UPLB Perspective Tomo 45, Issue 1

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Pro-poor in a state of the facade landed; land is power | editoryal 22 | editoryal

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HILBAY: ARROYO, ‘RESPECTED’ balita AQUINO HUMAN RIGHTS INSTITUTIONS

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THE GOOD & THE BEAUTIFUL ACCORDING TO THE MARCOSES

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KULTURA

#FAKELOYALTY: A CENTURY OF IMPERIALISM

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opinyon

OSA IS CAGING FRESHMEN

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in a state of the landed; land is power, (and the landed refuse to give)

For agrarian reform and genuine development to thrive; the state must commit to the providing security and welfare to farmers and redistribute the powers and resources of the landed elite to the landless and powerless – to truly fulfill its promise and mandate of being a state of the people, by the people and for the people.

In Negros, sugar is sweet but those who toil and harvest sugar lands are deprived of the sweet life and starved of economic power.

While there might have been success stories of agrarian reform beneficiaries under the reform programs in Negros; they remain to be overshadowed by accounts of harassment, intimidation, abuse and deaths because of political struggles and land disputes among landowners, private armies, paramilitary groups and rebel groups. Innocent civilians like farmers continue to be pawns to political interests.

Nine farmers conducting bungkalan (cultivation of undistributed land by farmers), in preparation for tiempo muerto (a season of no work for farmers because of no harvest), were brutally massacred in Hacienda Nene in Sagay City, Negros Occidental. Investigations from multiple parties have been launched yet their conclusions appear as unfounded accusations; instead having the intention to bring justice to victims, investigations have been used for political gain.

Agrarian Reforms should not end at policy-making, funding agencies, data-gathering and awareness programs rather a humane and just state should commit itself to mobilizing all its institutions, resources and manpower to aid, protect and support farmers.

Our state is dominated by landed elites - their money and their interests.

The EDSA I revolution ousted Marcos, but it did not oust the hacienderos, armed groups and political actors that continue to wreak havoc, hold rural areas hostage and use farmers as pawns and baits since the Martial Law era.

The landed elite in Negros have finances, police power, armed groups and courts at their disposal to reverse and nullify land titles of farmers and to reverse orders from the national government to redistribute lands to farmers.

While the Negros Occidental Governor Alfredo Maranon and Sagay City Mayor Alfredo Maranon III demanded justice, provided ransom and ordered investigations – the local government positions have been occupied by landed elites and their scions. How then can a genuine agrarian reform usher in an area controlled by the landed elite?

Independent international human rights groups like International Peace Observers Network (IPON) observed rampant authoritarian enclaves ruled by landed elites in rural areas use local state institutions and take advantage of a weak national government to suppress locals. The national government has allowed this social condition to persist through neglect and turning a blind eye.

While some might claim that bungkalan is trespassing of land - killing the farmers is overboard and excessive. ress.com ctive.wordp uplbperspe ail.com gm e@ iv ct uplbperspe

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Kasapi UP Alliance of Student Publications and Writers’ Organizations (Solidaridad) at College Editors’ Guild of the Philippines Pamuhatan Silid 11, Pangalawang Palapag, Student Union Building, Unibersidad ng Pilipinas, Los Baños, College, Los Baños, Laguna , 4031

Agrarian reform groups such as Task Force Mapalad and the National Federation of Sugar Workers have been red-tagged (e.g. allegations of NPA membership because of a person’s strong opposition to the Philippine state) because they initiated bungkalan, protested for their concerns to the Department of Agrarian Reform, criticized the current administration, and heavily opposed the landed elites of Negros. Red-tagging and the filing of multiple lawsuits of robbery, trespassing and murder have been used by landowners to diminish the credibility and claim of farmers over disputed lands. Red-tagging has also been used by government institutions to arrest farmers without due process and to discredit their claims of police and military violence in farmlands.

Farming communities and civilians have also been displaced by the ongoing conflict between different political actors in the countryside - many have been forced to give up their land because their safety and security have been compromised by the presence of armed groups in the area and by the continuous crossfire that disrupted their communities that were once peaceful.

Farming communities and civilians from the rural areas are forced to migrate to other towns or to the city.

Up to this day, human rights cases related to agrarian reform remain unsolved and inconclusive because of local elites constantly paralyze state institutions in provinces like Negros.

Other political actors have constantly fomented violence amongst actors, confusion in investigations, and chaos in communal relationships. The use of paramilitary groups by landed elites and the participation of armed groups in land disputes complicate the issue by increasing violence that has put the lives of farmers and civilians at risk and has delayed agrarian reform.

This publication stands for Genuine Agrarian Reform and a politics that is truly-representative and progressive espousing the interests of farmers and marginalized sectors. The government should immediately distribute land to farmers and should give uncompromising and steadfast commitment to supporting farmers. Red-tagging of farmers; and the military, paramilitary forces and other armed groups in rural areas should withdraw - human rights violations delay and deprive agrarian reform. To complement agrarian reform activities, the state should mobilize all state institutions to protect farmers and workers from abusive and exploitative landed elites.

Agrarian reform cannot be genuinely actualized under a state that is polluted with elitist interests, monopolized by elites and disrupted by selfinterested political actors; a new nature of politics that prioritizes the marginalized sectors need to be realized. A state should not neglect its responsibility to investigate and resolve cases involving farmers. A state should embrace its mandate to protect the lives of civilians and farmers in rural areas against powerful and violent political and armed groups.

It is time that Negros and the rest of the Philippines starve the haciendero class of power or else their entrenchment and hold on Philippine society will starve all of us to death. [P]

Punong Patnugot John Albert Pagunsan Kapatnugot Julianne Afable Tagapamahalang Patnugot Rane Averion Patnugot ng Balita Caren Malaluan Patnugot ng Lathalain Gershom Mabaquiao Patnugot ng Kultura Juan Sebastian Bautista Patnugot ng Paglalapat Mackie Valenzuela Patnugot ng Grapiks Kristine Paula Bautista Patnugot ng Onlayn Mac Andre Arboleda Tagapamahala ng Pinansiya James Jericho Bajar Mga Kawani Liane Parajeno Marj Penaflorida Lindsay Estacio Monica Laboy Pat Echano Paul Carson Mga Apprentice Mark Famatigan Sonya Castillo Lindsay Penaranda Aynrand Galicia Sophia Pugay Karen Racelis Amiel Oropesa ­

pabalot ni Aynrand Galicia

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#StopTheKillings: Students protest the death of the nine farmers killed in Sagay City, Negros Occidental.

Hilbay: Arroyo, Aquino ‘respected’ human rights institutions

WORDS l JOHN ALBERT PAGUNSAN, MONICA LABOY

Florin Hilbay, former rights institutions.”

Solicitor General and Liberal He expounded, party senatorial candidate, “Compliance among addressed a question on different administrations to his views on the human human rights varies.” rights situation in the A follow-up previous administrations question from the audience from the audience in a citing a Human Rights human rights forum saying, Watch report saying human “Former administrations rights situation in the past had human rights abuses and current administrations but they respected human are no different. Hilbay

answered, “I disagree with you. I do not believe that data, maling mali dahil may pinagkaiba sa kilos at sa gawa hinggil sa (it’s false because there is a different in acts and deeds with regards to) human rights among different administrations.”

Human Rights Watch reported in 2016

Admin silent on 'Red TAGGING' OF UP, OSA tells 'wait' for statement WORDS l JOHN ALBERT PAGUNSAN, JUAN SEBASTIAN EVANGELISTA

OSA Director Peralta tells students, “It is prudent for us to wait from the Chancellor.

Personally, I have a stance but we have to wait for the Chancellor.”

This is after All UP Academic Employees Union President (AUPAEU) Dumlao and students appealed for a formal statement from the Chancellor after the AFP claimed that universities in Metro Manila were plotting ‘Red October’ - a plan

to overthrow Duterte.

Dumlao said, “Yung mga teachers at students na vocal sa mga isyu ay napagbibintangan, nareredtag. Ang hinihingi po namin ay formal declaration from the Chancellor against redtagging para maging safe sila.” (Teachers and students who are vocal on issues are being red-tagged. We are demanding a formal declaration from the Chancellor against

red-tagging for their safety.)

Red-tagging is the act of accusing a person or an institution as an affiliate of the Communist Party for their political beliefs and stances that are oftentimes critical of the government.

AUPAEU President recalled the administration’s silence on accusations of UPLB faculty members as Communist Party members from an anticommunist group back in 2009. Dumlao expounded, “Nararamdaman ko po takot nila dahil [faculty, students] mismo ang nasa harap ng mga rallies.” (continued on page 4)

that President Aquino failed to respond to demands for accountability for the government’s human rights violations against the poor, ndigenous groups, and

journalists. It highlighted the administration’s negligence on investigating abuses committed by state security forces, inability to reform a ‘corrupt’ and ‘politicized’ criminal justice

NDF CONSULTANT ‘ILLEGALLY’ ARRESTED IN LAGUNA WORDS l JULIANNE AFABLE

National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) consultant Adelberto Silva along with, Ediecel Legaspi, an organic farmer in Bataan; Hedda de Luna Calderon, Gabriela Women’s Partylist member; and Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU) organizer Irene Atadero were arrested in Sta, Cruz, Laguna by members of the Philippine National Police (PNP) and Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) The arrest was made while military and police forces are on alert over the supposed ‘Red October’ plot by the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP).

Silva, a peace process consultant and former political detainee was released in August 2016 along with 20 others to join the peace talks

between the government and the CPP-NDF in Oslo, Norway. President Rodrigo Duterte however, ordered the rearrest of the released NDF consultants after announcing the termination of the peace talks.

On October 15, 2018, Silva and his companions were illegaly arrested at Brgy.

Pagsawitan, Sta. Cruz Laguna.

According to reports from Karapatan, human rights watch dog, Silva and three other activists’ vehicles were intercepted by state forces and was made to lie on their stomachs on the ground without reading to them their rights as civilians.

The arrest was allegedly done by elements of Criminal Investigation and Detection Group (CIDG) and Intelligence Service of AFP. Police elements reportedly (continued on Page 4)

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NDF CONSULTANT... planted firearms and explosives in Silva and his companions’ vehicles to serve as evidence.

Sowing terror through ‘Red October’

After classifying CPP-NPA (New People’s Army) as terrorist organizations and labelling progressive individuals as members of CPP-NPA, the AFP claimed that the CPP is planning to oust Duterte through a plot known as ‘Red October.’

Various groups condemned the illegal arrest of Silva and three other activists, connecting this to AFP’s ‘Red October’ ploy. A few days after PNP Chief Director General Oscar Albayalde and AFP chief of staff General Carlito Galvez Jr led a joint command conference on intensifying their watch on guerillas, came the announcement of Silva and 3 others’ arrest.

K a b a t a a n Partylist, in a statement called the alleged ‘Red October’ as “concerted maneuvers by Duterte and his armed elements to sow terror and tyranny on the people.”

Meanwhile, KMU in a statement said, “The illegal arrest and planting of firearms and explosives as evidence is a desperate move by the Duterte regime to persecute legitimate, civilian activists who have longstanding records of service to workers, peasants and women.”

[P]

#OccupySU: Students start occupying the Student Union building from November to December in preparation of hell week and to assert student rights over SU

ADMIN SILENT...

(continued from 3) (We felt fear because the faculty and students are always in the frontlines of rallies.)

CHE SC Acuna said that UP Diliman and the UPLB Department of Social Sciences released stances against red-tagging and supporting student movements against state fascism. Dumlao also said, “Hindi sana mahirap for the Chancellor to declare a statement dahil yung UP President mismo meron ng statement.” (It is not difficult for the Chancellor to declare a statement because the UP President release a statement.)

Acuna emphasized, “We are challenging the offices right now to make a stance. UP is a bastion of democracy.”

Despite the silence, the administration affirmed to protecting the UPLB Community when students asked for their commitment.

The representative of the Office of the Vice Chancellor for Academic Affairs (OVCAA) said, “There is not question to that, yan talaga dapat ginagawa ng admin.” (There is no question to that, that’s what the admin is

supposed to do.”

Recruitment through Filmshowing

The AFP alleged that the CPP-NPA was recruiting students and faculty for the ‘Red October’ through ‘filmshowing’. The Metro Manila schools listed by the AFP are Adamson University, Ateneo de Manila University, De La Salle University, Emilio Aguinaldo College, Eulogio Amang Rodriguez Institute of Science and Technology, Far Eastern University, Lyceum of the Philippines University, Philippine Normal University, Polytechnic University of the Philippines, University of the East - Caloocan, University of the East - Recto, University of the Philippines Diliman, University of the Philippines Manila, University of Sto. Tomas and San Beda University. The AFP initially included “Caloocan City College” that was later found to be non-existing.

Department of National Defense Lorenzana claimed that the Red October plot was ‘no longer existent’ on October 12. Despite this,

the AFP alleges that the brutal murders of nine peasant farmers in Sagay City, Negros Occidental as part of the ‘Red October’ plot.

No surveillance, only ‘monitoring’ of students Meanwhile, the University Police Force said, “Wala kaming narinig na [student surveillance]. 'Yung monitoring para ma-inform kami, ang purpose ay to monitor (The purpose of monitoring is for us to be informed),” when University Student Council and UPLB UNBOUND raised concerns of student surveillance.

Students have noticed that the UPF and CSB were taking of pictures of students during student activities such as protests and student mobilizations.

OSA Director Atty.

Peralta asked, “If you feel that mobilizations are legal, then monitoring is also legal?”

To which USC Councilor Francis de Sagun responded, “Meron pong mobilization na nangyayari at may mga UPF na police personnel (There are student mobilizations and

police personnel from the UPF are present) , from an outside perspective it’s something to look out for.” Sagun expounded that mobilizations are intended to raise students’ political participation but a negative meaning is then attached to mobilizations when the UPF is present.

USC Councilor Patty Mayor said that the CSB and UPF forced students who stayed in the Student Union building after curfew hours to enlist their names and if they refuse, they were verbally harassed.

Students have been organizing #OccupySU - a campaign to allow students to stay beyond curfew hours in the Student Union building to accomplish academic requirements or to organize student organization activities. The UPF said, “I am not aware [of the #OccupySU campaign].”

USC Chairperson JJ Ilagan emphasized that the #OccupySU campaign has been recognized by the Chancellor yet a memorandum for all offices on the campaign has not been disseminated.

[P]

of the Philippines, a human rights watchdog in the Philippines, reported that Arroyo’s regime committed and neglected human rights abuses through arbitrary arrests, forced disappearances, and intimidation of indigenous peoples. The group also cited the controversial Human Security Act of 2009 as a legislation that expanded definitions of terrorism which allowed arbitrary arrests and disrespect of due process.

When the audience

pressed for his platform, Hilbay responded; “Sa elections, kailangan na karakter ay yung kayang tumayo at magsalita.

That is the calling of the situation. Even if to create some balance.”

Hilbay was in the university for a human rights forum “Balitaktakan Tungkol sa Karapatan” organized by the UPLB Sigma Rho Fraternity.

Hilbay is popular on social media for his tweets denouncing the Marcoses and the Duterte

administration. He served as the Aquino administration’s Solicitor General; defending the Reproductive Health law, the West Philippine Sea dispute, the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Act, and the Bangsamoro Law and Framework.

Other candidates under Liberal Party’s opposition coalition for Senate are Sen. Bam Aquino, Mar Roxas, Romulo Macalintal, Gary Alejano, Chel Diokno, Samira Gutoc-Tomawis, and Erin Tañada. / [P]

Hilbay... (continued from page 3) system and complicity to patronage politics.

Under Aquino, the harassment, intimidation and violence committed by the military and paramilitaries on rural citizens and indigenous groups contributed to the displacement 243,000 people. The report also recalled when minors and homeless were imprisoned temporarily to accommodate the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Summit.

Task Force Detainees

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RESILIENCE IS NOTHING WITHOUT CASH: BUDGET CUTS ON THE CALAMITY FUND WORDS l JOHN ALBERT PAGUNSAN PICTURE l COURTESY OF LAWRENCE RUIZ (CC-BY SA 4.0)

Five years since Typhoon Yolanda, the challenge is bigger for the country to respond and adapt to calamities because of increasing global temperatures and rising sea levels. How ready is our government to respond to calamities and to reduce the impacts of calamities?

aftermath of Tropical Sendong in 2011. The law mandates the NDRRMC to be headed by the Secretary of the Department of National Defense.

Previous NDRRMC heads include Voltaire Gazmin, Eduardo del Rosario, and Alexander Pama.

Nicanor Faeldon, the Deputy Minister of Operations in the NDRRMC’s Office of Civil of Defense, drew flak on social media after he posted vacation pictures The National Disaster Risk Reduction Management Council is a government on Instagram while some parts of the country were submerged in flood water agency responsible for mitigation, adaptation, and response to natural last August. Faeldon is also a retired military officer and was sacked from his calamities and man-made disasters. It is mandated to create plans and position in the Bureau of Customs for allegations of corruption. strategies to improve preparedness and responsiveness of the national The secretaries of the Department of Interior and Local Government, government and local government units to disasters.

Department of Social Welfare and Development, Department of Science NDRRMC was formerly known as the National Disaster Coordinating Council and Technology, and the National Economic and Development Authority also hold key positions in the agency.

(NDCC).

What does the NDRRMC do?

What is the calamity fund?

How much economic damage do calamities cause?

The Office of Civil Defense and NDRRMC reported in 2017 that natural calamities cost the country PHP 6.446 billion. This only included damage to public infrastructure, agricultural properties, injuries, and casualties, and does not account for impact to the private sector. The United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction reports that natural disasters How much is allocated to the NDRRMC? cost an equivalent of 0.8% of the National Gross Domestic Product to the The government has allocated PHP 19.6 billion to the 2018 Calamity Fund. country.

While the Calamity Fund was cut in a country being disaster-prone, budget for the Department of Public Works and Highways for Duterte’s Build Build In July 2018, the Philippine Star reported calamities caused a total damage Build program saw a skyrocketing increase. Budget for the salaries of Armed of PHP 1.6 billion while Rappler reports that Typhoon Ompong caused a Forces of the Philippines, Philippine National Police, and other government total PHP 26.7 billion damage to the agricultural industry - the highest since workers was also increased. It is not only NDRRMC that had a budget cut but Typhoon Yolanda. also fundamental institutions such as the Department of Education which How is the performance of the current administration on disaster response lost PHP 2.5 billion in funding. and mitigation?

In 2017 the initial proposed budget for the National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council Fund (also known as the Calamity Fund) - PHP ABS-CBN reported that former Office of Civil Defense head Nicanor Faeldon 37.3 billion. The approved budget stood at PHP 15.7 billion. The proposed went on a vacation with his family in the midst of intense rains and floods last budget is small if compared to the Aquino administration’s allocation of PHP August. The Office of Civil Defense if the operational arm of NDRRMC. 38.9 billion in 2016.

Financial services company HSBC conducted a study on the vulnerability of Budget Secretary Benjamin Diokno defended the 2017 Calamity Fund countries to climate change - the Philippines ranked third most vulnerable budget cut by saying that it was necessary to not worsen the government’s country. President Rodrigo Duterte had conflicting statements with regards to budget deficit. In March 2017, the NDRRMC sought help from the legislative his commitment to complying to the Paris Agreement. The Paris Agreement assemblies as the budget left for them to spend remained at PHP 5.8 billion. is an international treaty recognizing the obligations of all countries to reduce pollution levels and to provide funding to mitigate and prevent climate As the country anticipates more typhoons and disasters to come in the light change. of climate change, the NDRRMC only has PHP 7.6 billion left to spend in According to Rappler, the government allocated PHP 2 billion from the 2018. calamity fun to the rehabilitation of Boracay.

Who is the head of the NDRRMC? The calamity fund is used for pre and post disaster services such as reparation and reconstruction of damaged buildings, and purchase of materials and goods for aid and relief. It is also called the NDRRMC Fund.

Former 5th Infantry Division Chief Ricardo Jalad heads the NDRRMC. He is notable for spearheading the rehabilitation and recovery efforts in the

[P]

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THE BEAUTIFUL, TRUE AND GOOD; AC WORDS l GERSHOM MABAQUIAO GRAPHICS l JUAN SEBASTIAN EVANGELISTA

Just as the atomic is said to be a parallel of the cosmos amplified millions upon millions, we can view the overwhelming and often daunting mechanisms of our country’s post-truth culture through more manageable, digestible microcosms of life such as literature and the arts.

As Carmelo Caluag, executive director and Jesuit priest of the Philippine High School for the Arts once said in an interview in 2011, “...art and culture are the windows to the soul of the people…”

This echoes the moral Paulo Coelho conveys in his novel Manuscript Found in Accra, which tells the story of a city awaiting its inevitable invasion which comes the day after the events of the book. The people of Coelho’s Jerusalem helplessly attempt to make sense of their incoming defeat by hanging on (while simultaneously fighting against) to the bittersweet words of a strange but wise young man called the Copt about beauty, goodness, and truth.

This premise echoes the current situation of our country. External forces threaten to overcome our people; history is being rewritten by the elite of our own race; and the Copts of our generation–the youth esteemed by Rizal–are fought against by the same people they fight for.

“Wag kayong gagamit ng mga pinagawa ni Marcos.” - This has been a constant counter-argument of the pro-Marcos public against those who refuse to acknowledge the supposed benevolence of the former President. “Pinagawa” includes public highways, railway systems, MERALCO, and the numerous infrastructures built for the exhibition of Philippine culture and the arts.

The last one includes the Philippine High School for the Arts, which resides on a picturesque mountaintop within the premises of UP Los Baños–a known antiMarcos community.

Considering this and PHSA’s pursuit for what’s Good, True, and Beautiful, is it ugly hypocrisy (which has its roots in the Greek word for “acting of a theatrical part”) for our contemporary Copts to utilize Marcos-built establishments while working against the influences of that same name?

It is with this question that I consulted Coelho’s Manuscript, a truly artistic window to the soul, for passages that can potentially give insights as to what can be considered essentially–rather than fleetingly– Good, True, and Beautiful.

THE BEAUTIFUL

“Elegance lies not in the clothes we wear, but in

the way we wear them. It isn’t in the way we wield a sword, but in the dialogue we hold that could avoid a war.”

An institution built on the ideals of Filipino artistic patronage, the Philippine High School for the Arts (PHSA) is one of the numerous infrastructures erected upon the initiative of Imelda Marcos in order to house and unify the diverse parcel of artistic heritage the Philippines contains in its terrestrial folds.

Decades hence, PHSA still upholds the aesthetic vision of the former first lady as part of its core ideals, integral enough that, recently, there arose a confusion regarding the scholarship award granted to exemplary students of the high school. The issue centers on whether it is proper to affix the initials of Imelda Romualdez Marcos (-IRM) to the MARIA Scholarship Award.

Imelda, it is said, is a patron of the arts. So much that, according to Cat Juan Ledesma of catjuan.com, the former first lady would visit the high school in a helicopter, greeted by singing and dancing student “dolls” as she sets foot on the Mt. Makiling soil.

But the high school is funded by the government now. And, as such, both students of the high school and those who heard of the news scowled at this titular homage to Imelda Marcos, which the school’s administration tried to hide, according to Variations Editor-in-Chief, Maura Aurel Yap, in an interview with UPLB Perspective.

Hiding imperfections has always been associated with beautification. But the Copt in the Manuscript asserts that:

“It is the imperfect that astonishes and attracts us.”

The students of PHSA showcases this in their beautiful performance of a protest theater in 2017, entitled Bantayog, which is inspired by plays about the Martial Law era. The protest play is an exhibit of the true portraits of both the past and the present– a beautiful display of the beautifully imperfect– performed in the same building built by those they protest against.

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CCORDING TO THE MARCOSES THE TRUE

THE GOOD

“They live in a universe in which they believe they are invulnerable; they close their eyes to injustices and suffering.” - These are the Copt’s words when asked to describe the defeated ones. He says those who bound themselves away from failure and defeat are the ones truly defeated.

“Our dream and goal is to ennoble the Filipino spirit -- that we are good, that we can excel,” says Father Caluag in the same interview for ABS-CBN News.

"No Freedom. No Art." - This is PHSA’s theme for the commemoration of the Philippine Independence Day in 2017, which coincided with the school’s 40th anniversary. This was months after the Bantayog play.

“Subversion” may be the first word that comes to mind of someone who values debt of gratitude. With the Marcoses being the visionaries that birthed this institution for the arts, they say it is only proper for those who use the facilities of the institution to show support for the founders.

But, as Regine Cabato of CNN said in her article about Bantayog, “True art...knows no utang na loob — no masters but the truth.”

We may be intimidated by the defeat we are up against, especially when the ghosts of the past are gradually being resurrected in front of our eyes. We may seem vulnerable and helpless to stop the injustices of long ago delivered to the now.

But this does not mean we should be caged by the wounds that speak of the truth of the battles we have won.

The students of PHSA, as a microcosm of the greater Filipino youth fighting for the truth that brings freedom, are the scars of the old generation. In their art can be- seen the path to freedom desired by a greater group.

This is not hypocrisy. It is an affirmation of the Copt’s words: “Scars speak more loudly than the sword that caused them.”

In art can come nobility, as it is an experience of life through non-sensory media. The PHSA administration may try to hide its blemishes by trying to silence its scars. Except, the scars of the dark generation are countless, and it will take more than just eliminating blemishes (as is also done on a greater scale by our country’s administration) before the voice of truth can be completely silenced.

The accusation of hypocrisy on those who utilize Marcos-built infrastructures is not a strong enough argument anymore. These buildings are tokens, like the scars of the youth, to remind us of that true beauty is inner beauty expressed outwardly.

They are not horcruxes of an old, dead power.

The bricks that compose them do not contain the souls of a dead dictator to be resurrected.

Instead, they are the perfect venues for the artistic showcase of nobility and truth. As the Copt says in the Manuscript, just before walls of the city come crashing down:

“The great wisdom of life is that we can be masters of the thing that try to enslave us.”

Whether life imitates art or art imitates life, the universe creates symmetrical order in the parallels it uses to shape reality. Some call this coincidence; others, design.

Either way, just as the people of Coelho’s Jerusalem rebuilt their city from the same bricks among the ruins of the fallen one, we can rebuild our nation, let the scars shout their voices, with the same bricks constructed to smooth them away.

This is what’s truly good and beautiful. [P]

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#FAKELOYALTY: A CENTURY OF IMPERIALISM WORDS l MARK FAMATIGAN

When the American government infiltrated the Philippines during WWI, 193 students and 27 faculty members of the UP College of Agriculture joined the Philippine National Guard—siding along the US in their fight against the Central Powers.

The day of their enlistment, October 10, would then be recognized by then-President Quezon as “Loyalty Day”—a submission of how the then-UPLB community pledged their loyalty to the US government.

A hundred years later, Loyalty Day would then be known for its colorful parades. It became an opportunity for the alumni to reunite in their alma mater and celebrate. Its historical essence has practically disappeared—perhaps forgotten—when the university institutionalized its commemoration.

The College of Arts and Sciences made their fair share of efforts in reminding everyone what Loyalty Day was about by making their float in the likeness of a train. Everyone representing the college wore white hats and American colonial clothing. They reiterated how the US government ratified a policy requiring 15,000 volunteers for WWI and raised funding for weapons of war.

No number of floats, however, can cover up the university’s everpresent conundrum—its submissiveness to imperialist powers in times of crisis.

To begin with, the Philippines only became part of WWI simply because it was a colony of the United States. This means that when the 220 members of the UPCA community enlisted to join the Philippine National Guard, albeit they believed it was a form of service to the people, they were really signing up on behalf of the interests of the American government—placing our colonizer in a false messianic pedestal. This loyalty has continued to manifest in our independence when the Tydings-Mcduffie Act was ratified— “liberating” the Philippines from its colony status and granting it independence after ten years of transition—shamelessly dismissing the right to self-determination of the Filipino people.

This continued to occur in the form of imperialist relations.

After WWII, the 1935 Philippine Constitution was amended to ratify the Bell Trade Act which granted US citizens and corporations “parity rights”—literally splitting the rights to ownership of our natural resources.

Even in UP, this malpractice manifested.

We have been notorious for sending our graduates abroad.

In the UP College of Medicine, many of our doctor-graduates were sent to the United States. Our beloved campus has been known for this as well. We too have our agriculture graduates sent to other countries to continue their research—despite the Philippines being of desperate need for an improvement in the agricultural sector.

Where’s the loyalty in the university when many of us would rather go abroad than stay here to serve the people?

Likewise, can we really blame them? Science and Technology remains underfunded. Education is facing constant budget cuts.

The government continues to ignore the plight of the students and the masses—seen in our scarcity of industries and fake agrarian reform programs.

Our presidents from past to present have brought nothing but band-aid solutions and fund-raising schemes through neoliberal policies. The Philippines has become a steaming hot cauldron of issues that is bound to crack any time soon.

Loyalty Day or not, UP remains to be a bourgeois institution further catering the needs of the country’s elite compradors and imperial states for cheap labor. It has abandoned its identity as a public service university and has instead become a rusty graduateprocessing machine. The UP community must reassert their mandate of service to the people and transcend from its colonial roots. [P]

UPLB PERSPECTIVE

KULTURA

SETYEMBRE-OKTUBRE 2018

9

STUDENT FILM “Callback” is proof that millennials haven’t moved on WORDS l MAC ANDRE ARBOLEDA PHOTOS l FILM STILLS OF DARYL ALCANTARA’S ‘CALLBACK’

“’Pag mahal mo naman ‘yung ginagawa mo, gagawin mo ang lahat.

Ibibigay mo rin kahit…life mo.”

This was one of the quotes of Abby Rizalina, the protagonist in UPLB Communication Arts student Daryl Alcantara’s “Callback”, a 17-minute film-within-a-film that follows the journey of a young actress in her breakthrough role as Karlyn Pineda, a Canlubang union leader turned desaparecido in the time of Martial Law. This film bagged several nominations in the Pelikultura 2018: CALABARZON Film Festival – Student Category including Best Film, Best Director, Best Screenplay, and Best Editing.

It’s a mockumentary that’s both funny and serious, one that drifts from the usual treatment of Martial Law-related films: heavy focus on “accurate” and dramatized depictions, whether historical or fictional. One may be reminded of the independent hit Ang Babae Sa Septic Tank (2011) starring Eugene Domingo, for its use of meta analogy to shed light on the culture of the filmmaking industry. “Callback”, however, does more than In “Callback”, satire is a powerful tool that balances the story that one depict the abusive conditions inside a film production—it also parallels might accuse as “too politically-charged.” The fact that this phrase was these experiences to the violence suffered by activists kidnapped and also referenced in the movie shows the director’s self-reflexivity, and even tortured in that dark chapter of Philippine history. (The match cuts make makes the viewer think about the limits and fetishization of art: in one it easier to notice.) scene, the pretentious director Joey Ricaforte hilariously declares, “I want it to be an art film. Not straight out propaganda…it’s like Lino Brocka meets Quentin Tarantino.” He even explains the use of chains in the film: “’Pagkawala’ as in ‘disappearance’ and ‘pagkawala’ as in ‘emancipation.’”

In another part of the film, the young star Abby faces the camera in a behind-the-scenes footage: “Ginagapos na nila ‘ko for the next scene…”

In effect, the movie entertains and informs without being preachy.

The film is millennial in very ways, from the humor (apparent in the pop culture references such as “’Nay may dala akong pansit!” and camera stares, “The Office”-style) down to the lo-fi recorder smartphone aesthetic.

Of course, the cast and crew were composed of millennials themselves, clearly an informed and creative bunch that was able to produce an homage to the victims of a bloody regime using the tools that they had, in a way that they knew how. “Callback” is a masterpiece that serves as proof that millennials haven’t moved on and that we may never forget. [P]

10

OPINYON

UPLB PERSPECTIVE

SETYEMBRE-OKTUBRE 2018

MUMBLINGS

WORDS l JOHN ALBERT PAGUNSAN

Tweets are insufficient to defeat Marcos (and the system)

It is not uncommon to see social media posts about pro-Marcos textbooks, leaflets and other materials distributed in public schools - and progressive millennials have been quick to condemn and callout the educational materials while educating netizens in many digital spaces.

The Philippine midterm elections is approaching - thus the demand for a politically engaging youth increases. For the millennial vision of a progressive Philippine society to materialize, we all need to go beyond social media by participating in political awareness, discussions and mobilizations.

The months that followed the conclusion of national elections around the globe in 2016 and 2017, the world woke up to exposes and investigations on the involvement of authoritarian politicians and populist parties on funding fake news agencies and troll factories. While many governments,

corporations and civil society groups have committed to fighting fake news and trolls, the battle is not new and not far from over in the Philippines.

The new infrastructure of tyranny involves the use of social media to silence dissent without physical injury (Duterte dissenters receive death and rape threas), to create confusion and doubt (Digitally-altered videos and photos to discredit activists and progressive politicians have polluted digital discourse), and the use of liberal democratic institutions to kill democracy and dissent (converting Congress and the Supreme Court to rubber stamp institutions).

The power of political families like the Marcos extends to our educational institutions and public spaces. The Marcoses are on a national tour for publicity in preparation for national elections. In public plazas they sing praises of their late family patriarch, distribute fliers and t-shits

SKETCHPAD

bearing pro-Marcos statements and promise to revive the Marcos regime if they are elected. Social media posts can be viral yet they do not target the majority of Filipinos who have limited access to social media and have little interaction with digital progressives; but the Marcoses target the digital - by funding trolls and creating proMarcos videos, and influence the public - by befriending politicians like Duterte to install pro-Marcos leaders in crucial pedagogical institutions like the Department of Education. Tweets and posts target like-minded and likeaged people, how do our tweets and posts reach those who don't think like us and are like us? How do we persuade those who need the most persuading when we limit ourselves to social media activity and to likeminded social circles?

The point is that no amount of Tweets and Facebook posts can battle the collectivized and systemized efforts

of the Marcoses and their supporters to resurrect and propagate deceit and lies in society. The challenge is for the youth to initiate political awareness, discussions and mobilizations in their communities. Progressive movements also face the challenge of encouraging the youth to go out and join their ranks. A systemized and collectivized action of pooling funds, resources and manpower for shaping a progressive future is needed more than ever; progressive movements provide the opportunity to associate, mobilize and politically lobby.

Our complacency and comfortability by sticking to social media action will again allow the election of another Marcos and will further the the colonization of the Filipino mind by pro-Marcos narratives.

[P]

WORDS l KAREN RACELIS

Maybe I was wrong tissue paper from the top of the fridge, and headed for the sink. I dabbed my makeshift cold compress under my eyes.

Moaning in satisfaction, I rub it over my lids as well. Oh, that’ good.

I jumped back in surprise. There’s a face outside the window!

Oh, wait. We didn’t have a window by the sink. That’s just my reflection. Stupid.

“

Quick mental math told me the whole process would probably last at least 45 more minutes.

But at this state, how could I even trust my own brain?

“

I distinctly remembered a couple of years ago: the effort making my index finger dance, numbness embracing my pinky.

I threw my pen down. My writing hand was wrapped in a web of black ink, looking more amphibious than human.

Even the short trip from my notebook to the keyboard required immense willpower.

By then, my mind was saturated enough, and as numb as my pinky, to even notice the vibrations that notify me of everyone who was still awake at that ungodly hour. But I knew they were there, bombarding each other in Messenger to try and make most of this accursed night.

At least we were all suffering together.

Wait. I lost my train of thought. What was I about to write again? Damn.

My eyes felt as if they were marinated in brine at midday. I didn’t need to look at the mirror to know they were dark and bloodshot. I groaned in frustration and pushed back from my desk. Ice, a wise friend once said. Ice will make the eyebags shrink. I got up and walked out of my room to the fridge.

In a world where one was berated for showing up to school with dark circles and yet received demerit for a late assignment, it’s between the devil and the deep blue sea. Only, matriculation is expensive, so it was really no choice between the self and grades. The latter always took precedence.

I picked an ice cube from the freezer, wrapped it with a few plies of

The ice melted quicker than I expected, ending my few seconds of relief. Grunting, I chucked the dripping tissue into the trash and headed back to my room where the glow of my laptop screen taunted me.

One more sentence, and I could proofread and print this piece of junk, to be mailed to the gatekeeper of Hell a.k.a. my professor.

Quick mental math told me the whole process would probably last at least 45 more minutes. But at this state, how could I even trust my own brain?

Wait, what time is it?

BEEP. BEEP.

I knocked over my third cup of arabica in a rush to silence my third alarm for the night. 3:00 glared in striking white font on my phone screen, punching my newly cooled eyes. Hooray for devil’s hour!

Yes, I believed in the Devil. There must be, or else no eleventh grader would be assigned such a workload without proper preparation. Alas, here we were.

I gave Page 53 a quick review and scanned my references one more time to check if I followed the proper format.

WAIT! Have I left a passage uncited on Page 5? A quick check confirmed that I missed an in-text citation.

Hang on. I knew there was a quotation I haven’t cited properly two days ago. Where was it?

Scrolling through the pages gave me vertigo enough to last a lifetime. Finally, I found it on Page 19. I mostly doubted the existence of one, but at this point… Thank God!

Overcame with my to-hell-with-it motivation, I clicked on the Print button on the document. And just like that, the hum of the printer lulled me to sleep.

Someone shook me awake.

“She’s asking you a question!”

What--who--she?

She was the teacher. It was 8:30AM and I was in Physics. My Qualitative

Research term paper may just have cost me the last ounce of good will my Physics teacher had left. I have officially risked my semester’s grade on a useless paper proposal!

But...

Maybe I was wrong...

I would think two years later, walking out of STS1 with my ink-splattered hand tucked in my jacket pocket. Smiling, I would run out of the CAS basement, recounting how it would all go down.

All I would do was hand two simple pages that fateful day to the professor, yet I would receive an eerily gigantic smile in exchange. Two pages, a mere topic pitch, and I would be ready to work on a paper no one would have started on. My first “Very Good” in college, and from the professor I feared the most? It sounded like a miracle. It was a miracle.

My first “Very Good” in college.

And it’s from a term paper proposal.

Maybe I was wrong.

UPLB PERSPECTIVE

OPINYON

SETYEMBRE-OKTUBRE 2018

NO FURY SO LOUD

11

SALITA l SOPHIA PUGAY

Sikmura o Prinsipyo? #BoycottJollibee regularize ng mga trabahador.

Mabuti ang inaasam ng pagboboycott na ito ngunit, sino nga ba ang tunay na maaapektuhan dito?

Tunay ngang maaaring sila ay mag-regularize ngunit mahalaga ring pag-isipan kung ano pa bang aksiyon

“

Sa pag-ilag sa Jollibee ay natuon ang ating pansin sa iba pang fastfood chains tulad ng Mcdo

“

Nakakapagpabagabag.

Tuliro at paikot-ikot na akong naglalakad sa harap ng establishimentong ilang linggo ko nang iniilagan.

Nilagok ko ang laway na naiipon sa aking bibig. Takam na takam na ako at lalong hindi nakakatulong ang mapang-akit na halimuyak ng inaasam-asam na chikenjoy ng Jollibee.

Nag dadalawang isip.

Kakain ba ako sa Jollibee o maninindigan sa aking desisyon na mag-boycott?

Bakit nga ba ako nagboboycott? Dahil ba ito sa mga nanlilisik at mapanghusgang mata ng aking mga kaibigan tuwing mag-aaya akong mag burger steak? O para cool at in, dahil laganap ang #BoycottJollibee sa Twitter at sa iba pang social media platforms? Seryosong usapan. Siguro para narin sa kapakanan ng mga mang-gagawa na biktima ng kontraktwalisasyon. Na sakaling pag nagipit na ang Jollibee Food Corporation (JFC) dahil sa katumalan ay bibigay na sila at mag re-

ang pwedeng patunguhan nito.

Sa tuwing nalulugi ba ang isang kompanya ay nagmamass hire sila ng mga tauhan? Mas malamang na hindi. Mas mataas ang posibilidad at mas lohikal kung sila ay magtatanggal ng mga trabahador dahil hindi naman na sila mangangailangan ng ganoong kadaming crew at kasabay nito ay malilimita rin

nila ang dami ng mga taong kailangan nilang pasahurin.

Kakailanganin nilang “magtipid” kuno sa kanilang labor cost at sa aking nakikita, sa paghihigpit nila ng sinturon ay syang mas magigipit ang mga crew dahil mistulang kagat ng langgam lang naman ang kawalan nila ng sales sa Jollibee kung tinatangkilik lang rin naman natin ang Red Ribbon, Chowking at Mang Inasal na nasa ilalim rin naman ng JFC. Kung gayon nga na hindi tiyak ang magiging epekto nito ay ano pa nga ba ang maaari nating gawin ukol dito?

Ano kayang mangyayari kung tatangkilikin ko ang mga “kalaban” o competitor ng Jollibee?

Napamasid ako sa McDonald’s at napansing napaka-sigla ng fast food chain na ito. Napakaraming iba’t ibang taong nakapila sa counter, kabilang na ang mga estudyante at millenials na malamang ay nag-boboycott.

Sa gutom ay inuudyok na ako ng aking sikmura na makipila rin at makuntento na sa chiken

mcdo. Pareho lang rin namang pinritong manok yan. At isa pa ay regular ang kanilang mga trabahador! Subalit, napahinto ako at napatanong nanaman sa aking sarili.

Sa pag-ilag sa Jollibee ay natuon ang ating pansin sa iba pang fast-food chains tulad ng Mcdo at hindi natin maiwasang magkumpara at purihin ito dahil pareho nga lang naman sila ng tinda ngunit nagawa naman nito na magregularize ng kanilang mga crew. Pero sa pagkabulag sa magic-word na “nagreregularize” ay nalalampasan na ng ating mata ang iba pang mga detalye ukol dito.

Ang McDonald’s ay nasa ilalim ng kompanyang Golden Arches Development Corporation (GADC) na pag-mamayari ni Andrew Tan. Kabilang ng GADC ay magmamayari nya rin ang Megaworld Corporation at Emperador Distillers na nagha-hire rin ng mga contractual workers at di rin tiyak kung marangal at ethical ang pagtrato nila sa kanilang mga mang-gagawa.

Sa pagtangkilik sa mcdo ay para na rin akong kumain sa Chowking dahil regular naman ang mga trabahador doon kahit pa pareho lang din naman sila ng kompanya ng Jollibee na kontraktwal.

Kahit pa man maiwasan ko nga ang Chowking, Mang Inasal, Red Ribbon at iba pang mga kainang nasa ilalim ng JFC, kakailanganin kong kumain sa ibang fast-food chain o mga kainan na hindi rin naman tiyak kung mabuti sila sa kanilang mga manggagawa. Isama na rin natin ang mga produktong nutri-asia sa listahan na hinahalilihan natin ng mga bagay mula sa ibang kompanyang maaaring lumalabag rin sa mga batas hinggil sa kanilang pamamalakad ng tauhan.

Ika nga, walang “ethical” pagdating sa kapitalismo.

Kung hindi pagbo-boycott, ano pa bang magagawa natin para I-address ang mga isue tungkol dito?

Kumalam ang aking sikmura.

P*ta, sa bahay na nga lang ako kakain! [P]

dismissed because of his/her membership to an organization, but where is the data? Was it just

get dismissed because of their membership to organizations.

There are also freshmen students before that manage to be part of the academic achievers The memorandum also perpetuates the notion that freshmen are devoid of agency.

It undermines the intelligence of freshmen to make an informed choice given that most of them are of legal age and capable to be agents of change.

The enforcement of the freshmen recruitment ban, along with the Org Recognition Policy, is a blatant attack towards the students’ constitutionally guaranteed right to organize. [P]

MUMBLINGS OSA is caging Freshmen

SALITA l PAT ECHANO

involved in organizations as well as the principle of letting freshmen adjust to University life, recruitment of freshmen is prohibited.” There are reports that when the organization was found recruiting freshmen, the three highest positions of the organization’s executive board (president, vice president, and secretary), along with the membership committee head and the recruited freshmen, will be suspended. There are also information circulating online that when a certain dormitory management learns that a new freshman joins an organization, the parents will be called and the

violation will be referred to the Student Disciplinary Tribunal for investigation.

This memorandum is very repressive because it puts the organizations in a bad light. It paints that membership to an organization is a hindrance to a student’s academic performance, when in fact, organizations help students to excel academically and develop their holistic beings. There are academic organizations that give tutorials and assistance to freshmen and socio-civic organizations that give opportunity to pursue advocacies and principles to students. It is easy to say that a freshman was

“

...organizations help students excel academically and develop holistically

“

“Ang freshman po, as much as possible, are not yet encouraged to join any organization.”

Since before, the UPLB Office of Student Affairs addresses Freshman students and their parents during Pre-Orientation that joining organizations is highly encouraged. Among their reasons is to let to let the freshman enjoy their first year in the university. But before the start of this academic year, a new memorandum from the OSA was released that prohibits the Freshmen to join any organizations. The OSA Memorandum No. 24 reads: “Due to many cases of readmission among freshmen

an assumption? Was it just a gut feel? The OSA did not provide any supported claims that students

STATE OF THE ART[S]

PHOTOS l MARK FAMATIGAN

Students, student organizations, artists and independent publishers gathered in this year’s installment of WISIK under the theme Wika, Sining and Kapwa. Art pieces, skills and crafts were exhibited in the event alongside cultural exchanges, forums, talks, film-screenings, workshops and an art-market.

Despite the presence and availability of Sining Makiling Gallery and university spaces for art development, practice and exhibition, students and student organizations face difficulty reserving and utilizing university venues for arts and culture.