed to keep the UK out of both these initiatives (popular among the electorate, therefore laudable), are those which today complain that the EU is a monstrously large bureaucracy (false) with no democratic accountability (false) that makes 80% of law applicable in the UK (false). I would contend that while being absent from these aspects of the EU helps to prevent a stronger European identity foster (together with being an island!), British opt-outs in these areas demonstrates without question that the EU is not some lumbering juggernaut imposing its will on hapless Member States. The Pound Sterling and passport checks at Calais, while the former makes my
The European flag was the first symbol pertaining to concrete steps towards a united Europe, following the horrors of the holocaust. It therefore unites the efforts of Europeans working toward the goals of freedom, liberty, diversity and solidarity. Europe’s symbols therefore become a means to its integration. When I envisage the continent of Europe on its painful journey to unity, I see a continent covered by hate, xenophobia and nationalism, represented by the tendrils of the swastika, only to give way to hopes and dreams of a better and more compassionate future. There I see the emergence of the European flag, which would half a century later see an end to the Europe’s artificial division in our own “European” Wiedervereinigung. For me, nothing is quite as powerful as seeing this epic human drama concluding with a simple blue flag and twelve golden stars.
Beyond the UK, the EU’s symbols are greeted which similar mixed emotions across the continent. It is common for political symbols to represent the past, ancient buildings or long-dead monarchs. Following the devastating wars of the 19th and 20th centuries, Europe’s symbols fulfil the need for symbols harking towards a common future, not divided past. However, Europe’s symbols operate in a functioning political-economic reality. There will be those in Greece who look now at the Euro with negativity – that is neither unfair nor surprising. In this context, Greece’s leaders led the country into a debt crisis, this is a political reality which both affects, and is affected by, the Euro. As a pro-European, I will of course make the positive case, and for this, the European flag comes to mind.
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SECTION 4 SHAPING THE FUTURE: VOTING RIGHTS, CITIZENSHIP AND POLITICAL LEADERSHIP
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WHAT DO THE ELECTIONS TELL US ABOUT EUROPEAN POLITICAL LEADERSHIP? BY NATASHA MARIE LEVANTI, DIRECTOR OF POLICY, EUROPEAN CITIZENS ABROAD The following commentary entitled, ‘European Political Leadership – Citizens & the Ivory Tower’ is presented in two parts. The first is written prior to the European Elections 2014 and the second is written after the 2014 European Elections, taking into account the electoral turnout, in addition to results. This enables continual reflection of evolving European leadership and the potential ramifications for the future.
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PRE-2014 ELECTION EUROPEAN POLITICAL LEADERSHIP CITIZENS & THE IVORY TOWER ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED THE 24TH OF MARCH 2014 ON: EUROPEANCITIZENSABROAD.EU, EUROPEANPUBLICAFFAIRS.EU, AND THEPARLIAMENT.EU
A respectable man stands at the base of a tower, shouting up to who knows who. ‘Can you hear me up there? My water is contaminated.’ Eventually after days of standing and shouting to no avail, a letter floats down, ‘Message received: Your wife is constipated. There is nothing I can do to help you.’ Dismayed, the man has to do something to fix his water and wanders off to think. He encounters a burly man much younger than he who speaks of a way to have access to clean water. Looking back at the tower, he sighs in dismay, and accepts the trinket the man had on display. Politics, particularly during election season, is about the appeal of a potential ‘leader’. To voters, it is of vital importance that a politician has the ability to fix, or at least attend to, problems present in daily life. Political leaders have great power and responsibility over the lives of those who elected them. The people give them this power believing that it is for the benefit of all, not for the sake of elevating a leader above all others. The election of a politician is an endorsement of personal trust from constituents, since political decisions touch every aspect of citizens’ lives, this public declaration of trust is not something to be taken lightly. Europe is in desperate need of a group of political leaders who will strive to benefit all in society, and address problems at hand. The European elections this spring are extremely important, not just due to the Commission Presidency, but with the rise in Euroscepticism throughout the EU and beyond. It is time for European politicians to act genuinely on behalf of the people or move aside so that someone more willing can. Not everyone can be a true leader, and the rise in Euroscepticism itself has implications for what type of leader the European people should look for in the upcoming election. I will not hide that I personally am strongly pro-EU, yet having concentrated on Political Leadership for years, I will also freely admit to seeing the point in the main anti-EU argument.
The basic underlying sentiment expressed by nationalist parties, Eurosceptics, and those against an expansion of the European Union is that most problems are best solved locally. This concerns the ‘power distance’, a vital leadership concept, between politicians and the citizens they represent. To explain power distance simply, low power distance is having a short distance between a leader and their followers, while high power distance being a long distance between. If you live in a small town with less than 500 residents, you can likely walk up to the major’s office and have a chat about your concerns; low power distance. If you live in a mega global city, with the same number of residents as some nations’ have for their entire population, it is much more difficult to even catch a glimpse of your mayor, yet alone have a meaningful conversation. While that is a very simplistic explanation, it becomes logical that in a situation of multilevel governance, such as the EU, that power distance is exceedingly vital to maintaining citizen interest, and getting citizens out to vote for a candidate in the European elections. For European politicians, it is vital to not only stay in touch with constituents, but to make sure that they genuinely believe that you are ‘their’ trusted political representative. When you, as a citizen, have to shout all the way up the ivory tower that is the EU, along with losing your voice, the high power distance causes you to lose belief in the point of shouting up the tower. With a strong historical precedent, the nations in Europe have locally ingrained systems of functioning and norms compared too many of its global counterparts. It is in European culture that communities care for each other, that the local municipality where you live has an intricate role in your life, and since the establishment of democratic as well as social welfare principles, European society has more sentiments of equality than anywhere else. The farmer next door becomes your parliamentarian, while still being the farmer next door. Europe is a place where the child of an illiterate factory worker truly has the equal opportunity to a University education as the child of
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a doctor. The distance between Europeans at the national level in the modern day, concerning power, is remarkably low. Key word here – national.
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The European Union is something that is politically the first of its kind, despite all comparisons periodically made. If government is to be viewed as a tower, the tower that is the European Union is an ivory tower scraping the clouds. Which makes power distance high and accessibility to political leaders in this tower extremely difficult. While citizens may know who their national representatives are, it is uncommon that European citizens are familiar with who represents them at the European level. And if they do know of them, it becomes a hushed murmur when a European politician appears from the ivory tower, or shouts of bottled up anger. While I personally know that European politicians are fighting every day for constituents, for most this seems an idealistic yet unbelievable notion. How can the people trust European politicians to fix problems when citizens view EU politicians as so far away? When the cumulative national populations are used to leaders being renown for approachability, casual conditions, and a ‘closeness’ with the people, the styling of European political leadership reduces the amount of surprise incurred with news of growing Euroscepticism. The current reality of the perception of political leadership is that leaders resign themselves to the busy inter tower working until the European elections force their descent. Is it any wonder that after losing their voice from shouting up to the tower that citizen’s turn to Eurosceptic leaders who dream of ways to bypass the tower? European leadership, as I stated before, naturally has a low power distance, this is what the people in the past and today want. Leaders at the European Union level need to strive to maintain this low power distance so that frustrations with European leaders do not continue to mount to a Euroscepticism so great that the EU will topple. Many at the European
level, whether they fully realize this or not, are starting to make strides towards addressing the amount of power distance between leaders and citizens. With more online chats through the Webcomm team at the EU, the #EUdeb8 social media efforts made with local events and more European politicians utilising different forms of social media – efforts are being made. However, leading up to the European elections we must seek out politicians who will maintain the national traditions of low power distance despite being in the EU’s tower. The best way for European leaders to defeat Euroscepticism is to earn back the peoples’ trust by decreasing the power distance. After all, what is the point of having a beautiful ivory tower with amazing views if you cannot have a staircase for your fellow citizens to come up for some tea?
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EUROPEAN POLITICAL LEADERSHIP – CITIZENS & THE IVORY TOWER PROOF IN THE RESULTS – EUROPEAN POLITICIANS MUST EARN BACK CITIZENS TRUST
Between the 22-25th of May, all European citizens, theoretically, were intended by those in the realm of European politics to participate in the European Parliament elections. The Brussels bubble temporarily burst in the lead up to the elections as Members of European Parliament (MEPs) hurried off to their constituencies, in order to regain the trust that they may have lost whilst far away in Brussels. Yet, outside of the political sector where everyone was scrambling, did citizens even really know or care about the elections? Yes, most mainstream media covered it as candidates were fighting on their home turfs for the chance to leave it for Brussels, but did citizens see this happening and feel inclined to get involved? Across the EU, the turnout was 43.09%, and many political analysts were triumphant about the reverse of falling participation in the European elections, since 2014 saw a .09% voter participation increase compared to 2009. But really, what are we so happy about? If you break it down in participation by member state, only 10 Member States (MS) saw an increase in European voter participation. As the European community is viewed around the world as one of the most heavily democratically engaged group of citizens, to be happy that less than half of eligible European citizens found it pertinent to cast a ballot to be represented at the European level is quite frankly, a sad state of being. If you break down the voter turnout, 16 of the 28 Member States had rates of voter turnout that were under the EU average of 43.09%, with Slovakia holding the status of the lowest voter turnout with only 13% of their eligible voters electing 13 MEPs. And the results of these low voter turnouts will be deciding on parameters for both EU legislation, subsequently national legislation, which will impact every element of European citizens’ lives for the next five years.
Seeing these figures, you don’t have to be trained in either leadership or politics to see that we have a problem with the multilevel governance system that is the European Union. Whilst I am, and always will be pro-EU, there are things that need to be changed. While I may see the decisions of the European Union in everything around me, from the exit signs in public buildings to the very fact that I myself utilise the European right to freedom of movement, it is obvious that over half of European citizens eligible to vote do not feel tied to the European elections. Why? The poor turnout for the European elections is logically connected to the feeling of high power distance between the citizen and the politician in Brussels. There is a reason when many Member States have casual sayings, amongst their national political players, to ‘get rid of troublesome politicians by sending them to Brussels’. Unfortunately, also connected to this is the rise of anti-European sentiments. Sadly, for pro-Europeans, candidates expressing such sentiments did remarkably well in the 2014 European Elections. The last six years have been difficult for European families and they are looking for answers. Unfortunately, many of the politicians in Brussels have been so caught up in the Brussels bubble trying to fix things that they have not been available to truly be there for the people, in the moment. The individuals who have consistently and increasingly been there, are those who blame most of the problems occurring upon the European Union, yet without those at the EU level having time to successfully dismiss these largely illogical and fear driven claims, the anti-European sentiment has continued to manifest itself. This has led to a rise in xenophobic movements, and increased coverage given to extreme political sentiments by mainstream media. What started as a movement that used to be brushed off as unimportant and slightly humorous by pro-European politicians, has morphed into a movement that should cause
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great concern, particularly due to its growing support without positive political substance. Despite detesting every facet of the EU, the numbers of anti-Europeans running for positions has increased, and sadly, the number being elected to serve citizens at the European level has increased as well.
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The Greek Χρυσή Αυγή, or Golden Dawn, and the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD) in Germany have been a disturbing addition to the European Parliament, reminding those knowledgeable of the origins of these political parties of political sentiments that caused such worldwide horrors previously unseen. In fact, the European Union was created to maintain European peace and prosperity after this catastrophe caused by the political sentiment at the historical origin of political parties now holding MEP seats. With both groups commonly described of neo-Nazi movements, it becomes reminiscent of other times in history when people sought solutions far outside mainstream politics. The Greek Golden Dawn won 2 of 21 MEP seats, while the anti-austerity left, Syriza, won the most votes in Greece. In Germany, 9.4% of the overall vote went for the NPD, allowing the group to gain 3 of the 21. With the party having received .5% of the overall vote in 2009, this is a sharp increase in support from citizens. After the recent Greek national election, in which Syriza came into power, there is now an even greater show of citizens’ desire for change, not just in domestic politics but at the European level. In regards to other anti-European developments from the 2014 European elections, in France the National Front founded by Jean-Marie Le Pen and now led by his daughter Marine Le Pen, won the most votes in the country. Known for radical statements, this is also a very significant warning sign for European politics. In Denmark, the Danish People’s Party or Dansk Folkeparti, doubled their number of seats in the European Parliament from 2 in the 2009 election to 4 seats won in the 2014
election, after receiving 26.6% of the overall Danish vote. This trend for the increased prevalence of Eurosceptics elected in the 2014 elections continues in Spain, with the new party Podemos, founded in January 2014, able to gain 5 seats in European Parliament after a campaign run openly as a party in opposition of European politics. The trend of increased anti-European sentiment has increased, as citizens looked to new solutions after years of attempting to shout up to those in the European Union ivory tower, and failing to get their message across. Reminded of pre-election leadership projections, prospective and current European politicians, if they wish to save the future of the European project, must be self-reflective and decrease the perception of power distance that their constituents have. If they fail to do so, we will see more of the alternative solutions succeed, by playing on the fears and partially irrational appeal of radical platforms. European politicians must re-earn the trust of the European people, and this cannot just be done from the halls of Brussels, on Twitter, or through political reports. Much of the current efforts made by politicians are never seen, nor felt, outside of the European political realm. Thus politicians, once sent to Brussels, often lose touch with constituents, as well as, sadly, themselves and their true purpose.
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THE ECI’S PROMISE IN PERIL BY JANICE THOMSON, CO-EDITOR OF AN ECI THAT WORKS! PUBLISHED 31ST MARCH 2014
Why the European Citizens’ Initiative merits radical reform. On the 1st of April 2014, the European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) turns two – its unfortunate date of birth determined by EU translation services. Called the first transnational tool of “direct participatory democracy” and “digital democracy” in history, the ECI is a complex procedure46 by which a million EU citizens ask the European Commission to propose legislation. In a 2011 Involve briefing paper47, I hypothesised two potential impacts of the ECI: an “ideal” scenario where citizens become partners in setting the EU policy agenda and a “disaster” scenario where citizens become pawns of powerful interests. Neither scenario has yet come to pass. EU leaders have not taken ECIs seriously or changed their views of citizens. At the same time, powerful interests have spurned the ECI, finding traditional lobbying much easier than convincing citizens to advance their agendas. The ECI has instead been adopted primarily by citizen groups and national movements with little influence or presence in Brussels. These pioneering ECI campaigns have demonstrated that the ECI has surprising democratic potential for transnational public dialogue and network building. Nevertheless, they have also exposed the rules of implementation to be fatally flawed and its policy impact frustratingly limited. The ECI shows real promise, but also faces great peril. The ECI has been used successfully to raise public awareness of, and start, new transnational discussions on important issues
like environmental destruction48, unconditional basic income49 and media pluralism50. It has helped build vibrant new transnational networks around topics like street safety51 and European education52. In many ways, it has been more effective at creating European identity and cross-border citizen connections than most EU communications or active citizenship programmes. Its policy impact, however, has so far been minimal. ECIs that “succeed” are only guaranteed a public hearing in the European Parliament and an official response from the European Commission. But ECI campaigns hope to change policy. The only ECI to complete the full procedure, Right2Water53, importantly also the only ECI organised by a well-resourced entity with a strong Brussels presence (the public services union federation EPSU54), was rewarded with a vaguely worded communication55 and no new policy proposals. The second successful ECI, One of Us56, organised by national pro-life movements is 48 A Quest for International Justice for the Earth and future generations. Available at: http://www.endecocide.eu. [Accessed 2015] 49 European Citizens’ Initiative for an Unconditional Basic Income (UBI) | #basicincome. Available at: http://www.basicincome2013.eu. [Accessed 2015] 50 European Media Initiative - A European mobilisation in defence of media freedom 2015. Available at: http://www.mediainitiative.eu. [Accessed 2015] 51 30kmh EN | European Citizen’s Initiative «30kmh - making streets liveable!». 2015. 30kmh EN Available at: http://en.30kmh.eu. [Accessed 2015] 52 High Quality European Education for All. Available at: http://euroedtrust.eu. [Accessed 2015] 53 Water campaign | Water and sanitation are a human right!.Available at: http://right2water.eu. [Accessed 2015]
46 EC. Citizens Initiative Welcome. Available from: ec.europa.eu/ citizens-initiative/public/welcome [Accessed 2015] 47 ECI. Available at: www.involve.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2011/03/ ECI-A-Space-Inside-Europe-for-the-Public.pdf [Accessed 2015]
54 EPSU. Available at: http://www.epsu.org. [Accessed 2015] 55 Europa Press Release. Available at: europa.eu/rapid/press-release_ IP-14-277_en.htm [Accessed 2015] 56 One of Us. Available at: http://www.oneofus.eu. [Accessed 2015]
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unlikely to fare much better. Signatures for the only other ECI to reach the one million-signature mark, Stop Vivisection57, are still being verified. All but two of the other 23 ECIs launched have collected fewer than 100,000 signatures, many under 10,000.
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Some EU observers claim that the Commission’s weak response to Right2Water means the ECI is dead. “With no hope of policy impact, who would use the ECI?” they say. As a tool for direct democracy, the ECI has indeed been a failure. As a tool for participatory and digital democracy, there is still a glimmer of hope. However, as a tool for public dialogue and network building, the ECI has been a surprising success. The real threat to the ECI is its implementing rules. They are completely mismatched to the ECI’s true nature. They impose requirements comparable to a robust direct democracy tool on a procedure whose legal impact is closer to a petition. Current rules require an ECI’s supporters to share sensitive personal data and use needlessly bureaucratic procedures. They effectively condemn campaigns to use an online signature collection system that’s riddled with glitches and prohibit effective online campaigning. They don’t give campaigns enough time, provide little assistance and expose organisers to legal liability. Importantly, they restrict ECI subjects to those the Commission deems within its legal competence. So far, 40% of proposed ECIs, including on hot topics like nuclear power58 and EU governance, have been refused registration. The ECI cannot survive in its current form. But it has shown too much promise to simply abandon. Its implementing rules must be radically simplified to match its true impact. Many EU citizens seem increasingly desperate to have a say in 57 STOP VIVISECTION. Available at: http://www.stopvivisection.eu. [Accessed 2015] 58 My Voice ECI.Available at: www.my-voice.eu. [Accessed 2015]
Europe. Some may seek destructive actions if constructive ones aren’t available. In 2013, the largest number of citizens in EU history petitioned the European Parliament. At the same time, more citizens plan to vote for anti-EU parties in the upcoming European elections than ever before. There’s no time to waste. As part of the Treaty on European Union (article 11.4), the ECI is the only legal toehold EU citizens have in influencing the EU policy agenda. In 2015, the European Parliament and Council will review the ECI’s implementing regulation59 and related rules. In preparation, The ECI Campaign60 collected learning from the first two years of the ECI in a workshop and companion publication, An ECI That Works!61, to be published on the 15th of April 2014. The experiences of 16 ECI campaigns are complemented by analysis from officials, politicians and researchers. Together they paint a picture of an ECI with tremendous promise that is in peril due to ridiculously burdensome rules. They also recommend specific reforms that will help the ECI to survive and fulfil its promise of a more democratic future for Europe. This article has been republished with the permission of the author, Janice Thomson, from www.involve.org.uk.
59 Europa Available at: eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ. do?uri=OJ:L:2011:065:0001:0022:EN:PDF. [Accessed 2015] 60 European Citizens’ Initiative | The ECI Campaign. Available at: http://www.citizens-initiative.eu/. [Accessed 2015] 61 Europa Available at: eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ. do?uri=OJ:L:2011:065:0001:0022:EN:PDF. [Accessed 2015]
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WHAT DIDN’T HAPPEN WITH THE EUROPEAN CITIZENS INITIATIVE … AND WHAT DID BY JANICE THOMSON, CO-EDITOR OF AN ECI THAT WORKS!
I feel a bit like Rip Van Winkle, the main character in a short story by Washington Irving who fell asleep for 20 years, missed the struggles of the American Revolution and awoke to a newly democratic country. In my case, it’s only been two years and I didn’t fall asleep. I just left the EU. The struggles I missed were those of the first European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) campaigns. The ECI hasn’t triumphed and the EU has not become more democratic. But the ECI has shown surprising democratic potential. It also continues to face enormous obstacles. As The ECI campaign’s representative in Brussels during the development of the ECI implementing regulation, I was thoroughly acquainted with both the ECI tool, and the people who wanted to use it. I thought I knew what was going to happen once the ECI went into effect. Yet, when I returned to The ECI Campaign in late 2013, I was surprised by what actually had transpired. What did not happen with the ECI astonished me as much as what actually did.
POWERFUL CORPORATE AND POLITICAL INTERESTS SHUNNED THE ECI, BUT CITIZENS’ GROUPS ADOPTED IT. When the ECI regulation was being developed, many feared that powerful interests would use the ECI for their own ends. There was talk of MEPs launching ECIs to attract voters, corporations using the ECI to promote products, and trade associations employing the ECI to pressure politicians for favourable legislation. EU public affairs consultancies even began to develop ECI support services. These fears have proven groundless. No MEP or political party has yet launched an ECI. There have been only two ECIs from business interests; the first (EU Directive on Dairy Cow Wel-
fare) was quickly withdrawn and the second (European Free Vaping) was recently registered. Large Brussels-based NGOs and unions, with the notable exception of the public services trade union federation EPSU (Right2Water), have likewise avoided the ECI. These powerful groups all have access to much cheaper and easier ways to influence EU policy than the ECI. The ECI has instead been used primarily by the powerless: groups of civic-minded EU citizens and networks of associations with little clout in Brussels. Yet, ironically, these poorly resourced, often volunteer-run groups have had to struggle with crushingly burdensome regulations designed to rein in big, wealthy lobby groups!
THE ECI WASN’T USED TO DESTROY THE EU, BUT RATHER TO STRENGTHEN IT. Another early fear was that the ECI would be used by Eurosceptics to undermine the EU or its values. This has not happened. In fact, the majority of ECIs have been launched by pro-EU groups. Rather than taking policy areas out of EU competency, many want to put new topics in, or the EU to act more forcefully. Furthermore, by creating and strengthening pan-European networks and debate, the ECI has become a powerful tool for enhancing European identity and solidarity. This is exactly what EU communications and “active citizenship” programmes strive, but so often fail, to do. There were, however, a few “Eurosceptic” ECIs which were all refused registration. The reason given was the same as for all rejected ECIs: they “fell outside of the Commission’s competence”. While these rejections may have been justifiable on legal grounds, the ECI should be available to all EU citizens,
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regardless of their political beliefs or attitudes toward the EU. It would be interesting to see if a truly “anti-EU” ECI could build the pan-EU networks and campaigning capacity necessary to succeed.
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PERSONAL DATA REQUIREMENTS DIDN’T KILL THE ECI OUTRIGHT, BUT HAVE GRAVELY WOUNDED IT. When I first learned that many Member States would require citizens to provide identity card numbers and/or place and date of birth to support an ECI, I feared the ECI was dead. Many groups which were initially eager to use the ECI suddenly turned their backs on the tool. I was therefore surprised that over 40 groups attempted to launch an ECI and over five million Europeans signed one. Yet every ECI campaign, without exception, has suffered, often gravely, from a myriad of problems stemming from these data requirements. All campaigns encountered people who said they would like to support their ECI... until they saw what information they would have to provide. Other people just gave their name and address, but omitted ID card numbers, rendering their support invalid. Some internal EU expatriates found they didn’t have the documents needed to support an ECI in either their country of nationality or country of residence. Shockingly, some countries with widespread identity theft or histories of state surveillance (e.g. Bulgaria and Poland) demand personal identity numbers. Data protection rules have caused many headaches for ECI campaigns, but haven’t always protected data. All ECI campaigns used the Commission’s online signature collection system (OCS) because it complies with stringent data protec-
tion rules. But the system has been both riddled with glitches and designed in ways that hinder effective campaigning. Some national data protection authorities require ECI campaigns to comply with strict rules to protect data when it’s collected. But, when it’s time to submit that data for verification, these same countries’ ECI authorities provide no means to safely share it. Perhaps even more frightening, members of ECI citizens’ committees, which must be people and not organisations, are personally liable for any misuse of this data!
COLLECTING ONE MILLION SIGNATURES ONLINE WAS NOT EASY. IN FACT, IT WAS REALLY HARD. Before the ECI went into effect, Commissioner Sefcovic claimed that it would be “super easy to collect a million signatures due to the online dimension.” The experience of every single ECI campaign has proven him and the countless others who felt likewise completely wrong. Only three ECI campaigns collected over one million signatures and one of these (One of Us) collected the majority of signatures on paper. Collecting ECI signatures online is hard. ECI support often requires sharing much more personal data than an official national petition, let alone an unofficial online signature drive. Furthermore, ECI campaigns have been de-facto banned from using the most effective online campaigning tools and tactics, from single click sharing on social media to common campaigning platforms like Avaaz. Worse yet, online campaigning turned into a nightmare for many early ECI campaigns as they lost thousands of signatures and much of their signature collection time due to glitches in the Commission’s online signature collection software (OCS).
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ECI CAMPAIGNS RUN BY VOLUNTEERS CAN SUCCEED… BUT ONLY ON TOPICS WITH EXISTING FOLLOWINGS. The ECI Campaign predicted that campaigns would need to spend the equivalent of one Euro per signature. This is what the successful ECI Right2Water estimated it spent (including staff time and in-kind donations). Many doubted that all-volunteer efforts could succeed. Yet two, One of Us and Stop Vivisection, did just that. They worked hard and their success is admirable. But their experience was highly atypical. Most volunteer-run ECI campaigns struggled. They lacked sufficient resources and EU-wide networks for effective transnational campaigning. ECIs on novel or complex topics encountered challenges in explaining their goals. Many only collected a few thousand signatures. One of Us and Stop Vivisection both addressed high-profile topics with strong existing national movements. It is telling that in areas with frequent citizens’ ballot initiatives, such as the US state of California, most signatures are collected by paid staff. Only initiatives related to abortion or animal rights can rely solely on volunteers.
THE FIRST COMMISSION ADMISSIBILITY CHECK DID NOT HELP CAMPAIGNS. IT STIFLED PUBLIC DEBATE. In an early draft ECI regulation, ECI campaigns were to collect 100,000 signatures before the Commission would determine the ECI’s legal admissibility. Like many, I rejoiced when this signature requirement was removed and all prospective ECIs
were subject to a legal admissibility check prior to registration. But I did not expect the Commission to reject so many proposed ECIs or for these decisions to appear so arbitrary. Nearly 40% of ECI proposals have been refused registration. ECIs were rejected that I was sure would be accepted, and vice versa. Oftentimes acceptance seemed driven more by clever legal wording than by the underlying issue. Many ECI campaigns which never collected 100,000 signatures nevertheless succeeded in other ways. All raised awareness of their issue, several built vibrant new networks and some even impacted policy. The initial admissibility check thus prevented several potential ECIs on highly topical issues, such as nuclear power and EU governance, from experiencing these benefits.
THE ECI DIDN’T ONLY HAVE AN IMPACT AT EU LEVEL. IT INFLUENCED LOCAL POLICY. The ECI was designed as a tool for citizens to influence European Union policy. It was never seen as an “EU tool” to impact local policy. Yet the ECI has done just that. For instance, the 30 km/h – Making Streets Liveable! ECI campaign led several towns to lower residential speed limits. Similarly, the High Quality European Education for All ECI took the concept of a European education out of Brussels and spread it throughout the EU. The fact that the ECI was “an official EU tool” seemed to give campaign topics added weight with local authorities.
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ECI CAMPAIGNS WEREN’T JUST PROMOTING ISSUES, THEY WERE EXPANDING EU DEMOCRACY.
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In 2010, few NGOs lobbied for a citizen-friendly ECI. Most were focused on their topical issues. They didn’t have time for EU democracy. I was therefore surprised by how many ECI campaigns were launched not only to get action on an issue, but also to build “bottom up democracy”. ECI campaigns have been frustrated and often discouraged by burdensome ECI rules. But they have also experienced positive benefits. This had led many to become vocal advocates for reforming the ECI implementing regulation. Reform efforts have found support in the European Parliament, the European Economic and Social Committee, the European Ombudsman’s office and some national ECI authorities. The struggle for an ECI that works for EU citizens, however, is far from over. Yet it is clearly worth continuing. This article originally appeared on JaniceThomson.net as well as in the publication ‘An ECI That Works!’ and is reprinted with the permission of the author.
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VOTING METHODS AND DEMOCRATIC PARTICIPATION BY MAXIME OILLIC, DIRECTOR OF EUROPEAN PARTNERSHIPS, EUROPEAN CITIZENS ABROAD
During the summer of 2014, in the aftermath of the 2015 European elections, Europeans Throughout the World (ETTW) and European Citizens Abroad (ECA) launched a joint and open research group on electronic voting. Electronic voting technologies have been used for many years in various countries around the world and have facilitated the vote of many citizens, particularly those who live outside of their country of origin. By electronic voting we refer to the voting systems that use electronic technologies. Electronic voting technologies can be divided in two types: e-voting and I-voting. E-voting is the system where voters cast their vote with the aid of a computer. In this case, voters generally must go to their polling station to make their choice, a regulated computer or piece of technology replaces the traditional envelope and ballot. This system is widely used in many countries, more often for regional elections. I-voting is the system where voters cast their vote from any device using the Internet – i.e. from their personal computer or digital TV. I-voting allows citizens to vote directly from their home using their personal computer, for example. While this system is less common than e-voting, it has already been used in some countries for national and European elections. I-voting is also referred to as “remote electronic voting”. The question of making electronic voting technologies available to citizens is not new, and both the ECA and ETTW have been evaluating its potential within the EU. Considering that both our organisations work for both expatriates living within the EU and in the rest of the World, many of our members are concerned by the possibility of using electronic voting technologies in European elections. There is a strong demand from young voters, as well as older ones who struggle to travel to local polling stations, which can sometimes be a few hours’ drive from their home.
It comes as no surprise that remote electronic voting is the technology that would best serve the interests of expats, especially if they live afar from their Consulate or Embassy. Remote internet voting has already proven useful to many citizens abroad. In Estonia, voters have been able to vote online from 2005 (in local elections) and this has since been rolled out to parliamentary elections and European Parliament elections. French citizens abroad used I-voting for the first time in 2012. They can vote online for legislative elections and for the election of the Assembly of French Citizens Overseas. In fact, only the combination of various voting technologies, including voting by ballot, post, proxy, e-voting and I-voting can guarantee a fair and equal access to the vote for millions of European expats. Electronic voting, in addition to other facilities, would thus, make a real change for expats ability to vote. Over the past few months, we have gathered extensive data on the topic, from universities, international institutions, businesses and NGOs. In addition to relaying the demand from our members and member organisations, we mapped the current use of e-voting in Europe and analysed a two case studies, namely Estonia and France. We found that despite a generally positive attitude from public authorities towards e-voting and remote e-voting, the question of security remained the main obstacle to their development. During the fall and winter of 2014, remote electronic voting technologies sparked a debate in different countries around the world, including Estonia, the USA, the UK and Switzerland. Various studies pointed out their inherent flaws and the security challenges they represent. The vast majority of these studies revealed the potential vulnerability of remote electronic voting technologies to anyone who can access them, i.e. programmers, criminal organisations and public authorities. Remote e-voting resembles e-commerce, and it can be surprising to anyone interested in the topic than billions of
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financial transactions are operated online every day. Specialists argue that although similar, remote voting technologies present different challenges than e-commerce, namely the impossibility to offset the risk and the anonymity of the vote. While money can be refunded in case of an online fraud, and the perpetrator identified; a fake or hacked vote is much more difficult to retrospectively protect and refund to the citizen, and the anonymity of the voter cannot be preserved. This has lately led to many in the field, as well as in the media, to wonder whether the benefits of e-voting were worth the risks it implied. Yet e-voting is not solely designed at increasing voting participation as it is too often referred to in the media, e-voting to us means primarily ensuring full equality among voters – whether they live in their country of origin or not. While acknowledging the recent developments in the literature about the risks of using e-voting in large-scale elections, we continue to believe that remote electronic voting technologies can make a real change for many citizens abroad. If remote e-voting is not yet ready to be used for large-scale elections such as the election of the European Parliament, then the resources devoted to Research Development and Innovation in the field should be increased, so that e-voting can remain as a viable option for public authorities. The opportunities and challenges remote e-voting presents make it extremely valuable for public authorities, businesses and citizens. E-voting is not the first “technological (r)evolution” experiencing technical difficulties, and while these difficulties are real and should be fully taken into account, let us not throw away the chance to increase participation in democracy and make it easier for expats to engage in elections.
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THE EU IN THE WORLD: MISSIONS, ORGANISATION OF THE EU REPRESENTATION ABROAD AND ENGAGEMENT OF CITIZENS BY OLIVIER NATAF, FOUNDER & EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR, EUROPEAN CITIZENS ABROAD
The Annual Activity Report 201362 defines the organisation of the European External Action Service (EEAS) as a “network of 140 EU Delegations representing the EU in 163 third countries and International Institutions”. This report also highlights that “in more than 70 places where the EU has a Delegation there are fewer than 10 Member States represented and in 50 countries where there are fewer than 5 Member States.” With the Lisbon Treaty, the former European Commission delegations became full European Union delegations; the Commission delegations merged with the former independent Council delegations and have taken on the role of coordinating national embassies as well as speaking for the EU as a whole (not just the Commission). This role was previously carried out by the national embassies of the member state holding the rotating Presidency of the Council of the European Union.
DIPLOMACY “When I want to speak to Europe, whom do I call?” This quote attributed to former US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, who later said it did not originate from him, is nonetheless a relevant question, which demands an answer. Since 2010, EU delegations have become EU embassies and can speak for Member States (MS), when there is a common position on a subject. However, on bilateral matters, they do not take over or supersede the Member States’ embassies. EU delegations also represent the EU in International Organisations (includes UN, WTO, OECD, UNESCO) and are located
62 EEAS Annual Activity Report 2013. Available from: www.eeas.europa.eu/background/docs/annual_activity_report_2013_en.pdf [Accessed 2015]
in the same cities as these multilateral bodies. The High Representative Federica Mogherini is the lead diplomat concerning the EU’s foreign relations in areas of security (as defined by the Common Foreign and Security Policy) as well as economic trade negotiations. In many ways, world leaders now do have ways to place a call to Europe, if they were not satisfied before, with representatives such as the President of the Commission. If the question now rather relates to the fact that there are too many stakeholders to call and it is hard to know which one to choose, then the question might remain valid. Yet, while it is indeed defined, the answer remains quite complex. This is probably one of the reasons why the EU is still not regarded as a global actor on the same level as the United States, Russia, China, or some EU Member States such as France and the United Kingdom, who keep an active diplomatic agenda that includes their influence in the United Nations as the closed group of five permanent members with veto power. Member State missions have certain responsibilities to nationals of fellow states. Consulates are obliged to support EU citizens of other states abroad if the citizen does not have a consulate of their own member state in that country. Also, if another EU state makes a request to help their citizens in an emergency, the nearest EU member state mission is obliged to assist. An example would be evacuations where EU states help assist each other’s citizens. Within the EU, Member States host local offices representing the Commission, the Parliament and Information Centres
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(Europe Direct63) broken down into three units: - European documentation centre (EDC) - Europe Direct information centre (EDIC) - EU expert speaker (Team Europe) (TE)
process through various channels and with different stakeholders: Negotiation
TRADE
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The EU is the richest marketplace in the world, and despite a slow projected growth, it remains the top trading partner for over 80 countries64. The EU-28 accounted for a 22.9% share of the world’s GDP in 2012, while the United States’ share was 22.3 %65.` The Directorate-General for Trade in the European Commission helps to develop and implement EU trade and investment policy by negotiating directly with non-EU countries. The Council follows the negotiation process and approves the results. Finally, the Parliament co-decides with the Council on trade legislation, and gives consent on agreements. It is very interesting and somehow promising to see that the website of the DG for Trade includes a section called “Trade policy and you”66 This page recognizes that “Trade policy affects EU citizens and is made with their input. The European Commission aims to listen to all input so that the policy most accurately reflects EU society’s values and interests as a whole.” Input can take place before, during and after the negotiation
Before
During
After 63 Europe Direct Contact Centre Report. Available from: http://europa. eu/europedirect/pdf/2014/edcc_report_july_september_2014_en.pdf [Accessed 2015] 64 EU position in world trade. Available from: http://ec.europa.eu/ trade/policy/eu-position-in-world-trade/ [Accessed 2015 65 European Council. Eurostat 2014. Available from: http://ec.europa. eu/eurostat/data/ [Accessed 2015] 66 European Council – Trade Policy. Available from: http://ec.europa. eu/trade/trade-policy-and-you/ [Accessed 2015]
Channel
Stakeholders
Consultations: -3 in 2014 -6 in 2013
Business, trade unions, NGOs, the broader public
Events: -6 in 2014 -8 in 201 -9 in 2012 45% of events organised in Brussels, the others in the country involved in the trade agreement (EU delegation)
NGOs, consumers’ associations, workers/trade unions, professional organisations, industry and business associations, companies, regional/local representatives and other relevant stakeholders
Trade civil society dialogue: -14 in 2014 -21 in 201322 in 2012All meetings but 2in Brussels
Regular meetings between civil society and European Commission officials to discuss aspects of Europe’s trade policy.
Monitoring of trade agreements
Civil society organisations
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While this is clearly a good step and a democratic mechanism that we have in place, we can also agree that these consultation processes remain quite discrete, and have mostly contributed to the development of professional EU lobbies or lobbyists rather than giving a voice to the average citizen. As an example, Eurochambers was established in 1958 as a direct response to the creation of the European Economic Community. It acts as the eyes, ears and voice of the business community at EU level. Eurochambres represents over 20 million businesses in Europe through 45 members (43 national associations of chambers of commerce and industry and two transnational chamber organisations) and a European network of 1700 regional and local chambers. More than 93% of these businesses are small and medium sized enterprises (SMEs). The group works towards a European Union that ensures the conditions, markets and resources needed for business growth.
CITIZENS What about a more direct role in engaging with EU citizens, notably through the network of EU Delegations and Offices around the world, like embassies typically do? This question leads us to an obvious example of what has been a missed opportunity: the 2014 European Parliament (EP) Elections. As representatives of the EU in the world, the delegations could take on the responsibility of mobilizing citizens and the corresponding networks of Europeans in the world. Members States’ embassies and consulates of course, but also chambers of commerce, trade and other business associations, European multi-national corporations and their expats, cultural organisations, academic institutions and of course elected officials who represent their constituents abroad. In fact, this is the case for Italians who vote for Senators representing Italians abroad, or the French who can choose local Consulate Advisors who sit
in the Assembly of French Abroad and also vote for Senators (indirectly through their Consulate Advisors), as well as directly for Members of Parliament since 2012. There is even a State Secretary for the French Abroad, reporting to the Foreign Minister. Mobilizing Europeans around the EP election, celebrating Europe Day everywhere in the world and of course, encouraging partnerships, cultural exchanges, business agreements between Europeans Abroad, all of this could be led by EU Delegations in collaboration with the key stakeholders just described. Our organisation had a chance to discuss this idea with both EU and Member States’ diplomats, who are all very encouraging and willing to help. But it is difficult since it is not part of their core responsibilities, becoming the impossible additional task in their already very busy and difficult missions. They don’t have the means, human or financial, to make such an effort, and it is not expected from them. In fact, let us go one step further and express an even more ambitious wish: we need a more proactive, systematic and formal coordination of the European civil society abroad. We cannot wait for diplomats and officials to do everything for us. We need to take matters in our hands if we want European citizenship abroad to become more relevant, and more meaningful. This is valid both for Europeans who live in the EU, and even more so for those who live outside the EU, for whom the need is obviously greater. European Parliament elections are the people’s elections. With rights come responsibilities, and this is what our initiative is about. European Citizens Abroad will continue to advocate for this type of integration to create a dynamic European civil society abroad, to make the second largest election in the world (after
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India) matter to its people, wherever they live, and to make it matter to the world because the EU is, and will continue to be, one of the greatest powers on earth.
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CALL TO ACTION AND RECOMMENDATIONS FROM EUROPEAN CITIZENS ABROAD BY OLIVIER NATAF, FOUNDER & EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR, EUROPEAN CITIZENS ABROAD
A year after the creation of our organisation, we remain determined to influence changes that will pave a way for a better democracy in Europe. No one will disagree with the fact that many citizens have lost their faith in the European idea and their trust in political leaders. We strongly believe that one concrete way to revert this trend is to do everything possible to increase citizens’ direct participation in European policy at different levels. With a number of mobile Europeans living in or outside the EU equivalent to the number of citizens in Romania (represented by 32 MEPs), it is clear that specific consideration needs to be given to their needs if we want to encourage civic responsibility abroad.
VOTING RIGHTS IN THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT ELECTIONS Expatriates are in a unique position to truly embrace and embody European citizenship through their life experience abroad; and wherever they live, they must have the same voting rights as any other European. The founding Treaties stated that Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) would initially be appointed by the national parliaments, but made provision for election by direct universal suffrage. The Council implemented this provision with the Act of 20 September 1976 and the first elections by European citizens were held in 1979. In 1992, the Maastricht Treaty provided that elections must be held in accordance with a uniform procedure and that Parliament should draw up a proposal to this effect, for unanimous adoption by the Council. However, since the Council was unable to agree on any of the proposals, the Treaty of Amsterdam introduced the possibility of adopting ‘common
principles’ instead. Council Decision 2002/772/EC, Euratom modified the 1976 Act accordingly, introducing the principles of proportional representation and incompatibility between national and European mandates. With the Treaty of Lisbon, the right to vote and to stand as a candidate acquired the status of a fundamental right (Article 39 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union). Today, EU citizens of Cyprus, Ireland, Malta and Slovakia who live in other EU Member States do not have the right to vote for their native national constituency in European Parliament elections while in the state where they reside. Furthermore, EU citizens of Belgium, Cyprus, Denmark, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Malta and Slovakia cannot vote in European Parliament (EP) elections when they live in a country outside the EU. There are also many other eligibility criteria, such as limited voting procedures or lack of information and communication that can make participation challenging for those who do not live in their country of origin. We are determined to bring about the change that is required to make the EU a more modern and vibrant democracy, considerate of all its citizens and ready to take our society forward with confidence and a renewed sense of European citizenship regardless of the country of residence. Therefore, we ask the heads of states at the European Council, the new European Commission and Members of European Parliament to reform the electoral law to ensure equal voting rights in European Parliament elections. While this could be done if each of the Member States where citizens are disenfranchised changed their own electoral law individually, we believe that this question should be discussed and addressed at the EU level with all Member States agreeing on a broader list of common principles for EP elections. - EU citizens should be eligible to vote regardless of their
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country of residence. - Registration deadlines and procedures should be uniform to avoid confusion and maximize the number of potential voters. - A central registry of European voters abroad who have to or choose to vote for the MEP candidates of their native country should be created. - EU Member States’ diplomatic posts or polling stations should be opened to all EU citizens registered in the central registry of Europeans abroad. - Citizens should also have access to uniform voting procedures including at least two possible methods to cast the vote (at polling stations AND by postal voting, proxy or e-voting). - EU Delegations should be officially mandated to organise EP elections in the country where they are located in collaboration with Member States’ embassies, consulates and other key organisations in order to raise maximum awareness within their constituencies. - A generalisation of the preferential voting system as opposed to closed lists should be considered to reinforce citizens’ active role in their electoral choices. More ideas on EP elections reform have already been published67 and should be taken into account to undertake a comprehensive new legislation.
EUROPEAN CITIZENSHIP In addition to rights and duties, European citizenship is about a sense of belonging to a broader transnational family with whom we share a common set of values, aspirations and strong ties built throughout history. Embracing European citizenship
67 EP Think Tank – Electoral Reform. Available from: epthinktank. eu/2014/03/13/european-electoral-reform-no-change-to-the-status-quo/ [Accessed 2015]
does not mean denying national or regional identities, but rather enriching ourselves as a modern community ready for a prominent role in the world today and tomorrow. We have already discussed one important aspect of citizenship by proposing an ambitious reform of voting rights in EP elections. However, being an active citizen must go beyond being an active voter every 5 years. In 2014, Europe Direct contact centre (EDCC) received 136,219 enquiries68. Amongst the hottest topics were the political situation in Ukraine (1,157) and the EP elections (1,090), while escalations to Your Europe Advice (YEA) decreased by 16.7%. Of all enquiries, 8.7% (11,864) came from non-EU states and included 42 on EP elections. It is fair to recognise that the level of utilisation and awareness of these services is very low and close to zero for EU citizens abroad. - Launch a Europe Direct campaign in partnership with all possible organisations focused on citizens and citizenship. - Create Europe Direct centres outside the EU (based on the number of EU citizens estimated to reside in these countries). - Reform the European Citizens’ Initiatives process: • Simplify the process to make it more accessible and realistic (extensive personal identification data needed, underperforming collection of signatures software, opaque admissibility rules, high number of signatures required, short time to complete etc.) • Increase the impact of succeeding beyond an EP public hearing and an official response from the European Commission. ECIs are meant to change policy and should be optimised in ways that enhance their chances
68 EDCC Report Year 2014. Available from: europa.eu/europedirect/ pdf/2014/edcc_report_year_2014_en.pdf [Accessed 2015]
CALL TO ACTION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
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to do so. • Allow EU citizens who reside outside the EU to initiate and sign ECIs. • Launch a pan-EU debate to directly involve citizens in the ECI reform to ensure strong awareness, understanding and buy-in. - Dramatically increase the promotion of EU symbols (flag, motto, anthem, Europe Day) by Members States’ officials and EU organisations: • Ensure the integration of the EU symbols in all primary and secondary education programs. • Support Europe Day celebrations at schools and all governmental institutions such as Member States’ diplomatic posts around the world.
EUROPEAN CIVIL SOCIETY ABROAD We strongly believe and advocate for the creation or official recognition and coordination of a strong European Civil Society abroad. We need the EU to play a more direct role in engaging with its diaspora, notably through the network of EU Delegations and Offices around the world, as embassies would typically do. This question leads us to an obvious example of what has been a missed opportunity: the 2014 European Parliament Elections. As EU representatives to the world, Delegations could take on the responsibility of mobilising citizens and the corresponding networks of Europeans in the world. Member States’ embassies and consulates of course, but also chambers of commerce, trade and other business associations, European multi-national corporations and their expats, cultural organisations, academic institutions and of course elected officials who represent their constituents abroad (Italians Senators while French local Consulate Advisors and the Assembly of French Abroad, Sena-
tors and Members of Parliament since 2012 as well as the State Secretary for the French Abroad, reporting into the Foreign Minister). Mobilising Europeans around the EP election, celebrating Europe Day around the world and of course encouraging partnerships, cultural exchanges, business agreements between Europeans abroad, all of this could be led by EU Delegations in collaboration with the key stakeholders just described. Our organisation had a chance to discuss this idea with both EU and Member States’ diplomats, who are all very encouraging and willing to help. However, it is difficult since it is not part of their core responsibilities, becoming the impossible additional task in their already very busy and difficult missions. They don’t have the means, human or financial, to make such an effort, and it is not expected from them. Therefore some of the measures we could imagine: - Within EU Delegations, create a department of European cooperation, European civil society engagement, European communities coordination – the most appropriate name will be determined – with the role described above and the mandate to identify key stakeholders, facilitate contacts, encourage collaborations/European projects, generalise and amplify the organisation of Europe Day and of the EP elections every 5 years. - Improve citizens’ representation abroad in all 28 Member States and the EP: • Through the creation of an Assembly of Europeans Abroad under the EEAS to work with EU Delegations in the spirit of optimizing what France does with the Assemblée des Français de l’Etranger (AFE) – less partisan and closer to citizens; • Consider the creation and election of National Senators and/or Members of Parliament dedicated to their fellow citizens who reside abroad; • Propose to add or dedicate MEPs (corresponding to 1 per Member State, i.e. 28) to a true pan-EU constituency
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(as previously suggested by UK MEP Andrew Duff69) including or even exclusive of the European diaspora; - Encourage citizens’ collaboration in their country of residence: • Increase outreach activities of organisation such as Eurochambers and others; • Promote the development of European incubators abroad (also as part of the new EU Delegations role suggested above) While it was important for this document to lay out some recommendations and propose ideas to improve the status of Europeans who leave abroad in regards of their electoral rights, active citizenships and role in a broader European ecosystem, it was not its primary objectives. These lines obviously lack the necessary depth to become fully actionable legislative changes, but we hope that they will constitute a useful and inspiring platform on which we and others will continue to build.
69 Europarl Data. Available from: europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc. do?type=REPORT&mode=XML&reference=A7-2011-176&language=EN [Accessed 2015]
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CONCLUSION
BY OLIVIER NATAF, FOUNDER & EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR, EUROPEAN CITIZENS ABROAD
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20+ million Europeans (the equivalent of the population of Romania, which is represented by 32 MEPs) live outside their country of origin. It is sometimes difficult for these expatriates or emigrants to fulfil their civic duty, and vote in their own countries’ elections – because they forget, because they do not know when, how or worse, because it does not matter to them anymore. Many of them do not even know that they can vote in European Elections, and some are disenfranchised to do so based on national electoral law because of their residential status abroad. In this report, we explained why EU citizens of Cyprus, Ireland, Malta, Czech Republic and Slovakia who live in other EU Member States do not have the right to vote for their national constituency in European Parliament elections while they live in another member state. When they live outside the EU, in addition to the five countries already mentioned, we also showed that citizens of Belgium, Denmark, Greece and Italy cannot vote in European Parliament elections. There are also many other eligibility criteria, such as limited voting methods or lack of information and communication that can make participation challenging for those who do not live in their country of origin even when they do have the right to vote. We hope our analysis helped bring more clarity to the electoral landscape for Europeans abroad in European Parliament (EP) elections, so that more citizens take action in the future for a change at the Member State level. Indeed, national electoral law determines voting rights and procedures, but now is the time to stop hiding behind constitutional or legal hurdles, and take a step forward with our democracy in Europe. Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) are the only directly elected representatives in the EU, and we need them to be elected by, as well as represent, all EU citizens. Very recently, on 29 January 2014, the European Commission released a recommendation to “address the consequences of disenfranchisement of Union citizens exercising their rights
to free movement”. While this was clearly a step in the right direction, it failed to mention the situation of EU citizens who live outside the EU. In the post-Lisbon Treaty era, at a time when the EU has put a strategic emphasis on international relations with the creation of the position of High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, first held by Catherine Ashton and now by Federica Mogherini, supported by the European External Action Service (EEAS), it seems inconceivable to leave EU citizens around the world deprived of one of our Union’s main democratic rights. In her role, Mrs Mogherini is responsible for traditional diplomacy, as well as coordinating other foreign policy tools such as development assistance, trade, humanitarian aid and crisis response, all areas directly relevant to the 10+ millions of Europeans who live outside of the EU. The European Parliament (EP) represents EU citizens, not only citizens residing within the EU. In addition to rights and duties, European citizenship is about a sense of belonging to a broader transnational family with whom we share a common set of values, aspirations and strong ties built throughout history. This goes beyond borders and physical address. It is therefore important that all EU citizens can benefit from the same voting rights, and the same procedures to engage and vote in EP elections. With our first campaign, Europeans Abroad Vote 2014, we have established the ‘proof of concept’ for the need of an organisation, like ours, to address gaps in civic education, debate on the meaning of European citizenship, and advocacy for equal voting rights for EU citizens who live outside their country of origin. We have demonstrated the strong relevance of our purpose, and will therefore continue to build on the same body of priorities with an overarching main objective: to influence a change in legislation to allow more Europeans to better exercise their right to vote in European Parliament elections regardless
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of their country of residence (eligibility criteria including all EU citizens anywhere in the world, availability of more casting methods including wider electronic-voting, more clarity on registration procedures, as well as more transparency in the mode and rules of seats allocation). Our motivation for establishing a think tank for and by citizens is also aimed to strengthen a positive European citizenship sentiment, as well as mitigate the draw to Eurosceptic movements due to a lack of lay-level forums for understanding European policies. Finally, we have observed the lack of a “European Civil Society� outside Europe, and believe that there is a true opportunity for embassies, EU institutions abroad, cultural centres, academic institutions, multi-national companies, chambers etc., to work together and build collaborations around the world. We are living in a pivotal period for the history of the EU, in the midst of the Euro, employment, geopolitical crises and the rise of a nationalist or anti-European sentiment in many Member States. It is our responsibility, as citizens of the European Union, to weigh in and play a more active role in our own fate.Maximi, optis ipsum natur, sime parum sita corrum, vit ommolec ernatib usapicta eum fuga. Maio quiaspel incit, volent harum restiuribus aut est, nisquias aut etus as vent ut lam quaerem int repe ommos elescipsam re volorionet alitatur a aturiae sequiam velitium quam ipitatur, officia ssinctia voloreiciet landeliquam raes a conseriature none dolorrovid que vel estruptus doluptatem quo qui quae volo maion pos et dolestrumqui blatia nonsequi dis volor as incid quiam quate evelent pro te volorrovid et hiti quam harumendera solo quam ea nimo es excepero corat volorem exerfer eribusdae nis sin raest quuntestis repro eum voluptibus.
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