The Causes of Populism and Regionalism in European Politics

Causes of Populism and Regionalism in European Politics

Tyler Bauer

Y335 Western European Politics Professor Lutz 12 December 2017

In recent years, many countries and regions in Europe have undergone noticeable political changes. While these changes have not come close to causing anything as devastating as a world war, the impact of these changes on politics in Europe is significant. Ultimately, the changes that have occurred in Europe can be categorized into one of two somewhat similar movements: populism and regionalism.

Populism is defined as a “political program or movement that champions the common person, usually by favourable contrast with an elite. Populism usually combines elements of the left and the right, opposing large business and financial interests but also frequently being hostile to established socialist and labour parties.”1 In practice, populism is “a confrontational approach that may be expressed in many ways, ranging from a reasoning technique to a political strategy to a political movement. The essence of populism is an effort to disrupt the existing social order by solidifying and mobilizing the animosity of ‘the people’ against the ‘corrupt elites’ and the ‘establishment.’”2 Populism is often presented in a way that is shown to benefit the “common” man or woman, and has been linked with a variety of issues, such as immigration, unemployment, globalization, and much more.

Regionalism is often conflated with populism, but differs in some areas. Populism, as the word itself suggests, caters to a group of people. Regionalism is concerned with a region, which can vary in size from a continent to a single city. The lines often get blurred between populism and regionalism because groups of people and regions often overlap. For example, the Nazi Party utilized both populism and regionalism in Germany since the two overlapped. Because of these intricacies, regionalism is often assigned two definitions. The first, which deals with the connection between regions and groups of people, defines regionalism as “consciousness of 1 André Munro, “Populism,” https://www.britannica.com/topic/populism (accessed December 7, 2017).

2 Barack Orbach, “Antitrust Populism,” New York University Journal of Law and Business 15 (2017).

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and loyalty to a distinct region with a homogeneous population.” To revisit the example of Nazi Germany, this definition applies to the ties between the Aryan race and their German identity. The second definition defines regionalism as “development of a political or social system based on one or more such areas.” 3 This definition is applicable to situations in which ethnicity and nationality were not relevant factors. For example, the American Revolutionary War was largely fought for regional concerns, as the revolutionaries did not want to be ruled without representation from the other side of the ocean.

Regardless of which definition one wishes to assign to regionalism, it can certainly be seen in the politics of modern day Europe. The same can be said of populism, as it has also played a role in recent political proceedings. Together, populism and regionalism are on the rise in Europe, and seem to have become two of the key driving factors in European politics. Recent years have shown populism and regionalism can be caused by a variety of factors. Although many people often focus on language, culture, or religion, it seems as though economic security is the most influential factor found in all cases of populism and regionalism.

Regionalism has long been present in European politics, often thought of as occurring among countries. However, regionalism can – and has – occurred within countries. One such example of intrastate regionalism can be seen in Belgium. Belgium is a unique example because it is a federal parliamentary democracy with a constitutional

3 “Regionalism,” Merriam-Webster, https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/regionalism (accessed December 7, 2017).

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monarchy, consisting of a federation of the largely autonomous regions of Brussels, Flanders, and Wallonia.4 A federation consisting of largely autonomous regions is by no means rare. What makes Belgium rare, however, is the setting in which Brussels, Flanders, and Wallonia exist. The regions have long been separated linguistically, with Flemish speakers in Flanders, French speakers in Wallonia, and French speakers in Brussels, which lies within Flanders.5 Language has always been a factor in separating countries, but language creating cleavages within a country is unique. Historically, French has been a more important language on the continental and world stages, causing discontent among the Flemish-speaking population. The perceived battle between French and Flemish as Belgium’s predominant language has created competition between speakers of either language, with each side working to protect and promote their own language while attacking the other.

While the linguistic difference is a frequently cited cause of regionalism within Belgium, it is by no means the only reason. Another reason for regionalism in Belgium is the economic disparity between the two regions. In the 19th century, Wallonia became one of the first areas in Europe to industrialize. This early industrialization allowed Wallonia to flourish. Flanders, which remained largely agrarian, began to fall behind economically. This changed following World War Two as Flanders attracted a great deal of foreign investment. Flanders’ success is aided by its control of Antwerp, which is home to Europe’s third-largest port. Meanwhile, Wallonia’s economy collapsed as its industries began to falter.6 The wealth inequality between Flanders and 4 “Belgium,” Norsk Center Forskningsdata, http://www.nsd.uib.no/european_election_database/country/belgium/background.html (accessed December 5, 2017).

5 “Belgium.”

6 Duncan Robinson, “Belgium: A Nation Divided by More Than Two Languages,” Financial Times, https://www.ft.com/content/c45dfbd4-7349-11e5-bdb1-e6e4767162cc (accessed December 6, 2017).

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Wallonia causes issues for both sides. For Flanders, Wallonia is seen as a parasite subsidized by Flanders. On the other hand, Walloons are understandably upset that Flanders has surpassed Wallonia as the dominant economic region.

The economic conditions of each region are reflected in their preferred political parties.

As Flanders became wealthier than Wallonia, Flemings generally supported the Flemish Christian People’s Party and the nationalist People’s Union—Flemish Free Democrats. The Flemings’ party preferences are indicative of their relative economic security, meaning they have a lesser need for government involvement. Walloons, on the other hand, have generally held socialist sympathies, which is reflective of Wallonia’s lower economic standing compared to Flanders. In recent elections, Flemings have increasingly turned to separatist parties. Flanders has also seen a rise in the popularity of far-right parties.7 Each of this occurrences is indicative of Flemings’ view of Wallonia, as separatism is due in part to the perception that Wallonia is dragging Flanders down economically.

Overall, there are three key causes for the regionalism found in Belgium. The first of these reasons is the linguistic difference that exists between Flemish-speaking Flanders and French-speaking Wallonia, as well as the location of the French-speaking capital, Brussels, in Flanders. The second and third reasons, which are intertwined, are economic and political differences. Economically, Flanders has surpassed Wallonia as the major economic region. This has encouraged support of separatist and free-market parties in Flanders and socialist parties in Wallonia. The effect of regionalism in Belgium is an increased federalization of the government.

Rather than seeing Belgium as a single country, many see it as two – or even three – countries.

7 “Belgium.”

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With the exception of undeniably national matters, such as national defense or taxes, Flanders and Wallonia exist and operate largely independent of each other.8 Italy presents another interesting case of intrastate regionalism. However, this case of regionalism has slightly different causes. While Belgium’s regionalism is caused by linguistic, economic, and political differences, Italian regionalism is largely caused by economic and historical differences. Italy’s regionalism begins as early as the country’s unification in 1861, and has been reinforced by many events during its history.9 The Kingdom of Italy was unified in 1861 and continued to grow for the next decade.

Italy now consists of 20 regions, each of which has its own independent history. All of Italy has a rich history, but a closer look at the individual regions shows that they had cultural and geographic unity, but not political unity.10 Furthermore, given that the regions which were added over time were often added through conquest, not democracy, inhabitants of some regions have held resentment towards the Italian central government.

An additional historical cause for regionalism lies in Italy’s postwar constitution. Written in 1948, the Constitution of the Italian Republic held great significance in that it marked a return to democratic governance in Italy, something that had not occurred in nearly three decades. The constitution’s effect on the Italian political system had additional importance due to Article 116 of the constitution. Article 116 created five “special regions,” all of which were given autonomy and special privileges not granted to the non-special regions. These special regions are Sardinia, Sicily, Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol, Aosta Valley, and Friuli-Venezia Giulia.11 Not surprisingly, 8 “Belgium: A Nation Divided.”

9 “Unification,” Encyclopaedia Britannica, https://www.britannica.com/place/Italy/Unification (Accessed December 7, 2017).

10 Markus M.L. Crepaz, European Democracies, 9th ed. (New York: Routledge, 2017), 136.

11 “Constitution of the Italian Republic,” https://www.senato.it/documenti/repository/istituzione/costituzione_inglese.pdf (accessed December 8, 2017).

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the special status applied to these regions, coupled with the fact that the whole country was not given standard regional status until 1970, created discontent among the non-special regions of Italy.

In Italy, the larger – and more politically relevant – regional divide exists between the North and the South. Unlike the aforementioned cause, which is history, the divide between North and South is largely economic. The differences between the economies of the North and South are often thought to be caused by differences in political culture. According to Robert Putnam, Northern Italy had greater social capital than Southern Italy, meaning that Italians in the North trusted one another more than Italians in the South.12 As a result of the increased level of trust, business was easier to conduct in the North.

This left the South relatively underdeveloped and less wealthy than the North. Due to their social and economic differences, Italians in the South were hesitant to accept the “invaders” from the North, and never fully accepted the authority of the central government. Still today, the South has a much higher level of unemployment, and is generally less wealthy than the North. For the South, this breeds discontent because its residents see themselves as disadvantaged and impoverished – which, to a point, they are. The North, on the other hand, believes it is subsidizing the South and would prefer to keep tax revenue collected in the North and use it to benefit the North, rather than pay to support the South.13 Italy’s long history of regionalism has two central causes. First, Italy’s regions have a long history independent of the unified country, creating natural cleavages within the population.

Second, due to the North’s advantage in social capital, the North has been able to become 12 Ronald Tiersky and Erik Jones, Europe Today: A Twenty-First Century Introduction, 5th ed. (Lanham, Maryland: Rowman and Littlefield, 2015), 124.

13 Tiersky and Jones, Europe Today, 124.

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significantly wealthier than the South. The differing levels of wealth make the North more stable in most, if not all, areas, while the South is relatively volatile, especially around elections. While the historical differences among individual regions have been mitigated by the passage of time, the economic causes of regionalism are still alive and well today.14 Some areas of Southern Italy are still experiencing record-high levels of unemployment, and the Northern League – a political party with goals to increase regional power and to end the use of Northern tax revenue to subsidize the South – has been among the most successful “small” parties in recent elections.15 Seeing as regionalism and economic inequality have not been fully dealt with in Italy, it is likely that these arguments will continue in the future.

Perhaps the most historically significant and surprising case of regionalism was Brexit – the United Kingdom’s (UK) decision to leave the European Union (EU) – on June 23, 2016.

Before Brexit, it was commonly believed that no country would ever dare to leave the EU. The decision of whether to leave the EU was given to Britons by the way of referendum. By a narrow margin – 51.9 percent to 48.1 percent – Britons chose to leave the EU, which was a surprising result.16 Overnight, the value of the British pound fell ten percent, reaching its lowest mark since 1985. This was the largest single-day drop in the value of the pound.17 The shock wasn’t limited to the UK, though. Financial markets all around the world reacted to the surprising result of the referendum. The decision to leave the EU was felt politically, too, as the global order was seriously interrupted in a way that it had not been for quite some time.

14 Tiersky and Jones, Europe Today, 124.

15 Tiersky and Jones, Europe Today, 142.

16 Crepaz, European Democracies, 181.

17 Katie Allen, Jill Treanor, and Simon Goodley, “Pound Slumps to 31-Year Low Following Brexit Vote,” The Guardian, https://www.theguardian.com/business/2016/jun/23/british-pound-given-boost-by-projected-remainwin-in-eu-referendum (accessed December 8, 2017).

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Currently, Brexit has not yet been resolved. The British government has triggered Article 50, the two year “divorce” process, but it remains to be seen what exactly will come of Brexit.

The UK is still a member of the EU at this time, and some “remain” supporters are holding out hope that the Brexit decision can be reversed. Whether this is possible remains to be seen, as British politics has become especially tumultuous since June 23, 2016. To make matters worse, Prime Minister Theresa May’s snap election in 2017 – which was called with the expectation that her party, the Conservative Party, would gain seats – seriously backfired. After losing seats in the election, Prime Minister May does not have the majority she anticipated having, making the Brexit process much more difficult than it already was.18 Interestingly enough, a deeper look at Brexit shows that there is another layer of regionalism within the overall regionalism of Brexit. This is shown by viewing the Brexit referendum results by location within the UK. The map displaying the results clearly shows that the majority of England and Wales voted rather strongly to leave the EU. The lone exception in England was London, which clearly preferred to remain in the EU.19 London’s preference to remain may be indicative of an urban-rural cleavage within England, as well as the cosmopolitan, internationalized nature of big cities like London.

Scotland and Northern Ireland voted rather strongly to remain in the EU. Scotland had the most lopsided result within the UK, with 62 percent of voting Scots voting to remain within the EU.20 This was particularly interesting because Scots were generally skeptical of joining the European Community when the UK initially joined. Scotland has seen economic benefits

18 “Election 2017: Results,” BBC, http://www.bbc.com/news/election/2017/results (accessed December 9, 2017).

19 Ashley Kirk, Malcolm Coles, and Charlotte Krol, “EU Referendum Results and Maps: Full Breakdown and Find Out How Your Area Voted,” Telegraph, http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/0/leave-or-remain-eu-referendum-resultsand-live-maps/ (accessed December 9, 2017).

20 “EU Referendum Results and Maps.”

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directly connected to EU membership, causing Scots to vote in favor of their own needs rather than the perceived need of the UK. The voters in Northern Ireland made a similar choice, although likely for different reasons. Given the history between Northern Ireland and Ireland, as well as the interconnectedness and fluidity between the two countries in terms of economics, immigration, and daily life, supporting a break from Ireland was an untenable position.

Despite their clear disapproval of the UK leaving the EU, Scotland and Northern Ireland are now forced to deal with the consequences, though they may seek alternative measures, such as independence referendums of their own.2122 The possibility of a breakup of the UK has led some to believe that “Great Britain” could be reduced to “Little Britain.” Additionally, with ninety-six percent of Gibraltar’s Brexit votes being cast in favor of remaining in the EU, it is possible the Gibraltar could leave the UK to be absorbed into Spain.23 After such a shocking result in the Brexit referendum, people around the world were left wondering just what caused the UK to leave the EU. It comes as no surprise that there were a variety of reasons for Britons to vote “leave,” so pinning down any one reason as the cause for Brexit is a tall task. However, after over a year of reflection, it is possible to identify a number of reasons why Britons voted to leave the EU. As with seemingly every other major political decision, economics is thought to be the largest reason for Brexit. A recent poll conducted by Eurobarometer found that respondents believed the EU’s “economic situation” was its most pressing issue in Autumn of 2014 and 21 Lyndsie Bourgon, “Brexit Has Brought the Idea of Scottish Independence Back From the Dead,” The Atlantic, https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2017/04/scotland-sturgeon-may-brexit-britainindependence/523623/ (accessed December 9, 2017).

22 Jon Stone, “Sinn Fein Calls for Referendum on Leaving the UK ‘As Soon as Possible,’” Independent, http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/brexit-northern-ireland-referendum-irish-unity-sinn-fein-secondscottish-independence-indyref2-a7628591.html (accessed December 9, 2017).

23 Crepaz, European Democracies, 207.

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second-most pressing issue in Spring 2015.24 Ever since the Great Recession, the EU has been struggling to respond and regain its footing. The economic interconnectedness inherent in EU membership – even though the UK does not use the Euro – was a factor in voters’ decisions on June 23, 2016. Seeing the difficulties the EU faced with Greece, as well as the problems occurring closer to home in Portugal and Ireland, the EU lost economic credibility in the eyes of many Britons.25 One of the main reasons for the EU’s founding – the other being to ensure peace – was economic prosperity for all members. Although the UK is not the economic powerhouse of the EU – that honor belongs to Germany – the UK was and is still stronger than most economically. The UK’s relative economic superiority caused some to fear that other EU members could pull the UK down to their level, while others were concerned that the UK would eventually be forced to subsidize the EU’s lesser members, if this was not occurring already.

With these fears also came resentment towards the financially unstable countries, as their issues were made the EU’s issues, and, by association, the UK’s issues. Understandably, these reasons made leaving the EU seem like a financially sound decision.

Of course, the UK had its own domestic economic concerns, too. Like any other country, the British government and its citizens are concerned with how the government will pay for a seemingly ever-increasing list of programs and services. This is especially true in European democracies, as governments often have a larger list of programs and services to fund. One of these programs is the National Health Service (NHS), Britain’s publicly-funded national healthcare service.

Nigel Farage, the former leader of the UK Independence Party (UKIP) – one of the earliest pro-Brexit parties – claimed that the UK sent the EU “£350 million a week.” It is worth 24 Crepaz, European Democracies, 203.

25 Tiersky and Jones, Europe Today, 351-2.

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noting that this statistic has been refuted by the UK Statistics Authority. Nevertheless, an advertisement associated with Farage – one which he claims he in no way supported or agreed with – insisted that the £350 million given to the EU would be given to the NHS should the UK leave the EU. However, within hours of the referendum ending in favor of the collective “Leave Campaign,” Farage made it clear that no such thing would happen.26 Since this occurred, evidence has emerged showing Farage pledging millions of soon-to-be freed-up British pounds to the NHS.27 While lying is to be expected in most, if not all, important political events, Farage’s pledge to increase funding for the NHS is believed to have swayed many voters in the close Leave victory.

Another commonly-cited reason for leaving the EU is the UK’s desire to take back the sovereignty it surrendered upon entering the EU. A large number of topics fall under the category of sovereignty. A few of these topics are immigration, the aforementioned economic and Eurozone crisis, and the ability to reinstall home rule in the UK.28 As previously mentioned, immigration is a reason behind the UK’s decision to leave the EU. Anti-immigration or immigration-skeptic sentiments are held across the EU, as immigration was named the EU’s fourth-most pressing issue in Autumn 2014 and its most pressing issue in Spring 2015.29 In the case of Brexit, immigration is a two-part topic. The first part is economic immigration, which deals with EU nationals working and living within the UK. The second part deals with asylum seekers, particularly those fleeing from wars in the Middle East.

26 Jon Stone, “Nigel Farage Backtracks on Leave Campaign’s ‘£350 Million for the NHS’ Pledge Hours After Result,” Independent, http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/eu-referendum-result-nigel-farage-nhs-pledgedisowns-350-million-pounds-a7099906.html (accessed December 10, 2017).

27 “Nigel Farage Backtracks.”

28 Nigel Farage, “Nigel Farage: Why You Should Vote for Brexit this Thursday,” Independent, http://www.independent.co.uk/voices/eu-referendum-brexit-nigel-farage-on-why-you-should-vote-to-leavea7091021.html (accessed December 10, 2017).

29 Crepaz, European Democracies, 203.

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Given the history of the British Empire, it comes as no surprise that the UK has a number of foreign-born workers. Between 1993 and 2015, the number of working-age foreign-born people in the UK more than doubled, rising from three million to seven million. 2006 saw a particularly large rise in the number of foreign-born workers in the UK, likely caused by the UK opening its labour market to workers from the Czech Republic, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia in 2004. This growth was reflected in the share of foreign-born persons in total employment, which increased from 7.2% in 1993 to 16.7% in 2015.

So, not only was the foreign-born workforce growing, but it was growing at a faster rate than the domestic work force. The majority of the foreign-born workers in the UK work in relatively lowskill occupations.30 The fact that most foreign-born workers hold low-skill jobs is of particular importance because the individuals they displaced – lower educated and lower to middle-class Britons, who are also likely to hold low-skill jobs – were among the most likely to support Brexit and vote accordingly. Lower class Britons saw globalization and the EU as the cause for their economic displacement. Therefore, the more working-class areas of the UK voted to leave the EU. Higher educated and upper-class Britons, who benefited from globalization and were not displaced as much, were much more likely to oppose leaving the EU.31 The class divide evident in the Brexit vote is made even more interesting by the major parties’ stances on Brexit. The Labour party, which is normally aligned with the working class, opposed Brexit.32 On the other hand, the Conservative Party – often seen as the party of business

30 “Migrants in the UK Labour Market: An Overview,” http://www.migrationobservatory.ox.ac.uk/resources/briefings/migrants-in-the-uk-labour-market-an-overview/ (accessed December 10, 2017).

31 Crepaz, European Democracies, 206-7.

32 “EU Referendum: Labour Urges its Voters Not to Back Brexit,” BBC, http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-politics-eureferendum-36496288 (accessed December 10, 2017).

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and the upper class – was split, with party members on either side of the vote.33 Seeing as stereotypical Labour voters – working-class Britons – disagreed with the party’s position and supported Brexit, it seems as though the Labour Party was out of touch with its voters. The Conservative Party failed to form a coherent stance in either direction on Brexit, indicating that – at most – only some of its usual supporters agreed with its position on Brexit. Seeing as the two major parties were not aligned how one would expect, it should come as no surprise that Britons were willing to shake up the political scene.

The second aspect of immigration deals with asylum seekers. As previously-cited figures have shown, the foreign-born worker population in the UK – like most other EU countries – grew rapidly. In addition to the guest workers, the refugee crisis of 2014 created a new series of challenges. Although the UK is geographically insulated from this problem, any EU action in response to the EU migrant crisis would involve the UK. Seeing the number of refugees and asylum-seekers in Germany, numbering over one million in total, the UK did not want such an influx of migrants.34 The issue of accommodating migrants from Syria, Iraq, and any number of other countries was an undesirable possibility.

Adding to the issue of immigration are the social and cultural differences among Britons and migrant populations. As Samuel Huntington wrote years ago, “migration flows are the central issue of our time.”35 The magnitude of the issue of migration flows is magnified nowadays, as Huntington never could have foreseen the level of migration occurring in modernday Europe.

33 Tom Goodenough, “Which Tory MPs back Brexit, who doesn’t and who is still on the fence?,” The Spectator, https://blogs.spectator.co.uk/2016/02/which-tory-mps-back-brexit-who-doesnt-and-who-is-still-on-the-fence/ (accessed December 10, 2017).

34 Crepaz, European Democracies, 155-6.

35 Crepaz, European Democracies, 153.

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There are numerous issues posed by the introduction of guest workers into European communities, especially in the UK. For example, most Britons do not view themselves as Europeans. Instead, they think of themselves as British. Similarly, the UK’s geographical separation from continental Europe is reflected in the minds of Britons – they do not view the UK as being European; rather, there is “Britain” and “the continent.” This creates a natural ingroup and out-group between Britons and Europeans.

The other major issue is the socio-cultural difference between Britons and migrants from the Middle East. Many EU nationals had at least a working knowledge of the English language and some familiarity with British customs. Migrants from the Middle East and North Africa – especially those who left for asylum or refugee purposes – are less likely to have an understanding of the English language or British customs. Some Britons saw the influx – or the possibility of an influx – of people from other cultures as an attack on their own culture. As is the case when this happens, nativism and xenophobia become the norm.36 The religious divide adds another layer to the xenophobia, as many non-Muslims – especially those prone to xenophobic tendencies – associate Islam with radical groups like the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS).

Many Britons – including Nigel Farage37 – believed the EU was doing a poor job of handling this issue, necessitating a reclamation of British sovereignty through Brexit.38 Elitism, specifically within politics, is thought to be another cause of Brexit. Brexit drew a sharp distinction between “European” politicians and more populist politicians who claimed to support the average Briton. According to Forbes, “voters thought the elite had contempt for their

36 Crepaz, European Democracies, 157-8.

37 “Nigel Farage.”

38 Jon Mauldin, “3 Reasons Brits Voted For Brexit,” Forbes, https://www.forbes.com/sites/johnmauldin/2016/07/05/3-reasons-brits-voted-for-brexit/#3ed19a9d1f9d.

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values – for their nationalism and interests.” This sentiment is by no means new to politics, as it has been sweeping across Europe in recent years and has even arisen in the United States of America with the election of Donald Trump.39 To some, Nigel Farage could be to Brexit as Donald Trump was to the American presidential election. The desire to reclaim domestic sovereignty and return power to the people, rather than “a bunch of unelected old men in Brussels” – analogous to Trump’s disdain for “the swamp” in Washington, D.C. – appealed to many Britons. Many Britons shared Farage’s desire to take back control of their lives, and this desire for self-determination led the Britons to choose to leave the European Union on June 23, 2016.40 Separatism and public referenda are not limited to the UK. On October 1, 2017, many Catalans took to the polls to vote on whether they support an independent Catalonia. At the end of the day, the results of a contested referendum – the Spanish government claims the referendum was illegal – were in favor of an independent Catalonia. Over two million of the five-plus million Catalans voted, and ninety percent of those who voted supported Catalonian independence. Some Catalans were deterred from casting a vote due to attempted voter suppression by the Spanish government. Videos showing Spanish police striking Catalans – and even Catalan firefighters – with batons quickly circulated around social media and showed the deep division between Spain and Catalonia. Spanish police also raided some polling stations, causing 770,000 votes to be lost. Nevertheless, Carles Puigdemont – Catalan’s leader – declared that the referendum’s results meant Catalonia “earned the right to become an independent state.”

Puigdemont went on to announce that the results would be honored by Catalonia’s politicians,

39 “3 Reasons Brits Voted For Brexit.”

40 “Nigel Farage.”

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who would work to act on the public’s wishes. At the time, the official stance of the Spanish government was that no referendum had taken place.41 The prospect of an independent Catalonia is interesting because of the variety of causes one could attribute to this movement. Catalonia’s existence as a distinct region of Spain is evidence of its independent history. Historically, Catalonia was an independent region, having its own language, laws, and customs unlike the rest of Spain. In fact, Catalan – the dialect of Spanish native to Catalonia – is as closely associated to the regional languages of southern France as it is to Castilian Spanish.42 In the twelfth century, Catalonia and Aragon came together due to the marriage of Petronilia, Queen of Aragon and Ramon Berenguer IV, Count of Barcelona.43 Under its shared royal rule with Aragon, Catalonia became important on the world stage thanks to its status as a medieval sea power.44 Although initially not a part of what is modern-day Spain, Catalonia was annexed by Spain in the war of Spanish Succession in 1714, thus losing its independence.45 Over the next couple centuries, the Spanish monarchy attempted to impose its language – Castilian Spanish – and laws on the region. In 1931, Spain gave up on its attempt to undermine Catalan culture and restored the Generalitat, the Catalonian parliament that still exists today.

However, this degree of autonomy was short-lived, as General Francisco Franco took control of Catalonia and repressed its culture during his reign. Under Franco's ultra-conservative rule, autonomy was revoked, Catalan nationalism was repressed, and use of the Catalan language was 41 “Catalonia Referendum: 90% Voted for Independence, Say Officials – As it Happened,” The Guardian, https://www.theguardian.com/world/live/2017/oct/01/catalan-independence-referendum-spain-catalonia-votelive (accessed December 11, 2017).

42 “Catalonia Region Profile,” BBC, http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-20345071 (accessed December 11, 2017).

43 Harriet Alexander and James Badcock, “Why does Catalonia want independence from Spain?,” Telegraph, http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/0/does-catalonia-want-independence-spain/ (accessed December 11, 2017).

44 “Catalonia Region Profile.”

45 “Why does Catalonia want independence from Spain?”

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restricted.46 Catalonia suffered under Franco’s rule for nearly four decades, only finding a bit of relief when democracy returned to Spain in 1977. With democracy came some of the autonomy Catalonia used to enjoy.47 In the forty years since Catalonia’s newfound return to semi-autonomous status, Catalonia has flourished. Alongside the growth of its unique culture, Catalonia’s economy has grown substantially. The Catalonian economy has been important for centuries, dating back to its time as a maritime powerhouse in the twelfth century. Later, Catalonia cemented itself as the industrial heartland of Spain with its textile industries. In more recent years, Catalonia has become a center for the financial sector, service industries, and high-tech occupations.48 Among the high-tech occupations are the chemical industry, the food-processing industry, and metalworking. Tourism also makes up an important part of the economy, as Catalonia’s Mediterranean beaches and the Pyrenees Mountains – as well as the excitement offered by a city like Barcelona – make Catalonia an attractive vacation spot.49 With economic success has come a belief that Catalonia would be better able to grow and succeed as an independent state. Catalonia’s GDP – roughly $314 billion – is equal to that of Madrid’s at nineteen percent of Spain’s total GDP, and would make Catalonia the thirty-fourth largest economy in the world if it were an independent state. Per capita, Catalonia’s GDP would be roughly $35,000, making it wealthier than Israel, Italy, and South Korea.50 The continual rise of Catalonia as an economic power has fueled talk of independence throughout the years.

46 “Catalonia Region Profile.”

47 “Why does Catalonia want independence from Spain?”

48 “Why does Catalonia want independence from Spain?”

49 “Catalonia Region Profile.”

50 “Why does Catalonia want independence from Spain?”

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Catalonia’s success only tells part of the economic story, though. The other half of the economic reasoning for Catalonian independence deals with the economy of Spain as a whole.

Like many countries, Spain was hit hard by the Great Recession. Spain also suffered its own debt crisis in 2008, which many Catalans blame on the Spanish central government. Viewing the Spanish government as incompetent or fiscally irresponsible – or both – many Catalans saw independence as the best way to ensure their economic security. The Catalonian independence movement is also aided by the widely-held belief that Catalonia is a donor state – that is, that Catalonia gives far more tax revenue to the central government than it receives.51 Catalans see no use in subsidizing a country that it believes is fiscally irresponsible and unrepresentative of the views of most Catalans.

The Catalonian parliament was clearly listening to its constituents and, less than four weeks after the referendum, the Generalitat voted to declare independence from Spain. The vote in parliament was nearly as lopsided as the referendum, as seventy members of parliament voted to declare independence, ten voted against declaring independence, and two members of parliament abstained from voting. Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy responded to this vote by insisting that Madrid must enact direct rule on Catalonia to return "law, democracy and stability" to the region. Although the members of the Generalitat knew the Spanish Constitutional Court would deem their vote illegal, they moved to represent their constituents.

World powers, such as the United States, the UK, and Germany, also made their thoughts known by expressing their support for a unified Spain. Jean-Claude Juncker, the European Commission chief, said the EU "doesn't need any more cracks, more splits" in reference to the issues Europe is already facing with Brexit. Despite the outward opposition, many Catalans could be found cheering in the streets, carrying the Catalonian flag, and singing the Catalonian national anthem.

51 “Catalonia Region Profile.”

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Many Catalans were brought to tears by the monumental vote that they believed would end the oppression they have lived under. Others, however, claimed that a vote for independence is not reflective of the will of the Catalans and that such a vote would only fracture Spain, making the existing problems worse.52 The situation brewing in Catalonia is made even more interesting by the history of independence movements in the Basque Country. The desire for independence among the Basques dates back many centuries, but became especially pressing after Franco’s death in 1975.53 The Basques, as a people, are native to the northeastern area of Spain and southwest France. Whereas Catalonia has seen some violence recently, largely confined to the day of the independence referendum, the Basque Country has been far more violent in recent decades. The Basques, being ethnically and culturally different from most Spaniards, have always desired autonomy, and this desire has led to violence on multiple occasions, resulting in roughly one thousand deaths since 1960.54 On the surface, the causes for the Basque independence movement are not unlike their Catalonian counterparts. The Basque Country is among the most affluent regions in Spain. The Basques have a unique language – the origins of which remain unknown – and culture that is not shared by any other group in Spain. The only group which shares the language and culture of Spanish Basques is the Basque population of France, which lives just across the border.

Historically, both Spain and France have worked to suppress the Basque population as much as possible. However, the suppression was particularly harsh in Spain under Franco.55

52 “Catalonia Region Profile.”

53 Crepaz, European Democracies, 136.

54 Crepaz, European Democracies, 264.

55 Crepaz, European Democracies, 264-6.

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Franco’s harsh tactics bred harsh tactics in return; in 1959, the Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA), or Basque Fatherland and Liberty Group, was formed. The ETA commonly used terroristic methods as a means to its end. Common targets of the ETA were “security forces, government officials, and politicians.” The ETA also engaged in a more economically-focused form of terrorism by attacking popular tourist locations to deter tourism and hurt the Spanish economy.56 The fight was political, too, as the Basque Parliament narrowly decided in 2004 that “the Basque region has the right to secede from Spain.” Similar to the recent events in Catalonia, the Spanish prime minister at the time believed the Basques had “no legal foundation” to make such a declaration. This was not a declaration of independence; instead, it was a declaration that the Basque Country will remain a part of Spain as long as Basques can decide to do so. Thankfully, this situation has largely been deescalated by time. The Basque Parliament’s declaration of the right to self-determination, coupled with the Basque people’s refusal to act towards independence, signaled that the Basque Country would not be leaving Spain.57 Seeing as the situation in the Basque Country is similar to that of Catalonia, one may wonder why Catalans want independence but Basques do not. Many scholars would point out that the Basque Country enjoys greater autonomy than Catalonia does. Specifically, this autonomy comes in financial affairs.58 It is believed that this fiscal autonomy is what has prevented the Basque Country from reaching the point of declaring independence from Spain.

This sentiment is echoed by Aitor Esteban, the organizer for the Basque National Party in Spain’s

56 Crepaz, European Democracies, 264-5.

57 Crepaz, European Democracies, 265.

58 Patrick Kingsley, “As Catalonia Crisis Deepens, Many Basques Wary of New Independence Bid,” New York Times, https://www.nytimes.com/2017/10/28/world/europe/spain-catalonia-basque-independence.html (accessed December 11, 2017).

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parliament, who said, “We don’t have that economic resentment. People don’t feel that need to act upon a grievance about money; that makes a big difference.” As part of the Basque Country’s autonomy agreement with the Spanish government, most tax revenue from the Basque Country stays in the Basque Country. The Basque Country’s money that does get sent to Madrid is strictly for national purposes, such as defense. Knowing that Catalonia could never achieve a Basquestyle deal, which would result in a loss of thirteen percent of next year’s budget for the Spanish government, Catalonia’s only chance at greater autonomy seems to be a declaration of independence.59 Overall, any number of reasons can be a cause for regionalism or populism. For example, Belgium, Catalonia, and the Basque Country all feature regionalism on a linguistic basis. Italy and the UK each see cultural differences as a reason for regionalism – for Italy, the differences are north and south, while the UK sees cultural differences between Britons and Europeans. A difference in political preferences also lead to regionalism and populism, as evidenced by the Northern League in Italy or Catalonian or Basque national parties in Spain. However, no matter the case being observed, the most common – and most important – cause of regionalism and populism is economic security. Each of the cases observed is a result of economic discontent, without which these cases would be mitigated, if not avoided altogether.

59 Sonya Dowsett, “The Basque Country: Spain’s Effective but Expensive Antidote to Secession,” Reuters, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-spain-politics-catalonia-basques-anal/the-basque-country-spains-effective-butexpensive-antidote-to-secession-idUSKBN1CE2G6 (accessed December 11, 2017).

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