ALFRED Journal 2022

ALFRED EDITION 11 | VOLUME 1 | SUMMER 2022

ALFRED | EDITION 11| VOLUME 1| SUMMER 2022

Contents Page 3

Welcome from the Editors Cassie Lowe, Matt Elphick and Juliet Winter

Page 4-16

The science of slaughter: is the stunning of pigs in UK slaughterhouses currently humane?

Kate Affleck MSc Animal Welfare, Science, Ethics and Law

Page 17-28

Page 29-38

Page 39-49

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To what extent do the insights of Thucydides illuminate the current dynamics of China-US relations?

Sean Burchett MA Politics and International Relations Reimagining the ‘Indian Mutiny’ Rosie Charles BA (Hons) History Pretend Play: A Critical Discussion into the Role of Pretence in Childhood Development Charlotte Cheatle BSc (Hons) Psychology

Page 50-62

An Exploration of the Discourse Surrounding Section 28 of the 1988 Local Government Act and the Lasting Impression on LGBTQ+ Youth Bee Clark BA (Hons) Education with Inclusion Studies

Page 63-72

Does the non-fiction publishing industry represent gender equality as a subject that can be addressed by women’s self-improvement instead of as a feminist issue with social, political and economic causes?

Helen Dawson MA Creative Writing

Page 73-82

Discuss the relationship between social history and the study of gender Rosa-Marie Denton MA History

Page 83-91

An Evaluation of Altruism in Chimpanzees Eleanor Goodchild MSc Animal Welfare, Science, Ethics and Law

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Page 92-96

Meaning Machine: Review of Ambiguity Machines and Other Stories by Vandana Singh Liam Hayes BA (Hons) Creative Writing

Page 157-169

Five reasons to decolonise RomanoBritish deity studies in iconography Daniele Sylvester Doctoral Research Student, Archaeology

Page 97-108

“Women don’t belong in Football”: Using Textual Data to Examine Public Responses to Newly Hired Coaches in the NFL Connor Heiden BSc (Hons) Sports and Exercise Psychology

Page 170-182

‘Get Busy Living’: Spinal Cord Injured Athletes’ Journey from Adversity to Growth Dalma Szecsi MSc Applied Sport Psychology

Page 109-123

From the Holocaust to Darfur: To what extent has the perception of rape as an instrument of genocide evolved in international law over the twentieth century?

Isabelle Hofberg MA History

Page 124-134

A critical analysis of removing barriers for refugee pupils in a school setting Hannah Pitt BA (Hons) Primary Education

Page 135-156

‘What About Women?’

Should Sex and Gender be Protected Characteristics for the Purpose of Punishing Hate Crime?

Tiffany Steuerwald Law LLB

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ALFRED | EDITION 11| VOLUME 1| SUMMER 2022

Welcome from the editors Hello and welcome to the eleventh edition of Alfred, Winchester’s student research journal.

Alfred exists to showcase the exceptional work of students from all disciplines and levels of the University. We hope you find the contents as intellectually stimulating and engaging as we have.

Year on year Alfred becomes increasingly competitive and the standard of the submissions we receive is impressive. The open call for submissions has meant we have received a wide variety of submissions from across the academic disciplines at the institution. Each submission we receive is individually reviewed by two of our editorial panel members to ensure the high standard of the journal is maintained. Reading all the submissions this year has been inspiring and thought-provoking and the editorial panel feel so privileged to have had the opportunity to read through the exciting diversity of research conducted by our students at Winchester.

The intellectual and creative diversity of this year’s journal reflects our desire to continue to showcase the variety and scope of academic inquiry and excellence here at the University of Winchester. We hope that the featured works will offer insight and inspire discussion among our readership. This edition of the journal

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features articles spanning from exploring the notion of altruism in chimpanzees, to examining public responses to women coaches in the NFL, to considering China-US relations through the insights of Thucydides, and many more.

This year is the seventh year in which the journal has been overseen by a staff-student editorial panel. Mirroring the journal article submissions, the competition to be on the Editorial Panel this year was fierce, with 52 applications overall. We would like to congratulate all the editors on their successful year on the panel. A huge thank you to Jennifer Osborne, Jess Zahra, Bradley Harrison, Hannah Orr, Michael Alexander, Alexandros Manolakakis, Monty Rice, Gabriel Byrne, Olympia Townsend, Lucy Jacklin, Gordon Massey, Jessie Halfyard, Kate Shipton, Sydney Leung-Thomas, David Stanley, Emily Turner, Ginny Turner, Laura Tanter, Mark Baker, Claire O’Brien, and Peter Josephs, for your hard work and commitment to Alfred.

We hope you enjoy the journal.

Cassie Lowe, Matt Elphick, and Juliet Winter Co-editors of the Alfred Journal

For those interested in publishing your work, or seeing your students’ work, published in the 2022 edition of Alfred, please get in touch at Alfred@winchester.ac.uk

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The science of slaughter: is the stunning of pigs in UK slaughterhouses currently humane?

Kate Affleck MSc Animal Welfare, Science, Ethics and Law Introduction The UK public are given assurances that animal welfare at slaughter in the UK is high, in part because animals are stunned prior to slaughter. Conversations around slaughter are often focused on ethics; the philosophical rights and wrongs of killing or around a vegan agenda. However, what about the science of slaughter?

What does the evidence looking at the practicalities and measurable welfare factors tell us about stunning?

This essay examines both the scientific evidence and welfare concerns that surround the methods of stunning used commercially in the UK today.

Significantly, many stakeholders repeatedly state that more humane commercial methods need to be found. It is not only animal organisations, with an agenda, that take issue with stunning method issues, but also researchers, experts and government bodies. The ongoing topical debate is important given the welfare implications, high

number of pigs effected and lack of awareness by the public. This essay first introduces stunning, then examines electrical stunning, CO2 stunning, compares the two and finally acknowledges the significant number of stakeholders raising concern and concludes that, scientifically, we do not have humane stunning of pigs in the UK. There are numerous other important concerns outside the scope of this essay, including the serious documented issue of violence towards animals at slaughter in the UK, as well as transport, lairage conditions, handling and movement of animals.

Pigs at the slaughterhouse Inducing unconsciousness, termed ‘stunning’, before slaughter is done in the pursuit of avoiding death related suffering. In the UK over 10 million pigs are killed each year, after either electrocution or CO2 (carbon dioxide) stunning.

Pigs are highly social and intelligent animals (RSPCA, n.d). In the UK 10,751,000 pigs were slaughtered in 2018 (DEFRA, 2018a). In October 2020 alone 981,000 pigs were slaughtered (DEFRA, 2020). Humane slaughter can be defined as stunning and slaughter that is ‘instant or non-aversive’ (Lymbery, 2018 [online]).

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Legislation in the UK requires animals to be stunned prior to slaughter so the animals are unconscious during sticking (cutting the neck to severe the major blood vessels) and bleeding, with the only exemption being for religious slaughter (Welfare of Animals at the Time of Killing (England) Regulations 2015).

Stunning methods used are CO2 (86% of pigs), electrocution (around 14%), and mechanical which is rarely used (DEFRA, 2018b).

The inherent welfare issues relating to stunning itself, including pain and distress, have been of concern for decades. Researchers in laboratory settings have attempted to find alternative methods to improve welfare at slaughter. To render large mammals instantaneously unconscious without welfare compromise is not a simple task.

Moreover, the welfare of the animal is not the only concern in designing and implementing a stunning technique. The method needs to be financially viable for the industry, not compromise meat quality and must be able to be incorporated in the fast-paced commercial slaughterhouse, many of which have high throughput rates, defined as 800 pigs per hour by the

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Humane Slaughter Association (HSA) (HSA, 2019:1). Errors in stunning, resulting in animals being conscious when cut, cause immense suffering. Both stunning methods are now explored.

Electrical Until recently electrical stunning was the predominant method used to stun pigs.

Government data shows around 48% were stunned electrically in 2013 (FSA, 2013) which fell further to around 14% by 2018 (DEFRA, 2018b). Despite this decrease in proportion there was a significant number, over 1.5 million, of pigs stunned using electrocution in 2018 (DEFRA, 2018a). In electrical stunning electrodes are placed spanning the animal’s head and an electrical current is applied across the brain (EFSA, 2004a:90) with the aim of inducing a grand mal seizure, which is termed an effective stun (EFSA, 2004a:92-93). Workers then have seconds to check signs of unconsciousness, shackle (attaching a chain to the animal’s hind quarters and hoisting up) and begin exsanguination (bleeding out of the animal).

There are ‘serious welfare concerns’ with electrical stunning (EFSA, 2004b:12). Incomplete stunning, due to

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improper placement of electrodes, is a ‘major risk’, causing incomplete stunning and painful electric shocks to the animal (EFSA, 2004b:12). Under commercial conditions one study found incorrect tong placement occurring in a high number of attempted stuns (EFSA, 2004a:94). The HSA acknowledges that in practice the correct position is ‘difficult to achieve’ and placing the electrodes ‘anywhere else’ or for insufficient time reduces stun effectiveness (HSA, n.d. [online]), risking consciousness at cutting.

The British Veterinary Association (BVA) acknowledges that the effectiveness of electrical stunning is ‘largely dependent on the skill of the operator’ (BVA, n.d:45).

Animal Aid’s investigations in randomly selected slaughterhouses showed numerous misplacements of electrodes (Animal Aid, 2009a:7-8) and ‘inadequate stunning’ (Animal Aid, 2009b [online]).

There are concerns that electrocution can cause an animal to be immobilised but still conscious (OIE, 2016). Current legislation dictates that electrical stunning equipment is fitted with a failsafe device disabling it from delivering a current lower than set, however the RSPCA notes this technology has ‘not proven possible’ to develop, so there is a ‘difficulty of

achieving’ compliance with legislation (RSPCA, 2016:49) that aims to protect welfare. Animals should be checked to ensure they are unconscious prior to sticking (cutting the neck to severe the major blood vessels) and re-stunned if there is any doubt (BVA, n.d:39). Stun-tostick intervals are very short at 15 seconds maximum as consciousness may be regained quickly, risking animal awareness during shackling and bleeding (HSA, n.d. and Steiner et al., 2019:17). Slaughtering a conscious animal is against UK law (with exemption of religious slaughter) as it is considered inhumane. As well as physical distress, pigs also experience physiological stress from separation from the group which is commonplace when loaded into the stunning pen (Steiner et al., 2019:17 and Hooker 2018 [online]). Further to the physiological and psychological issues it is concerning that the EFSA found that there is a lack of knowledge on brain function during electrical stun application (EFSA, 2004b:3) and welfare implications (EFSA, 2004b:13).

If done correctly electrical stunning has the advantage of causing unconsciousness immediately (EFSA, 2004b:3) however the significant welfare issues of ineffective stunning,

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susceptibility to human error and separation stress are widely acknowledged as significant and problematic. Electrical stunning is acknowledged as unsuitable for large throughput rates at slaughterhouses due to human error rates (Holleben, 2020).

CO2 CO2 (carbon dioxide) gas stunning is now the most used stunning method in the UK, with 86% of pigs in the UK stunned with CO2 in 2018 (DEFRA, 2018b), increased from 51% in 2013 (FSA, 2013). In 2018 around 9,245,860 pigs were CO2 stunned (DEFRA, 2018a). CO2 stunning was legalised in the UK in 1958 due to concerns surrounding electrical stunning (HSA, 2019). High concentrations of CO2 cause unconsciousness as exposure ‘depresses basal and evoked neural activity’ (Martoft 2003, cited in Steiner et al., 2019:4). The structure of a gas stunner, shown in figure one, is commonly a Ferris-wheel like design. Pigs are herded into a gondola, which then lowers into the CO2 gas pit. After a set time the crate rises and the unconscious pigs are exsanguinated.

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Figure One: Example of a CO2 stunner (HSA, 2018:4).

UK law requires a minimum air concentration of 80% CO2 and that pigs remain in the stunner until dead (Welfare of Animals at the Time of Killing (England) Regulations 2015). Length of time to loss of consciousness in pigs is around 30-60 seconds (Lymbery, 2018 citing Verhoeven et al., 2016).

CO2 is aversive to pigs (Raj and Gregory, 1995 and Dalmau, 2010 cited in Steiner et al., 2019). The serious welfare problems with CO2 stunning are the pain and distress experienced in the time prior to unconsciousness. There are several reasons why this occurs. Of critical importance is the fact that CO2 and water

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produce carbonic acid, meaning acid will form on moist tissues on the surfaces of mammals, including the respiratory track, in high CO2 concentrations (Golledge, 2020) shown in figure two.

Figure Two: CO2 and water form carbonic acid (Golledge, 2020 [online]).

Atkinson et al. (2012) cites Raj and Gregory (1995) when stating that at high concentration CO2 is acidic when inhaled causing severe irritation of the eyes, nasal membranes, lungs, and pain due to presence of chemoreceptors. Pigs also experience ‘severe respiratory distress’ to all CO2 concentrations between 2090% (Raj and Gregory, 1996:71). For reference, CO2 in normal air is very low at around 0.04% (Permentier et al., 2017).

Verhoeven et al. (2016) found exposure causes abnormal breathing interpreted to be air hunger (a distressing sensation of not being able to get enough oxygen).

Pigs also experience anxiety in CO2 (Hickman et al., 2016). Aversive behaviours reported in literature include vocalisations, lateral head movements,

gasping, muscular excitation, eye rotation, aggression and neck extension (Atkinson et al., 2012 and Rodriguez et al., 2008 cited by Eurogroup for Animals, 2019). Escape attempts also occur (Martin, 2020). Studies have shown the extent of aversion to CO2; given choice pigs will avoid high CO2 environments to the extent they will forgo essentials which are only available within high CO2 for long periods of time, including water for 72 hours (Cantieni, 1976, cited in Raj and Gregory, 1995) and food for 24 hours (Raj and Gregory, 1995). Though its effectiveness at stunning is often stated as a benefit, research presented at the International Pig Veterinary Society Congress in 2016 raised concerns citing pigs regaining consciousness following CO2 stunning (Bolaños-López, cited by Wright, 2017).

When CO2 stunning was introduced to the UK it was considered an improvement on electrical stunning as there would be less human error (HSA, 2019 [online]). Over the years concerns regarding welfare grew and research confirmed that CO2 is aversive to pigs and ‘compromises welfare’ (HSA, 2018:3 and Martin 2020), a view now widely accepted by experts. CO2 stunning was deemed ‘not acceptable’ by the Farm

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Animal Welfare Council (FAWC) in 2003, advising it be phased out within five years and emphasising that government and industry should research alternative methods (FAWC, 2003:29). The European Food Safety Authority (ESFA) also called for a phasing out (Martin, 2020).

However, the government failed to act, and CO2 use increased dramatically and became the industry standard (Lymbery, 2018). CO2 over electrical stunning is financially advantageous for industry as it results in less compromised meat quality (Marcon et al., 2019:4), is cheaper (Golledge, 2020), is less labour intensive (Lymbery, 2018) and faster; a 2013 survey by the Government’s Food Service Agency (FSA) found that the seven abattoirs using CO2 slaughtered about the same number of pigs as the 116 slaughterhouses using electrocution (FSA, 2013).

It is stated by many that alternatives, such as a ‘non-aversive gas mixture’, would be preferable but there are currently no commercial alternatives (HSA, 2018:3). In 2017 DEFRA and HSA announced £400,000 of funding research into an alternative (HSA, 2017), over £300,000 of which came from DEFRA (DEFRA, n.d.) which shows an

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acknowledgement of the need for alternative stunning. The research, looking into low atmosphere pressure stunning (LAPS), was presented recently at the international symposium Ending The Life of Animals. Despite expectations LAPS is not recommended for pigs due to numerous serious welfare findings in research including ruptured ear drums from pressure in 85% of test pigs (Martin, 2020).

Electrical and CO2: are they humane?

Both have significant welfare compromising issues, both inherent to the method and the risks known to seriously effect a proportion of animals in commercial settings, which is widely acknowledged (Bouwsema, 2019:421).

The numerous issues pigs experience prior to unconsciousness in CO2 stunning is significant. Over 77,000 hours of significant respiratory distress and anxiety is experienced collectively by CO2 stunned pigs each year in the UK. This figure of over 77,000 hours is calculated by the author using the 2018 government data of 9,245,860 pigs being CO2 stunned per year and research suggesting 30 seconds of distress per pig (DEFRA, 2018a and DEFRA, 2018b).

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Animal Aid’s investigations found many animal welfare breaches with concerning frequency, including electrical stunning of pigs, demonstrating complacency to animal welfare by workers (Animal Aid, 2009a).

The UK Government acknowledges that slaughterhouse procedures carry risk to welfare and failures do occur meaning ‘animals are experiencing avoidable pain and distress’ (FSA, 2015:5).

The debate on CO2 verses electrical stunning is essentially asking which is the least poor option for welfare.

However, just because one method, in selective aspects, can be claimed to be less compromising it does not make it humane. As the evidence above demonstrates, we essentially have two poor options for stunning pigs.

Compassion in World Farming (CIWF) states a slaughter method is only humane if the animal ‘dies without pain or distress’ (CIWF, 2018). Neither CO2 nor electrical stunned slaughter in commercial settings fit these definitions.

The presented evidence shows neither method is ‘instant or non-aversive’, which is required to be humane (Lymbery, 2018 [online]).

The Farm Animal Welfare Council (FAWC), European Food Safety Authority

(ESFA) and the World Organisation for Animal Health (OIE) all acknowledge the welfare issues outlined and also a need for change. Animal welfare experts including Dr Donald Broom, Professor of Animal Welfare at Cambridge University (Lymbery, 2018), researchers including Dr Mohan Raj and Dr Jessica Martin, animal welfare organisations including CIWF, the RSPCA (Kay, 2018) and Eurogroup for Animals which has 70 member organizations, as well as the British Veterinary Association (BVA), have all acknowledged current stunning method issues and repeatedly called for a humane alternative. Even the industry organization The National Pig Association (NPA) have welcomed new stunning method research (NPA, 2017). These multiple calls for an alternative highlight the degree of recognition by experts of the evidenced issues with current methods. Given the problems explored here it is clear that both CO2 and electrical stunning in commercial settings have inherent issues, causing significant physiological and psychological distress, and therefore are not humane on scientific grounds.

Conclusion Both electrical and CO2 stunning have

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serious, evidenced welfare problems acknowledged and raised by experts, despite the image portrayed to the public. Both inherent welfare issues and error rates of the methods cause welfare compromises to occur. Electrical stunning is impractical for the fast-paced commercial setting and has welfare issues which are widely acknowledged.

Acid causing CO2 stunning is deemed unacceptable on welfare grounds of due to overwhelming evidence making it incompatible with the definition of humane stunning. The practical issues identified for both arguably render each method inhumane by definition of the suffering they cause. Government bodies, experts, researchers, animal NGOs and even the animal agriculture industry acknowledge these issues and look to potential future humane stunning methods which are not yet commercially viable. For now, and for the foreseeable future, pigs in the UK face significant distress during the slaughtering process.

Author contact: kate@onanimails.co.uk www.onanimals.co.uk

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Available at: https://www.oie.int/index.php?id=169&L =0&htmfile=chapitre_aw_slaughter.htm [Accessed 5 December 2020].

Wright, C. (2017) Issues with carbon dioxide stunning in pigs. The Pig Site.

Available at: https://www.thepigsite.com/articles/is sues-with-carbon-dioxide-stunning-ofpigs [Accessed 11 December 2020].

Verhoeven, M., Gerritzen, M., Velarde, A., Hellebrekers, L. and Kemp, B. (2016) Time to Loss of Consciousness and Its Relation to Behavior in Slaughter Pigs

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To what extent do the insights of Thucydides illumine the current dynamics of China-US relations?

Sean Burchett MA Politics and International Relations The Greek historian Thucydides’ (460400 BC) history of the Peloponnesian War, between Sparta and Athens (431404 BC), ‘was the first recorded political and moral analysis of a nation’s war policies’ (Wycombe Gomme, n.d. [online]). This essay explores how, despite being over 2000 years old, his analysis offers insights into the current relations between the US and China.

One of Thucydides’ most significant perceptions was that Athens’ rise in power and Sparta’s fear of it led to the war (Thucydides, Hammond, and Rhodes, 2009:13). Graham Allison (2015, [online]) used this insight as the basis for examining China-US relations, coining the term the ‘Thucydides Trap’, the principle that rising and falling powers are destined to clash. Allison’s (2020: viii) starting point was a particular translation of Thucydides’ work (Thucydides, Strassler and Crawley, 1998:16) where the outcome of the clash between Athens and Sparta is described as inevitable. It is

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unlikely that Thucydides meant this, given much of his work is related to where conflict was avoided/delayed.

However, this hyperbole and its use regarding current China-US relations raise Thucydides’ prominence in modern international relations (IR), facilitating a focus on how war might be avoided and illuminating his other insights.

In studying the relationship between the rising power and the dominant power, Thucydides also identified three mechanisms by which a shift in the relative balance of power can cause structural stress and lead to conflict: interest (objective self-interest); fear (emotional reasoning) and honour (wounded pride) (Allison, 2020:39-40).

Since China is a rising power and the US a declining one, these mechanisms could potentially explain their current conflictridden relationship evident in continuing conflicts over Hong Kong, Coronavirus, The Uyghur Genocide and Taiwan (Council for Foreign Relations, 2021: [online]). Since diplomatic relations opened in 1979, the relationship has alternated between what could be termed ‘thaw’ periods of relative cordiality (1979-1989, 2005-2018) and periods of intense conflict (1989-2005

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and 2018-2021), which could be termed as ‘freezes’ (Council for Foreign Relations, 2021: [online]) It is Thucydides’ insights into these drivers that fuelled the dynamics leading to war that facilitates understanding of the current dynamics of China-US relations. This is demonstrated by considering the three mechanisms Thucydides identified in relation to current China-US relations. However, time and structural differences between Athens and Sparta and China and the US affect the relevance of Thucydides’ ideas. While this essay finds that Thucydides’ insights can illumine current China-US relations, the modern focus on the Thucydides Trap serves to highlight how war might be avoided, rather than its inevitability.

The concept of national interest is central to Realist IR theory, which sees the state as the main actor, sovereignty the main trait, and survival the core national interest.

As Thucydides understood, interest meant the need of states to ensure their survival and protect their sovereignty to make decisions free from outside coercion (Allison 2020:39).

The sovereignty of rising powers is restricted by the institutions and norms created by ruling powers (which are

structured to preserve their relative position). In contrast, leading powers find their capacity to ensure their survival restrained by the existence of a challenger who could potentially counteract and threaten them. Security cannot be taken for granted. These aspects are all insights of Thucydides (Dunne & Schmidt, 2011:84-99).

References to Thucydides by realist scholars indicate how these insights have relevance for modern IR. For example, in early realist scholarship on China-US relations, John Mearsheimer implicitly applies the idea of the Thucydides Trap, predicting a future US-Chinese ‘Cold’ war (Brzezinski and Mearsheimer, 2005:46-50). More recently, Allison, explicitly invoking the Trap, argued that a hot war, while not inevitable, is highly likely, and can only be avoided with constant, conscious intense effort on both sides (Allison, 2020: xvii).

Interest is most influential on China-US relations in security and economic competition.

Security Competition means conflict between states over the relative amount of geopolitical power each has.

Mearsheimer argues that the best way for states to protect their national interests is to continually maximise their

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power, arguing that ‘Great powers have no choice but to pursue power and to seek to dominate the other states in the system’ (Mearsheimer, 2001:2-3). He terms this offensive realism (Mearsheimer, 2001:21). In his history of the Peloponnesian War, Thucydides explains the acquisition of Athens’s empire in similar terms – ‘the weaker must give way to the strong’ (Thucydides, Hammond & Rhodes, 2009:39). China’s construction of artificial military installations in the South China Sea and continued threats to annex Taiwan are driven by the desire to increase its power over regions it regards as its domain and can be viewed in this vein. (Council on Foreign Relations, 2021: [online] and Gries & Yang, 2019: [online]). While this does not directly threaten American national interest, it does threaten the interests of US allies like the Philippines, Vietnam, and Taiwan, affecting US influence in this area, which impacts their relative position in the world. Framed in this way, the US must maintain its influence in Asia at all costs. Anything that threatens it threatens US national interests, in line with Kenneth Waltz’s ideas of defensive realism, which state that ‘the first concern of states is not to maximize power but to

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maintain their position in the system’ (Waltz, 1979:126).

Economic competition refers to states competing over economic issues.

Chinese exports have been undercutting US manufacturers, leading to job losses in this sector, generating discontent and threatening the US national interest (Scott, 2021:1). The US response of imposing harsh tariffs on Chinese imports in 2018, threatened the Chinese economy, which depended on exports and thus China’s national interest. China responded in kind by putting similar tariffs on US goods, leading to the Trade War of 2018-19 (Council on Foreign Relations, 2021: [online]). ` Though the driver of ‘interest’, that Thucydides highlights, is evident in aspects of China-US relations as the above examples show, it does not directly explain why there are thaws in China-US relations. If national interest requires them to compete, one expects them to be competing continuously, yet they do not. In the 2005-2018 thaw, China was America’s biggest trading partner and concerns were not raised over this until 2012. In the 1979 to 1989 thaw, China purchased military equipment from the US from 1984 onwards (Council on

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Foreign Relations, 2021: [online]). Such behaviour is not expected from states who threaten each other's national interests. It also fails to explain cultural conflicts utterly independent of national interest, which are best described through Thucydides’ fear mechanism.

Thucydides’ concept of fear refers to how emotions, particularly fear, cloud the judgement of rising and ruling powers, causing them to behave aggressively toward each other. Fearful of rising powers, ruling powers take drastic measures to restrain them. Rising powers are less fearful of ruling powers, but fear being restrained, leading them to respond aggressively to any attempts to get them to moderate their behaviour.

Thucydides particularly emphasises such fear as a cause of the Peloponnesian War, with Sparta’s fear of Athens being the catalyst for the conflict (Thucydides, Hammond & Rhodes, 2009:13, 39).

Perceptions and emotions like these are best understood using constructivism, which focuses on how ideas and subjective experiences influence political behaviour. Samuel Huntington’s ‘Clash of Civilizations’ (1993:22-49) divides the world into fundamentally distinct cultural identities

with different value systems, known as civilizations. It identifies the US and China as belonging to two separate civilizations, Western and Confucian, respectively. His thesis can be used to explain Chinese-US relations in terms of differing value systems leading them to opposing foreign policy objectives and eventual conflict (Huntington, 1993).

Differing cultures also contribute to the fear which can bring about the Thucydides Trap, as both states fear being replaced or repressed by an ‘other’, antithetical to its beliefs.

That this is the case with China-US relations is suggested by reactions on both sides to contemporary events such as the Uyghur genocide and the crackdown in Hong Kong. Conflict in both instances is started by the US expressing outrage over Chinese behaviour and China being offended by this. This outrage contains an element of fear for what China would do if it got more power but is also a reaction to the perceived threat of China’s actions to fundamental US ideas about democracy and freedom.

National Security Council spokesman John Ullyot’s description of the National Security Law as having ‘smothered Hong Kong’s freedom and autonomy’ (REUTERS, 2020: [online]) demonstrates

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this. China, in response, is angered by the US infringing on its sovereignty on humanitarian grounds, accusing the US of ‘gangster logic and bullying behaviour’ and attempting ‘to block China's determination and confidence to maintain national sovereignty’ (NDTV, 2020: [online]).

Chinese response to the US bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in 1999 reflects the deep level of distrust and fear cultural difference can generate. US apologies and claims that it was an accident were ignored or disbelieved by Chinese authorities, who used the incident to build support among the Chinese people for increased military spending and anti-US policies (MacKinnon, 1999: [online]).

Such distrust between clashing civilisations and the underlying fear this creates underlies modern China-US relations. Kenneth Lieberthal and Wang Jisi’s report (2012: viii) highlights this, pointing out that the Chinese see America’s promotion of democracy ‘as designed to sabotage the Communist Party’s leadership’. At the same time, the US ‘is especially sensitive to Chinese policies that impose direct costs on the US economy’ (Lieberthal and Jisi,2012: ix).

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The actions of both can be seen as reflecting these positions.

However, as with the interest mechanism, fear cannot explain thaw periods in China-US relations. Even if there is strategic mistrust between the US and China, this mistrust appears to be overcome periodically (1979-1989 and 2005-2018). The success of the Sunnyland Summit between Barack Obama and Xi Jinping, where they pledged to ‘cooperate more effectively on pressing bilateral, regional, and global issues’ (Council on Foreign Relations, 2021: [online]), suggests some degree of mutual trust existed between the two.

Both China and the US do share a strong sense of national exceptionalism and a desire to spread their values globally.

However, these similarities increase, rather than decrease, the likelihood of conflicts between them because of the power dynamic and the fear it creates. A shared sense of what Thucydides calls honour may offer additional insight.

Thucydides uses the concept of honour to describe the desire for respect inherent in each nation; it does not have a moral component as modern usage of the word might. It is more akin to reputation. Rising powers feel entitled to

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greater respect from ruling powers in recognition of their achievements. Ruling powers often feel disrespected by rising powers’ assertiveness. This is influential in terms of how China and the US see themselves. China ‘seeks to recover the centrality it enjoyed in Asian geopolitics until the coming of colonialism’ while the US wants to maintain its dominance globally, including in Asia (Tellis: 2014:1).

China’s growth has benefitted from the liberal international order led and sponsored by America, its challenge to America is therefore seen much like that of Athens to Sparta in terms of ungratefulness, in that Sparta ‘had provided the security environment that allowed Athens to flourish’ (Allison, 2020: xv). America’s response to China’s challenge is viewed in China as America failing to respect China’s achievements (Lieberthal & Jisi, 2012:10).

The significance of honour is reflected in the rhetoric used domestically and between the nations.

For example, Mike Pence, speaking in October 2018, framed China as a threat to American power that needed to be contained. He portrayed America as opening the world to China by giving it access to its economy and the World Trade Organization. China’s response

was described in terms of unfair practices and even theft (Pence, 2018: [online]). Donald Trump’s extreme emotive rhetoric during his presidential campaign is a more extreme example, with his visceral appeal to America’s sense of honour by likening the China-US relationship to ‘rape’ (Diamond, 2016: [online]).

For China’s part, many of its reactions to US policies and actions are framed in terms of perceived disrespect, which is frequently met by a tit- for- tat escalation to show that they are a nation to be reckoned with. The incident in 2020 surrounding the expulsion of American journalists is a prime example (Munroe et al., 2018: [online]). The issue of respect was stressed at Xi Jinping’s recent meeting with Joe Biden in November 2021. The Chinese took pains to present themselves as equals on the world stage and stressed the need for mutual respect, and respecting sovereignty ((Delaney et al., 2021: [online]) The greatest strength of the idea of honour is in offering some potential explanation of the thaws in China-US relations. Respect is a more mutable variable than self-interest or fear, and it is entirely plausible to see China and the US

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as respecting each other in the thaw periods but not the freeze ones.

However, viewing the thaw periods through the lens of Liberalism, which emphasises interdependence and cooperation between states, gives reason for scepticism about how much honour can explain China-US relations.

For example, the thaw between 19791989 centred on shared benefits of cooperation. It existed in part because America did not perceive China as a serious threat to their hegemony and saw this period as a chance to liberalise China, based on ‘the assumption that deepening commercial, diplomatic, and cultural ties would transform China’s internal development and external behavior’, an idea that Campbell and Ratner state ‘has been a bedrock of US strategy' since the Nixon presidency (Campbell & Ratner, 2018: [online]). It was not a relationship based on mutual honour and ended when cultural differences that directly challenged American values could not be overlooked (Tiananmen Square Incident 1989). The idea that China would never be strong enough to replace the US as a global hegemon (Brzezinski and Mearsheimer, 2005:146) was not only

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naïve but reflected the lack of respect for China’s achievements and ambition.

Cooperation in this period can be viewed in terms of containment and restraint rather than mutual respect.

While honour as a driver towards conflict appears to have some influence on China-US relations, its significance seems to lay in its use as an appeal to citizens for support, with calls to honour used when action may not necessarily be popular to the domestic or international population. Understood in Thucydidean terms, this concept of honour has obvious significance in IR, when one’s relative position in the world is not only about economic and military power but one’s perceived status.

While Thucydides’ insights apply in many situations, they do not apply in all. The current state of China-US relations has strong similarities with that of Athens and Sparta – a rising power and a dominant power being challenged – suggesting relevance for Thucydides’ insights. However, Allison’s book (2020: 287) considered 16 cases where ‘a major rising power threatened to displace a ruling power’. While in 75% of the cases war resulted, in 25% it did not, suggesting that Thucydides’ insights cannot be

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universalized in the way Thucydides Trap scholars appear to think. Rather, they can be applied with insight and intelligence to situations, but not according to some absolute set of rules.

One reason they may not is the development of nuclear weapons. When Thucydides was writing, there was no possibility of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD) - war leading to the complete extinction of both sides. The development of nuclear weapons made this a real possibility if both sides had enough weapons to wipe out the other, as China and the US do. This possibility has restrained the US and the USSR in the previous Thucydides Trap scenario of the Cold War. Here the influence of interest, fear and honour was limited by the knowledge that too much aggression could lead to the complete destruction of each side. US President Ronald Reagan acknowledged this when he claimed that ‘a nuclear war cannot be won and must therefore never be fought’ (Allison, 2020: 207-208). There is no reason to think that China and the US are less aware of the risks today than the USSR and US were then.

Another factor potentially impacting the applicability of Thucydides’ ideas is globalisation.

Thucydides was writing about a system of self-sufficient city-states localised to Greece. The current international system is global, and countries are highly economically interdependent. Due to globalisation and her participation in it, China is deeply connected to the US economy, making a total separation ‘politically, economically and practically unthinkable’ (Tellis, 2014: ix). The Covid 19 pandemic illustrated this, as China’s role in producing Personal Protective Equipment (PPE) medical devices, antibiotics, and active pharmaceutical ingredients for the rest of the globe allowed it to control who received resources and when (Congressional Research Service, 2020: [online]). While this level of economic power, and China’s self-interested use of it, is concerning, it demonstrates that there is a limit to how much the US can challenge China without losing access to manufactured goods that it needs.

While differences due to time and structural differences in relationships may make war less likely than the Thucydides Trap suggests, this does not negate the influence of Thucydides insights but rather highlights the need to consider changing contexts in their application.

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Considering Thucydides’ insights into the causal factors of the Peloponnesian War in relation to current China-US relations reveals that they have relevance here, illuminating the current dynamics. While the insights of Thucydides cannot necessarily predict the outcome of these dynamics, the factors he identified as influencing state behaviour in a Thucydides Trap scenario – interest, fear, and honour - still apply.

The concept of the Thucydides Trap (while an oversimplification) at least draws attention to the risk of unnecessary conflict and encourages consideration of how it may be avoided.

In addition, factors such as nuclear warfare and globalisation reduce the practicality of war in this scenario, as the costs of conflict are much greater, meaning there is more of an incentive to compromise and cooperate.

Furthermore, Thucydides’ insights are more sophisticated and nuanced than some contemporary admirers claim. His emphasis on where war was avoided and how choices made by states were based on mistrust, misunderstanding, fear, and hubris, which ultimately made war more likely, are particularly relevant. The thaws in

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China-US relations can be viewed as where good choices have minimised conflict, the freezes where bad decisions have intensified it. What remains to be seen is where this will lead. What does seem certain is that Thucydides’ insights will retain prominence in IR theory as an understanding of hegemonic transition and the relationships between rising and ruling powers remains crucial in the modern world.

References Allison, G., 2015. The Thucydides Trap.

Are the US and China Headed for War? The Atlantic. Available at: https://www.hks.harvard.edu/sites/def ault/files/centers/mrcbg/files/Allison %2C%202015.09.24%20The%20Atlantic%2 0-%20Thucydides%20Trap.pdf [Accessed 15 December 2021].

Allison, G., 2020. Destined for war.

Melbourne: Scribe.

Campbell, K., & Ratner, E. (2018). The China Reckoning. Foreign Affairs, 97(2), 60-70. Available at: https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/ china/2018-02-13/china-reckoning [Accessed 16 December 2021]

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Congressional Research Service, (2020).

COVID 19: China Medical Supply Chains and Broader Trade Issues. (Summary).

Available at: https://crsreports.congress.gov/produc t/pdf/R/R46304?mod=article_inline [Accessed 16 December 2021].

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Dunne, T. and Schmidt, B., (2011).

Realism. In: Baylis, J., Smith, S and Owens, P. (eds.), The Globalization of World Politics, 5th ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 84-99.

Council on Foreign Relations. (2021).

Timeline: US Relations with China 1949– 2021. Available at: https://www.cfr.org/timeline/usrelations-china [Accessed 10 December 2021].

Gries, P. and Yang, T., (2019). Will China Seize Taiwan? Foreign Affairs. Available at: https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/ china/2019-02-15/will-china-seizetaiwan [Accessed 16 December 2021].

Delaney, R., Churchill, O. and Ng, T., (2021). Xi Jinping urges Joe Biden to put US policy on China back on track. South China Morning Post. Available at: https://www.scmp.com/news/china/dip lomacy/article/3156173/xi-jinpingemphasising-mutual-respect-summitjoe-bidenbeijing?module=storypackage&pgtype=ho mepage [Accessed 16 December 2021].

Haynes, J., Hough, P., Malik, S. and Pettiford, L., (2011). World Politics. Harlow: Pearson Education, 330-332.

Diamond, J., (2016). Trump: 'We can't continue to allow China to rape our country'. CNN. Available at: https://edition.cnn.com/2016/05/01/pol itics/donald-trump-china-

Huntington, S., (1993). The Clash of Civilizations? Foreign Affairs, 72(3), 22-49.

Available at https://www.jstor.org/stable/20045621 [Accessed 7 December 2021].

Keleman, M., (2012). Candidates Criticize China; Presidents Show Caution. Npr.org.

Available at: https://www.npr.org/2012/09/10/16088 0265/candidates-criticize-chinapresidents-show-

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caution?t=1639661230513 [Accessed 16 December 2021].

Lieberthal, K. and Jisi, W., (2012).

Addressing US-China Strategic Distrust.

Washington: John L. Thornton China Center at Brookings Institution, viii. ix.

Available at: https://www.brookings.edu/wpcontent/uploads/2016/06/0330_china_li eberthal.pdf [Accessed 16 December 2021].

MacKinnon, R., (1999). CNN - China gives green light to embassy protests - May 9, 1999. Edition.cnn.com. Available at: http://edition.cnn.com/WORLD/asiapcf /9905/09/china.protests.02/ [Accessed 15 December 2021].

Mearsheimer, J. and Brzezinski, Z., (2005). Clash of the Titans. Foreign Policy, (146), 46-47,49-50.

Mearsheimer, J., (2001). The Tragedy of Great Power Politics. New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 2-3, 21.

Munroe, T., Pamuk, H. and Coster, H., (2018). China expels American journalists as spat with US escalates. REUTERS.

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Available at: https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usachina-media-idUSKBN2143AN [Accessed 15 December 2021].

NDTV.com. (2020). "Gangster Logic": China Slams US Sanctions Related to Hong Kong. Available at: https://www.ndtv.com/worldnews/gangster-logic-china-slams-ussanctions-related-to-hong-kong-2263716 [Accessed 11 December 2021].

Pence, M., (2018). Vice Pres. Mike Pence, “On the Administration’s Policy toward China,” October 4, 2018, | US-China Institute. China.usc.edu. Available at: https://china.usc.edu/vice-pres-mikepence-%E2%80%9Cadministration%E2%80%99s-policytoward-china%E2%80%9D-october-42018 [Accessed 15 December 2021].

REUTERS. (2020). US, allies deplore China's new Hong Kong security law.

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Scott, R., (2021). U.S.-China Trade, 19892003. EPI Working Paper 270. Economic Policy Institute, 1. Available at: https://www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files /Research/us-china%20trade%2019892003.pdf [Accessed 16 December 2021].

Tellis, A., (2014). Balancing without Containment. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, ix-9. Available at: https://carnegieendowment.org/files/ balancing_without_containment.pdf [Accessed 12 December 2021].

Thucydides, Strassler, R. and Crawley, R., (1998). The Landmark Thucydides. New York, NY: Simon et Schuster, 16.

Thucydides., Hammond, M. and Rhodes, P., (2009). The Peloponnesian War. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Waltz, K., (1979). Theory of International politics. New York: McGraw Hill, 126.

Wycombe Gomme, A., (n.d.). Thucydides | Greek historian. Encyclopaedia Britannica. Available at: https://www.britannica.com/biography/ Thucydides-Greek-historian [Accessed 11 December 2021].

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Reimagining the ‘Indian Mutiny’ Rosie Charles BA (Hons) History The ‘Indian Mutiny’ of 1857 was an uprising committed by the Indian Sepoys against the authority of the East India Company and resulted in the implementation of the British Raj which is the period of British rule on the Indian subcontinent.

The causes and consequences of the ‘Indian Mutiny’, as explored by Salahuddin Malik, have been subject to varying levels of controversy in the years following the uprising, with British imperialist (arguing for colonial rule) and Indian nationalist (arguing for Indian independence) interpretations dominating the debate on the causes, nature and meaning.1 The difference in interpretations has led to a substantial divergence in the way the ‘Indian Mutiny’ has been remembered and commemorated between the peoples of Britain and India. However, until the early twentieth century, this field was dominated by the British. For the first fifty years following the uprising, the ‘Indian 1

Salahuddin Malik, ‘Popular British Interpretations of ‘The Mutiny’’, in Mutiny at the Margins: New Perspectives on the Indian Uprising of 1857: Vol II

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Mutiny’ was narrated and celebrated according to British ideals with very little room for opposing views or reactions.

However, the years surrounding the fiftieth anniversary witnessed the emergence of new Indian challenges to these attitudes and narrations. The ideal narratives accounted for and celebrated on behalf of the British came under attack by individuals such as Vinayak Damodar Savarkar. Savarkar was an Indian activist and writer whose importance to this analysis derives from his impact upon the alteration of perceptions and narrations to the ‘Indian Mutiny’. The legacy of this political act against imperial commemorations can also be witnessed in the current debates on the Black Lives Matter movement which are making us reimagine Britain’s imperial past and are highlighting the alternative accounts for events such as the ‘Indian Mutiny’. This article will explore the British commemorations of the ‘Indian Mutiny’ surrounding the fiftieth anniversary and the extent to which Indian publications challenged these commemorations and accounts put Britain and the Indian Uprising, eds. Crispin Bates and Andrea Major (Los Angeles; New Delhi: SAGE, 2013), p.25.

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forward. This article will also explore the long-term impacts of this challenge and will assess the relationship between the accounts put forward by British and Indian publications to that of an ideal narrative. Analysis throughout this article will take place across four sections of why the ‘Indian Mutiny’ was commemorated, the British representation and commemoration, the Indian reaction and then finally how this reaction was perceived and its long-term impact on the nature of British rule in India and its legacy today.

The ‘Indian Mutiny’ of 1857 was a distinctive event during the period of British colonial rule in India. The events of 1857 not only challenged the institution of colonialism, the policy of acquiring rule over another country, but also forced the nature of British rule and authority in India to reorientate itself in order to withstand future uncertainties and challenges; with authority being directly transferred from the East India Company to the Crown in 1858.2 The ‘Indian Mutiny’ was a politicised event from the initial outbreak in May 1857, with the Indian and British counterparts aiming for alternate

outcomes. The Sepoys were challenging their loyalty to the regiment and were overcoming the directly imposed ideologies of the army in a move to overthrow the authority of the East India Company.3 Whereas, the British were dealing with a ‘military mutiny’, an event which the British had become accustomed to throughout the period of British rule. The determination of this view by the British government reflected both the political expediencies at the time and the wider interpretations of Britain’s role in India; a role which was highly respected on behalf of the British public. Any evidence of widespread civilian participation in the uprising was simply disregarded in order to sustain this ideal narrative. Evidence of a civil uprising would challenge the legitimacy and success of colonialism, a practice which was believed to be beneficial for India and its people. Such evidence would also demonstrate that civilians were resentful of colonial control and therefore, in order to protect the

2

3

Biswamoy Pati, ‘Historians and Historiography: Situating 1857’, Economic and Political Weekly 42.19 (2007): 1686.

Bipan Chandra, et al. eds., India’s Struggle for Independence (Haryana: Penguin, 2016), p.31.

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institution of colonialism, the ideology of a ‘military mutiny’ was pushed forward.4 The divergence in the perceived actions and eventual outcomes between the peoples of Britain and India has led to the events of 1857 being remembered separately and very differently in the collective memory of Britain and India.5 These alternating ideals have led to the implementation of selective memory, especially in relation to the British narrative; the dominating narrative for the first fifty years following the uprising. In selective memory, important aspects of an event which fulfil an individual’s personal agenda forms the eventual memory. In the case of the British this was a militarily successful campaign against the ‘Sepoy uprising’ in which, according to Perceval Landon, Britain had ‘saved India from itself…’.6 The

establishment of this type of memory on behalf of the British created the firm foundations for how the ‘Indian Mutiny’ would be commemorated and celebrated by the British in the following decades and into the early twentieth century.

In 1907, the tone of British commemoration was reflective of extreme pride with significant attention being directed towards British veterans.7 These deliberate commemorations created a popular image of heroism and conquest transforming the chronology and reception of 1857.8 Such commemorations were entertained through celebratory events in which veterans were celebrated for their service. A newspaper article published

by The Times on Tuesday 24th December 1907, titled ‘Indian Mutiny Celebration’,

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7

Malik, ‘Popular British Interpretations of ‘the Mutiny’’, p.27.

5 Benjamin Zachariah, ‘Histories and National Memory: 1857’, in Mutiny at the Margins: New Perspectives of the Indian Uprising of 1857: (Vol 6) Perception, Narration and Reinvention: The Pedagogy and Historiography of the Indian Uprising, eds. Crispin Bates (Los Angeles; New Delhi: SAGE, 2014), p.84.

6 Perceval Landon, “1857”: In Commemoration of the 50th Anniversary of the Indian Mutiny (London: WH Smith and Son, 1907), p.6.

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Marina Carter and Crispin Bates, ‘Commemorations’, in Mutiny at the Margins: New Perspectives on the Indian Uprising of 1857: (Vol 7) Documents of the Indian Uprising, eds. Crispin Bates and Marina Carter (Los Angeles; New Delhi: SAGE, 2017), p.387.

8 Nayanjot Lahiri, ‘Commemorating and Remembering 1857: The Revolt in Delhi and its Afterlife’, World Archaeology 35.1 (2003): 36.

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illustrated such an occasion. The article, published by an unknown author, described the celebratory dinner hosted at the Royal Albert Hall on the jubilee of the ‘Indian Mutiny’. Phrases such as ‘warrior’9 were used in reference to British veterans and a descriptive account of the decorative items such as trophies was given. Other events providing the same narrative occurred in the years preceding the fiftieth anniversary, such as the ‘Lucknow Dinner’, an event which appears in The Times on Saturday 26th September 1903. This article, also by an unknown author, explored an anniversary dinner which commemorated the generals of the ‘Indian Mutiny’ who were viewed as the primary driving force behind the success in 1857.

Moreover, British commemoration surrounding the fiftieth anniversary was not just contained to celebratory dinners and evenings. The construction of sites of remembrance and commemoration created a permanent mutiny landscape, ranging

from sites of the dead to memorials on important locations of the revolt.10 These types of commemorations contributed to the ideal British narrative; creating a permanent mode of remembrance for the British public. ‘An Indian Mutiny Memorial’ from The Times on Wednesday 18th January 1911, detailed the establishment of a commemorative memorial for the British officers who died whilst suppressing the uprising.11 Although memorials like these were scattered across India, they were not open to the Indian population. A parliamentary debate from the House of Commons in 1902 clearly explained that Indian natives were to be refused admission to the Cawnpore Memorial Well.12 Actions like these contributed to the image of British authority. Sonakshi Goyle explored the establishment of the imperial Delhi Durbars as means of legitimising the Raj but also explored the extent to which the Durbars were used as exhibitions for the British successes in the ‘Indian Mutiny’.13 This connection is

9

12

Anonymous, ‘Indian Mutiny Celebration’, The Times, 24 December 1907, 6.

10 Lahiri, ‘Commemorating and Remembering 1857: The Revolt in Delhi and its Afterlife’, 42-43.

11 Peter Robb, ‘On the Rebellion of 1857: A Brief History of an India’, Economic and Political Weekly 42.19 (2007): 1696.

HANSARD HC. Mr. Caine, ‘Cawnpore Memorial Well’. Monday 27 January 1902. Hansard Cawnpore Memorial Well 13 Goyle, ‘Tracing a Cultural Memory: Commemoration of 1857 in the Delhi Durbars, 1877, 1903, and 1911’, 800.

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indicative towards the view that the British were developing a defined hierarchy and projecting a position of legitimate authority through the success of the ‘Indian Mutiny’ onto the Indian people.14 In 1907, Perceval Landon published “1857”: In Commemoration of the 50th Anniversary of the Indian Mutiny, in which Landon explained the events of 1857 in considerable detail and paid tribute to British soldiers. The uprising was painted in an Anglocentric light, advocating that Britain had ‘saved India from itself’15 and that the soldiers were deserving of substantial commemoration. This publication can be seen in juxtaposition to the work of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar which challenged similar narratives and sought to shed light on the Indian perspective.

For the first fifty years and until the first revolutionary challenge of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, historical accounts of the ‘Indian Mutiny’ resided in the domain of British colonial power and imagination. A domain which constructed an image of the sepoys as petty rebels and the British as heroes.16 This historical legacy created by the British played an instrumental role in the rise of Savarkar.

For Savarkar, the British accounts of India were majorly distorted, and it was therefore essential to rewrite India’s history.17 Savarkar explains in his work The Indian War of Independence of 1857, published in 1909, that the history of the 1857 revolution has never been written by a foreign author and that English authors have written accounts in a ‘wicked’18 and ‘partial spirit’.19 Savarkar emphasises throughout his work of

14

Reinvention: The Pedagogy and Historiography of the Indian Uprising, eds. Crispin Bates (Los Angeles; New Delhi: SAGE, 2014), p.45.

17 Pincine, ‘V.D Savarkar and The Indian War of Independence: Contrasting Perspectives of an Emergent Composite State’, p.46.

18 Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, The Indian War of Independence of 1857 (London: Sethani Kampani, 1909), p.5.

19 Ibid, p.5.

David Cannadine, Ornamentalism: How the British saw their Empire (London: Penguin, 2002), accessed 27/03/2021. Ornamentalism: How the British saw their Empire 15 Landon, “1857”: In Commemoration of the 50th Anniversary of the Indian Mutiny, p.6.

16 John R. Pincine, ‘V.D Savarkar and The Indian War of Independence: Contrasting Perspectives of an Emergent Composite State’, in Mutiny at the Margins: New Perspectives on the Indian Uprising of 1857: (Vol 6) Perception, Narration and

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several events in which the English had organised massacres of the sepoys, so brutal that the sepoys asked ‘only to die like soldiers at the cannon’s mouth, not as dogs in the noose of the gibbet’.20 Descriptions like these highlighted events which until 1909 had been neglected from the British accounts of the ‘Mutiny’. Accounts which had only focused on the massacres against British people, implemented by the sepoys and individuals such as Nana Sahib. Savarkar also sought to transform individuals in the rebellion such as Nana Sahib and Bahadur Shah into national heroes and emphasised the motivating principles of Swadharma and Swaraj, translated as own-duty and independence.21 Savarkar ends his revolutionary work with a plea to the reader to forget the narrative pushed forward by the British and to invest in the truth of the ‘Indian Mutiny’.22 Specific comparisons can be drawn between the work of Landon and Savarkar when examining the Indian challenge to British accounts and narratives in the early twentieth century.

Landon, as previously examined,

paraded the successes of the British and focussed on the atrocities committed by the Sepoys against innocent British men, women, and children.23 Savarkar explicitly challenged these narrations and clashed with the pioneering British ideal by advocating that the sepoys were viciously murdered while fighting for their country and were therefore martyrs of the cause. Major contradictions such as the accounts of massacres during the ‘mutiny’ encouraged a wave of research into the events of 1857 and propelled the Indian Independence Movement.

The work of Savarkar became immensely popular in the following decades after its publication because it was the first study to be conducted from the Indian perspective. It was also the first study to illustrate the rebels as martyrs and the British as the villains which contradicted the narrative of the last fifty years prior to 1909. The Indian War of Independence of 1857 also influenced many subsequent historians to investigate and publish work on the

20

22

Ibid, p.124.

Michael Adas, ‘Twentieth Century Approaches to the Indian Mutiny of 1857-58’, Journal of Asian History 5.1 (1971): 4.

21

Savarkar, The Indian War of Independence of 1857, p.221.

23 Landon, “1857”: In Commemoration of the 50th Anniversary of the Indian Mutiny, p.37.

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events of 1857.24 This was a process which had been rarely undertaken before the revolutionary challenge of Savarkar because of the immense censorship installed on behalf of British authority which prohibited any controversial texts surrounding the nature of the British Raj from being published. In addition to researching the events of 1857, Indian nationalist writers transformed leading individuals of the uprising into national heroes. Rebels such as Nana Sahib and the Rani of Jhansi have been paid tribute to in numerous bibliographies in which they are painted as valiant individuals who fought for the freedom of India against the oppressive rule of the British Raj. Certain biographies have been carried out by authors such as A.S Misra and Vrindavanlal Verma.25 In recent years Indian scholars have also tried to develop some of Savarkar’s themes described in The Indian War of Independence of 1857 further and more comprehensively.

Scholars such as Nandalal Chatterji who linked the ‘mutiny’ to the first stage of Indian nationalism in ‘A Century of India’s Freedom Struggle’ and Hira Lal Gupta

who focused on the failures of the uprising have investigated and developed the themes previously highlighted by Savarkar.26 Following the granting of Indian independence in 1947, access to a vast range of sources caused a rapid increase in the developments relating to 1857, as historians became increasingly interested in the role of specific areas in the uprising. Historians such as Rudrangshu Mukherjee and Tapati Roy highlighted the complexities of popular militancy during the ‘Indian Mutiny’ and it was Mukherjee who uncovered and explored the important role of the popular peasant protest by examining the links between the aristocratic talukdars who collected taxes and the peasants.27 Other areas have also been investigated in relation to the events of 1857 such as the broad areas on the role of gender in the events of the ‘Indian Mutiny’ as well as the role of perception and memory in regards to these events.

In ‘On the Rebellion of 1857: A Brief History of an Idea’, Peter Robb focused his research on the impact of the uprising

24

26

Adas, ‘Twentieth Century Approaches to the Indian Mutiny of 1857-58’, 4.

25 Ibid, 4-5.

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Ibid, 5.

Pati, ‘Historians and Historiography: Situating 1857’, 1686-1687.

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on perceptions and terminology, arguing that the events of 1857 had a larger impact on the mind than they did on the material world. This is an area which still holds very little research to this day.28 The political act committed by Savarkar through the publication of The Indian War of Independence of 1857 also holds an extensive connection to the current Black Lives Matter movement.

Although emerging in response to racism and discrimination specifically, the global Black Lives Matter movement served to raise our collective consciousness around the problematic legacies of British colonialism and imperialism.

Among other focuses the movement has also provided a re-examination into the sustainment of imperial structures such as statues and memorials which marginalise an alternative narrative in history. The connection between Savarkar and current generations here is evident. Colonial British and Indian history is rich with alternating narratives which are yet to be explored and it is movements such as the Indian Independence movement and the Black Lives Matter movement which seek to

uncover these histories and give them a voice.

It is evident therefore that the work of Savarkar in The Indian War of Independence of 1857 and the development of Indian challenge to the British accounts has had far reaching impacts for the way the ‘Indian Mutiny’ has been researched and commemorated and to the sustainment of this revision in British colonial history.

Savarkar challenged the primary foundations of the British narrative and commemorations towards the events of the ‘Indian Mutiny’ and in doing so opened the possibility for fellow Indian historians and nationalists to research the events of the ‘mutiny’ from an Indian perspective. The extent of the Indian challenge has also had long-lasting impacts on the development of a more comprehensive and coherent narrative of 1857 for both the peoples of Britain and India with research being carried out into the more specific areas of the uprising such as the role of the peasants, the impact of perception and to the establishment of an Indian history separate to colonial control and interference.

28

Pati, ‘Historians and Historiography: Situating 1857’, 1689.

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References Primary Sources Anonymous. ‘An Indian Mutiny Memorial’. The Times, 18 January 1911, 11.

Anonymous. ‘Indian Mutiny Celebration’.

The Times, 24 December 1907, 6.

Anonymous. ‘The Lucknow Dinner – The Anniversary of….’. The Times, 26 September 1903, 5.

HANSARD HC. Mr. Caine. ‘Cawnpore Memorial Well’. Monday 27 January 1902. Hansard - Cawnpore Memorial Well Landon, Perceval. “1857”: In Commemoration of the 50th Anniversary of the Indian Mutiny. London: WH Smith and Son, 1907.

Savarkar, Vinayak Damodar. The Indian War of Independence of 1857. London: Sethani Kampani, 1909.

Secondary Sources Adas, Michael. ‘Twentieth Century Approaches to the Indian Mutiny of 1857-58’. Journal of Asian History 5.1 (1971): 1-19.

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Cannadine, David. Ornamentalism: How the British saw their Empire. London: Penguin, 2002. Accessed 27/03/2021.

Ornamentalsim: How the British saw their Empire Carter, Marina and Bates, Crispin.

‘Commemorations’. In Mutiny at the Margins: New Perspectives on the Indian Uprising of 1857: (Vol 7) Documents of the Indian Uprising, eds. Crispin Bates and Marina Carter, 383-424. Los Angeles; New Delhi: SAGE, 2017.

Chandra, Bipan, et al. eds. India’s Struggle for Independence. Haryana: Penguin, 2016.

Goyle, Sonakshi. ‘Tracing a Cultural Memory: Commemoration of 1857 in the Delhi Durbars, 1877, 1903, and 1911. The Historical Journal 59.3 (2016): 799-815.

Lahiri, Nayanjot. ‘Commemorating and Remembering 1857: The Revolt in Delhi and its Afterlife’. World Archaeology 35.1 (2003): 35-60.

Malik, Salahuddin. ‘Popular British Interpretations of ‘The Mutiny’: Politics

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and Polemics’. In Mutiny at the Margins: New Perspectives on the Indian Uprising of 1857: (Vol II) Britain and the Indian Uprising, eds. Andrea Major and Crispin Bates, 54-78. Los Angeles; New Delhi: SAGE, 2013.

Pati, Biswamoy. ‘Historians and Historiography: Situating 1857’. Economic and Political Weekly 42.19 (2007): 16861691.

Zachariah, Benjamin. ‘Histories and National Memory’. In Mutiny at the Margins: New Perspectives of the Indian Uprising of 1857: (Vol 6) Perception, Narration and Reinvention: The Pedagogy and Historiography of the Indian Uprising, eds. Crispin Bates, 115-143. Los Angeles; New Delhi: SAGE, 2014.

Pincine, John R. ‘V.D. Savarkar and The Indian War of Independence: Contrasting Perspectives of an Emergent Composite State’. In Mutiny at the Margins: New Perspectives on the Indian Uprising of 1857: (Vol 6) Perception, Narration and Reinvention: The Pedagogy and Historiography of the Indian Uprising, eds. Crispin Bates, 73-91. Los Angeles; New Delhi: SAGE, 2014.

Robb, Peter. ‘On the Rebellion of 1857: A Brief History of an Idea’. Economic and Political Weekly 42.19 (2007): 1696-1702.

Sharma, Jyotirmaya. ‘History as Revenge and Retaliation: Rereading Savarkar’s “The Indian War of Independence of 1857”’. Economic and Political Weekly 42.19 (2007): 1717-1719.

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Pretend Play: A Critical Discussion into the Role of Pretence in Childhood Development Charlotte Cheatle BSc (Hons) Psychology Introduction Pretend play, also referred to as symbolic play or pretence, is the act of playing ‘as if’ something or someone is different from reality. This encompasses three main thinking abilities: substituting one object to represent another (for example using a banana as a telephone), attributing properties to an object it does not possess (e.g., “the toy saucepan is hot”), and referring to an object not present (pretending to drink from a cup which is not there) (Lewis et al., 1992). It is widely accepted that pretend play is beneficial in child development (Bergen, 2002; McEntire, 2009; Stagnitti & Unsworth, 2000). Whilst pretend play has been associated with many aspects of cognitive, social-emotional, and intellectual development, this essay will focus on the theoretical perspectives underpinning the role of pretence for theory of mind, language and social competence, and creative thinking. It will be argued pretence may not play as big

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a role in development as previously considered. Suggestions for a deeper analysis of the literature and empirical studies will be presented.

Review of the Literature Theory of Mind One theoretical perspective is that pretend play fosters the development of theory of mind (ToM) in children. This is built upon the idea that symbolic play and theory of mind require the same level of flexible thinking. Theory of mind involves taking on another’s perspective and understanding their actions, feelings, and intentions (Cowan et al., 2019) so, like the world of pretence, the child is required to hold two separate realities in their mind. Support for the link between pretend play and theory of mind comes from the differences in developmental patterns among typically and atypically developing children. Those with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) tend to have cognitive deficits related to theory of mind (Baron-Cohen, 1990).

The neurodevelopmental disorder has also been linked to a lack of pretend play in childhood (Baron‐Cohen, 1987; Rutherford et al., 2007), although it is still debated whether this is a preference of

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the individual or a cognitive inability.

More on autism will be discussed later.

There has also been a large body of research that supports the link between pretend play and theory of mind (e.g., Astington & Jenkins, 1995; Goldstein & Winner, 2011; Schwebel et al., 2010; Taylor & Carlson, 1997; Youngblade & Dunn, 1995). However, such studies often rely on correlational designs. It must therefore be considered that pretend play and theory of mind could merely coexist, and it is not the former causing the latter. To better understand the relationship, proposed explanations of why pretend play and theory of mind correlate must be explored.

Vygotsky (1978) proposed this is achieved through the zone of proximal development, whereby the child can operate at a higher cognitive level due to the support of a more knowledgeable other. Learning these skills subsequently supports the development of theory of mind. However, the zone of proximal development does not explain why children as young as two-years-old partake in pretence but do not develop theory of mind until much later. If the cognitive processes are the same it would be expected the two would arise at the same time in development, and

young children would be able to perform well in measures of theory of mind within the presence of a more knowledgeable other, such as false belief tasks.

Lillard (1993) offers an alternative explanation; pretend play does not use the same flexible thinking as theory of mind. She raises the idea of labels versus usage. The author suggests children may struggle to apply two labels to one object (like in appearance-reality tasks) but can understand an object as two things when it is being used (for example during pretend play). This idea was tested by Flavell and colleagues (1987), who confirmed 3-year-olds consistently performed better on pretend-real tasks than on apparent–real tasks. When told “Ellie is pretending”, when they could see the experimenter pretending to eat the object, and then later asked, “is that a real apple or a pretend apple?” children gave the correct response more often than when they merely saw the object and were asked “is that thing really and truly an apple?”. In short, simply describing the scenario as pretending and observing the object’s use brought out the cognitive competencies in children.

Lillard consequently describes pretend play as a fool’s gold, arguing it is not as sophisticated as it seems. She likens the

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process to implicit knowledge, arguing children simply put the real identity in the background. This would mean they are not really holding the two realities in their mind simultaneously and therefore not using the same cognitive skills required for advanced theory of mind. On this basis, pretend play does not play as big a role as previously thought in the cognitive development of theory of mind.

Language and Social Competence Another theoretical perspective is that pretend play contributes to the development of language and social skills in children. Bruner (1983) has suggested the most sophisticated and pragmatic forms of language are first apparent during play. Other research has found positive associations between pretend play and social skills (Uren & Stagnitti, 2009; Westby, 2000). However, just like with theory of mind studies, much of this research is correlational in design. It is just as reasonable to assume children with higher social competencies use these skills and engage in more sophisticated sociodramatic play, than it is to assume sociodramatic play develops these social skills. This area of research may benefit from a bigger focus

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on training studies, like the methodology used by Rosen (1974).

Despite the general lack of understanding in direction of causality, pretence can be applied to play inventions which aim to improve language and social skills. Most notably, interventions for children with autism spectrum disorder (ASD). As previously stated, children with autism tend not to partake in pretend play as much as typically developing children (Baron‐ Cohen, 1987; Rutherford et al., 2007). The DSM-V refers to a lack of “ageappropriate flexible pretend play” under the diagnostic features of Autism Spectrum Disorder (American Psychiatric Association, 2013, p.

54).

Play interventions use naturalistic techniques within a play setting to encourage development (Ingersoll & Walton, 2013).

O’Connor & Stagnitti (2011) assessed language and social skills before and after play intervention, in children with developmental delay and disability. The study used the ‘Learn to Play’ program (Stagnitti, 1998), a play invention focused on improving the child’s pretend play skills to their expected developmental level. Results showed following the intervention, children were less socially

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disruptive and more connected with their peers. This highlights how pretence may be linked with social development.

However, it must be noted that the comparison group who attended classes within the specialist school as normal, also saw improvement in their language and social skills. This shows that whilst pretence may play some role in social development, such development is more complex than just engaging in pretend play, and the same social skills can be acquired without play interventions.

Lillard (1993) argues these sorts of studies may be vulnerable to Hawthorne effects, and that the improvement seen is from individuals spending time in the training groups, rather than the training itself. If this were to be true, further studies looking into the nature of intervention groups may provide a better understanding of social development and could bring about new approaches to education and support for atypically developing children.

It is also worth noting the cultural differences in play. Research by Edwards (2000) found that frequency and type of play vary significantly across cultures. In their study, they reported that there was no fantasy play in the community of Juxtlahuaca, Mexico. If pretend play did

have a fundamental role in development, then we would expect to see an overwhelming number of atypically developing children in these communities with low fantasy play scores, yet this is not the case. Building on this, research has revealed a decline in unstructured play in Western culture over the past few decades (Digennaro, 2021; Hofferth, 2009). Since there has not been a general decline in language or social competencies of children, it is fair to conclude pretend play is not the only way children can develop these skills.

Creative Thinking Another theoretical perspective of the role of pretend play in childhood is built upon the ground-breaking work of Piaget (1951), who proposed symbolic play is “a source of creative imagination” (p. 155).

Many subsequent developmental psychologists concur that the cognitive and affective processes used in pretend play lay groundwork for adult creativity (Russ & Wallace, 2013; Singer & Singer, 1992; Vandenberg, 1978).

These processes, such as divergent thinking, cognitive flexibility, and perspectivetaking allow children to form new ideas through innovation and imagination. In support of this idea, a study by Hoffmann

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and Russ (2012) found a significant correlation between pretend play and creativity. This study demonstrates that pretence may play some sort of role in creative thinking.

Despite this, the study can be critiqued in terms of its methodology.

The authors used the Affect in Play Scale (APS) (Russ et al., 2000) to measure pretend play, whereby children are asked to play for five minutes with specific toys whilst being videotaped.

Symbolic play is highly encouraged through instructions such as “be sure to make the puppets talk out loud”. Whilst the APS is a well-known tool, it can be argued it creates an artificial environment of play. This may result in demand characteristics or a change of behaviour in the children, lowering the ecological validity. It is also worth noting that many of the studies looking into the validity of the Affect in Play Scale, as well as studies using the scale, are either co-authored or supervised by Sandra Russ, the creator of the measure (e.g., Russ et al., 2004; Sacha Cordiano, 2009; Sacha Cordiano et al., 2008). Whilst this does not necessarily mean these reviews of the measure are inadequate, the field may benefit from further study into the measure, as well as

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other ways of assessing the cognitive and affective processes involved in pretend play.

Another point of consideration is whether it is constructive to discuss a general role of pretend play, given that children are unique individuals. Saracho (1992) found differences in play behaviours based on individual differences in cognitive style. The study categorised children based on their score on the Preschool Embedded Figure Test (PEFT) (Coates, 1972). Those who scored higher were considered field independent, described as being socially detached, having greater analytic skills and capable of cognitive functioning.

Children who scored lower on the PEFT were considered field dependent and were more sensitive to the feelings of others and displayed greater social skills.

The study found field independent children engaged in more play, and this play revealed greater analytical skills and cognitive flexibility, linked to creativity.

Moreover, further studies have indicated gender may also play a role in cognitive styles and play. For example, field dependent girls play mostly in the doll corner, whereas field independent girls tend to play with blocks (Coates et al.,

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1975). These studies contribute to the idea that play behaviour varies among children and is subject to individual differences. Perhaps it would be better to address the role of pretend play in terms of individuals. For example, by saying pretence may foster creativity in some children (e.g., field independent cognitive style) and less so in others (field dependent individuals).

Conclusion In summary, the role of pretend play in development is complex. There is indeed a vast body of research highlighting the association between engaging in pretence and the development of skills related to theory of mind, social competence, and creativity. Whilst these correlations cannot tell us about the direction of causality, it cannot be denied that pretend play is somehow intertwined with positive developmental outcomes. Still, it must be considered that pretend play could merely be a byproduct of a third variable of which we are yet to become aware. This warrants further analysis to better understand this relationship. There is an argument for pretend play being misinterpreted as something more complex than it really is, and this would explain the delayed onset

of theory of mind abilities post the emergence of pretend play. There is also a need for consideration of individual differences among play research. It may be futile to even discuss a general role of pretence in child development and a more idiographic approach may be beneficial.

Analysing the unique individual, whether this be through gender, cognitive styles, developmental patterns, culture, or something else entirely would not only give us a better understanding of the role and function of pretend play but more importantly better our approach to education and intervention. With this being said, there have already been successful intervention studies that apply pretend play to the development of children with autism spectrum disorder. Though it is clear these desired developmental outcomes can be achieved through other means, such as within a school setting.

Perhaps it again comes down to the individual, reinstating the call for individually tailored intervention, rather than generic programs like ‘Learn to Play’.

In closing, our current understanding of the role of pretend play is just the tip of the iceberg. The abovementioned critiques outline why we should not simply accept pretence as

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inherently beneficial to the development of children, but instead, serve as a basis for improving our understanding of the world of play.

Bergen, D. (2002). The role of pretend play in children’s cognitive development. Early Childhood Research & Practice, 4(1), n1.

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Engagement in Role Play, Pretense, and Acting Classes Predict Advanced Theory of Mind Skill in Middle Childhood.

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Hoffmann, J., & Russ, S. (2012). Pretend Play, Creativity, and Emotion Regulation in Children. Psychology of Aesthetics, Creativity, and the Arts, 6, 175–184. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0026299 Ingersoll, B., & Walton, K. (2013). Play Intervention. In F. R. Volkmar (Ed.), Encyclopedia of Autism Spectrum Disorders (pp. 2287–2291). Springer New York. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-14419-1698-3_1898 Lewis, V., Boucher, J., & Astell, A. (1992).

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O’Connor, C., & Stagnitti, K. (2011). Play, behaviour, language and social skills: The comparison of a play and a nonplay intervention within a specialist school setting. Research in Developmental Disabilities, 32(3), 1205– 1211. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ridd.2010.12.03 7 Piaget, J. (1951). Play, dreams and imitation in childhood. Norton.

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Russ, S. W., & Wallace, C. E. (2013).

Pretend play and creative processes.

American Journal of Play, 6(1), 136–148.

Rutherford, M. D., Young, G. S., Hepburn, S., & Rogers, S. J. (2007). A Longitudinal Study of Pretend Play in Autism. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders, 37(6), 1024–1039. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10803-0060240-9 Sacha Cordiano, T. J. (2009). Construct Validity of the Affect in Play Scale—Brief Rating (APS-BR). (Doctoral Dissertation, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio). Retrieved from https://etd.ohiolink.edu/apexprod/rws _etd/send_file/send?accession=case12 39897798&disposition=inline Sacha Cordiano, T. J., Russ, S., & Short, E. J. (2008). Development and validation of the Affect in Play Scale – Brief Rating Version. Journal of Personality Assessment, 90, 52–60.

Saracho, O. N. (1992). Preschool children’s cognitive style and play and implications for creativity. Creativity

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Research Journal, 5(1), 35–47. https://doi.org/10.1080/1040041920953 4421

in Fantasy and Theory of Mind. Child Development, 68(3), 436–455. JSTOR. https://doi.org/10.2307/1131670

Schwebel, D., Rosen, C., & Singer, J. (2010). Preschoolers’ pretend play and theory of mind: The role of jointly constructed pretence. British Journal of Developmental Psychology, 17, 333–348. https://doi.org/10.1348/0261510991653 20

Uren, N., & Stagnitti, K. (2009). Pretend play, social competence and involvement in children aged 5–7 years: The concurrent validity of the ChildInitiated Pretend Play Assessment.

Australian Occupational Therapy Journal, 56(1), 33–40. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.14401630.2008.00761.x

Singer, D. G., & Singer, J. L. (1992). The house of make-believe: Children’s play and the developing imagination. Harvard University Press.

Stagnitti, K. (1998). Learn to Play: A practical program to develop a child’s imaginative play skills. Co-ordinates Publications.

Stagnitti, K., & Unsworth, C. (2000). The Importance of Pretend Play in Child Development: An Occupational Therapy Perspective. British Journal of Occupational Therapy, 63(3), 121–127. https://doi.org/10.1177/030802260006 300306 Taylor, M., & Carlson, S. M. (1997). The Relation between Individual Differences

Vandenberg, B. (1978). Play and development from an ethological perspective. American Psychologist, 33(8), 724–738. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003066X.33.8.724 Vygotsky, L. S. (1978). Mind in society: The development of higher psychological processes. Harvard Univ. Press.

Westby, C. (2000). A scale for assessing children’s play. Play Diagnosis and Assessment, 2nd Ed., 15–57.

Youngblade, L. M., & Dunn, J. (1995).

Individual Differences in Young Children’s Pretend Play with Mother and

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Sibling: Links to Relationships and Understanding of Other People’s Feelings and Beliefs. Child Development, 66(5), 1472–1492. JSTOR. https://doi.org/10.2307/1131658

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An Exploration of the Discourse Surrounding Section 28 of the 1988 Local Government Act and the Lasting Impression on LGBTQ+ Youth Bee Clark BA (Hons) Education with Inclusion Studies Educational policy typically aims to guide, direct, and inform institutions, practitioners, and caregivers in how the best practice can be achieved in and around educational settings. However, some areas of policy become widely contested, leading to people critically examining the fundamental ideologies that they have incorporated. Inserted into the 1988 Local Government Act (Local Government Act, 1988), Section 28 is an area of policy that still has a lasting impact on the nature of Relationship and Sex Education (RSE) in schools, namely its approach to Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Queer (LGBTQ+) identities and relationships. Outlined briefly, Section 28 was a piece of Government legislation that banned the promotion of homosexual relationships, limiting many teachers to heteronormative RSE, which had a wider impact on the curriculum, and teacher and student relationships. The impact

has been largely symbolic, giving power to any discomfort teachers and students have around LGBTQ+ RSE and RSE more generally (Greenland and Nunney, 2008: p.246). This demonstrates the power Section 28 still holds over individuals' attitudes and ideas, whether they are consciously held beliefs or not.

Introduced into educational policy in 1988, Section 28 of the 1988 Local Government Act was included to direct local authorities and councils on their approach to educating about homosexual relationships. The inclusion of Section 28 demonstrated a breakthrough for the LGBTQ+ community as it was the first-time sexual identity was written about separately and not included in legislation on sexual acts as it had been historically (Reinhold, 1994: p.62). However, Section 28 displayed negative views on homosexuality from members of parliament and policy makers, reflecting how “75% of the population [...] thought that homosexual activity was ‘always or mostly wrong’” (Godfrey, 2018). Many academics such as Godfrey (2018) believe it was included as a political gambit to gain the populations support for the Conservative government who first introduced the legislation. This demonstrates the lack of

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support and understanding around (primarily) gay and lesbian relationships at the time, highlighting the overarching societal norms exemplified through heterosexuality.

The outcome of Section 28 was to stop councils, educational institutions, and extra-curricular groups from publishing any material or intentionally promoting homosexuality (Local Government Act, 1988). In schools particularly, this meant that they taught “the acceptability of homosexuality as a pretended family relationship” (Local Government Act, 1988). This meant that students were unconsciously being taught that individuals in homosexual relationships should not be treated as though their partnership was ‘normal,’ ostracizing the LGBTQ+ community and families. For local authorities, Section 28 prohibited the publishing of any material promoting homosexuality which included books, leaflets, plays and films (BBC News, 2000). This led to a vast reduction in support services and resources for LGBTQ+ youth, often leaving them feeling isolated.

Introduced under Thatcher’s Conservative government, Section 28 is now viewed as a pawn in a larger political

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conflict between urbanized left-wing councils and the overarching right-wing government (Greenland and Nunney, 2008: p.243). A key example of this is the Haringey conflict, named after the borough council in London. Many claimed the council were promoting positive images of homosexual relationships over heterosexual ones, believing that this would construct discriminatory ideas against heterosexual couples, their lifestyles, and their families (Reinhold, 1994: p.66).

These views did not reflect the boroughs policies, but the claims from MP’s and individuals living in Haringey became “instructive as elements of a political and ideological mobilization” (Reinhold, 1994: p.66). This demonstrates how the Haringey conflict played a part in the creation of legislation around LGBTQ+ RSE, having a direct impact on the inclusion of Section 28 in the 1988 Local Government Act. Many theorists credit the beliefs behind Section 28 on the print media, blaming them for “escalating concern over a relatively short space of time...and the legacy of repressive legislation long after the original ‘threat’ had been forgotten” (Greenland and Nunney, 2008:

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p.243).

Thatcher’s ideas around homosexuality and its inclusion in the school curriculum were clear: students were being cheated of a moral education and there was no place for it alongside traditional schooling on British values (Gaymarketing, citing Thatcher, 2013).

The combination of the Conservative government’s homophobic ideas and the media’s over-involvement created a ‘moral panic’ over the inclusion of LGBTQ+ in RSE, using it as a political mechanism for control over sex education as a whole (Greenland and Nunney, 2008: p.244). Parts of this control are still seen to this day, with the government continuing to direct and constrain the RSE curriculum through current legislation.

Another area that directly impacted the passing of Section 28 was a book called ‘Jenny Lives with Eric and Martin.’ The story revolves around a young girl (Jenny) growing up with her father (Eric) and his gay lover (Martin), describing some of the problems they encounter in their “unusual situation” (Stern citing McKellen, 1997). This educational resource was initially published to support children in a comparable situation to Jenny, giving them non-conventional role models to

normalize their family dynamic (Stern citing McKellen, 1997). However, the media propagated the idea that left-wing homosexuals were using it to indoctrinate innocent children, thus aiming to recruit and seduce them into the gay lifestyle (Greenland and Nunney, 2008: p.244). These fears perpetuated a discourse around gay men already prevalent at the time, building upon predetermined ideas of predatory behavior to create the image of the dangerous homosexual. This idea spread quickly, and ‘Jenny Lives with Eric and Martin’ was “cited as evidence of a crisis which Section 28 needed to address” (Greenland and Nunney, 2008: p.244).

Furthermore, the traditional family was an image that protected innocence and presented heterosexual as the societal norm, demonstrating further discourse around the idea of the homosexual family being ‘untraditional.’ A book that was aimed at normalizing homosexual relationships was instead manipulated and used as evidence to pass legislation against them, restricting the promotion of this type of family and creating even more damaging stereotypes.

All these factors combined formed the backbone for Section 28, which was inserted into the 1988 Local

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Government Act (Local Government Act, 1988). Immediately this controversial piece of legislation created confusion and ambiguity for local authorities who did not know if they could provide support and services to the LGBTQ+ members of their community (BBC News citing Reynsford, 2003). This led to an array of responses from different Local Authority branches who did not know what level of support to give to their homosexual citizens.

The immediate reaction from many educational institutions was to withdraw all support services and literature aimed at the LGBTQ+ society.

One example of this is Shropshire County Council who “ceased funding the Telford Lesbian and Gay Youth Group which provided support and counselling services to young people, citing ‘concerns’ over Section 28” (BBC News, 2000). This limited teachers and student's educational autonomy, marginalizing conversations around same sex relationships and sexual identity (Ellis and High, 2004: p.214). The removal of resources such as books, plays, leaflets and films from educational settings has deprived generations of LGBTQ+ individuals from positive role models and

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images. These amenities would have affirmed their place in society as homosexual citizens among the heterosexual majority (Stonewall, 2017).

Many students who identified as LGBTQ+ felt at risk, due to the lack of relevant RSE and no “advice about what a healthy relationship looked like” (Day citing Craig, 2019). This demonstrates the powerful symbolic effect Section 28 had “both in signaling legal restrictions on the discussion of sexuality in schools and in reproducing inequality and prejudice more widely in society” (Ellis and High citing Epstein, 2004: p.214). Damaging stereotypes and general misunderstandings surrounding the LGBTQ+ community at the time became even more harmful, capitalizing on fear and uncertainty many theorists believe the legislation aimed to achieve, especially for teaching staff (Greenland and Nunney, 2008: p.243). If teachers educated their students about same sex relationships, they would have faced disciplinary action from the Local Authority (Stonewall, 2017). It has been argued by many theorists that this “‘frightened off’ teachers from addressing sex education issues” (Pilcher, 2007: p.166). This created an

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environment where homophobic bullying persisted and grew due to the lack of challenges and the limited response from teaching staff who felt unable to intervene (Greenland and Nunney citing Warwick, 2008: p.245). A vicious cycle began in and around educational institutions, with already vulnerable individuals unable to access the support and guidance they needed at that time in their lives.

Immediately many members of the public, especially ones with prior involvements in the LGBTQ+ community, reacted with protests, marches and outrage. This led to acts such as “Lesbians abseil[ing] into Parliament and invad[ing] the BBC's Six O'clock News the night before Section 28 became law” (BBC News, 2000). The battle against Section 28 had begun, with many gay rights groups like Stonewall and OutRage emerging to fight the damaging piece of legislation (BBC News, 2000). This is one of the only positive outcomes of Section 28 as by villainizing it LGBTQ+ rights were placed on the national agenda and discussed in mainstream news (Greenland and Nunney, 2008: p.244).

This inspired one of the most rapid civil rights movements in modern British history, combatting damaging ideas

around homosexual relationships and the inclusion of them in RSE (Godfrey, 2018). Immediately after the section was integrated into the Local Government Act, they faced an uphill battle against individuals who believed that Section 28 was a positive piece of legislation and without it the LGBTQ+ community would be “corrupting children, destroying the family, spreading AIDS, and contributing to social revolution” (Reinhold, 1994: p.62).

The discourse between the supporters of Section 28 and individuals directly opposing it continued for 25 years until it was repealed in 2003.

Section 28 was repealed by an amendment called Clause 68 which was implemented in 2003 (BBC News, 2000).

A key factor in its repeal was the death of the Conservative MP Baroness Young who was instrumental in the introduction of Section 28 (BBC News, 2003). Known for her emphasis on ‘family values,’ Baroness Young believed that the exclusion of homosexuality from RSE would protect the nuclear family held together by fundamental British Values (BBC News, 2003). However, before her death Baroness Young apologized for her actions, claiming “that her intention had been the ‘wellbeing of children’" (Day, 2019). Despite Section 28’s repeal, it

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still managed to have a lasting and damaging effect on the school environment, as “many teachers felt that Section 28 continued to affect their practice even two years after the Act was repealed” (Greenland and Nunney, 2008: p.249). The atmosphere of fear and uncertainty continued in schools, demonstrating the symbolic effect the act still held and highlighting how the repeal of Section 28 did little to change individuals' attitudes around LGBTQ+ RSE (Ellis and High, 2004: p.223). This accentuates how much of an effect Section 28 had on communities, demonstrating that there is still a lasting impression to this day.

Since its repeal in 2003, there has been one piece of government legislation which has included LGBTQ+ Sex and Relationship Education alongside the heteronormative RSE curriculum. Released in September 2020, Relationship and Sex Education Guidance for Secondary Schools (Department of Education, 2020b) focuses primarily on the integration of “sex, sexuality, sexual health and gender identity in an age-appropriate and inclusive way” (Department of Education, 2020b: p.4). Highlighting the compulsory

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nature of RSE from the age of eleven upwards, the new guidance aims to instruct students about reproduction and sexual health alongside sexuality without the promotion of any singular sexual orientation (Department of Education, 2020c: p.6). This also includes teaching around healthy same-sex relationships and how they should be “integrated appropriately into the RSE program, rather than addressed separately or in only one lesson” (Department of Education, 2020b: p.4). The integration of healthy same-sex relationships, gender identity and sexual identity into the RSE curriculum alongside reproductive and sexual health demonstrates the inclusivity and normalization of LGBTQ+ individuals by not excluding them to a separately timetabled lesson.

Furthermore, the lessons are to include other topics such as mental health and wellbeing, fostering inclusive and supportive attitudes among students and staff, especially those who identify as LGBTQ+ (Department of Education, 2020a: p.3). Theorists have identified that when pupils see themselves reflected in the curriculum they are being taught, they are more likely to articulate the positive implications it has for them

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(Snapp, Burdge, Licona, Moody, and Russell, 2015: p.261). Therefore, future effort must be placed on institutions implementing improvement strategies to create lasting positive environments that can critically adapt to engage with societies developing attitudes.

However, “parents have the right to request that their child be withdrawn from some or all of sex education delivered as part of statutory RSE” (Department of Education, 2019: p.8). This is a lasting piece of legislation that is aimed to increase parental autonomy and respect specific personal oppositions to RSE. Modern educational policy still includes this but has a greater focus on the link between the student's school and homelife, outlining how the school should signpost resources when discussing these matters with parents who wish to withdraw their child from RSE (Department of Education, 2019: p.13). This demonstrates how, despite giant steps forwards for modern RSE, there are still areas of legislation that hold some individuals back, but with some modern policies aiming to include all students, whatever way possible.

Despite recent efforts from Government Legislation, many theorists argue that Section 28 continues to have a

lasting negative effect on LGBTQ+ RSE and attitudes surrounding it (Greenland and Nunney, 2008: p.243). Furthermore, many believe that the long-term effects are even more damaging than the immediate effect “since public discourses around the Act have been effectively silenced by its abolition” (Greenland and Nunney, 2008: p.250).

Until the new 2020 RSE Guidance documents (Department of Education, 2020b), LGBTQ+ RSE was completely excluded from the mainstream curriculum, highlighting the lack of support and echoing attitudes from 1988 (Gegenfurtner and Gebhardt, 2017: p.216).

Moreover, the way that LGBTQ+ RSE has been framed in the curriculum has reinforced the marginalization of young people “who identify as [LGBTQ+] and frame this as a ‘problem’ over which they have some control” (Ellis and High, 2004: p.223). Therefore, students who cannot see themselves represented positively in the curriculum thus disengage entirely.

Furthermore, the introduction of Section 28 created feelings of discomfort and panic for many teachers who were unsure how the policy affected them.

Between the years of 1988 and 2003, the period in which Section 28 was an active piece of government legislation, Section

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28 positioned “every pupil as a potential victim of abuse, and every LGBT+ teacher as their potential abuser” (Lee, 2019: p.688). This created a ‘moral panic’ in classrooms, leading to many teachers feeling unable to support their LGBTQ+ pupils and authentically be themselves if they identified as homosexual. Despite its repeal in 2003, schools remained a hostile environment for LGBTQ+ teaching staff due to the heteronormative ideas perpetuated throughout the curriculum (Lee, 2019: p.688). Furthermore, this has left a legacy of LGBTQ+ teachers who have been denied the ability to be authentic in their classroom environments (Lee, 2019: p.688).

Furthermore, teachers who have been silenced or miseducated on LGBTQ+ RSE must be properly educated on how to broach this topic with students to ensure the correct information is being shared as Section 28 prohibited the sharing of that knowledge. Despite the repeal of Section 28, the hostility LGBTQ+ teaching staff have faced still has a lasting impact on themselves as educational practitioners and the classrooms they teach in.

However, some theorists have seen an increase in the mention of homosexuality in RSE, with a positive

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correlation to the number of individuals who believed it to be helpful (Ellis and High, 2004: p.223). This displays how, since the repeal of Section 28 in 2003, many teachers have taken LGBTQ+ RSE into their own hands: teaching an element of the curriculum that remains stigmatized despite the efforts of policy and LGBTQ+ activists. Many students also identify the benefits of a more inclusive RSE curriculum at school, highlighting how “by making the new LGBT-inclusive education compulsory, it opens up a positive discussion around these identities and creates a more welcoming and supportive environment for all LGBTQ+ young people to come out into” (Stonewall citing Saunders, 2019).

Furthermore, this has a positive impact on non-LGBTQ+ students, allowing them to become more supportive and understanding allies to their peers (Stonewall citing Hafsa, 2019). Teaching more inclusively with greater cultural relevance allows for a reduction in discriminatory views whilst creating an equitable educational environment for all learners, marginalized or not (Snapp, Burdge, Licona, Moody, and Russell, 2015: p.250). This develops the view that the school is a microcosm of the

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community it is in, furthering societies development of inclusive values that are not limited to the LGBTQ+ community.

The introduction of Section 28 in the 1988 Local Government Act (Local Government Act 1988) heightened already discursive views on the topic of LGBTQ+ inclusion in the RSE curriculum.

From examining the modern policy around LGBTQ+ RSE, the idea of a reformation of education around these issues is positive and aims to benefit both heterosexual and homosexual students alike (Gegenfurtner and Gebhardt, 2017: p.215). Historically, there has been a lack of inclusive practice that is demonstrated throughout educational policy, with Section 28 highlighting how discriminatory and exclusionary views can have a lasting effect. Theorists now describe inclusive RSE education as “education that encompasses all forms of human sexuality, including heterosexual, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersexual, queer, non-binary, questioning, pansexual, polysexual, asexual, and many others” (Gegenfurtner and Gebhardt, 2017: p.216). By including LGBTQ+ in the RSE curriculum, many theorists believe that it will contribute to a more positive learning environment in the school which will also create positive

attitudes outside the school gates (Gegenfurtner and Gebhardt, 2017: p.218).

This will allow for homosexual individuals to have less stigmatization and victimization in the wider community they live in.

The very character of LGBTQ+ RSE makes it a complicated issue to address in education, as it has both a political and personal meaning for community members (Pilcher, 2007: p.168). This makes it a difficult topic to teach due to the heightened impact it has on the individual, the school, health care services and the government itself (Pilcher, 2007: p.168). However, the introduction of compulsory LGBTQ+ RSE should allow for more individuals to be taught about it correctly, thus increasing inclusive attitudes and allowing for more culturally prominent issues to be given a voice in British classrooms.

Therefore, despite the years of discourse, disagreement and discomfort Section 28 has caused, there is hope that more inclusive ideas will be taught and thus perpetuated into wider society. The control over RSE displays a strategic level of authority imposed by the Government, displaying its iron grip on a key part of the curriculum that should be allowed freedom through personal

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exploration. It is difficult to determine the exact reasoning behind the imposition of the Section, especially Baroness Young’s viewpoint on LGBTQ+ RSE. However, throughout her work it can be implied that she felt LGBTQ+ RSE was threatening the livelihood of British school children by indoctrinating them with ideas that may cause harm or distress. Whether this emerged from a focus on the individuals wellbeing or just a lack of understanding around what LGBTQ+ RSE entailed, she has since apologized for her actions and their effects.

Section 28 was imposed to silence the LGBTQ+ community as they did not parallel traditional British values or moral values the Conservative Government at the time wanted the educational system to perpetuate.

However, it had the opposite effect, creating one of the biggest civil rights movements in modern British history with proud members of the LGBTQ+ community and their allies fighting against the Governments decision. This worked, and 32 years on LGBTQ+ RSE is now a compulsory subject on the National Curriculum, with its complete integration into heteronormative RSE

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lessons. However, there is still room for improvement displayed through the shadow Section 28 has cast over the LGBTQ+ community and their inclusion in the classroom, resources, and the media.

Generations of LGBTQ+ students and teachers have felt this effect but managed to continue teaching and learning about the vibrant history of the LGBTQ+ community whilst exploring their sexuality and gender identity in safe spaces they themselves created. This overcoming of barriers by the LGBTQ+ community shows how current educational policy should reflect current issues, discourses, and culturally appropriate topics, allowing for students to become better citizens in the societies they live in.

References @BBCStories (2019) 5th February.

Available at: https://twitter.com/bbcstories/status/1 092761962482712578?ref_src=twsrc%5Et fw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwte rm%5E1092761962482712578%7Ctwgr%5 Eshare_3&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww .bbc.co.uk%2Fbbcthree%2Farticle%2Fcac c0b40-c3a4-473b-86cc-11863c0b3f30 [Accessed on 6th November 2020].

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BBC News Article (2000) When Gay Became a Four-Letter Word. BBC News.

Available at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/scotland/6 11704.stm [Accessed on 19th October 2020].

BBC News Article (2003) Section 28 to be Repealed. BBC News. Available at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics /3120924.stm [Accessed on 19th October 2020].

Day, H. (2019) Section 28: What it was and how did it affect LGBT+ people?

BBC News. Available at https://www.bbc.co.uk/bbcthree/articl e/cacc0b40-c3a4-473b-86cc11863c0b3f30 [Accessed on 19th October 2020].

Department of Education (2019) Relationships Education, Relationships and Sex Education (RSE) and Health Education. Available from: https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk /government/uploads/system/upload s/attachment_data/file/908013/Relatio nships_Education__Relationships_and_S ex_Education__RSE__and_Health_Educ

ation.pdf [Accessed 25th September 2020].

Department of Education (2020a) Implementation of Relationships Education, Relationships and Sex Education and Health Education 2020 to 2021. Available from: https://www.gov.uk/government/publi cations/relationships-educationrelationships-and-sex-education-rseand-health-education/implementationof-relationships-educationrelationships-and-sex-education-andhealth-education-2020-to-2021 [Accessed 25th September 2020].

Department of Education (2020b) Relationship and Sex Education (RSE) (Secondary). Available from: https://www.gov.uk/government/publi cations/relationships-educationrelationships-and-sex-education-rseand-health-education/relationshipsand-sex-education-rse-secondary [Accessed 25th September 2020].

Department of Education (2020c) The National Curriculum. Available from: https://www.gov.uk/nationalcurriculum [Accessed 25th September 2020].

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Ellis, V. and High, S. (2004) Something More to Tell You: Gay, Lesbian or Bisexual Young People’s Experiences of Secondary Schooling. British Educational Research Journal, 30:2, pp. 213-225.

Available at: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/ 10.1080/0141192042000195281 [Accessed on 19th October 2020].

Gaymarketing (2013) Margaret Thatcher’s Anti-Gay Speech (1:00 min). Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8V RRWuryb4k [Accessed on 19th October 2020] Gegenfurtner, G. and Gebhardt, M. (2017) Sexuality Education Including Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) Issues in Schools. Educational Research Review, 22, pp.15-22. Available at: https://www.sciencedirect.com/scienc e/article/pii/S1747938X17300386?via%3 Dihub [Accessed on 19th October 2020].

Godfrey, C. (2018) Section 28 Protesters 30 Years On: ‘We Were Arrested and Put in A Cell Up by Big Ben.’ The Guardian.

Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2 018/mar/27/section-28-protesters-30-

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years-on-we-were-arrested-and-put-ina-cell-up-by-big-ben [Accessed on 19th October 2020].

Greenland, K. and Nunney, R. (2008) The repeal of Section 28: It Ain't Over 'til it's Over. Pastoral Care in Education, 26:4, pp.

243-251. Available at: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/ 10.1080/02643940802472171 [Accessed on 19th October 2020].

Lee, C. (2019) Fifteen years on: The Legacy of Section 28 for LGBT+ Teachers in English schools. Sex Education, 19:6, pp. 675-690. Available at: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/ 10.1080/14681811.2019.1585800 [Accessed on 19th October 2020].

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Pilcher􏰏􏰏, J. (2007) School Sex Education: Policy and Practice in England 1870 to 2000. Sex Education, 5:2, pp.153-170.

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https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/ 10.1080/14681810500038848 [Accessed on 19th October 2020].

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Snapp, S., Burdge, H., Licona, A., Moody, R. and Russell, S. (2015) Students’ Perspectives on LGBTQ-Inclusive Curriculum. Equity & Excellence in Education, 48:2, pp. 249-265. Available at: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/ 10.1080/10665684.2015.1025614 [Accessed on 19th October 2020].

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Does the non-fiction publishing industry represent gender equality as a subject that can be addressed by women’s self-improvement instead of as a feminist issue with social, political and economic causes?

Helen Dawson MA Creative Writing This essay will argue that the non-fiction publishing industry has been portraying self-help as the solution to gender inequality for more than a decade, exemplified by Sheryl Sandberg’s 2013 best seller Lean In.1 It will argue that while self-help books can highlight challenges and give tactics for women to thrive in a biased environment, they do not help disrupt structural inequalities. However, there are reasons for optimism, as a new breed of book is now being published that support the return of campaigning

feminism, echoing the second wave of the 1970s and 1980s.

The United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 5 is to achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls.2 Universal suffrage became law in the United Kingdom in 1928, and women could finally take out a bank loan without a male guarantor in 1980.3 Nevertheless, in 2022, gender inequality remains ‘deeprooted in every society’.4 Within SDG5, target 5.5 is to ‘ensure women’s full and effective participation and equal opportunities for leadership at all levels of decisionmaking in political, economic and public life’.5 By 2019, women accounted for nearly 39 per cent of the global labour force, however, they held only 28.3 per cent of managerial positions.6 The COVID-19 pandemic threatens even this progress towards parity.7

1

4

Sheryl Sandberg, Lean in: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead (London: WH Allen, 2015) 2 ‘The Sustainable Development Goals Report 2021: Goal 5’, accessed January 13, 2022. https://unstats.un.org/sdgs/report/2021/goal05/ 3 Annabelle Williams, Why Women Are Poorer Than Men … And What We Can Do About It. (London: Michael Joseph, 2021), 38

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‘Gender equality and women’s empowerment’, accessed January 10 2022. https://sdgs.un.org/topics/gender-equalityand-womens-empowerment 5 ‘Goal 5: Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls’, accessed January 10, 2022. https://sdgs.un.org/goals/goal5 6 ‘The Sustainable Development Goals Report 2021: Goal 5’ 7 Ibid.

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Titles such as Nice Girls Don’t Get the Corner Office, Beyond the Boys’ Club, and Facebook Chief Operating Officer Sheryl Sandberg’s book Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, although wellintentioned, approach gender inequality as a matter of ‘fixing the women’. 8 Sandberg’s book was a commercial success, selling more than 4.2 million copies worldwide, however, it does not appear to have resulted in meaningful change, as even Facebook UK itself is still reporting a gender pay gap. 9 Sandberg thoroughly dissects the statistics around gender inequality and provides workplace stories that illustrate the behavioural science and psychology behind headwinds experienced by women.10 However, her critical analysis falters when it comes to the proposed

solutions. The recommendations for the reader to ‘lean in’ are all based on personal anecdotes from either Sandberg’s life or her friends and family.

Despite quoting academics such as Joan C. Williams when talking about the case for change, she fails to cite Williams’ research for solutions that organisations can adopt, such as bias interrupters, instead favouring being ‘relentlessly pleasant’.11 To quote Goldacre’s Bad Science, the limitation of this approach is that ‘the plural of anecdote is not data.’12 Sandberg acknowledges that she is sharing tactics for individuals, calling this a ‘paradox of advising women to change the world by adhering to biased rules and

8

https://investor.fb.com/Facebook-UK-GenderPay-Gap-Report--April2019/#:~:text=In%20April%202019%2C%20Facebo ok%27s%20UK%20mean%20gender%20pay,than% 20men%20and%2038.8%25%20lower%20at%20the %20median.

10 Sandberg, Lean In, 16-17, 22.

11 Joan C. Williams, ‘Hacking Tech’s Diversity Problem’, Harvard Business Review, last modified October 2014, accessed January 12, 2022. https://hbr.org/2014/10/hacking-techsdiversity-problem; Sandberg, Lean In, 48.

12 Ben Goldacre, Bad Science (London: Fourth Estate, 2009), 65.

Lois P. Frankel, Nice Girls Don't Get the Corner Office: Unconscious Mistakes Women Make That Sabotage Their Careers, 2nd ed. (New York: Business Plus, 2014); Suzanne Doyle-Morris, Beyond the Boys' Club: Strategies for Achieving Career Success as a Woman Working in a Maledominated Field. (London: Wit & Wisdom, 2009); Sandberg, Lean in.

9 Judith Newman, ‘“Lean In”: Five Years Later’, The New York Times, accessed January 10, 2022. www.nytimes.com/2018/03/16/business/leanin-five-years-later.html; ‘Meta - Facebook UK Gender Pay Gap Report: April 2019’ accessed January 12, 2022.

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expectation.’13 Sandberg assumes that imbalances will shift once more women are in leadership roles.14 The evidence tells a different story – over the last 20 years, the proportion of women in managerial roles has only increased by three percentage points.15 Former Yahoo! and Google employee Sarah Cooper parodies Sandberg’s approach in How to be Successful Without Hurting Men’s Feelings, pulling apart the fallacy that a relentlessly pleasant approach is worthwhile: When describing your accomplishments, you need to strike a balance between tooting your own horn and hiding your horn behind the shed. This is difficult because if you don’t take enough credit you won’t seem qualified, but if you take too much credit you’ll seem 13

Sandberg, Lean In, 48.

Sandberg, Lean In, 170.

15‘The Sustainable Development Goals Report 2021: Goal 5’ 16 Sarah Cooper, How to Be Successful Without Hurting Men’s Feelings: Non-threatening 14

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arrogant. Good luck with that.16 Sandberg’s individualistic approach is not surprising, as the publishing industry aims to strike a balance between commerciality and cultural value. Saha and Van Lente’s recent academic paper on diversity in publishing, albeit focused on writers of colour, summarised this as follows: The fundamental challenge that publishers face in tackling diversity is the supposed dichotomy between the commercial and the cultural. All the publishers we spoke to recognise the strong cultural value of their work […] But they recognise also that they are fundamentally a business and need to sell books.17

Leadership Strategies for Women (London: Square Peg, 2018), 18.

17 Anamik Saha and Sandra van Lente, ‘Rethinking “Diversity” in Publishing’, accessed January 11,

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Self-help books continue to be a fastgrowing category for the non-fiction publishing industry; USA sales have nearly doubled since 2013.18 The NPD, a market research company, identified it as a ‘hot category for aggressive publisher investment’.19 Saha and van Lente’s research found that publishers ‘have a very narrow sense of their audience’, with the dominant view of their core reader as ‘a white, middle-class older woman (sardonically referred to as ‘Susan’ by several of our respondents)’.20 Unsurprisingly, Sheryl Sandberg’s book was an appealing prospect for publishers, following her popular 2010

TED Talk.21 Lean In’s blind spots around privilege and intersectionality are not remarkable when ‘Susan’ is the target audience.22 Following Sandberg’s footsteps, similar titles continue to be published: for example, Boss Up!, How Women Rise and Girl, Stop Apologising.23 As the global #MeToo movement rose to prominence with its campaign against sexual harassment in 2017, publishers and the media provided a platform for a discussion of the political, social and economic impacts of gender inequality.24 ‘Susan’ was no longer trying to be ‘relentlessly pleasant’ and was joining a movement in solidarity with other women addressing inclusion,

2022. https://www.spreadtheword.org.uk/wpcontent/uploads/Rethinking-Diversity-inPublishing.pdf 18 ‘Self Help Book Sales are Rising Fast in the US, The NPD Group Says’, accessed January 10 2022. https://www.npd.com/news/pressreleases/2020/self-help-book-sales-are-risingfast-in-the-us-the-npd-group-says/ 19 Ibid.

20 Saha and van Lente, ‘Rethinking “Diversity” in Publishing’.

21 Sheryl Sandberg, ‘Why we have too few women leaders’, TED video, December 2010, https://www.ted.com/talks/sheryl_sandberg_w hy_we_have_too_few_women_leaders 22 Nellie Bowles, ‘Lean In’s Sheryl Sandberg Problem’, The New York Times, last modified December 7, 2018, accessed January 14, 2022.

https://www.nytimes.com/2018/12/07/technol ogy/lean-in-sheryl-sandberg-problem.html 23 Lindsay Teague Moreno, Boss Up!: This Ain’t Your Mama’s Business Book (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 2021); Sally Helgesen and Marshall Goldsmith, How Women Rise: Break the 12 Habits Holding You Back (London: Random House Business, 2019); Rachel Hollis, Girl, Stop Apologizing: A Shame-Free Plan for Embracing and Achieving Your Goals (New York: Harper Collins Leadership, 2019).

24 Nadia Khomami, ‘#MeToo: how a hashtag became a rallying cry against sexual harassment’, The Guardian, last modified October 20, 2017, accessed January 14, 2022. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/oct/ 20/women-worldwide-use-hashtag-metooagainst-sexual-harassment

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equality, and violence against women and girls – mirroring the goals set out in SDG5.25 Although the self-help career women books are still being commissioned, the publishing industry is also embracing a more campaigning style of feminist book, such as Difficult Women: A History of Feminism in 11 Fights, as well as the advent of books on the previously taboo topics of periods and menopause.26 Unlike Sandberg’s anecdote-laden tract, Caroline Criado Perez’s award-winning Invisible Women uses data rigorously to demonstrate how the world is designed for men, with women ignored and discounted across society.27 Invisible Women demonstrates that: Women do three-quarters of unpaid work, 25

Sandberg, Lean In, 48.

Helen Lewis, Difficult Women: A History of Feminism in 11 Fights (London: Random House, 2021); Emma Barnet, Period (London: HarperCollins, 2019), Kindle Edition.

27 Caroline Criado Perez, Invisible Women (London: Random House, 2019). Kindle Edition.

28 Sarah Gordon, ‘It’s a man’s world — how data are rife with insidious sexism’, Financial Times, accessed January 14, 2022.

26

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irrespective of the proportion of household income they bring in; carers and cleaners can lift more in a shift than a construction worker or a miner; indoor air pollution from domestic open-fire stoves is the single biggest environmental risk factor for female mortality globally.28 Against such obstacles, collective action is needed, rather than ‘leaning in’ or selecting the right life partner, which Sandberg views as the ‘single most important career decision that a woman makes’.29 As Carol Hanisch observed in her iconic 1970 essay titled ‘The Personal is Political’, ‘Women are messed over, not messed up!’30 https://www.ft.com/content/9e67294a-28a011e9-a5ab-ff8ef2b976c7 29 Sandberg, Lean In, 110.

30 Carol Hanisch, ‘The Personal is Political’ in Notes from the Second Year: Women’s Liberation (1970), 76-78, accessed January 10, 2022.

Available at: https://repository.duke.edu/dc/wlmpc/wlmms 01039

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Furthermore, Criado Perez’s potential audience is not just ‘Susans’ but ‘Steves’ (as a generic male name choice).

There is a parity gap here again as women ‘are 65% more likely to read a non-fiction book by the opposite sex than men are.’31 This narrow focus perpetuates men seeing ‘the world through an almost entirely male lens, with the male experience as a default’, as Sieghart points out in her book, The Authority Gap.32 Helen Lewis’ Difficult Women tackles Sandberg’s ‘relentlessly pleasant’ mantra by telling the unvarnished stories of the women behind fights for divorce, the vote, abortion and more.33 Lewis asks: What do women need to do to be treated as full citizens, […] as the protagonists in our own lives? We are still paid less.

We still do more unpaid labour. We are still raped and murdered and abused 31

MA Sieghart, ‘Why do so few men read books by women?’, The Guardian, last modified July 9, 2021, accessed January 16, 2022. https://www.theguardian.com/books/2021/jul/ 09/why-do-so-few-men-read-books-by-women 32 Mary Ann Sieghart, The Authority Gap: Why women are still taken less seriously than men, and

by violent men. […] We are still under-represented in politics. We still only make up a third of speaking characters in Hollywood films. Feminism has won many battles, but the war is nowhere near over.34 As Lewis explains, the job of feminism is not ‘to make us happy. […] It’s the job of feminism to make us equal.’35. Therefore, women’s empowerment is not about self-help. Rather, it is to break down the embedded societal and institutionalised discrimination of women.

In conclusion, motivated by the sales potential of self-help books, the publishing industry continues to produce books like Lean In, which conflate the self-improvement of individual women with resolving structural inequalities. As former first lady Michelle Obama said, ‘It’s not always enough to lean in

what we can do about it (London: Transworld Digital, 2021). Kindle Edition.

33 Sandberg, Lean In, 48.

34 Lewis, Difficult Women, 6-7.

35 Lewis, Difficult Women, 322-323.

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because that [expletive] doesn’t work.’36 Nevertheless, a shift has occurred in the wake of #MeToo as the publishing industry commissions more books such as Invisible Women, which are supporting a fifth wave of campaigning feminism.

Encouragingly, Criado Perez’s book has been a commercial success, selling over half a million copies.37 These sales suggest that the non-fiction publishing industry can combine its commercial and cultural objectives and support SDG5 to achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls.

References Barnet, Emma. Period. London: HarperCollins, 2019. Kindle Edition.

Bowles, Nellie. ‘Lean In’s Sheryl Sandberg Problem’, The New York Times.

Last modified December 7, 2018.

Accessed January 14, 2022. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/12/07 36

Natalie Sherman, ‘How the star of Sheryl Sandberg dimmed’, BBC News, last modified December 9, 2018, accessed January 15, 2022. https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business46445909 37 Caroline Criado Perez, ‘Invisible Women: default male injections’, Invisible Women – The

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/technology/lean-in-sheryl-sandbergproblem.html Cooper, Sarah. How to Be Successful Without Hurting Men’s Feelings: Nonthreatening Leadership Strategies for Women. London: Square Peg, 2018.

Doyle-Morris, Suzanne. Beyond the Boys’ Club: Strategies for Achieving Career Success as a Woman Working in a Maledominated Field. London: Wit & Wisdom, 2009.

Frankel, Lois P. Nice Girls Don’t Get the Corner Office: Unconscious Mistakes Women Make That Sabotage Their Careers, 2nd ed. New York: Business Plus, 2014.

Given, Florence. Women Don’t Owe You Pretty. London: Cassell 2020.

Goldacre, Ben. Bad Science. London: Fourth Estate, 2009.

Newsletter (carolinecriadoperez.com), last modified December 6, 2021, accessed January 14, 2022. https://newsletter.carolinecriadoperez.com/issu es/invisible-women-default-male-injections904923

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Gordon, Sarah. ‘It’s a man’s world — how data are rife with insidious sexism’, Financial Times. Accessed January 14, 2022. https://www.ft.com/content/9e67294a -28a0-11e9-a5ab-ff8ef2b976c7

hashtag-metoo-against-sexualharassment

Hanisch, Carol, ‘The Personal is Political’ in Notes from the Second Year: Women’s Liberation (1970), 76-78. Accessed January 10, 2022. Available at: https://repository.duke.edu/dc/wlmpc /wlmms01039

Meta. ‘Meta - Facebook UK Gender Pay Gap Report: April 2019’. Accessed January 12, 2022. https://investor.fb.com/Facebook-UKGender-Pay-Gap-Report--April2019/#:~:text=In%20April%202019%2C%2 0Facebook%27s%20UK%20mean%20gen der%20pay,than%20men%20and%2038.8 %25%20lower%20at%20the%20median.

Helgesen, Sally and Goldsmith, Marshall.

How Women Rise: Break the 12 Habits Holding You Back. London: Random House Business, 2019.

Hollis, Rachel. Girl, Stop Apologizing: A Shame-Free Plan for Embracing and Achieving Your Goals. New York: Harper Collins Leadership, 2019.

Khomami, Nadia. ‘#MeToo: how a hashtag became a rallying cry against sexual harassment’, The Guardian. Last modified October 20, 2017. Accessed January 14, 2022. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2 017/oct/20/women-worldwide-use-

Lewis, Helen. Difficult Women: A History of Feminism in 11 Fights. London: Random House, 2021.

Teague Moreno, Lindsay. Boss Up!: This Ain’t Your Mama’s Business Book.

Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 2021.

Newman, Judith. ‘“Lean In”: Five Years Later’, The New York Times. Accessed January 10, 2022. www.nytimes.com/2018/03/16/busine ss/lean-in-five-years-later.html Perez, Caroline Criado. ‘Invisible Women: default male injections’, Invisible Women – The Newsletter (carolinecriadoperez.com). Last modified December 6, 2021. Accessed January 14, 2022.

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https://newsletter.carolinecriadoperez.c om/issues/invisible-women-defaultmale-injections-904923 Perez, Caroline Criado. Invisible Women.

London: Random House, 2019. Kindle Edition.

Saha, Anamik and van Lente, Sandra.

‘Rethinking “Diversity” in Publishing’.

Accessed January 11, 2022. https://www.spreadtheword.org.uk/wp -content/uploads/Rethinking-Diversityin-Publishing.pdf Sandberg, Sheryl. Lean in : Women, Work, and the Will to Lead. London: WH Allen, 2015.

Sandberg, Sheryl. ‘Why we have too few women leaders’. TED video, December 2010, https://www.ted.com/talks/sheryl_san dberg_why_we_have_too_few_women_ leaders Sherman, Natalie. ‘How the star of Sheryl Sandberg dimmed’, BBC News. Last modified December 9, 2018. Accessed January 15, 2022. https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business -46445909

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Sieghart, MA. ‘Why do so few men read books by women?’, The Guardian. Last modified July 9, 2021. Accessed January 16, 2022. https://www.theguardian.com/books/2 021/jul/09/why-do-so-few-men-readbooks-by-women Sieghart, Mary Ann. The Authority Gap: Why women are still taken less seriously than men, and what we can do about it.

London: Transworld Digital, 2021. Kindle Edition.

The NPD Group. ‘Self Help Book Sales are Rising Fast in the US, The NPD Group Says’. Accessed January 10, 2022. https://www.npd.com/news/pressreleases/2020/self-help-book-salesare-rising-fast-in-the-us-the-npdgroup-says/ United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs: Sustainable Development. ‘Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls’.

Accessed January 10, 2022, https://sdgs.un.org/goals/goal5 United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs: Sustainable

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Development ‘Gender equality and women’s empowerment’, accessed January 10, 2022, https://sdgs.un.org/topics/genderequality-and-womens-empowerment United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs. ‘The Sustainable Development Goals Report 2021: Goal 5’.

Accessed January 13, 2022. https://unstats.un.org/sdgs/report/202 1/goal-05/ Williams, Annabelle. Why Women Are Poorer Than Men … And What We Can Do About It. London: Michael Joseph, 2021.

Williams, Joan C. ‘Hacking Tech’s Diversity Problem’ Harvard Business Review. Last modified October 2014.

Accessed January 12, 2022. https://hbr.org/2014/10/hackingtechs-diversity-problem

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Discuss the relationship between social history and the study of gender Rosa-Marie Denton MA History The relationship between social history and the study of gender is complex. To understand the relationship between these methodologies, their historiography and evolution needs to be examined. This essay explores the past relationship between social and gender history, the difficulties created through definitions, the limitations of macro approaches and how together, social history and gender can create a more balanced approach. Finally, this essay shall explore how these methodologies can be transnational. Social history has limitations due to being predominantly a macro approach and the lack of unity caused by the wide scope of social history. Gender history can also be macro-orientated but also micro, and 1

Sasha Handly, Rohan McWilliam and Lucy Noakes eds., “Introduction: Why Social and Cultural History”, in New Directions in Social and Cultural History, (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2018), 3, DOI: 10.5040/978147204835-008.

2 Joanne Bailey, “Is the Rise of Gender History ‘Hiding’ Women from History once again?”, In History in Focus,8.1, (2005): accessed 11 October

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thus will be examined for how combining these historical approaches can balance out these limitations. Social history derives from the Marxist ideology in the nineteenth century by looking at the economic aspect of history in relation to patterns, developing to examine history from below and the power struggle of classes.1 The study of gender in history started in 1970 as women’s history looking at “expectation, aspiration and status” of women, bringing the lives of women to the foreground of history.2 This brought an interest into history of minorities and the approach of race, sexuality and class. In the 1980’s women’s history combined with social history to look at how women were oppressed to create Marxist feminists before becoming gender history which illuminates the relationship between males and females throughout time.3 Thus, a relationship between the two

2021, https://archives.history.ac.uk/history-infocus/Gender/articles.html.

3 Bailey, “Rise of Gender History”.

Joan W. Scott, “Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis”, in The American Historical Review, 91.5, (1986): 1055, accessed 10 October 2021, https://doi.org/10.2307/1864376.

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methodologies began with feminist history.

The close relationship between gender and social history can be seen in Marxist feminists. A Marxist feminist approach was to examine the labour and production of women in history alongside the social ideas of economy based on sexual differences.4 In this approach, the two methods, gender and social, were able to uplift one another, build on the other’s arguments and ideas, and bring together the theoretical ideologies. However, this outlook was limiting as social historians thought of society like a machine, but the economy was only one aspect of this machine, so the theory can be understood as fundamentally lacking.5 The study of social history changed in 1980, alongside changes to the study of gender, social history expanded to looking at power relationships between classes, while gender started to examine masculinity constructs and the notion of patriarchy.

This brought to the fore the study of how

those in power portrayed gender through text and iconography, which was often created by the men and how they ‘understood’ women through these depictions.6 Social history analysed the ideology of family and fatherhood, the idea of the breadwinner, which is also a key part of the analysis undertaken through gender theory.7 Key to this was also understanding that it was not always seen in relation to men and women, but also in men feeling the need to prove themselves against other men to display their worth, as seen in tournaments.

Karen Harvey argues that the study of gender in power relations is imperative to understand social history.8 John Tosh and Michael Roper argue “Masculinity underpins social life”, therefore historians need the relationship between gender and social history to understand the past.9 Historians started analysing social history and relations through a gendered lens. The relationship was furthered as historians looked to class, race and gender to understand society in the past;

4

7

Scott, “Gender”, 1056, 1060.

Handlys, “Introduction”, 3.

6 Karen Harvey, “The History of Masculinity circa 1650-1800”, in Journal of British Studies, 44.2, (2005): 297, accessed 11 October 2021, https://doi.org/10.1086/427126.

5

Henry Bod, “The Case for Men’s Studies”, in Gender, Space, Architecture: An interdisciplinary Introduction, Jane Rendell, Barbra Penner and Iain Borden eds., (London: Routledge, 2000), 90-91.

8 Harvey, “History of Masculinity”, 297.

9 Harvey, “History of Masculinity”, 297.

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however, this methodology has declined since 1990 as more scholars have started to explore the interconnected nature of gender, race and class as impacting history, and historians became more interdisciplinary in their approach.10 This can be seen in the cultural, the religious, the environmental, and the political historical approaches. Therefore, through the analysis of the history of these methodologies, the close and vital nature of the relationship between gender and social history is illuminated, as they can balance each other.

Historians have had trouble defining gender and still do with the changing views and understandings in contemporary society, and thus when using gender as a historical approach, a historian needs to define what they mean by gender. Gender is a social construct that can be understood as relating to, as Stoller states, “the particular balance of masculinity and femininity found in each

person”11, but also how one presents themselves in relation to these socially constructed concepts. The word ‘gender’ is troublesome as it has become synonymous with women studies and someone’s biological sex. Gender is a form of individual identity, so it is not binary like biological sex is often considered to be, but fluid.12 Scott argues that gender should not be the origin of historical analysis but should be used alongside other approaches like social history and see how it differentiates between the sexes. Through this, one could analyse household, marriage and look to oneself, as no history is completely objective and your own positionality and contexts, such as gender, will affect how you perceive the world and, therefore, how you write.13 However, gender is an accepted and crucial part to historical analysis that has been professionalised to look at the “socio sexual gender roles” of people in

10

accessed 13 October 2021, https://www.jstor.org/stable/30223445.

12 Joan Wallace Scott, Gender and the Politics of History, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999), 201.

13 Bonnie Smith, The Gender of History: Men, Women and Historical Practice, (Harvard: Harvard University Press, 2000), 71, 1.

Sasha Handly, Rohan McWilliam and Lucy Noakes eds., “The Material Turn”, in New Directions in Social and Cultural History, (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2018), 85, DOI: 10.5040/978147204835-008.

11 Scott, “Gender”, 1068.

Joanne Meyerowitz, “A History of Gender”, in The American Historical Review, 113.5, (2008): 1354,

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the past.14 The definition of class has its own debate, as Marxist and communist political policies failed in 1990, social studies lost its foundation, and there was a notion that class was not relevant to contemporary society, therefore they needed to change. Katrina Navickas argues that class changes over time as it is a general description about the economic position of social groups.15 This is demonstrated by the idea of peasantry in medieval Britain, where there was a social and cultural class that worked the land for a landholder. The landholder had a considerably greater income than the peasantry. This is seen again in the working class during the industrial revolution who earned more than the peasantry but in comparison to the factory owners this was still a far smaller sum. Navickas suggests that class could not demonstrate the lived experience,

which is why she argues for a more holistic view of culture and gender to supplement and further historical inquiry.16 Farborn furthers that social history and class is unstable and needs the subdisciplines like gender and culture to gather more evidence for the historian.17 Thus, both approaches need to define gender and class, and by intertwining both methodologies the historian has a thorough argument, suggesting the vital nature of the relationship between social and gender history.

Social history is looking at the collective or a group; however, this macro approach limits the human agency of the individuals themselves and their own unique lives.18 The generalisation is limiting for a historian as the evidence that has survived might be the ‘exception’.19 For example, the

14

16

Penelope J. Corfield, “History and the Challenge of Gender Theory”, in Rethinking History, 1.3, (1997): 242, 244, accessed 29 October 2021, https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/ 13642529708596318.

15 Katrina Navickas, “A Return to Materialism Putting Social History Back into Place”, in New Directions in Social and Cultural History, Sasha Handly, Rohan McWilliam and Lucy Noakes eds., (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2018), 95, accessed 8 October 2021, DOI: 10.5040/978147204835-008.

Navickas, “A Return to Materialism”, 95, 91.

Miles Farborn, Social History Problems, Strategies and Methods, (Basingstoke: MacMillian press, 1999), 21, 22.

18 Penny Summerfield, “Subjectivity, the Self and Historical Practice”, in New Directions in Social and Cultural History, Sasha Handly, Rohan McWilliam and Lucy Noakes eds., (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2018), 21, accessed 8 October 2021, DOI: 10.5040/978147204835-008.

19 Miles Farborn, Social History Problems, 41 17

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majority of houses that survived from the medieval period are aristocratic houses and are not demonstrative for the populace as a whole. When looking at a country’s population in statistics or through death rolls during the Black Death, limits the understanding of the experience, towns, villages and hamlets described together when some might have higher death rates than others. The macro approach is necessary for the historian to look at the wider picture but both macro and micro historical approaches are both needed for the historian to fully understand and demonstrate the past. Therefore, gender is a social group like class but it is more personal and individual which enables the historian to be able to study the macro and micro of a village or country.20 A historian could look at the subordinate position women were in, as they were often seen as the ‘other’ or ‘foreign’ compared to the ‘normal’ males in a macro approach.21 On the other hand, one could examine a small number of

queens to see how the position of queenship changes, such as Simon MacLean’s Ottonian Queenship, which is a micro approach to a broader subject incorporation social and gender historical approaches.22 Another micro approach is Jacqueline Jones’s work which uses race, class, gender, and laws to examines the lives of female slaves in colonial America and how they differ from male slaves, and their usefulness in creating more slaves.23 That woman could give birth tied into the wider pro slavery campaign in America alongside the idea that women could give birth without pain.24 Therefore, the relationship between the gender and social methodologies create an avenue for historians to cover limitations, however it is not just given the historian needs to actively bring in micro examples for this to work.

Another limitation of social history is that there is no unity within the methodology; it is so broad containing many subdisciplines that something is needed to make coherence of

20

22

Scott, Politics of History, 5.

Simone De Beauvior, “The Second Sex”, in Gender, Space, Architecture: An interdisciplinary Introduction, Jane Rendell, Barbra Penner and Iain Borden eds., (London: Routledge, 2000), 6.

21

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Simon MacLean, Ottonian Queenship, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017).

23 Sonya O. Rose, What is Gender History, (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2010), 44, 48.

24 Rose, Gender History, 48.

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everything and make sure that the evidence is not generalised.25 Historians can examine social spheres and spaces alongside gender as another way to balance the limitations of the social history. Space is a place such as a garden or forum, every space has connotations and emotions attached to them. Shirley Ardener argues that space is how humans perceive their social worlds, and that spaces have their own influence and can affect people’s actions.26 Weisman furthers that space is also a power as it affects peoples’ actions and thus is another way to analyse societies and collectives.27 Space is a social form of historical inquiry that is often gendered and encompasses different subdisciplines of social history, being economic, political, familial etc. Gender is also a subdiscipline of social and when gender is the main methodology social becomes a sub discipline and thus is another example of the close relationship between gender and social

methodologies. Ardener, discusses the idea of public and private space and the relevance to politics. For example, Matapuquio women are able to take part in politics which are held in a public forum, whereas Latemul males in New Guinea exclude women from politics and have a private space.28 Therefore, public and private spaces can affect how society works around them, public space is safe for women to discuss politics in some places while a privatised space reserved that for males in others. Thus, the discussion of space and spheres is vital to understanding a society. This can also be seen in class in pleasure gardens which were available for middling and upper class to attend whilst stopping the poor from being there; it could be that you had to pay but other times it was social knowledge that stopped them mixing.29 This is an example of gender and social history can be viewed through a spatial lens and the

25

Introduction, Jane Rendell, Barbra Penner and Iain Borden eds., (London: Routledge, 2000), 4.

28 Ardener, “Social Maps”, 8, 9.

29 Fiona Williamson, “Public and Private Worlds?

Social history, Gender and Space”, in History Compass, 10.9, (2012): 636, accessed 29 October 2021, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.14780542.2012.00851.x.

Miles Farborn, Social History Problems, 5, 12.

Shirley Ardener, “The Ground Rules and Social Maps for Women; An Introduction”, in Women and Space: Ground Rules and Social Maps, Shirley Ardener ed, (London: Berg, 1997), 1,2.

27 Leslie Kanes Weisman, “Prologue: Women’s Environmental Rights: A Manifesto”, in Gender, Space, Architecture: An interdisciplinary 26

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interconnectedness of their relationship to one another.

A final example of the relationship between social and gender approaches is that both have a wide focus which enables the historian to look transnationally at people who live beyond nations and between them, the social spaces they inhabit and those villages that live on the border between two nations.30 These spaces are not limited to one culture but can be seen across society in the way people acted to one another. Ghosh argues that this transnational approach has been incorporated into the social and gender approaches to history since the beginning and is another way these methodologies are intertwined with one another.31 Historical inquiry with a transnational lens can also look at migrations and trade; thus, the economic and social history.32 This approach broadens the scope for historical inquiry and avoids the idea of a progressive

narrative for history which can be created in social history.33 The progressive narrative suggests that all of history positively leads up to contemporary society and that the past is not as good as the present, its narrative and not followed by historians anymore.

Transnational history is another subdiscipline of the social and gendered approach to history and demonstrates further the interconnectedness of their relationship.

When looking transnationally, however, there is a problem of translating gender history into other languages. Gender in German refers to the grammatical gender they have in the language such as masculine, feminine, or neuter. Thus, the historical approach of gender needs to be carefully defined by historians in their work as aforementioned, to make sure readers of other languages understand.

When looking transnationally, social historians tend to use statistics, which like the macro approach, can be

30

New Directions in Social and Cultural History, (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2018), 191, DOI: 10.5040/978147204835-008.

32 Ghosh, “New Directions”, 192.

33 Ghosh, “New Directions”, 193.

Patricia Calvin, “Defining Transnationalism”, In Contemporary European History, 14.4, (2005): 422, accessed 10 November 2021, https://www.jstor.org/stable/20081278.

31 Durba Ghosh, “New Directions in Transnational History: Thinking and living transnationally”, in

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dehumanising, as there is no emotion or human experience. Statistics can also lead to a generalisation and misleading for how useful they are for conveying the lived experience of the past.34 Therefore, transnational history is present in social and gender history, but needs supplementary methodologies to create an argument for the past. Thus, the vital intertwined nature of the relationship between social and gender history is revealed.

Overall, it can be seen that there is an intertwined relationship between social and gender history, from the history of the approaches in Marxist feminism to the methodologies in the macro and transnational approach. They build on the other methodologies such as cultural, social, and gender history, which became more interdisciplinary and cemented in each other as the idea of race, class and gender was embedded in historical analysis. Class and gender need to be defined by the historian due to the changing social climate of contemporaries and to be more precise with their historical analysis. By extension, the methodologies are able to approach history in both macro and micro methodologies, intertwining more 34

into each other. The approaches also use transnational history, and by combining the social and gender approach, the historian can explore the wider and smaller picture. However, through the use of the other approach, the historian can create a more rounded argument, furthering the use of sub-disciplines such as culture and space to further analyse the past. Therefore, the relationship between social and gender history is a close intertwined one, one that also benefits examining cultural history for a more thorough examination of the past and what people experienced.

References Ardener, Shirley. “The Ground Rules and Social Maps for Women; An Introduction”. In Women and Space: Ground Rules and Social Maps. Edited by Shirley Ardener. London: Berg, 1997.1-30.

Bailey, Joanne. “Is the Rise of Gender History ‘Hiding’ Women from History once again?”. In History in Focus. 8.1.

2005: Accessed 11 October 2021. https://archives.history.ac.uk/history-infocus/Gender/articles.html.

Farborn, Social History Problems, 145.

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Bod, Henry. “The Case for Men’s Studies”. In Gender, Space, Architecture: An interdisciplinary Introduction. Edited

by Jane Rendell, Barbra Penner and Iain Borden. London: Routledge, 2000. 8895.

Ghosh, Durba. “New Directions in Transnational History: Thinking and Living Transnationally”. In New Directions in Social and Cultural History. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2018. 191-212.

DOI: 10.5040/978147204835-008.

Calvin, Patricia. “Defining Transnationalism”. In Contemporary European History. 14.4. 2005: 421-439.

Accessed 10 November 2021. https://www.jstor.org/stable/20081278.

Handly, Sasha, Rohan McWilliam and Lucy Noakes eds.. “The Material Turn”. In New Directions in Social and Cultural History. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2018. 85. Accessed 8 November 2021.

85-86. DOI: 10.5040/978147204835-008.

Corfield, Penelope J.. “History and the Challenge of Gender Theory”. In Rethinking History. 1.3. 1997 241-258.

Accessed 29 October 2021. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/ 10.1080/13642529708596318.

De Beauvior, Simone. “The Second Sex”.

In Gender, Space and Architecture: An interdisciplinary Introduction. Edited by Jane Rendell, Barbra Penner and Iain Borden. London: Routledge, 2000. 29-32.

Farborn, Miles. Social history Problems, Strategies and Methods. Basingstoke: McMillian press, 1999.

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Handly, Sasha, Rohan McWilliam and Lucy Noakes eds.. “Introduction: Why Social and Cultural History”. In New Directions in Social and Cultural History.

London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2018. 120. Accessed 8 November 2021. DOI: 10.5040/978147204835-008.

Harvey, Karen. “The History of Masculinity circa 1650-1800”. In Journal of British Studies. 44.2. 2005: 296-311.

Accessed 11 October 2021. https://doi.org/10.1086/427126.

MacLean, Simon. Ottonian Queenship.

Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017.

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Meyerowitz, Joanne. “A History of Gender”. In The American Historical Review. 113.5. 2008: 1346-1356. Accessed 13 October 2021. https://www.jstor.org/stable/30223445.

Navickas, Katrina. “A Return to Materialism putting Social History back into Place”. In New Directions in Social and Cultural History. Edited by Sasha Handly, Rohan McWilliam and Lucy Noakes. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2018. 87-108. Accessed 8 October 2021.

DOI: 10.5040/978147204835-008.

Rose, Sonya O.. What is Gender History.

Cambridge: Polity Press, 2010.

Scott, Joan W.. “Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis”. In The American Historical Review. 91.5. 1986: 1053-1075. Accessed 10 October 2021. https://doi.org/10.2307/1864376.

Summerfield, Penny. “Subjectivity, the Self and Historical Practice”. In New Directions in Social and Cultural History.

London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2018.2144. Edited by Sasha Handly, Rohan McWilliam and Lucy Noakes. Accessed 8 October 2021. DOI: 10.5040/978147204835-008.

Weisman, Leslie Kanes. “Prologue: Women’s Environmental Rights: A Manifesto”. In Gender, Space, Architecture: An interdisciplinary Introduction. Edited by Jane Rendell, Barbra Penner and Iain Borden. London: Routledge, 2000. 1-6 Williamson, Fiona. “Public and Private Worlds? Social history, Gender and Space”. In History Compass. 10.9. 2012: 633-642. Accessed 29 October 2021. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.14780542.2012.00851.x.

Scott, Joan Wallace. Gender and the Politics of History. New York: Columbia University Press, 1999.

Smith, Bonnie. The Gender of History: Men, Women and Historical Practice.

Harvard: Harvard University Press, 2000.

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An Evaluation of Altruism in Chimpanzees Eleanor Goodchild MSc Animal Welfare, Science, Ethics and Law Introduction The term altruism is applied to interactions between at least two animals whereby an individual performs actions that benefits the fitness of another at a cost to themselves (Schino, 2007).

Altruistic behaviour can be interspecific, whereby it occurs between individuals of a different species, though this is rarer. Alternatively, it can be intraspecific, in that it takes place between individuals of the same species (Gauliya & Shukla, 2019). Historically altruism, particularly when extended towards unrelated individuals, has been considered a characteristic unique in humans (Boesch et al., 2010). However, evidence of altruistic behaviours amongst related and unrelated individuals has been documented in a number of species including rats, dolphins and elephants (De Waal, 2008).

Much of the literature available also pertains to primates (Schino & Aureli, 2009). This is, in part, due to the highly

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developed cognitive abilities and social behaviours observed in many primate species. It is not uncommon for these social behaviours to benefit other individuals. Chimpanzees in particular have been observed engaging in grooming, coalition forming, food sharing and consolation (Warneken et al., 2007).

In this essay, a variety of literature that attempts to establish the existence and extent of altruism in chimpanzees will be reviewed. The potential evolution and development of altruism will be explored and the contexts in which it is often observed to occur, such as food sharing and alarm calling, will be considered.

The evolution of altruism There are conflicting theories surrounding the motivational mechanism for performing altruistic acts. Many believe, in non-human animals especially, that there is no such thing as a truly selfless act and that true altruism is restricted to humans only due to the complex cognitive capacity involved (Fehr & Fischbacher, 2003). Indeed, it requires a highly developed theory of mind and inhibitory control to accurately understand another individual’s experience, needs and in response act in

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a way that benefits them at a cost to oneself for no reason other than to aid that individual (Liu et al., 2016). ‘True’ altruism is the term often used to describe altruistic acts in which there is no benefit to the performer, indirect or otherwise (De Waal & Ferrari, 2010).

The development of many of these seemingly costly behaviours can be explained through several evolutionary theories. One such theory is that of kin selection. Kin selection is the strategy of improving the fitness of other related individuals in order to ensure the survival of shared genes (Axelrod et al., 2007). It adequately explains many examples of altruistic behaviour, particularly between parent and offspring as well as other related individuals, but fails to account for scenarios involving unrelated organisms.

Alternatively, it is suggested that altruistic acts, especially in highly social individuals such as chimpanzees, have evolved as a result of group selection.

Group selection is similar to kin selection, but rather than sacrificing individual fitness to promote the fitness of a related individual, it benefits a fellow group member to ensure overall group fitness and survival (Wilson, 2015).

Reciprocity is another evolutionary explanation for performing costly acts in which benefit another.

Reciprocal altruism is when an individual acts in a way that reduces their own fitness, in order to increase another’s fitness, but with the expectation that this act will be returned in a similar manner later on (Brosnan & De Waal, 2002). It has been suggested that primates in particular are predisposed to reciprocal altruism due to their stable group compositions, long lifespans and ability to recognise individuals (Trivers, 1971).

Most notably, this idea of reciprocity has been documented to occur in both the short and long term in chimpanzees. For instance, it has been recorded that in the wild chimpanzees keep track of grooming interactions for up to one week; it is therefore likely that this information influences their motivation to perform grooming behaviours on particular individuals (Gomes et al., 2008).

Equally, in a 2017 study by Schmelz et al., it was found that individuals were more likely to sacrifice their food reward for other individuals who had recently done the same for them.

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Food sharing Food sharing is one of the key traits of human society and is one of the factors which advanced hominid evolution (De Waal, 1989). Food transfer is considered one of the most prominent forms of altruistic behaviour as it involves directly sacrificing a resource and reducing an individual’s fitness (Schneeberger, 2016).

While food sharing in adult nonhuman primates is rare, it has been documented in chimpanzees in both the wild (Jaeggi & van Schaik, 2011) and captivity (Silk et al., 2014).

However, contradictory evidence has also been documented. One laboratory-based study by Vonk et al.

(2008) gave chimpanzees the choice between pushing a button and obtaining food for themselves, or for themselves and a partner. No preference for either behaviour was found, which is especially notable as giving the food to their partner came at very little cost to the individual.

Perhaps even more interestingly, this finding did not change when the partner chimp was a familiar individual from their social group.

Similar findings have been reported in other studies which have concluded that chimpanzees do not in

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fact readily share food (Tennie et al., 2016). Thus, when food sharing is observed it may well be a method of improving group relations or mitigating harassment and is not always shared willingly (Gilby, 2006). Schneeberger (2016) also proposed that food sharing may be done in exchange for other valuable short and long term benefits such as mate access, grooming or support during conflicts. The question, then, is perhaps what the conscious motivations are of the individual which underpins the desire to perform such behaviour.

Alarm calling and assistance provision Performing alarm calls is another welldocumented behaviour used as evidence for altruism. The act of performing this alarm call is costly to the individual as it requires energy and draws attention to themselves, potentially increasing their risk as a target by potential predators (Griesser, 2013).

Recent research has theorised that these calls are goal-directed. As such, it is possible to suggest that there are other motives for producing alarm calls, such as recruiting back-up (Wheeler, 2013).

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Alarm calling is often cited as an example of interspecies altruism (Herzing, 2014, pp. 191 – 207). However, it is highly unlikely that the chimpanzees performing these calls are doing so with the intention to inform other animals of danger. It is far more logical to assume that other species, have simply evolved, through natural selection, to respond to these calls (Magrath et al., 2014). Several studies have documented the abilities of chimpanzees to help an individual in need in a variety of contexts (Warneken & Tomasello, 2009). One of the earliest studies found that chimpanzees reliably helped a human caretaker in five variations of tasks of retrieving out of reach objects (Warneken & Tomasello, 2006). Thus, they were willing to perform a behaviour that came at a cost to themselves to benefit another individual of a different species when asked.

Similarly, Yamamoto et al. (2009) also found that chimpanzees were willing to help one another when asked in a tool-use task. Interestingly, in both of these tasks, for the altruistic behaviour to be performed it had to be requested by the individual who benefitted from it. As such, however, it does not provide evidence for spontaneous altruism in the same way that is observed in human

children in a comparative study (Warneken, 2007). Furthermore, this also provides support for the idea that chimpanzees will only offer help in certain contexts i.e. when it is either actively solicited or they are harassed by their partner (Jensen, 2016).

Sufficient evidence for altruism?

While studies investigating acts of reciprocal altruism have relatively consistent findings, there is more conflicting evidence surrounding the existence of ‘true’ altruism in chimpanzees (Gomes et al., 2008; Schino & Aureli, 2009). The highest degrees of conflict appear to come from controlled studies, where findings may be the product of novelty (Tennie et al., 2016) or the conditions are controlled in such a way that they unintentionally hinder the potential expression of altruistic behaviours (Horner et al., 2011).

Generally, observational studies have yielded more positive results than that of controlled experiments suggesting that observational studies of altruism in chimpanzees, particularly in wild settings, should be favoured as evidence (Horner et al., 2011). This is on account of selection pressures in a particular environmental niche that may

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well impact the need to perform altruistic behaviour. For instance, the high presence of leopards surrounding the Taï chimpanzee communities, resulted in higher instances of adoption of unrelated individuals, even by adult males, as well as increased occurrences of reciprocal altruism and better joint coalition defence (Boesch et al., 2010).

Many of the studies reviewed use small sample sizes of just a few individuals, not only does this mean that findings cannot be applied to the wider population of chimpanzees, but it also does not accurately recreate the social context in which these animals naturally reside in (van Leeuwen et al., 2018). This is an especially detrimental flaw, considering that fundamentally it is these very complex social structures that result in complex social behaviours such as altruism (Warneken et al., 2007).

Moreover, some studies, such as those conducted by Warneken and Tomasello, involved chimpanzees who had been raised from birth by humans which substantially reduces the validity of the evidence of chimpanzees performing interspecies altruistic acts.

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Conclusion From the evidence reviewed in this essay, it is possible to conclude that altruism does seem to occur in chimpanzees, but only under certain circumstances. This includes when the other chimpanzees are either familiar to them or have previously behaved prosocially (Schmelz et al., 2017).

Similarly, some theorise that these animals are only motivated to help others when there is no conflict of interest (Tennie et al. 2016) and that chimpanzees are perhaps best described as ‘reluctant altruists’ (Horner et al., 2011). Moreover, when evaluating the presence of altruistic behaviours, it is also worth noting that there should be some distinction between the individual’s motivation for performing an altruistic behaviour and the ultimate reason for its evolution (De Waal & Suchak, 2010).

Chimpanzees cannot tell us the conscious thought process, if any, that is behind the desire to perform altruistic acts; at least not in a way that we can accurately interpret. While altruism may well have an evolutionary benefit, that is not to say that at the time the behaviour being performed is being done so with selfless intentions. Overall, it seems

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natural observational studies seem to give the most accurate indication of when altruism occurs, and this is largely reciprocal in nature. Are chimpanzees selfless creatures? Perhaps not. Are they capable of performing altruistic acts?

Certainly, in the right scenario. Whether that is the ultimate intention or not remains to be seen. The evidence presented thus far indicates that chimpanzees are capable of acting in a way that is at a cost to themselves to benefit another in contexts that are difficult to account for through traditional evolutionary strategies such as kin selection.

References Axelrod, R., Hammond, R. A., & Grafen, A. (2004). Altruism via kin‐selection strategies that rely on arbitrary tags with which they coevolve. Evolution, 58(8), 1833 – 1838.

Boesch, C., Bolé, C., Eckhardt, N., & Boesch, H. (2010). Altrusim in forest chimpanzees: The case of adoption.

PLoS One, 5(1), e8901. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.00 08901

Brosnan, S. F., & De Waal, F. B. (2002). A proximate perspective on reciprocal altruism. Human Nature, 13(1), 129 – 152.

De Waal, F. B.M., & Ferrari, P. F. (2010).

Towards a bottom-up perspective on animal and human cognition. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 14(5), 201 – 207.

De Waal, F.B.M. (1989). Food sharing and reciprocal obligations among chimpanzees. Journal of Human Evolution, 18(5), 433 – 459.

De Waal, F.B.M. (2008). Putting altruism back into altruism: The evolution of empathy. The Annual Review of Psychology, 59, 279 – 300.

De Waal, F.B.M., & Suchak, M. (2010).

Prosocial primates: selfish and unselfish motivations. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences, 365(1553), 2711 – 2722.

Fehr, E., & Fischbacher, U. (2003). The nature of human altruism. Nature, 425(6960), 785 – 791.

Gauliya, K., & Shukla, A. (2019). Altrusim in animals and classification: A view.

Retrieved from:

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https://www.researchgate.net/publicati on/330506597_Altruism_in_Animals_an d_Classification_A_view on 24 Nov. 2021.

Gilby, I.C. (2006). Meat sharing among the Gombe chimpanzees: harassment and reciprocal exchange. Animal Behaviour, 71(4), 953 – 963.

Gomes, C.M., Mundry, R., & Boesch, C. (2008). Long-term reciprocation of grooming in wild west African chimpanzees. Proceedings of the Royal Society B, 276(1657), 699 – 706.

Griesser, M. (2013). Do warning calls boost survival of signal recipients?

Evidence from a field experiment in a group-living bird species. Frontiers in Zoology, 10(1), 1 – 5.

Herzing, D. L. (2014). Interspecies Altruism: Learning from Species on Earth. In Extraterrestrial Altruism (pp. 191207). Springer.

Horner, V., Carter, J.D., Suchak, M., & D Waal, F.B.M. (2011). Spontaneous prosocial choice by chimpanzees. PNAS, 108(33), 13847 – 13851.

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Jaeggi, A.V., & van Schaik, C.P. (2011). The evolution of food sharing in primates.

Behavioural Ecology and Sociobiology, 65(11), 2125 – 2140.

Jensen, K. (2016). The prosocial primateA critical review. Advances in the Study of Behavior, 48, 387-441.

Liu, B., Huang, Z., Xu, G., Jin, Y., Chen, Y., Li, X., ... & Jing, J. (2016). Altruistic sharing behavior in children: Role of theory of mind and inhibitory control. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 141, 222 – 228.

Magrath, R. D., Haff, T. M., Fallow, P. M., & Radford, A. N. (2015). Eavesdropping on heterospecific alarm calls: from mechanisms to consequences. Biological Reviews, 90(2), 560 – 586.

Schino, G. (2007). Grooming and agonistic support: a meta-analysis of primate reciprocal altruism. Behavioural Ecology, 18(1), 115 – 120.

Schmelz, M., Grueneisen, S., Kabalak, A., Jost, J., & Tomasello, M. (2017).

Chimpanzees return favors at a personal

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cost. PNAS, 114(28), 7462 – 7467. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.170035111 4

Trivers, R.L. (1976). The evolution of reciprocal altruism. The Quarterly Review of Biology, 46(1), 35 – 57.

Schneeberger, K. (2016). Food sharing and nonhuman reciprocal altruism. In Shackleford, T.K., & WeekesShackleford, V.A. (Eds.), Encyclopedia of Evolutionary Psychological Science. https://doi.org/ 10.1007/978-3-31916999-6_3601-1

van Leeuwen, E.J.C., Cronin, K.A., & Haun, D.B.M. (2018). Population-specific social dynamics in chimpanzees. PNAS, 115(45), 11393 – 11400.

Schuno, G., & Aureli, F. (2009). Reciprocal altruism in primates: Partner choice, cognition and emotions. Advances in the Study of Behaviour, 39, 45 – 69.

Silk, J.B., Brosnan, S.F., Henrich, J., Lambeth, S.P., & Shapiro, S.J. (2013).

Chimpanzees share food for many reasons: the role of kinship, reciprocity, social bonds and harassment on food transfers. Animal Behaviour, 85(5), 941 – 947.

Tennie, C., Jensen, K., & Call, J. (2016).

The nature of prosociality in chimpanzees. Nature Communications, 7, 13915. https://doi.org/10.1038/ncomms13915

Vonk, J., Brosnan, S.F., Silk, J.B., Henrich, J., Richardson, A.S., Lambeth, S.P., Schapiro, S.J., & Povinelli, D.J. (2008).

Chimpanzees do not take advantage of very low cost opportunities to deliver food to unrelated group members.

Animal Behaviour, 75(7), 1757 – 1770.

Warneken, F., & Tomasello, M. (2006).

Altruistic helping in human infants and young chimpanzees. Science, 311(5765), 1301 – 1303.

Warneken, F., & Tomasello, M. (2009).

Varieties of altruism in children and chimpanzees. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 13(9), 397 – 402.

Warneken, F., Hare, B., Melis, A.P., Hanus, D., & Tomasello, M. (2007). Spontaneous altruism by chimpanzees and young children. PLOS Biology, 5(7), e184.

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https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pbio.005 0184 Wheeler, B.C. (2013). Selfish or altruistic?

An analysis of alarm call function in wild capuchin monkeys, Cebus apella nigritus. Animal Behaviour, 76(5), 1465 – 1475.

Wilson, D.S. (2015). Does altruism exist?

Culture, genes and the welfare of others.

Yale University Press.

Yamamoto, S., Humle, T., & Tanaka, M. (2009). Chimpanzees help each other upon request. PLOS ONE, 4(10), e7416. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.00 07416

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Meaning Machine: Review of Ambiguity Machines and Other Stories by Vandana Singh Liam Hayes BA (Hons) Creative Writing Like all great science-fiction works, Vandana Singh’s Ambiguity Machines and Other Stories1 is firmly ontological. Not only that, but it is highly original, and like the best speculative fiction, corrosive to strict boundaries and hegemonic ideologies. This collection of short stories is fantastically interwoven, presenting a spread of fictional worlds that extend off the page and comment on the nature of storytelling, the stories themselves, and the relationship between art and science.

As a physicist and storyteller, Singh is uniquely positioned to comment on this relationship, and she is very much like the ‘scientist-poet’2 of her works, allowing poetry to fill the gap where science fails.

But make no mistake, she does not position science in opposition to art— such a binary would be reductive—but rather sees them as branches of the same tree. Such a view makes for highly evocative and interesting science fiction threaded with meaning.

In ‘Lifepod’, post-colonial identity is explored through the metaphor of the self-as-alien. The nameless protagonist wanders a biological spaceship and discovers what it means to eat and be eaten. A survivor of this metaphorical, and perhaps more literal, digestion process, she is made new in a wholly unexpected way. This story is, in essence, an alien invasion story—an otherwise typical affair when it comes to science fiction. But the way Singh extrapolates upon the alien-as-self angle to blur the boundary between other and self is fantastic. Her use of Lovecraftian imagery grounds the story in esoteric horror: ‘the lipless mouth open wide into a horrific darkness, the delicacy with which the prehensile edges of the orifice gathered in each body like an embrace and closed around it.’3 The protagonist slowly uncovers her past and what that means for her present, coming to realise she is the result of an alien incursion upon humanity. A member of the American Indian diaspora, Singh’s perspective comes through in a manner that allows for a non-Western reading of the alien encounter. She, herself, says, ‘the revolutionary part of [speculative fiction]

1

2

Vandana Singh, Ambiguity Machines and Other Stories (Easthampton: Small Beer Press, 2018)

3

Ibid. 72.

Ibid. 68.

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is that you can imagine a different way to be.’4 ‘Lifepod’ is exemplary to this idea, presenting what is a standard sciencefiction trope and inverting it to afford a post-colonial perspective on what it means to survive an incursion of the other, and how even the self can become alien.

‘With Fate Conspire’5 is another of Singh’s triumphant pieces in this collection. This inaugural piece of the collection opens with, ‘I saw him in a dream, the dead man. He was dreaming too, and I couldn’t tell if I was in his dream or he in mine.’6 Immediately, Singh establishes a clear relationship between the self and other and the blurring of the boundary between them; a continual current running through Ambiguity Machines. Though this story depicts the future, the purpose of science fiction, as Ursula Le Guin tells us, is not to predict what is to come, but to ‘describe reality,

the present world’,7 and Singh does this expertly. Her protagonist, tasked with using a scope to spy on a historic male poet, instead uses the scope to peer into the life of a housewife who is secretly learning language. It’s a beautiful lens into a too oft hidden history of women in India and the world at large—and allows Singh to detail a secret history. Here she comes through as an avowed humanitarian and a feminist as the housewife ‘shivers with pleasure’8 upon spelling out a word in ash. One of the most interesting currents in this story is the breaking of fundamental scientific ideology such as the observer-observed binary.9 The protagonist indulges her fascination but finds herself observed as she herself observes. Additionally, the past begins to influence the present, in another blurring of boundaries. For a physicist, Singh is decidedly against atomisation.

4

7

Kylie Korsnack, ‘Transcending Boundaries: An Interview with Vandana Singh’, Los Angeles Review of Books, 25 Nov 2017 https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/transcendin g-boundaries-an-interview-with-vandana-singh/ [Accessed 23 May 2021] 5 Singh, Ambiguity Machines and Other Stories, 124.

6 Ibid. 1.

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Ursula K. Le Guin, The Language of the Night: Essays on Fantasy and Science Fiction, ed., Susan Wood (New York: Berkley Books, 1982), 146.

8 Singh, Ambiguity Machines and Other Stories, 11.

9 Ishita Singh, ‘“All true knowing is mutual…”: Notes on Vandana Singh’s Ambiguity Machines and Other Stories’, Mithila Review, 31 Mar 2020 https://mithilareview.com/singh_03_20/ [Accessed 22 May 2021]

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As the eponymous story, ‘Ambiguity Machines: An Examination’10 deserves special mention. Naming a collection after a particular story places a great deal of weight on said story, and this short is something of a microcosm of the collection. We are invited to consider three disparate tales and weave parallels between them; this story reads very much like a mission statement for the work as a whole. It is where Singh is very much explicit on her themes — perhaps even a tad overt towards the end. Yet the three pieces work well with one another, and are surreal, quasi-mythical, fable-like accounts of impossible machines. A Mongolian engineer creates a metaphorical weapon to the detriment of his love, lovers are torn apart and reunited by a time machine, an archaeologist seeks a device with the capacity to ‘dissolve, or at least blur, the boundary between self and other’.11 Singh has described her own work as ‘a process of decolonizing the

mind12 and of thinking outside the identity box based on her scientific background’,13 and this ethos comes through strong in this story. Concepts such as the strict individual are swept aside, the flow of time is upturned, metaphor leaks into the world. Each tale is fascinating on its own, and deeply layered with multiple threads of meaning.

However, I wanted this story to be the first in the book, rather than ‘With Fate Conspired’,14 as I feel it would make a better launching pad to the rest of the collection — especially given its ending.

Yet it does work well enough where it is.

I’ve mentioned the interconnectedness of the stories, and Singh goes a step further in this regard.

She’s a proponent of what can only be described as tachyon spiritualism.

Several of the stories mention tachyons: ‘but now she could sense the tachyonic pathways all around her, like fine lacework, like tangled neural pathways,

10

Complex Speculative Fiction’, The Autonomous University of Barcelona, Oct 2020, https://ddd.uab.cat/pub/worpap/2020/233057 /S MARTIN_Article_on_Vandana_Singh_SF.pdf [Accessed 22 May 2021] 2.

14 Singh, Ambiguity Machines and Other Stories, 124.

Singh, Ambiguity Machines and Other Stories, 249-269.

11 Ibid. 268.

12 Breaking down the strict binary classifications engendered by Western thinking such as self/other.

13 Sara Martín, ‘Decolonizing the Mind, Writing Outside the Identity Box: Vandana Singh’s

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the guts of some vast beast.’15 But these references read less like sci-fi technobabble and more as metacommentary on the nature of storytelling and the weblike construction of Ambiguity Machines and Other Stories16 itself. Here, Singh’s physics are metaphorical, blurring the line between the actual and the imaginary, as if she’s commenting on the universe of her own stories as an interlocking unit or some greater entity, a ‘universe underlying their own.’17 Admittedly, Singh’s prose can be a little obscure at times, but it often adds to the narrative rather than detracts from it. People who like traditional science fiction with a firm understanding of how and why things are the way they are might be disappointed. Singh is highly literary and chooses to focus on ‘what’ rather than ‘how’ or ‘why’, weaving a complex bundle of tales that speak to each other and might just speak to you.

Her characters float through space, attempting to unlock the mysteries of their being. Her poetics may grate on readers seeking entertainment, but

there’s a freshness to her work — an originality. Even typical science fiction affairs such as the alien invasion story feel fresh and innovative. Though lesser known than the likes of Octavia Butler or Ursula Le Guin, Singh’s literary science fiction is no less potent, and she places herself in a long line of science fiction writers whose work pushes at the borders of being.

By zooming into boundaries and pressing against constraints, Singh reveals that we all are, in a way machines of ambiguity; neither wholly organic, nor lost to the indifferent machinations of circuitry; neither totally ourselves nor completely other. We are science and poetry combined. And those looking to embrace such hybridity should find in Ambiguity Machines and Other Stories18 a place of great reflection.

There will undoubtably be those who accuse her of postmodern emptiness. ‘Somadeva: A Sky River Sutra’19 plays with the blurring of timelines to the point that time seems to flow in all directions; the teller of the tale becomes the listener of tales as two

15

18

16

19

Ibid. 77.

Singh, Ambiguity Machines and Other Stories 17 Ibid. 73.

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Ibid.

Ibid. 107-122.

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storytellers range across the stars in search of stories. One character is the victim of a ‘history raid’20 and yearns to find her origin, while the narrator zigzags through time and tale alike. Singh even inserts herself into the story as the owner of a series of ancient books. But she admits, self-deprecatingly, that her stories are ‘failures’ in that they reach for something but never quite grasp it.21 But in the reaching, she presents a wonderful fumbling into the darkness of metaphysical self-discovery. Singh may not be the most technically rigorous of science fiction authors, but her subject matter is that which escapes easy quantification—it is, in itself, ambiguous.

As one of her characters says: ‘When mathematics fails? Then there’s only poetry…’22 References Korsnack, Kylie. ‘Transcending Boundaries: An Interview with Vandana Singh’. Los Angeles Review of Books. 25 Nov 2017. https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/tra nscending-boundaries-an-interview-

20

Ibid. 111.

Korsnack, ‘Transcending Boundaries: An Interview with Vandana Singh’ 21

with-vandana-singh/ [Accessed 23 May 2021] Le Guin, Ursula K.. The Language of the Night: Essays on Fantasy and Science Fiction. Ed. Susan Wood. New York: Berkley Books, 1982.

Martín, Sara. ‘Decolonizing the Mind, Writing Outside the Identity Box: Vandana Singh’s Complex Speculative Fiction’. The Autonomous University of Barcelona. Oct 2020. https://ddd.uab.cat/pub/worpap/2020 /233057/SMARTIN_Article_on_Vandana _Singh_SF.pdf [Accessed 22 May 2021] Singh, Ishita. ‘“All true knowing is mutual…”: Notes on Vandana Singh’s Ambiguity Machines and Other Stories’.

Mithila Review. 31 Mar 2020. https://mithilareview.com/singh_03_20 / [Accessed 22 May 2021] Singh, Vandana. Ambiguity Machines and Other Stories. Easthampton: Small Beer Press, 2018.

22

Singh, Ambiguity Machines and Other Stories, 73.

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“Women don’t belong in Football”: Using Textual Data to Examine Public Responses to Newly Hired Coaches in the NFL Connor Heiden BSc (Hons) Sports and Exercise Psychology Introduction In the current climate of professional sport, evidence suggests those involved can experience significant levels of abuse, which can be in the form of harassment, ‘hate-mail’, and cruel comments left on social media platforms.

In particular, research has often focussed on investigating abuse towards women.

For example, Barnes and Adams (2021) explored misogynistic and sexist behaviours aimed towards female coaches, and particularly focussed on how male referees perpetuate these prejudiced attitudes across multiple sporting environments. Barnes and Adams (2021) suggest that the systemic nature of misogyny and sexism aimed towards female coaches will not disappear without immense effort, or neither by solely relying on individualistic strategies (e.g., mentoring programmes), and contend that sport can be

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oppressive for women as it still remains a highly male-dominated workplace which is susceptible to sexist influence from broader culture. Additionally, Kerr (2010) conducted eight semi-structured interviews on national level female coaches and reported that seven of the participants had experienced a form of harassment or bullying that ranged from minor to severe. Furthermore, Kerr (2010) elucidated how sexist jokes were common occurrences for the participants, stating that male coaches would openly disparage women body image whilst in the presence of other female coaches by playing rating games that decided which female athlete was the ‘hottest’. On the other hand, whilst battling sexist and misogynistic ideologies, some scholars have suggested that gender-integrated sports, like cheerleading, may be an effective way to reduce sexist attitudes and, in fact, change them for the better (e.g., Anderson, 2008).

Research has also shown abuse on social media toward certain groups. It should be noted that we can’t escape the fact that we now live in an increasingly digitalised world, which means our daily lives are becoming inextricably tangled

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with that of social media and technology.

As Litchfield et al. (2018) notes, one of the most significant changes that has been made through the introduction of social media is the increased interaction between the general population (i.e., sports fans) and global icons (i.e., sporting athletes and organisations). Despite this, it’s vital to recognise that it is becoming increasingly evident that technological advancements reveal a darker side of social connectivity. For example, Savigny (2020) reported that female academics suffered severe abuse from web users when interacting with media platforms – some of the participants even recorded how they were left traumatised.

Research has also adopted unique methods where they explore and gather data from the web itself. For example, Kian et al. (2011) conducted a textual analysis to analyse hegemonic masculinity on a popular NFL message board and found that this type of masculinity (in the form of misogyny, homophobia, and the objectification of women) permeated the data collected.

Additionally, Litchfield et al. (2018) examined comments left on social media platforms that were directed at Serena Williams and, after analyses, constructed several themes relating to accusations

towards Serena using PEDs (Performance Enhancing Drugs), questioning whether she is a female athlete, and racism. Furthermore, Sanderson and Truax (2014) reported an increasing trend of abusive behaviour directed towards collegiate athletes via social media and found that the behaviour was manifested in a variety of ways: belittling, mocking, sarcasm, and threatening.

In summary, research has shown that female athletes and coaches receive different forms of abuse (e.g., harassment), from minor to extreme extents and that this abuse can have detrimental psychological ramifications (e.g., being left traumatised).

Furthermore, an emerging body of literature has examined this abuse within social media platforms and collected data from the web, exploring how the online environment can perpetuate this (unchallenged) abuse even further. It is important to examine these issues because creating awareness of the overt discrimination and prejudiced attitudes towards women is vital in order to come one step closer of facilitating a safe, inclusive, and anti-oppressive sporting environment for women to work in.

However, research is yet to examine

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whether these prejudiced attitudes are displayed towards female coaches within the online community. Thus, the purpose of the present paper is to expand on this literature by examining public responses to newly hired female coaches in the NFL, and to investigate examples of prejudice within these responses.

Method Eighty-three comments were collated in total from Twitter (N = 9) and Facebook (N = 74) that reflected the prejudiced attitudes towards female coaches, in the NFL, at the time when the data was collected. As outlined by Polkinghorne (2005), a purposive sampling paradigm was followed to choose each article from which comments were selected for data analysis in order to gain meaningful data.

Patton (2002, p.273) delineates how a purposive sampling paradigm governs the researcher to only select “information-rich” participants that will illuminate the question of study. But the present study shall re-conceptualise appropriately: a purposive paradigm that dictates how information-rich each comment viewed is (i.e., comments should only be selected upon the basis

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of relevance towards the research question). The criteria for the articles was threefold: (a) the article must have been published within a year of the coach being signed in order to collect archival comments that the researcher has not interacted with, actively viewing the comments provoked by the article (Mkono & Markwell, 2014); (b) the article must have been published on a verified platform (i.e., NFL page/ESPN – global pages that reach millions of people which thousands of comments were looked and sought through to identify any prejudiced attitudes towards the coaches); and (c) articles were selected under the key word search of ‘female coaches’ or ‘[female coach name]’, in order to collect comments from relevant articles that could provide prejudiced attitudes towards female coaches. This criteria and selection of articles/comments was employed as it lends itself to a netnographic approach.

Netnography is a contemporary approach to collecting data that permits researchers to observe and record interactions that occur within these virtual spaces (Kozinets, 2010). This approach and criteria was adopted because it was deemed the most

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appropriate way to gain an insight of the prejudiced attitudes displayed towards female coaches within the NFL over online communities as it requires an iterative process that is immersive in nature, thus, allowing for a more comprehensive understanding of comments (Reid & Duffy, 2018).

Therefore, Braun and Clarke’s (2006) sixstep thematic analysis approach was adopted to extract codes and themes from all the comments.

After the analysis was completed and a thematic map was constructed, critical friends1 were utilised to scrutinise the analysis and provide additional interpretations of the findings with the hope of strengthening the quality of these findings by contributing different perceptions to consider (Foulger, 2010).

After conversing with the critical friends, an initial main theme name of ‘not caring about the fact a woman has been hired as a coach’ was changed to ‘processes of dealing with the issue’ and two subthemes: ‘not caring’ and ‘refusing to watch’. Additionally, another initial sub-

theme name ‘women coaching is not good – they lack experience’ was changed to ‘questioning women credentials’. These decisions were made as the initial main theme titles were ‘lengthy’ and not concise; it was thought that the final theme title would appropriately encapsulate the theme as a whole, in which it would be a more precise and accurate representation of each quote under the theme title.

1

by simply challenging one’s own construction of knowledge that has been gathered from viewing their data and the conducting the analytical process.

A critical friend is someone who stimulates a purposeful conversation with the researcher and their data analysis whereby, they offer critical feedback – a different perception towards their transcripts. This dialogue encourages reflexivity

Results Below details the main themes that were thematised after analysis. In total, there were two main themes (titled below) and five sub-themes. The first main theme (‘prejudiced comments towards gender’) contained three sub-themes: ‘sexism’, ‘misgendering’, and ‘questioning female coach credentials’. The other main theme (‘processes of dealing with the issue’) contained the other two sub-themes: ‘not caring’ and ‘refusing to watch’.

Prejudiced comments towards gender Most of the comments were towards the

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gender of each coach in particular. Some comments were questioning the credentials of the female coaches, suggesting that “it’s ridiculous how you can teach something you’ve never played…” and that “thousands of men [were] more qualified”, implying that the coaches lacked requisite knowledge to fulfil the duties of a good quality coach purely because they are women and assuming that they have never played the sport. Comments like these could be the reasons why people believed that “[NFL team that the corresponding female coach was hired at] sucks” and that “women don’t belong in football”.

Users also commented how the NFL is “no place for female coaches”, and that they should “go coach figure skating” instead. This would strongly lend itself towards sexism as these particular comments imply prejudice towards the female coaches solely based on their sex, in which being a woman alone suffices for not being allowed to coach in the NFL. For example, one social media user was wondering whether the female coaches were hired “to sweep and iron or…” instead of actually doing their designated job. Misgendering was also evident on most of the articles that were

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examined. The rest of the comments under this theme were responses that questioned their gender identity and how users were almost intransigent on the fact that the women coaches were men.

Some of these comments included: “the two on the left are females?”; “thought that was a guy”; “that’s a girl?”; and “which one is the woman? I can’t tell”.

Processes of dealing with the issue Remaining comments were elucidating how the user delt with the news of a newly hired female coach. Some comments include: “not watching”; “why is this news? No-one cares!”; and “this will also make history for the least televised game in the 100 years of the NFL”. These comments would suggest that it’s pointless wasting time watching NFL games that have women coaches in as they are inherently boring. Interestingly, comments were not only words: users often inserted a plethora of GIFs to get their point across. Some of the captions for these GIFs included: “Oh my god!

Who the hell cares!?”; “Nobody gives a sh*t”; “Boring!”; and “I don’t care”. As gathered, people commented how they would not be going to watch NFL games if they knew it was coached by women or

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how they simply did not care. This would imply that people stereotype American Football that is coached by women in a negative light and perceive it as being less exciting than that of American Football coached by males.

Discussion Results delineated two main themes identified by the thematic analysis: (a) comments that displayed explicit prejudice towards the gender of the female coaches; and (b) comments regarding how one was to go about dealing with this ‘issue’ of women coaches being apparent in the NFL. Findings suggest that prejudiced attitudes towards female coaches in the NFL are permeated throughout Facebook and Twitter. Previous research has also indicated strong prejudiced attitudes towards sports people over social media platforms. For example, Kavanagh et al. (2019) used a netnographic approach to demonstrate unregulated gender-based cyber hate towards high-profile women tennis players. In particular, they thematised threats of physical violence and different mediums of misogynistic sexualisation towards the tennis players under scrutiny. Additionally, Kian et al. (2011)

found that hegemonic masculinity was upheld in the form of misogynistic remarks on a popular American Football messaging board. In relation to the present study, both pieces of research further supports the contentions that a great deal of misogyny was sustained through the comments – in particular, comments that are riddled with ideological assumptions like “to sweep and iron or…” displays how these social media users are upholding their misogynistic attitudes towards the female coaches by wrongly assuming their capability of doing meaningful work.

Furthermore, Litchfield et al. (2018) examined issues of gender and race experienced by Serena Williams on social media during the 2015 Wimbledon games and argued that the online environment perpetuated oppressive attitudes elicited by the comments analysed.

There are several theories that can be used to explain the prejudiced attitudes identified within the findings. In particular, social dominance theory was developed to understand how social hierarchies are formed and maintained, whereby there is a propensity for one group to enjoy greater social status and power than other groups (Pratto et al.,

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2006). Derived from this theory, the construct of social dominance orientation (SDO) captures one’s preference for group-based dominance and inequality, for-which those possessing higher SDO have a greater proclivity to reject egalitarian ideologies and to accept myths (consensually held values, beliefs, stereotypes) that legitimatise hierarchies and discrimination (Hogg & Vaughan, 2017; Pratto et al., 1994). Given that SDO has been related to sexism (Pratto et al., 2006), social media users whose comments fell under theme 1 could have high levels of SDO in which, they share a common belief/stereotype that women coaches do not belong in the NFL and must therefore discriminate against them as a defence mechanism. This illuminates Peterson’s (1999) writings demonstrating the great lengths one would go to in order to defend their deep-rooted beliefs from falling into disarray, which further supports the body of research that shows positive correlations between SDO and different forms of prejudice (e.g., Whitley, 1999), in which individuals with higher SDO may be discriminating against others who do not align with their ideological beliefs as

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an act of protection over their own.

Interestingly, Christopher and Wojda (2008) revealed that SDO accounted for significant variability in employment scepticism (male belief that women are not capable of doing jobs that men traditionally do), further solidifying Pratto’s et al (1994) claim that SDO predicts beliefs that encompasses men’s superiority over women. Therefore, it’s suspected that most comments which displayed prejudice towards gender were written by males, members of a different group compared to that of the targets – the female coaches.

Dogmatism may be another viable theoretical explanation for some of the pertinent implications extracted from theme two. Dogmatic individuals possess a closed cognitive organisation of beliefs and disbeliefs about reality which, in turn, provides a framework of intolerance towards those beliefs that are contrary to theirs – these individuals have a strong resistance to belief change in light of new information (Hogg & Vaughan, 2017; Rokeach, 1954). Research on dogmatism is often found in relation to religious/political ideologies in which, high levels of prejudice, rejection and intolerance are often exhibited when the

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values of dogmatic individuals are violated by others (Duckitt, 2005).

Supporting this research, Kossowska et al. (2017) revealed that people who held dogmatic beliefs about religion exhibited greater prejudiced and intolerant attitudes to those who violated their core values. Keeping in line with this, comments under theme two seem to be rather dogmatic in which, the nature of each comment suggests that seeing newly hired female coaches in the NFL violates their profound belief that only males should fill this role – exemplifying the lack of receptivity to change of these particular people.

This study is not without limitations. Correa et al. (2010) revealed how one’s personality plays a crucial role in determining the likelihood of engaging with social media platforms. Specifically, extraversion and openness to experience were positively correlated with social media use, implying that only certain types of people would negatively react on media platforms. Thus, a wider – more holistic – picture must be captured in order to encapsulate explanations at every level (i.e., social identity theory explores a group level explanation of prejudice).

Despite this however, practicing sport psychologists should be

aware of the research that explores the prejudice attitudes and discriminatory behaviours manifested within the digital realm and, consequently, the potential ramifications (e.g., hate messages) that may arise for athletes. Thus, future research may seek to use an amalgam of approaches (interviews along with netnographic approaches, e.g., Fenton et al., 2020) in order to enrich initial analyses.

Furthermore, Kozinets (2020) noted how collecting additional interview data (along with textual data) facilitates a triangulation process where the interviewee’s can essentially verify what is being observed on the online platforms with a purpose of enriching and enhancing our understanding of the data.

Additions to the methodology like this can also improve the rigor of a qualitative study – a hallmark of excellence for qualitative research (Tracy, 2010).

To conclude, the prejudiced attitudes and discrimination aimed towards the newly hired female coaches highlighted in the present study, acts to reinforce the place of female coaches within the NFL as ‘others’. It seems that the female coaches are perceived as something that violates the maledominated ideological norms, and something that, consequently, sheds

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negative light on the sport. If such prejudiced comments are left unchallenged, and unaccounted for, this has potential to reduce inclusivity for female coaches in the coaching workplace (Litchfield et al., 2018).

Therefore, our research creates awareness for the overt prejudiced attitudes and discriminatory behaviour that is displayed through these media outlets, which brings us one step closer to improving the inequitable structure of male-dominated sports. However, as aforementioned, we suggest that further research is still required in order to make the online environment a better, more inclusive place. For instance, future research could examine existing strategies that aim to reduce sexism (or any form of prejudiced attitudes, e.g., racism) with the purpose of investigating methods to alter deep-rooted prejudiced beliefs and attitudes held towards women in sport.

References Anderson, E. (2008). “I used to think women were weak”: Orthodox masculinity, gender segregation, and sport. Sociological forum, 23(2), 257-280.

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https://doi.org/10.1111/j.15737861.2008.00058.x Barnes, S., & Adams, M. L. (2021). A large and troubling iceberg: sexism and misogyny in women’s work as sport coaches. Sports Coaching Review, 10(3), 1-20. https://doi.org/10.1080/21640629.2021.

1975940 Braun, V., & Clarke, V. (2006). Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qualitative Research in Psychology, 3(2), 77-101. doi:10.1191/ 1478088706qp063oa Christopher, A. N., & Wojda, M. R. (2008).

Social dominance orientation, right-wing authoritarianism, sexism, and prejudice toward women in the workforce. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 32(1), 65-73. https://doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.14716402.2007.00407.x Correa, T., Hinsley, A. W., & De Zuniga, H. G. (2010). Who interacts on the Web?: The intersection of users’ personality and social media use. Computers in Human Behavior, 26(2), 247-253.

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https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2009.09.0 03 Duckitt, J. (2005). Personality and Prejudice. In L. A. Rudman., J. Dovidio, & P. Glick (Eds.). (2005). On the Nature of Prejudice: Fifty Years After Allport (pp.

395-412). Wiley.

Fenton, A., Keegan, B. J., & Parry, K. D. (2020). Understanding Sporting Social Media Brand Communities, Place and Social Capital: A Netnography of Football Fans. Communication & Sport, 2167479520986149. https://doi.org/10.1177%2F21674795209 86149 Foulger, T. S. (2010). External conversations: An unexpected discovery about the critical friend in action research inquiries. Action Research, 8(2), 135-152. https://doi.org/10.1177%2F14767503093 51354 Hogg, M. A., & Vaughan, G. M. (2017). Social psychology: An introduction (8th ed.). Pearson Education.

Kavanagh, E., Litchfield, C., & Osborne, J. (2019). Sporting women and social

media: Sexualization, misogyny, and gender-based violence in online spaces. International Journal of Sport Communication, 12(4), 552-572. https://doi.org/10.1123/ijsc.2019-0079 Kerr, G. (2010b). Female coaches’ experience of harassment and bullying.

In S. Robertson, D. Marshall, & H. Abbas (Eds.), Taking the lead: Strategies and solutions from female coaches (pp. 57– 72). The University of Alberta Press.

Kian, E. M., Clavio, G., Vincent, J., & Shaw, S. D. (2011). Homophobic and sexist yet uncontested: Examining football fan postings on Internet message boards. Journal of Homosexuality, 58(5), 680-699. https://doi.org/10.1080/00918369.2011.

563672 Kossowska, M., Czernatowicz‐Kukuczka, A., & Sekerdej, M. (2017). Many faces of dogmatism: Prejudice as a way of protecting certainty against value violators among dogmatic believers and atheists. British Journal of Psychology, 108(1), 127-147. https://doi.org/10.1111/bjop.12186 Kozinets RV (2010) Netnography: Doing

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Ethnographic Research Online. London: SAGE. Kozinets, R. V. (2020). Netnography: The essential guide to qualitative social media research (3rd ed.). Sage.

Litchfield, C., Kavanagh, E., Osborne, J., & Jones, I. (2018). Social media and the politics of gender, race and identity: The case of Serena Williams. European Journal for Sport and Society, 15(2), 154170. https://doi.org/10.1080/16138171.2018.1 452870 Mkono, M., & Markwell, K. (2014). The application of netnography in tourism studies. Annals of Tourism Research, 48, 289-291. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.annals.2014.07.

005 Patton, M. Q. (2002). Two decades of developments in qualitative inquiry: A personal, experiential perspective. Qualitative Social Work, 1(3), 261-283. https://doi.org/10.1177%2F14733250020 01003636

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Peterson, J. B. (1999). Maps of Meaning: The architecture of belief. New York: Routledge.

Polkinghorne, D. E. (2005). Language and meaning: Data collection in qualitative research. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 52(2), 137. https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1037/0 022-0167.52.2.137 Pratto, F., Sidanius, J., & Levin, S. (2006).

Social dominance theory and the dynamics of intergroup relations: Taking stock and looking forward. European Review of Social Psychology, 17(1), 271320. https://doi.org/10.1080/104632806010 55772 Pratto, F., Sidanius, J., Stallworth, L. M., & Malle, B. F. (1994). Social dominance orientation: A personality variable predicting social and political attitudes. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 67(4), 741. https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1037/0 022-3514.67.4.741 Reid, E., & Duffy, K. (2018). A

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netnographic sensibility: developing the netnographic boundaries/social listening boundaries. Journal of Marketing Management, 34(3-4), 263-286. https://doi.org/10.1080/0267257X.2018.

1450282 Rokeach, M. (1954). The nature and meaning of dogmatism. Psychological Review, 61(3), 194–204. https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1037/h 0060752

https://doi.org/10.1177%2F10778004103 83121 Whitley Jr, B. E. (1999). Right-wing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, and prejudice. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 77(1), 126-134. https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1037/0 022-3514.77.1.126

Sanderson, J., & Truax, C. (2014). I hate you man!”: Exploring maladaptive parasocial interaction expressions to college athletes via Twitter. Journal of Issues in Intercollegiate Athletics, 7, 333351.

Savigny, H. (2020). The violence of impact: Unpacking relations between gender, media and politics. Political Studies Review, 18(2), 277-293. https://doi.org/10.1177%2F14789299188 19212 Tracy, S. J. (2010). Qualitative quality: Eight “big-tent” criteria for excellent qualitative research. Qualitative Inquiry, 16(10), 837-851.

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From the Holocaust to Darfur: To what extent has the perception of rape as an instrument of genocide evolved in international law over the twentieth century?

Isabelle Hofberg MA History Perception of rape as an instrument of genocide has evolved considerably in international law over the last decade, a development largely accredited to the advancements of the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), as well as the social and legal theory surrounding these genocides.1 This examination, with focus placed on these trials and the contexts in which they occurred, will analyse several factors that resulted in the ability to prosecute rape not only as a crime against humanity but also as an aspect of 1

Mark Ellis, “Breaking the Silence: Rape as an International Crime,” Case Western Reserve Journal International Law 38.2 (2007): 246, accessed 9th March 2021, https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil/vol3 8/iss2/3.

2 Ibid.

3 The Prosecutor v. Jean-Paul Akayesu (Trial Judgement), ICTR-96-4-T, International Criminal

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genocide.2 First of all, comparison of trials such as that of Jean-Paul Akayesu with those that that took place in the aftermath of World War II enforces the extent of these changing legal perceptions.

Examination of the proceedings and outcomes of this pivotal trial, which prosecuted rape as a tool of genocide for the first time in history, demonstrates the growing legitimisation of this legal perception since the 1990s.3 Furthermore, consideration will be made of the ideological and political contexts surrounding the Bosnian and Rwandan genocides and in order to demonstrate that these contexts were instrumental when defining and cementing the concept of genocidal rape in international law by breaking away from the traditional assumption that sexual violence was nothing more than an expected consequence of conflict.4 Focus will be placed on feminist Tribunal for Rwanda (2 September 1998): 179, accessed 20th March 2021, https://unictr.irmct.org/sites/unictr.org/files/ca se-documents/ictr-96-4/trialjudgements/en/980902.pdf.

4 Sherrie L. Russell-Brown, “Rape as an Act of Genocide,” Berkeley Journal of International Law 21.2 (2003): 351, accessed 20th March 2021,

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scholarship, which lobbied for changing perceptions of rape in international law to provide victims with greater and more consistent justice.5 Finally, limitations of this representation and of the tribunals themselves will also be identified, which mainly relate to the inherent restrictions of international law. Evaluation of current International Criminal Court (ICC) approaches to the conflict in Darfur suggest that the precedent set by the ICTY and ICTR has not been utilised to its full potential in the years since.6 Prior to the wars in the former Yugoslavia (1992-1995) and Rwanda (1990-1994), the traditional perception of rape as a natural by-product of conflict was upheld within international law. This was particularly notable during the international military tribunals which

followed World War II.7 In these trials, rape and sexual violence were subordinated beside other forms of abuse, which better served to consolidate the ideological victory of the Allies over the Axis.8 Examination of how rape was handled in these courts can help identify how perception of rape as a tool of genocide evolved in the late twentieth century by accentuating the influence of landmark trials. This examination is also significant because both the ICTR and the ICTY were modelled after the precedent set at Nuremberg.9 Following World War II, cases of rape were indeed documented by the

https://genderandsecurity.org/sites/default/file s/Russell-Brown__Rape_as_an_Act_of_Genocide.pdf.

5 Rana Jaleel, “Weapons of Sex, Weapons of War,” Cultural Studies 27.1 (2013): 121, accessed 20th March 2021, https://doi.org/10.1080/09502386.2012.722302.

6 Prosecutor v. Dragoljub Kunarac, Radomir Kovač and Zoran Vuković (Trial Judgment), IT-96-23-T & IT-96-23/1-T, International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, 22 February 2001): 146, accessed 26th April 2021, https://www.icty.org/x/cases/kunarac/tjug/en /kun-tj010222e.pdf.

7

Russell-Brown, “Rape as an Act of Genocide,” 351.

8 Christoph Schiessl, “An Element of Genocide: Rape, Total War, and International Law in the Twentieth Century,” Journal of Genocide Research 4:2 (2002): 197, accessed 20th March 2021, https://doi.org/10.1080/14623520220137976.

9 Kellye L. Fabian, “Proof and Consequences: An Analysis of the Tadic and Akayesu Trials,” DePaul Law Review 49.4 (2000): 982, accessed 21st April 2021, https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/232967118.pdf .

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International Military Tribunal (IMT)10; however, these cases were not prosecuted or significantly highlighted as human rights abuse, nor were they considered instruments of genocide.11 It was during the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (IMTFE)12 when rape was first identified as a specific war crime in its own right and was used to aid prosecution.13 However, although the 1936 Nanking Massacre received notable and extensive testimony regarding the crime of rape, focus was overall lacking beyond the six-week period over which the massacre occurred.14 For instance, Korean victims of sexual enslavement in the Japanese Imperial Army’s ‘comfort’

system face an ongoing battle for recognition and justice.15 Consequently, the IMTFE did not present a significant challenge to representation of sexual assault within pre-existing law. Indeed, it is clear in the judgement of the IMTFE that the ‘Rape’ of Nanking was conflated with the murders and other war crimes that occurred, therefore rape was not conceived as a crime with its own unique consequences or implications, much less as a tool of genocide. Classification of rape as a means of committing genocide within the context of the Holocaust was further complicated given that sexual intercourse between Germans and ‘inferior’ races such as Jews was officially

10

International Military Tribunal for Far East (Transcript of Proceedings). ICC Legal Tools Database (1946): 4464-5, accessed 21st April 2021, https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/a4c38a/pdf/.

14 Beth Van Schaak, “Engendering Genocide: The Akayesu Case Before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda,” (Santa Clara University Legal Studies Research Papers Series): 14, accessed 26th April 2021, https://ssrn.com/abstract=1154259.

15 Kim Hak-sun, “Bitter Memories I Am Loath to Recall,” in True Stories of the Korean Comfort Women, ed. the Korean Council for Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan (London: Cassell, 1995): 40.

International Military Tribunal for the Prosecution and Punishment of the Major War Criminals of the European Axis, 1945-1946.

11 Carol Rittner and John K. Roth, “Chronology 1937-2011,” In Rape: Weapon of War and Genocide, eds. Carol Rittner and John K. Roth (St Paul: Paragon House, 2012), xxvii.

Tazreena Sajjad, “Rape on Trial: Promises of International Jurisprudence, Perils of Retributive Justice, and the Realities of Impunity,” in Rape: Weapon of War and Genocide, eds. Carol Rittner and John K. Roth (St Paul: Paragon House, 2012): 66.

12 Also known as the Tokyo Trial or the Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal, 1946-1948.

13 Rittner and Roth, “Chronology 1937-2011,” xxviii.

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forbidden by the Nuremberg Laws of 1935.16 Furthermore, women across a wide range of social, religious, and ethnic groups were victimised, rather than there having been a focus on a specific minority in the same manner that the eradication programmes had been.

Therefore, any rape that occurred was not sanctioned by government officials, nor was it easily defined as an element of genocide at the time.17 Comparison with both later genocides consequently suggests that the specific circumstances surrounding a genocide, as well as the means through which rape is perpetrated, has a significant impact on the representation of rape as genocide in international law.

Feminist legal scholar Catherine MacKinnon argues that victims of genocidal rape are seen by perpetrators as representations of entire ethnic groups, with rape being used as a tool to achieve its destruction, either in part or in totality.18 The circumstances surrounding Yugoslavia and Rwanda made it easier from the perspective of law to identify

rape as being actively used and encouraged by officials on a systematic level with genocidal intent; as stated by Sherrie L. Russell-Brown, “establishing genocide requires the dolus specialis to destroy a national, ethnic, racial or religious group” and rape does not automatically become considered a genocidal act simply because it occurred within the context of a genocide.19 Although modelled on the tribunals conducted after World War II, the ICTY and ICTR departed from previous considerations of rape and its relationship with genocide.

Notably, evidence presented during the trial of Jean-Paul Akayesu – and, perhaps even more significantly, the way in which this evidence was handled – was substantial to satisfy the Trial Chamber that the acts of sexual violence committed were perpetrated against women of a specific ethnicity and were “an integral part of the process of [physical and psychological] destruction” essential to defining a genocide.20 Many witness testimonies, such as one

16

18

17

19

Schiessl, “An Element of Genocide,” 199.

Eva Fogelman, “Rape During the Nazi Holocaust,” in Rape: Weapon of War and Genocide, eds. Carol Rittner and John K. Roth (St Paul: Paragon House, 2012): 17.

Jaleel, “Weapons of Sex,” 118 and 126.

Russell-Brown, “Rape as an Act of Genocide,” 362.

20 The Prosecutor v. Jean-Paul Akayesu (Trial Judgement), 176-7.

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instance who argued that the sole reason she was not raped was because her ethnic background was unknown, demonstrated the clear ethnic motivation which was required to meet the legal definition of genocide .21 Akayesu’s trial demonstrates an increased openness to prosecuting rape as an element of genocide, unlike earlier convictions such as the ICTY’s conviction of Anto Furundžija.22 Although Furundžija was judged to be complicit in the rapes perpetrated by his military unit, he was prosecuted for rape as a crime against humanity, rather than genocide.23 Consequently, Prosecutor v.

Akayesu marked the first occurrence in which international law recognised sexual violence as a means of perpetrating genocide and set a precedent for rape to continue to be prosecuted as such by future international criminal courts. Due to this,

Prosecutor v. Akayesu has become regarded as a monumental case by feminist scholars. This trial is especially notable as a source given that the charge of rape was not initially brought against Akayesu, but amended after specific witness testimony raised concerns regarding the defendant’s complicity.24 The absence of rape in the initial indictment is a reflection of the international law community of the time, which was male dominated in nature and based on the example set at Nuremberg.25 Therefore, issues that disproportionately affected women over men such as sexual violence were more likely to be overlooked in court proceedings and the arrangement of cases against a defendant. The fact that rape was ultimately identified by the Tribunal as a necessary amendment demonstrates the presence of changing perceptions towards rape in general as

21

the Former Yugoslavia, 10 December 1998): 103, accessed 26th April 2021, https://www.icty.org/x/cases/furundzija/acjug/ en/fur-aj000721e.pdf.

24 Van Schaak, “Engendering Genocide,” 6.

25 Lisa Sharlach, “Rape as Genocide: Bangladesh, the Former Yugoslavia, and Rwanda,” New Political Science 22.1 (2010): 93, accessed 20th March 2021, https://doi.org/10.1080/713687893.

Ibid, 177.

Prosecutor v. Anto Furundzija (Transcript 8), IT95-17/1-T, International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (8 June 1998: 61, accessed 26th April 2021, https://www.icty.org/x/cases/furundzija/trans/ en/980608ed.htm.

23 Prosecutor v. Anto Furundzija (Trial Judgement), IT-95-17/1-T, International Criminal Tribunal for 22

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well as its relationship with genocide.

However, as with the Nuremberg trials, it is essential to approach court records of any trial with the understanding that they were conducted with specific goals in mind. The purpose of international criminal tribunals is in part to implement existing law in the prosecution of individuals who have committed serious violations of international law rather than to re-examine and challenge that law; indeed, challenging law under these circumstances could in some cases be detrimental to the assertion of intolerance towards war crimes and genocide by demonstrating a lack of consensus. Attempting to establish a challenging or poorly organised prosecution case can also ultimately result in no conviction taking place at all.

Due to this, it is also important to consider the wider social context of the late twentieth century in order to determine what spurred these developments.

Changing legal perceptions of rape and genocide were directly related to the wider ideological context of the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, knowledge of which resulted in greater advocacy for victims of sexual assault. This growing notion of universal

feminism that incorporated the social positions of ethnic minorities was particularly prevalent within the USA and collided with the ICTY, as demonstrated by the contributions of feminist attorney Catherine MacKinnon.26 A “vocal participant” of the Sex Wars, through which US feminists disputed “the relationships between sex, violence and racial/ethnic difference to the realm of. . . international humanitarian criminal law”, MacKinnon represented female Muslim women against Serbs accused of genocide, and through this created a legal claim that rape had occurred as an act of genocide within the conflict.27 Although the judges of the Akayesu trial stressed that their decision to include charges of rape as an aspect of genocide were not motivated by public pressure to do so, it is not unreasonable to assume that the growing prevalence of feminist political theory penetrated the consensus of the international community. Laws change and develop based on the views of wider society and culture to reflect changing notions of what should and should not be considered a certain crime. Given the global visibility of the crimes that occurred during the Rwandan genocide,

26

27

Jaleel, “Weapons of Sex,” 126.

Ibid, 118.

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cultural stances and expectations of the legal response also became visible to those responsible for prosecuting perpetrators.

Despite these developments, legal perceptions of rape as a category of genocide have not been radicalised, but instead, represent a growing consensus.

Since the trials of the ICTR and ICTY, there have been few convictions of sexual violence and rape specifically as an instrument of genocide. This is especially prevalent in examination of the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) recent approach to rape in Darfur28, indicating that the classification of genocidal rape as it was established by the ICTR and ICTY has since been underused in its application and prosecution. ICC investigations into the conflict in Darfur since 2005 have centred

around suspected genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity.29 The arrest warrant for Ahmad Muhammad Harun demonstrates that investigations into rape are centred around the categories of war crimes and crimes against humanity rather than genocide.30 In contrast, testimonies such as those gathered by Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International suggest that the use of rape against non-Arab groups is indeed potentially genocidal in its motivation, and should be investigated as such.31 For instance, Amnesty International reference that “racial insults have often occurred alongside sexual violence”, thus demonstrating “that women have been targeted for violence not only because of their gender, but also because they are from a particular ethnic group”.32 However, Amnesty International

28

31

It is typically agreed by scholars that a genocide has been occurring in Darfur, Sudan since 2003. However, the UN have yet to declare the conflict a genocide.

29 Please see: https://www.icc-cpi.int/darfur.

30 The Prosecutor v. Ahmad Muhammad Harun and Ali Muhammad Al Abd-Al-Rahman (Pre Trial Chamber I), ICC-02/05-01/07, International Criminal Court (27th April 2007): 8, accessed 24th April 2021. https://www.icccpi.int/CourtRecords/CR2007_02902.PDF.

115

Mass Rape in North Darfur: Sudanese Army Attacks against Civilians in Tabit, Human Rights Watch (2015), accessed 24th April 2021, https://www.hrw.org/report/2015/02/11/massrape-north-darfur/sudanese-army-attacksagainst-civilians-tabit#_ftnref49.

32 Sudan: Darfur: Rape as a Weapon of War: Sexual Violence and its Consequences, Amnesty International (2011), accessed 24th April 2021, https://www.amnestyusa.org/reports/sudandarfur-rape-as-a-weapon-of-war-sexualviolence-and-its-consequences/.

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noted at time of writing that due to the ongoing nature of the conflict and legal processes, it was unable to conclude whether or not a genocide was present based on this classification.33 These factors additionally make it difficult to fully assess the current perception of genocidal rape in international law based on this example alone, however does indicate that the subject faces a lack of legal representation.

Regardless of these limitations, legal perceptions exhibited towards events in Darfur demonstrate that genocidal rape is still strictly perceived as a crime committed solely against females. Indeed, gender-based violence committed against men “has only recently been examined… in its own right.”34 Utilising narratives from a large sample of Darfurian refugees, a study conducted by Gabrielle Ferrales et al illustrates that the use of rape as an instrument of genocide is not restricted to female victims but can also be used

against men.35 Indeed, it is attacks such as these that seek to undermine gender roles (and by extension ethnic social networks which result in the displacement and usurpation of traditional ways of life) that constitutes genocide.36 Quantifying these attacks is challenging due to the nature of oral evidence, however Ferrales et al were able to conclude that it was not uncommon for men to be the primary targets of sexual violence, nor were these attacks localised to specific areas.37 Given that men also received minimal attention as victims of rape during the war in former Yugoslavia, it is evident that little attempt to re-assess this perception of gender has been present in international law. Therefore, not only is there a continued doubt present in international law that rape can be used as a tool of genocide, but that there is also a lack of consensus regarding victim and perpetrator roles,

33

36

Ibid.

Gabrielle Ferrales et al, “Gender-Based Violence Against Men and Boys in Darfur: The Gender Genocide Nexus,” Gender and Society 30.4 (2016): 565-6, accessed 24th April 2021, https://doi.org/10.1177/0891243216636331.

35 Ibid, 566.

34

Joshua Kaiser and John Hagan, "Gendered Genocide: The Socially Destructive Process of Genocidal Rape, Killing, and Displacement in Darfur," Law & Society Review 49.1 (2015): 69, accessed April 24, 2021, http://www.jstor.org/stable/43670463.

37 Ferrales et al, “Gender-Based Violence Against Men and Boys in Darfur,” 572.

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which are strictly maintained within the barriers of their gendered stereotypes.38 Further shortcomings of the established legal perception have been identified by feminist scholars, with Lisa Sharlach proposing the question of whether the classification of genocide should be expanded to include gender as a collective group.39 This proposal is based on the argument that mass rape could be interpreted as a genocide against women regardless of their ethnicity or religion given that sex and gender are both considered to be distinct social groups.40 Indeed, institutions such as the ICC have traditionally been imbedded with the interests of men, who grant greater importance to categories such as ethnicity than they do to gender, and therefore it is reasonable to question whether this category has been neglected in the enforcement of law.41 As argued by Sharlach, international law currently portrays women as having “lesser legal importance” given that they

are only included in the definition of genocide if there is an intent to destroy men as well.42 This stance was echoed by feminist lawyer Rhonda Copelon at the time of the ICTY, who expressed concern that classifying rape as a subsection of genocide rather than its own crime could “objectify rape victims by viewing genocidal rape as a crime perpetrated against a group and not against individual women”, thus reducing the perceived importance of women as victims of genocide.43 Although this classification could alternatively highlight the “heinous nature” of rape by associating it with crimes against humanity and genocide, there is evidence that the ICC has historically failed to fully represent the consequences of genocidal rape.44 Due to the nature of court proceedings, neither the ICTY or ICTR “dwell[ed] significantly on this crucial aspect of the mass atrocities”.45 Despite the sensitive way in which it handled gender-based violence, the Akayesu trial has been

38

44

39

45

Kaiser and Hagan, “Gendered Genocide,” 81.

Sharlach, “Rape as Genocide,” 93.

40 Ibid.

41 Ibid.

42 Sharlach, “Rape as Genocide,” 94.

43 Russell-Brown. “Rape as an Act of Genocide,” 351.

117

Ellis, “Breaking the Silence,” 247.

Jessica A. Hubbard, “Justice for Women? Rape as Genocide and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda,” in Rape: Weapon of War and Genocide, eds. Carol Rittner and John K. Roth (St Paul: Paragon House, 2012): 105.

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criticised for “lack[ing] an acknowledgement of the multiple ways in which women are affected” by the crime of rape given that the trial neglected exploration of the repercussions faced by victims even in its most descriptive moments.46 In contrast, testimonies collected

by Human Rights Watch depict the full extent of the suffering endured as well as the gender-based issues victims encountered when navigating the legal system, such as refusing to report the rapes committed against them due to the lack of female judicial police inspectors and judges.47 One witness concludes her testimonies saying, “until I die, I’ll always be sad”, an important and sharp emotion that witnesses in court are neglected the opportunity to share, with focus instead being on the facts of the case.48 This examination suggests that the legal perception of rape as a mere ‘tool’ of genocide is flawed against the victims whose lives it shapes forever, and raises questions on how well rape as an instrument of genocide can be represented in international law if the ICC

has neglected to fully understand and explore the full implications of the crime for its victims. However, this is yet again another consequence resulting from the nature of international criminal courts, which operate under a restricted time frame and have a duty to protect the psychological wellbeing of witnesses in court by reducing the amount of time spent testifying. Thus, this system is not only flawed, but restricted due to the principles it functions under.

In conclusion, the ICTY and ICTR were instrumental in developing more distinct perceptions of rape as a tool of genocide in the late twentieth century.

Landmark trials such as Prosecutor v.

Akayesu aided in establishing a new legal consensus regarding the classification of genocidal rape, setting precedent for future convictions. This consensus has continued to be strengthened by the work of feminist scholars, as it was at the time the trials took place. Consequently, rape has since become perceived in international law as a crime that has the capability of harbouring genocidal intent, rather than an act that is perpetrated on

46

accessed 20th March 2021, https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports /1996_Rwanda_%20Shattered%20Lives.pdf.

48 Ibid, 29.

Ibid.

Binaifer Nowrojee, Shattered Lives: Sexual Violence during the Rwandan Genocide and its Aftermath (Human Rights Watch: 1996): 51, 47

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an individual basis.

However, understanding of the concept of genocidal rape has not yet been truly radicalised, and much progress remains to be seen. Mainly, the current perception is restricted to traditional gender roles, with men as perpetrators and women victims.

Evidence demonstrates that this is not always the case, and that women are not the sole victims of rape as a weapon of genocide.

Despite the precedents set by the ICTY and ICTR, examination of the ICC’s current approach to investigating genocide in Darfur suggests that the indictment of rape as genocide still harbours a sense of discomfort from a male-dominated international legal system, which has struggled to reconcile itself with female victims of wartime sexual assault in a gender-sensitive manner. Regardless, the advancements made cannot be overlooked, nor can the impact of the ICTY and ICTR on developing the concept of genocidal rape within international law for future generations to continue building upon.

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A critical analysis of removing barriers for refugee pupils in a school setting Hannah Pitt BA (Hons) Primary Education Providing a high-quality, inclusive and equitable education for all pupils is paramount. However, the education system is flawed by issues in wider society that impact the level of inclusiveness in schools. Throughout this assignment, there will be a focus on removing barriers for refugee pupils of different ethnicities and families entering education. Supporting refugees when they enter the country is critical to their well-being and life experience, thus removing barriers of negative media influences, lack of knowledge of refugees, isolation from the community and lack of resources that may hinder their education further accentuates this need for inclusion. Fleeing their hometown to reside somewhere completely new can be an extremely daunting and overwhelming situation and so providing the best, inclusive, education possible for them will mean that they are supported. Throughout there will be a focus on how refugees are viewed within the media and how this can provide a barrier to their learning. A

consideration of how these issues impact the UK education system and children’s experiences will show that new strategies are needed to support refugee pupils. However, it is beyond the scope of this assignment to discuss every implication and strategy to support refugees within education and so a select few will be analysed.

Whilst ‘no one chooses to be a refugee’ (Westwood, 2013:23; Slee, 2011), recently both the media and general public have voiced negative opinions.

Recently there has been numerous amounts of negative criticism of refugees within the government and media that can have direct impact on public opinions and refugees themselves (Rutter, 2006; Ball, 2018). Although some viewpoints are becoming more positive, there has been countless incidents that have negatively contextualised refugees entering the country as an issue. Several government members’ shocking attitudes (past and present) towards refugees have directly impacted the media’s portrayal of refugees and demonstrated just how views remain detrimental towards refugees through actions such as hate crimes, barriers in securing employment and social isolation in small communities (Rutter, 2006). Former PM, David

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Cameron notably named refugees as ‘the swarm’ (2015). This use of language has been criticised by the Refugee Council (2021) as irresponsible and dehumanising as he describes refugees as ‘insects in favour of humans’. This act created an international backlash as many criticised Cameron of adopting a xenophobic response to refugees, which had a large impact upon the public (Refugee Council, 2021; Ball, 2018).

More recently, another member of government has demonstrated their opinion on refugees. Home Secretary, Priti Patel has been working upon a new proposition for migrants entering the UK. This proposal, sourced within The Guardian (Soloman, 2021) removes those who enter the UK through illegal route and failing that, be regularly assessed to be removed from the UK if successful (Soloman, 2021). This proposal gained support and visibility for refugees due to the public outrage of the notion that the proposal itself is wholly unjust and undermines the UK’s long tradition of providing protection for people regardless of how they make it into the country (Solomon 2021; Refugee council, 2021). Furthermore, this proposal goes against the barriers that the UK has tried

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hard to remove for refugees (through work with the UNHCR, and the Refugee Convention) to be a part of the country and demonstrates that views towards refugees can be still extremely negative.

Moreover, it should be reminded that refugees are forced to undertake extraordinary measures and have no choice about how they seek safety; so attempting to differentiate between the deserving and undeserving of how they seek safety and travel to the UK is damning (Erickson, 2010). Whilst this article demonstrates truth within the information, it is important to note it’s validity. The Guardian is a daily newspaper that has up to 6.4 million monthly readers and has been praised for its dispassionate discussion of issues (Britannica, 2021). The Guardian is considered less conservative than the Daily Telegraph and The Times but is viewed as a reliable resource of information (Britannica, 2021). The Guardian has demonstrated to have a slight liberal bias, publishing information that utilises loaded words to favour liberal causes (MBFC, 2021). Moreover, this demonstrates that the media’s portrayal of these articles of powerful members of the government’s thoughts

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and legislation can have a direct impact on the national consciousness that there are too many refugees within the UK (Knowles, 2011). Therefore, it is critical for everyone, including those who write the articles to remember that refugees are fleeing persecution, conflict and war and so should be treated with compassion and understanding (Knowles, 2011; UNHCR,2021).

Throughout this section, there will be a discussion on removing barriers within education for refugees to feel included and have the best access to education they can. Being sensitive throughout is critical to ensure equity and respectfulness (NEU, 2019).

Both refugees and asylum seekers tend to be understood as individuals in similar situations, yet they have distinct circumstances (Veck and Wharton, 2021).

The British Red Cross (2021), an advocate to aiding refugees, state that a refugee is someone who has proven to be at risk if they returned home, has had their asylum granted and accepted by the government and has permission to stay within the UK long-term. An asylumseeker is someone whose request for sanctuary has yet to be processed (British Red Cross, 2021; UNHCR, 2021).

Providing this information before a

discussion commences upon removing barriers for refugee pupils, provides an understanding of refugees to the reader.

There are multiple factors that hinder refugee pupils’ education and life experiences. As discussed, some government attitudes alongside the media’s prejudices offer a large barrier to the well-being of refugees in how they are seen within society and how they reflect upon themselves (Keddie, 2012).

Other barriers could include a lack of knowledge of refugees themselves and how to remove barriers for them.

Practitioners should acquire an understanding of each refugee pupil’s experiences (local community, linguistic background, school, country of origin), as each will vary and having this understanding will benefit to the removal of any barriers to their education (Gay, 2013; Puttick, 2018). It is possible that refugee pupils entering education may have endured potential trauma or distress that could impact their learning; so gaining an understanding of their experience is critical to providing them an inclusive education (Veck and Wharton, 2019). As part of a country that has limited exposure to such trauma, it is easy to assume that pupils coming into school have had little experience with

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disaster (Demirdjian, 2012). However, the UNHCR (2021)(a charity that strives to ensure that everyone has the right to seek asylum and find safe refuge) presents multiple experiences that refugee pupils may have experienced such as: school buildings have been destroyed, schools used as shelters, risk of landmines, loss of family connections and because of this a lack of motivation to study. The psychological impact of this trauma and loss can be incredibly detrimental to the child at such a young age (Booth, 1996; Erickson, 2010). A large percentage of refugees suffer from PTSD, depression or survivor’s guilt which then consequently impede on a person’s functioning in everyday situations such as education (Keddie, 2012). Alongside these barriers, others such as language, lack of support (mental, financial and psychological) and prejudices can all have an impact on a refugee pupil going into education (UNHCR, 2021). However, despite attempting to aid every aspect of a refugee child, there are no specific guidelines to support and remove every barrier for refugee pupils since as mentioned, everyone is unique through their own experiences (McIntyre and

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Abrams, 2020). Nevertheless, it does not stop practitioners responding to the needs of each individual pupil by offering localised support that is catered to each individual situation to produce the best educational experience they can for refugee pupils (Teacher Standards, 2013).

Education acts as a source of psychological support for pupils to help reduce children’s exposure to threats, violence and physical attack, whilst developing conflict resolution and peace-keeping skills that contributes to making the prospect of education as positive as possible (Demirdjian, 2012; Puttick, 2018; Knowles, 2011). Schools provide a sense of security and identity for each child within an ever-changing world, this should be no different for refugee pupils (Peterson et al, 2017; Hamilton and Moore, 2004). However, schools are only one part of the infrastructure in place to support refugees and are not equipped to cater for every aspect of the child, thus schools should be in contact with local authorities to support each aspect of learning that a child needs (Rutter, 2003). Alongside the importance for pupils to be a part of the educational community, it is critical that refugee parents are supported

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throughout the transition of their child’s education so that they can best support their child. Providing the best for their child, whilst in the pursuit of adapting to a new environment can be incredibly daunting for refugee parents and so providing them with a seamless introduction into the community and the school is essential (Keddie, 2012). Having encountered mistrust within their homeland, it is fundamental that the local authority provide refugee families with a welcoming, supportive and empathetic atmosphere that encourages them to be a part of the community and education (Wharton et al, 2019). To best support the family and cater to their needs, schools should undertake some initial research into the country of origin such as the communities, languages, history and past schooling. This provides a foundation of trust which creates a stable environment for the individual to thrive (Knowles, 2011). However, although useful, gathering information should be done cautiously in a safe place, as it can be an extremely sensitive and emotionally distressing time for both parents and pupils and so schools should be supportive and empathetic to families (Glazzard, 2011). Throughout this process, as to not distress, parents should be

assured and reminded that the process will not be a recount of their experiences (Knowles, 2011).

Gathering this information provides schools with the knowledge of how to best cater to the educational and personal needs for refugee children, whilst supporting the families throughout the process to allow for them to feel safe and accepted (Gay, 2013; Puttick, 2018).

Many schools are being proactive in providing an inclusive setting for refugee families as a base of normality; the most prominent being Schools of Sanctuary (SoS). SoS is a growing network of more than 300 primary and secondary schools that are committed to supporting the people seeking sanctuary within the UK. SoS consistently promotes positive attitudes within schools and the local community to create a safe environment that includes everyone in schools, regardless of their background (Schools of Sanctuary, 2021). It is noted that promoting children’s spiritual, cultural and moral education as well as promoting race equality is a necessity within schools, SoS demonstrates the importance of this (Education Act, 2002; Race Relations Amendment Act, 2000).

Furthermore, local authorities are becoming increasingly involved in

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providing schools with resources and support to welcoming refugee pupils to schools. Hampshire City Council (EMTAS, 2021) have provided a large online document that provides practitioners with the knowledge to remove certain barriers from their learning, creating a sense of acceptance, support and belonging for refugees by removing barriers and responding to racism while promoting an understanding for cultural diversity (EMTAS, 2021; DfE, 2013).

However, although having a vast majority of resources online is extremely beneficial to schools and the community, certain limitations can restrict its impact.

However, the level of resources available is highly dependent on the area, not all councils have the financial means so schools must provide alternative support for refugee families within the area (Refugee Council, 2021; UNHCR, 2021).

Ball (2018) suggests that the government should come up with an array of information and resources that practitioners can use for refugee families as to encourage an understanding and acceptance within the community.

Education for pupils should be of high quality, inclusive and equal (Condren et al, 2000). Providing

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strategies to remove potential barriers for refugee families and pupils within education delivers an awareness within the school and community. As mentioned, the media can have a large impact upon many opinions of people; thus, providing a seeking sanctuary tutorial for pupils and parents within the community, could be extremely positive (Gay, 2013). Providing the community and pupils with this knowledge could have a positive impact on opinions about refugee families and how best the school could support them within the education (Howley and Rose, 2007). Furthermore, providing awareness of refugees and their experiences to the community could aid refugees arrival into the local area (Rowland, 2017; Rutter, 2006).

Offering the opportunity for pupils to be actively involved within the arrival of a new refugee family would provide an inclusive atmosphere here refugee pupils feel safe and valued within the classroom as each member has the acquired knowledge of how to include them (Slee, 2011). However, although extremely beneficial to the school ethos, some within the community may disagree with teaching pupils what sanctuary is. It would then be the

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headteacher and teacher’s role to justify and delicately approach the topic so that they may accept the strategy. However if they still disagree, their opinion should be respected and they should be offered the option of being removed from the tutorial (Slee,2011). In addition to this strategy to remove barriers, there are many others that could be used to aid refugees transition into school. These could include providing new pupils necessity cards with their language of origin, alongside English for basic needs such as the toilet or water to begin to remove a language barrier (Ball, 2018).

Additionally, the use of books in the individuals first language English versions will support their gradual transition in a more comfortable way.

Moreover, providing spare uniform stock for pupils means that families don’t have an added expense or the worry of money as a part of their new life (Knowles, 2011).

Although timely and potentially costly to put these strategies into place, removing barriers this way provides the opportunity for staff and pupils to create an inclusive atmosphere that will encourage families to feel safe, secure and accepted within the community (Trussler and Robinson, 2015).

Throughout, there has been an analysis into various barriers that can restrict many refugee pupils throughout education. It is incredibly important for future practice to provide an understanding of how to support refugee pupils and families throughout their process into education. Moving forward, there has been various ways within this article that has provided ways to provide refugee pupils to be actively involved and included within the education system including dual-language books, awareness for refugee’s experiences and the support to become SoS schools within the UK can decrease any barriers that may arise for refugee pupils.

Providing awareness sessions for pupils, parents, staff and the local community would further benefit the understanding of refugees within education, benefitting their overall value of education and quality of life (Trussler and Robinson, 2015). This assignment has demonstrated the importance of providing an ongoing inclusive education for families to feel safe after any potential trauma they have faced, which in turn will benefit pupils’ response to education as education is a basic human right, and should be provided to all children with no exception (Demirdjian, 2012; Human Rights, 1945).

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References Ball, S. J. (2018) The Tragedy of State Education in England: Reluctance, Compromise and Muddle – A system in Disarray. Journal of the British Academy.

6. 207-238.

BBC (2021) David Cameron criticised over migrant ‘swarm’ language.

Available at: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/ukpolitics33716501#:~:text=David%20Cameron%20 has%20been%20criticised%20for%20his% 20description,a%20better%20life%2C%20 wanting%20to%20come%20to%20Britain %22. [Accessed 3 October 2021].

Booth, T. (1996) A Perspective on Inclusion from England. Cambridge Journal of Education. 26. 87-99.

Britannica (2021) The Guardian, British Newspaper. Available at: https://www.britannica.com/topic/The -Guardian-British-newspaper [Accessed 9 October 2021].

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Condren, T., Tully, R., Slattery, M., Mudge, P., O Gorman, N (2000) Towards Inclusion in Learning Support Provision.

Developments in the concept and practice of learning support in schools.

Mol an Oige project. Tipperary: Mol and Oige.

Demirdjian, L. (2012) Education, Refugees and Asylum Seekers. London: Continuum International Publishing Group.

Department of Education (2013) Teachers’ Standards Guidance for school leaders, school staff and governing bodies. Available at: https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk /government/uploads/system/upload s/attachment_data/file/665520/Teach ers__Standards.pdf [Accessed 25th October 2021].

Erickson, F. (2010). Culture in society and in educational practices. In J. A. Banks C. A. McGee Banks (Eds.), Multicultural education: Issues and perspectives.

Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.

Ethnic Minority and Traveller Achievement Service (EMTAS) (2021).

Available at:

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https://emtas.hias.hants.gov.uk/ [Accessed 1 October 2021].

https://mediabiasfactcheck.com/theguardian/ [Accessed 11 October 2021].

Gay, G. (2013) Teaching to and through cultural diversity in the curriculum inquiry.

43. 48-70.

McIntyre, J. and Abrams, F. (2020) Refugee Education. Theorising Practice in Schools. London: Routledge.

Glazzard, J. (2011) Perceptions of the barriers to effective inclusion in one primary school: voices of teachers and teaching assistants. 56-63. 26

National Education Union (2019) Available at: https://neu.org.uk/ [Accessed 4 October 2021]

Hamilton, R. and Moore, D. (2004) Educational Interventions for Refugee Children: Theoretical Perspectives and Implementing Best Practice. London: Routledge Falmer.

Peterson, A., Meehan, C., Ali, Z. and Durrant, I., (2017). What are the educational needs and experiences of asylum-seeking and refugee children.

Canterbury:Canterbury Christ Church University.

Howley, M. and Rose, R. (2007) Creating Inclusive Environments. The Practical Guide to special education needs in Inclusive Primary Classrooms. 53-66.

London: PCP. Keddie, A. (2012) Pursuing Justice for Refugee Students: Addressing Issues of Cultural (mis)Recognition. International Journal of Inclusive Education. 16.

Knowles, G. (2011) Diversity, equality and achievement in education. SAGE: London.

Media Bias Fact Check (2021) The Guardian. Available at:

Puttick, M. (2018) Open School Doors.

Available at: https://www.bcu.ac.uk/education-andsocial-work/research/practitionereducation-research-group/researchprojects/open-school-doors [Accessed 5 October 2021].

Refugee Council (2021) Children in the Asylum System. Available at: https://www.refugeecouncil.org.uk/ [Accessed 7 October 2021].

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Rowland, M. (2017) On Labelling Children. Learning without lables: Improving Outcomes for vulnerable pupils. 15-31. John Catt Educational Ltd. Rutter, J. (2003) Supporting Refugee Children in 21st Century Britain: a compendium of essential information.

London: Trentham Books.

Rutter, J. (2006) Refugee Children in the UK. McGraw-Hill Education.

Schools of Sanctuary (2021) Available at: https://schools.cityofsanctuary.org/res ources [Accessed 8 October 2021].

Slee, R. (2011) The Irregular School: Exclusion, Schooling and Inclusive Education. London: Routledge.

Soloman, E. (2021) Priti Patel’s two-tier asylum plan treats refugees with cold indifference. The Guardian. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/comme ntisfree/2021/mar/24/priti-patelasylum-system-refugees-uk-britain [Accessed 6 October 2021].

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https://www.un.org/en/universaldeclaration-human-rights/ [Accessed 6 October 2021].

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) (2021).

Available at: https://www.unhcr.org/ [Accessed 11 October 2021].

Trussler, S. and Robinson, D. (2015) Inclusive practice in the primary school: a guide for teachers. Los Angeles: SAGE. Veck, W. and Wharton, J. (2019) Refugee children, trust and inclusive school cultures. International Journal of Inclusive Education. Available at: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/ 10.1080/13603116.2019.1707304?scroll=t op&needAccess=true [Accessed 9 October 2021].

Westwood, P. (2013) Inclusive and adaptive teaching: meeting the challenge of diversity in the classroom. London: Routledge.

Wharton, J., Codina, G., Esposito, R. and Middleton, T. (2020) Understanding inclusion. Available at https://nasen.org.uk/resource/inclusio

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n-mini-guide-references-pdf.html [Accessed 4 October 2021].

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'What about women?' Should sex and gender be protected characteristics for the purpose of punishing hate crimes?

Tiffany Steuerwald Law LLB Trigger Warning: References to hate crime, rape, sexual violence, femicide and domestic abuse within this article.

Resources for Those in Need https://rapecrisis.org.uk/get-help/finda-rape-crisis-centre/ https://rapecrisis.org.uk/get-help/wantto-talk/ https://rapecrisis.org.uk/media/1613/ce ntresthatprovideservicesformenandboys1. pdf https://www.refuge.org.uk/get-helpnow/phone-the-helpline/ Male Victims of Domestic Abuse: 01823 334244 (ManKind initiative)

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Policy Department for Citizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs European Parliament ‘Cyber violence and hate speech online against women’ (report, 2018) <

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Introduction ‘Gender-based violence occurs in all spaces and spheres of human interaction, whether public or private.’1 Within this commentary, it is argued that gender protection should be included in hate crime legislation, recognising women as a protected group. Subject to the Law Commission’s criteria, it will be outlined that women, as a group, are targeted. Secondly, this targeting causes harm to the group as it instils fear and psychologically impacts women. Lastly, this paper sketches substantive proposals. In Section I, this paper will define hate crime, this is to provide context for the reader. Section II details the violence used against women, including cyber violence, femicide and domestic abuse and the psychological impact it has on victims. Section III assesses hate crime against men and opposing views. Section IV examines misogynistic speech versus sexist speech, evaluating which should be categorised as hate speech for the purposes of hate crime laws. Section V https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes /STUD/2018/604979/IPOL_STU(2018)604979_EN. pdf> date last accessed 24 January 2021, 11

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calculates the problems occurring by limiting hate speech. In Section VI, proposals will be provided. These proposals showcase the need for the legislature to amend or enact legislation to actively tackle cyber violence against women and girls (VAWG). The government must work closely with online platforms to ensure the necessary safeguards are met to protect groups vulnerable to hate crimes. Women should be included in hate crime legislation by enforcing an enhanced sentence if an aggravating factor is found in a crime committed against a woman.

Hate crime laws should, in general, be widened to include the other protected characteristics under aggravated offences. Finally, the ratification of The Istanbul Convention will bring awareness to the issue and encourage the government to meet its long-awaited aims to prevent VAWG. Overall, this paper concludes that women are disproportionately affected by violence compared to men. The only way to encourage change in behaviours and

create a safer environment for women is to include them in hate crime protection laws. This way, women can be more visible and vocal in our society.

2CPS,

west-2.amazonaws.com/lawcom-prod-storage11jsxou24uy7q/uploads/2020/09/Hate-crimefinal-summary.pdf> accessed 24 January 2021, 4

‘Hate Crime’ <https://www.cps.gov.uk/crime-info/hatecrime> Accessed, 20 January 2022 3 Law Commission ‘Hate Crime: Consultation Paper Summary’ (Report,2020) <https://s3-eu-

I: Providing Context What is a Hate Crime?

According to the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) and the police, a hate crime is ‘any criminal offence which is perceived by the victim or any other person, to be motivated by hostility or prejudice’ on the basis of one of the protected characteristics including disability, race, religion, sexual orientation or transgender identity.2 A hate crime refers to existing criminal offences, where a victim was targeted because they belong to one or more of the five protected characteristics. The crime is deemed more serious and must either be motivated by hostility or demonstrated by hostility.3

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Sentencing – A Guide4 The court must treat offences aggravated by hostility towards either race, religion, disability, transgender identity and/or sexual orientation as an aggravating factor.5 If a hate crime has been found, an enhanced sentence will be applied to showcase the severity of the crime committed. It can be applied to any other criminal offence and will increase the sentence, within the existing maximum available.6 The courts may also apply an aggravated offence to 11 existing offences, meaning the courts will apply a higher sentence than the initial base offence, for instance, assault. This only applies to race and religion under section 29-32 of the Crime and Disorder Act 1998.

Hate Speech: 4

This is a very basic guide and does not entail many specifics. For more information, please see Law Commission ‘Hate Crime: Consultation Paper Summary’ (Report,2020) <https://s3-eu-west2.amazonaws.com/lawcom-prod-storage11jsxou24uy7q/uploads/2020/09/Hate-crimefinal-summary.pdf> accessed 20th March 2022 5 Section 66, Sentencing Act 2020 6 Law Commission ‘Hate Crime: Consultation Paper Summary’ (Report,2020) <https://s3-euwest-2.amazonaws.com/lawcom-prod-storage-

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The courts may apply an increased sentencing for hate speech offences committed against a protected characteristic, if hostility is found. For instance, a perpetrator sending offensive online abuse may have committed an offence under s127(a) Communications Act 2003. If this has been committed against a protected characteristic e.g., a disabled person7, the perpetrator receives an enhanced sentencing (conditionally to guilt being proven), if hostility can be demonstrated.8 Why This Commentary?

The UK, in comparison to Canada, currently does not protect sex as a characteristic in hate crime legislation.9 Therefore, this article sets out the reasons why gender, specifically women should be protected under hate crime 11jsxou24uy7q/uploads/2020/09/Hate-crimefinal-summary.pdf> accessed 24 January 2021, 4 7 Section 146, Criminal Justice Act 2003 8 CPS, ‘Hate Crime’ <https://www.cps.gov.uk/crime-info/hatecrime> Accessed, 20 January 2022 8 Law Commission ‘Hate Crime: Consultation Paper Summary’ (Report,2020) <https://s3-euwest-2.amazonaws.com/lawcom-prod-storage11jsxou24uy7q/uploads/2020/09/Hate-crimefinal-summary.pdf> accessed 24 January 2021, 5 9 See s.318(4) Criminal Code of Canada 1985

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legislation. The next section will identify the problem, being that women are disproportionately affected by crimes compared to men, for the sole reason that they are women.

II: Violence Against Women (VAWG) Cyber VAWG – A Culture of Harassment Cyber violence affects women disproportionately to men.10 There are numerous examples of cyber VAWG, especially in politics.11 Women receive numerous threats and are subject to misogynistic language12 based on their gender. Young women and girls are victims of cyber violence. From the age 10

Policy Department for Citizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs European Parliament ‘Cyber violence and hate speech online against women’ (report, 2018) < https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etud es/STUD/2018/604979/IPOL_STU(2018)604979 _EN.pdf> date last accessed 24 January 2021, 11 11 Ibid, 32. Example includes a European Parliament MEP who receives abusive emails.

12 Ibid, 32 example emails include both threatening abuse and misogynistic language i.e ‘get married instead’ or threats of rape.

13 Ibid, 38 14 Ibid, 39 15 UN broadband commission for digital development working group on broadband and gender “Cyber violence against women and girls - a worldwide wake-up call” (report, 2015) < https://www.unwomen.org/~/media/headquart

of 15, 13% of girls have been cyber harassed13, 6% have been cyber stalked.14 This affects women economically and socially15 and, “the perpetrators are typically men.”16 It causes a growing ‘gap’ between gender’s use of technology.17 This is a global issue.18 A possible reason for this issue is due to the low representation of women in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM).19 Through a lack of female representation, there is less awareness of VAWG on social platforms, ‘as those who manage the platforms may influence how users behave on these online spaces.’20 There is not enough ers/attachments/sections/library/publications/ 2015/cyber_violence_gender%20report.pdf?d=20 150924T154259&v=1> accessed 24 January 2021, 2 16 Policy Department for Citizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs European Parliament ‘Cyber violence and hate speech online against women’ (report, 2018) < https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etud es/STUD/2018/604979/IPOL_STU(2018)604979 _EN.pdf> accessed 24 January 2021, 36 17 Ibid, 11 18 Ibid, 13 19 Ibid, 23 “In 2014, the employment rate for women in STEM was 10 points lower than the employment rate for men, with the same qualifications” 20 Ibid, 23. “those who fabricate, police or manage the internet also influence how users behave on online spaces”

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protection for women under current cyber violence legislation. Although the hacking of computer systems will be penalised21, generally, it does not provide an aggravating factor which would expose that the crime was committed because the target was a woman.

Arguably, the lack of protection discourages women and silences them.22 Femicide: Killings of Women by Men Femicide is known as the killing of women.23 61% of women who are killed 21

Computer Misuse Act 1990 Policy Department for Citizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs European Parliament ‘Cyber violence and hate speech online against women’ (report, 2018) < https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etud es/STUD/2018/604979/IPOL_STU(2018)604979 _EN.pdf> accessed 24 January 2021, 28. Activist and victim of ‘revenge porn’, Emma Holten states that the culture of such harassment allows for the ‘loss of agency and power over one’s own narrative’ therefore, silencing women on social media platforms.

23 World Health Organisation ‘Understanding and addressing violence against women’ ‘Femicide’ (report, 2012) < https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/1066 5/77421/WHO_RHR_12.38_eng.pdf> 24 January 2021, 1 22

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by men in the United Kingdom, are killed by current or ex-partners.24 ‘Overkilling’ is described as killing which is ‘far in excess to what is sufficed,’25 meaning there is more force used than required to kill someone, cases of overkilling is evident in 40% of cases where women were murdered by men in 2018.26 The alarming nature of femicide is predictable. It is not an ‘isolated incident’27 as there is often a

24

BBC ‘Femicide: Women are most likely to be killed by their partner or ex’ (20 February 2020) <https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/newsbeat51572665> accessed 24 January 2021. A new report suggests over half (61%) of women killed by men in 2018 were killed by a current or expartner.

25 Femicide Census, ‘UK Femicide 2009-2018: a report of 1,425 killed by men in UK’ (Executive Summary report, 2020), 6 26 Russell Webster, ‘Latest Femicide Census Highlights “Overkilling”’ (2019) https://www.russellwebster.com/femicide18/ Accessed 20 January 2022 27 Yvonne Roberts, ‘“If I’m not in on Friday, I might be dead”: Chilling facts about UK femicide’ The Guardian, 2020 < https://www.theguardian.com/society/2020/no v/22/if-im-not-in-on-friday-i-might-be-deadchilling-facts-about-uk-femicide> accessed 26 January 2021

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history of abusive tendencies28 and underpinned by sex inequality.29 The COVID-19 pandemic has caused an increase in femicide. During the lockdown period in the United Kingdom, three times as many women were murdered in March by men, in comparison to pre-lockdown figures.30 Equally, the National Domestic Abuse Helpline increased by 66% and visits to the helpline website increased by 950%.31 Rates of domestic violence has increased in the United Kingdom by 20% since the start of lockdown. Many women are afraid to lodge a complaint over fears of aggravating the perpetrator.32

Although there may not be enough data as a comparative tool, it is suggested this issue arises as victims are isolated with their attackers, and the frequent feel of loss of control and powerlessness during the pandemic crisis impacts people, causing for such violence.33 Femicide could be categorised as sporadic killings, however it is suggested these killings occur due to genderhostility against women. The killings by Levi Belfield34 demonstrate that attacks may be committed due to the hatred of women.35 Belfield himself loathed women and stated multiple times that he wanted to ‘hurt and stab them.’36 His

28

33Sandy

Ibid Ibid. States that femicide and sex inequality is a result of a patriarchal society.

30 Shalva Weil, ‘Two Global Pandemics: Femicide 29

and COVID 19’ (2020) 8 Trauma and Memory 110, 112 31

Sandy Ruxton & Stephen Burrell, ‘Masculinities and COVID-19: Making the Connections’ (2020) Washington,DC:PromundoUS<https://static1.squ arespace.com/static/5d77e56c1fc5e024160affa9 /t/5f9af125a80de91b7db11151/1603989800147/ Promundo+-+Masculinities+and+COVID-19.pdf> accessed 24 January 2021, 19 32 Abu Hanifa Md Noman, ‘The detrimental effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on domestic violence against women’ (2021) 134 Journal of Psychiatric Research, 111, 111

Ruxton & Stephen Burrell, ‘Masculinities and COVID-19: Making the Connections’ (2020) Washington, DC:PromundoUS<https://static1.squarespace.co m/static/5d77e56c1fc5e024160affa9/t/5f9af125 a80de91b7db11151/1603989800147/Promundo++Masculinities+and+COVID-19.pdf> accessed 24 January 2021, 25 34 See: Caroline Davies ‘Levi Bellfield gets life without parole’ The Guardian, 2011 < https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2011/jun/24/ levi-bellfield-life-without-parole> accessed 26 January 2021 35 Mark Austin Walters & Jessica Tumath ‘Gender 'Hostility', Rape, and the Hate Crime Paradigm’ (2014) 77 Modern Law Review, 563, 570 states that his attacks were unreasoned hatred towards women. He hated blonde women in particular.

36 Ibid, 571

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‘unreasoned hate’ towards women37, convys a specific intent to harm and kill women38 on his part. What this suggests is that there is an everlasting threat of hostility towards women for the sole reason that they are a woman, which is the very essence of a hate crime. This presents a dire need for the legislature to take immediate action in order to tackle the many issues raised in this report.

Domestic Abuse Domestic violence harms women. In fact, an estimate of 4.3 million women have been victims of domestic violence since the age of 16. Compared to men, women are around twice as likely to experience domestic abuse since the age of 16.39

There is a wide variety of women that are affected by hate crimes against women.

It is simultaneously, an intersectional problem affecting race, religion and sexorientations.40 Domestic abuse includes honourbased violence, where a victim is killed by a family member because their actions impact their family’s reputation.41 Reasons as to why honour-killings occur is multifaceted42 and can include use of social media, independence, lack of mental capacity, being transgender, or homosexual43 - many of these incidents are pre-meditated.

Research demonstrates that these attacks are gendered violence, as 64% of defendants were male. Leading UK Charities report

37

41

See: Caroline Davies ‘Levi Bellfield gets life without parole’ The Guardian, 2011 < https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2011/jun/24/ levi-bellfield-life-without-parole> accessed 26 January 2021 38 Ibid. Victims include Milly Dowler (13 at the time).

39 Jennifer Sloan ‘Sex doesn’t matter? The problematic status of sex, misogyny and hate’ (2017) 1 Journal of Language and Discrimination, 61, 79.

40 Ibid, 73. Gay women, Muslim women, disabled women, trans women and women of other backgrounds share the common ground that they are women too.

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Geraldine A. Gregory, Jayne Fox and Bal Kaur Honour-based violence: awareness and recognition’ (2020) 30 Paediatrics and child health, 365, 365 42 As mentioned in the Law Commission’s consultation paper, the topic of hate crime does not affect one group, it can affect multiple groups simultaneously.

43 Geraldine A. Gregory, Jayne Fox and Bal Kaur Honour-based violence: awareness and recognition’ (2020) 30 Paediatrics and child health, 365, 367. Table 1 provides a list of reasons as to why honour-killings tend to occur.

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that there are approximately 12 honourkillings per year in the United Kingdom, with larger charities reporting they receive roughly 800 calls a month to their helplines.44 Education facilities have a vital role in tackling honour-based violence, as do lawmakers. Protecting women under hate crime laws, can deter crimes and send a message that VAWG is an intersectional problem which will not be tolerated.

Legislation reform will only be effective if lawmakers understand the use of coercive control which the perpetrators impose on their victims.45 Attitudes by coercive-partners include the normalisation of their behavior.46 Perpetrators will control their target.47 It is argued family services may not provide help to the victim, rather support the abuser since the target is likely to not disclose behaviors.48 Equally, rape is a

portion of gendered violence against women. It is an assertion of power and control over a woman.49 Psychological research indicates that rapists feel anger towards their victims, rather than sexual desires, which manifests in the need to control them.50 Therefore, gendered violence hate-crime protection may hold the partner responsible for their crimes against women, exposing the patriarchal control they feed off.

44 Ibid.

50

Includes these figures in table 1.

Margaret B. Drew, ‘Collaboration and Coercion: Domestic Violence Meets Collaborative Law’ (2012) 1 Irish Law Journal, 27, 34 46 Ibid, 37 47 Ibid, 36 48 Ibid 49 Mark Austin Walters & Jessica Tumath ‘Gender 'Hostility', Rape, and the Hate Crime Paradigm’ (2014) 77 Modern Law Review, 563, 571. Feminist scholars assert that rape is a form of control over the victim.

45

Psychological Impact on Women VAWG can negatively impact a victim’s psychological state.

Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is one of those disorders which affects abused women.51 It is a common disorder with a 61% occurrence amongst abused women.52 The study conducted by Pico-Alfonso53 states that sufferers of intimate partner Ibid Maria Angeles Pico-Alfonso, ‘Psychological intimate partner violence: the major predictor of posttraumatic stress disorder in abused women’ (2005) 29 Neuroscience and Biobehavioural Review, 181, 182 52 Ibid 53 Maria Angeles Pico-Alfonso, ‘Psychological intimate partner violence: the major predictor of posttraumatic stress disorder in abused women’ (2005) 29 Neuroscience and Biobehavioural Review, 181 51

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violence are significantly affected by PTSD.54 Psychological abuse of women is interwoven with physical and sexual abuse committed.55 Awareness of VAWG is vital as revealed through the psychological impact it can have on victims. Equally, alongside mental health issues, victims experience substance abuse as a “coping strategy”56 exhibiting the long-term harm emerging.

Women should be included in hate crime protection as victims of rape experience similar psychological effects to other hate-crime protected groups.57 The lack of legislative protection affects women who were subject to unpleasant experiences. It similarly sends a message that VAWG is overlooked, instilling fear, resulting in the restriction of women’s activities, such as going out at night.58 Such fear creates a hostile environment

and atmosphere for a group of people which demonstrates the need for women to be protected under hate crime laws.

54

59

Ibid, 189 Ibid, 190 56 Femicide Census, ‘UK Femicide 2009-2018: a report of 1,425 killed by men in UK’ (Executive Summary report, 2020) < https://www.femicidecensus.org/wpcontent/uploads/2020/11/Femicide-Census-10year-report.pdf> 4. Accessed 20 January 2022 57 Walters & Tumath, supra note 53, 573 58 Jessica P. Hodge, ‘Gendered Hate: Exploring Gender in Hate Crime Law’ (2011) 9 North-eastern University Press, 6 55

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III: Other Considerations It is understood that men can be victims of domestic abuse and rape, too. In fact, a quarter of all domestic abuse crimes in 2018/2019 were perpetrated against a male victim.59 This is an issue which requires awareness. Some have also argued that misandry should be included in hate crime reforms.60 Although there are crimes committed against men, women are still disproportionately affected as 7.3% women experienced domestic abuse, compared to 3.6% men

National Centre for Domestic Violence, ‘Domestic Violence Against Men’, <https://www.ncdv.org.uk/domestic-violenceagainst-men/> Last accessed, 20th March 2022 60 Rebecca Cohen, and Martin Wimpole, ‘Reforming hate crime legislation – the Law Commission’s current review’ (2019) 9 Archbold Review, <https://www.archboldeupdate.co.uk/PDF/2019/Archbold%20Review%2 0Issue%209%20PRESS.pdf> accessed 23 January 2022, 5

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in the last year.61 Women are still disproportionately affected by violence and hostility compared to men.62 Furthermore, women are more likely to be victims of crimes because they are women.63 Often, male societal norms play a central role in abuse of women.64 These norms and concepts, often referred to as the “man box” encompasses rigid standards that place unrealistic standards on men, this includes adhering to stereotypical gender roles. These are threatened during uncertain times such as the Covid19 Pandemic and leads men to dominate their partners.65 This demonstrates a pressing need for societal shifts, but also 61

Office for National Statistics, supra note. 63. 1.6 million women experienced domestic abuse in the last year.

62 Rape Crisis England & Wales ‘Statistics - Sexual Violence’ (2021) <https://rapecrisis.org.uk/getinformed/about-sexual-violence/statisticssexual-violence/ > date last accessed 24 January 2021. 3.4 million women experienced sexual assault since age of 16, compared to men at 631,000.

63 Mark Austin Walters & Jessica Tumath ‘Gender 'Hostility', Rape, and the Hate Crime Paradigm’ (2014) 77 Modern Law Review, 563, 566, similarly the author wishes to make the same point. Stating similarly that women are often victims of crimes

exposes the need to protect women who may be victims of this behaviour. Hate crime legislation may expose the patriarchal control, encouraging change in how men and women are viewed in terms of gender norms.

In April 2016, Nottinghamshire Police began a policy of recording misogynistic hate crimes.66 Categorised as ‘incidents against women that are motivated by an attitude of a man towards a woman and includes behaviour targeted towards a woman by men simply because they are a woman’67 Out of 174 reported experiences, 73 were classified as hate crimes. One of those

because of their gender which this paper focuses on.

64Sandy Ruxton & Stephen Burrell, ‘Masculinities and COVID-19: Making the Connections’ (2020) Washington, DC:PromundoUS<https://static1.squarespace.co m/static/5d77e56c1fc5e024160affa9/t/5f9af125 a80de91b7db11151/1603989800147/Promundo++Masculinities+and+COVID-19.pdf> accessed 24 January 2021, 20 65 Ibid 66 Jennifer Schweppe & Amanda Haynes, ‘You Can’t Have One Without the Other One: “Gender” in Hate Crime Legislation (2020) 2 Criminal Law Issue, 148, 157 67 Ibid

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crimes was convicted.68 The general consensus amongst the police officers, who participated in focus groups, was dismissive of the policy and were not in favour of its introduction as they mentioned misogynistic language does not encompass the narrow interpretation of hate.69 In response to this argument, many opponents argue that hate crime laws against women would not fit the specific mould.70 Although VAWG can be argued as family matters or personal matters, they still inflict harm much like other biased crimes. They affect women as a group, not as individuals and therefore influence women’s choices.71 By including women into hate crime laws it would act as a symbol of intolerance to violent and hostile behaviours towards women.72

IV: Misogynistic Speech v Sexist Speech Hate crimes against women are often assumed to be physical, however, it could be in the form of hate speech.73 Eliminating misogynistic speech, would encourage a cultural shift and change in attitudes towards women.74 There is a careful distinction between misogynistic and sexist speech.

Misogyny is described as ‘primarily a property of social systems… in which women will tend to face hostility.’75 Sexism, on the other hand, is exploitive and imperialistic but not ‘systematically violent.’76 Although both harmful, structuring hate crime protection must be narrow and precise. Misogynistic language is hate-speech whereas, sexist language is not.77 By including sexist language, it would widen the spectrum

68

74

69

75

Ibid Ibid 70 Jessica P. Hodge, ‘Gendered Hate: Exploring Gender in Hate Crime Law’ (2011) 9 North-eastern University Press, 8 71Jennifer Goldscheid ‘Gender-Motivated Violence: Developing a Meaningful Paradigm for Civil Rights Enforcement’ (1999) 22 Harvard Women's Law Journal, 125, 125 72 Hodge, Supra Note 74, 9 73 Ibid

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Ibid Louise Richardson-Self, ‘Woman-Hating: On Misogyny, Sexism and Hate Speech’ (2017) 33 Hypatia, Inc. 256, 260 76 Ibid, 267.

77 Ibid, 259. Sexist speech could be identified as more of a man finding a woman subordinate. enforces a patriarchal norm i.e., using the word ‘girls’ to describe women. This, however, does not portray hostility see: p261 for more information.

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and potentially interfere with free speech.78 Misogynistic language compared to sexist speech, is insulting and abusive, which embodies a hate crime.79 Words e.g., ‘slut’ connotes violence, and encourages ‘violation and humiliation’.80 It is a term which young girls are often subject to within schools.81 A statement such as, ‘women do not deserve voting rights’ has sexist undertones, but it is misogynistic as it is hostile to women’s political gains.82 This speech is just as vile and degrading as other forms of hate speech.83 Hate speech does not come in the clearest of forms, it may attack a specific group within a general targeted group. This is known as interdivisional

hate speech, which will be looked at in further detail.

78

83

Ibid Public Order Act 1986 s4A (1) “causing alarm or distress…” (a) use threatening, abusive or insulting words.” (b) display in writing, sign or visible representation, which is threatening, abusive or insulting.”

80 Richardson-Self, supra note. 79, 264.

Demonstrations of hostility involve swear words.

See the case R v Woods [2002] EWHC 85.

81 YouGov, ‘#MeToo at School’ https://www.endviolenceagainstwomen.org.uk/ campaign/metoo-at-school/ accessed 23 January 2022. (71%) of all 16–18-year-old boys and girls say they hear terms such as “slut” or “slag” used towards girls at schools on a regular basis.

82 Richardson-Self, supra note 79, 264-265 79

Interdivisional Hate Speech Interdivisional hate speech targets a specific group of women.84 It is not as obvious as it does not attack women as a group, but rather a division.85 ‘Explicit interdivisional misogynistic language vilifies women, employing stereotypes and bias.’86 Interdivisional misogynistic speech is often not regarded as hate speech.87 A group of women e.g., feminists face misogynistic hate speech, entailing hostile and violent remarks. This in turn, scares women within the group and paints them out as ‘bad women’88

Thomas M. Keck, ‘Hate Speech and Double Standards’ (2016) 1 Constitutional Studies, 101 84 Louise Richardson-Self ‘Woman-Hating: On Misogyny, Sexism and Hate Speech’ (2017) 33 Hypatia, Inc. 256, 268. Specific groups of women i.e. feminists.

85 Ibid, 265. Statements such as ‘feminists’ should be gang raped’ is intended to coerce towards ‘bad women’. Shaming these ‘bad women.’

86 Ibid, 268 87 Ibid, 267 it should be classified as hate speech, although it does not technically target an entire group.

88 Ibid, 265. Equally women are more likely to experience this form of misogynistic speech.

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and those who are not within that group are ‘good women’.89 When democratic states rightly ban hate speech with regards to racist or anti-sematic remarks, it sends a message to those communities that they are valued and that they are protected.90 Therefore, this should be extended to misogynistic speech, as it can set a precedent of what is not tolerated.

V: Problems with Restricting Speech A potential issue that arises by limiting speech is interference with the right to freedom of speech. Free speech is a requirement to liberal states for public reason.91 It is protected by Article 10 of

the European Convention on Human Rights.92 Hate speech is outlawed in UK law.93 Here emerges a question – how far can one express themselves? There is evidently, a clash between Article 10, the right to freely express ideologies, and Article 14 which prohibits discrimination against several protected characteristics i.e., race.94 As Article 10 is a ‘qualified right’95, it may be interfered with in order to protect other rights.96 However, by limiting free speech, it encourages those who ordinarily use hate speech to go underground, unmonitored but still engaging in such activities97 and It could potentially encourage authoritarian practices. However, no group has the

89

93

Ibid, 263. ‘Misogyny will typically differentiate between good and bad ones, and punishes the latter.’

90 Keck, supra note 87, 101 91 Angelo Ryu, ‘Hate Speech and Public Reason’ (2020) 2020 Oxford University Undergraduate Law Journal, 217, 217 92 See: Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights (freedom of expression) ‘Everyone has the right to freedom of expression. This right shall include freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart information and ideas without interference by public authority and regardless of frontiers. This Article shall not prevent States from requiring the licensing of broadcasting, television or cinema enterprises.’

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Public Order Act 1986, s4 it is an offence to use “threatening, abusive or insulting words or behaviour that causes, or is likely to cause, another person harassment, alarm or distress” 94 Article 14 of the European Convention of Human Rights 95 Meaning, it is not an absolute right, which is wholly protected. It can be interfered with, if it undermines another person’s rights, or causes harm.

96 Article 10, paragraph 2 European Convention of Human Rights 97 Thomas M. Keck, ‘Hate Speech and Double Standards’ (2016) 1 Constitutional Studies, 95, 103

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right to engage in activity that destructs any rights.98 Furthermore, as opponents disagree with including women in hate crime protection laws, it is evident there is a ‘disconnection between how we view women and how we view other protected characteristics’.99 Hate speech targets historically oppressed groups100 which women would fall under, presenting the need to include women in hate crime protections.

VI: Proposals As mentioned, the current framework of hate crime laws protects five key characteristics: race, religion, sexual orientation, transgender identity and disability.101 Being a woman should be included as another characteristic. This protection may vary according to its counterparts. However, it is vital that women are to be included in the hate crime protection laws.

98 See: Article

17 of European Convention of Human Rights (Prohibition of Abuse of Rights) 99 Jennifer Sloan ‘Sex doesn’t matter? The problematic status of sex, misogyny and hate’ (2017) 1 Journal of Language and Discrimination, 61, 74 100 Louise Richardson-Self ‘Woman-Hating: On Misogyny, Sexism and Hate Speech’ (2017) 33 Hypatia, Inc. 256, 259

Examples: Preventing Cyber VAWG: There is no clear or strong cyber legislation in the UK that sufficiently protects women.

Arguably, The Computer Misuse Act 1990102 does not provide sufficient protection for women who are victims of cybercrime. There have been calls to formally review this Act.103 It should not be the case that women and other victims of online abuse are forced to seek legal remedies outside of the cyber law spectrum.

Detailed and precise legislation, or amendments to legislation, which tackles cyber VAWG should be considered. This will result in specific protection to ensure awareness is brought to the issue. This approach should be taken to include the other protected characteristics too, who may be victims of cybercrimes.

101

See: Criminal Justice Act 2003, s145 and s146.

Stating the protected characteristics.

102 Computer Misuse Act 1990 includes offences against computer systems i.e., hacking.

103 Kim Sengupta, ‘Priti Patel calls for reform of Computer Misuse Act amid ‘truly horrific levels’ of child sexual abuse’ The Independent, 2021 < https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home -news/priti-patel-computer-misuse-act-reformb1845624.html> Last accessed 16 March 2022

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Overall, the UK government should work closely with online social platforms to provide safeguards for women online. This means, platforms need to be held accountable for their inaction, and be encouraged to consistently apply their rules and enable efficient reporting mechanisms, as well as take active measures to spread awareness to signal support and to take a stance against those who wish to inflict harm on women.104 The Draft Online Safety Bill 2021 puts forward plans that encourage online safety by bringing accountability to the internet. Equally, the expansion of the UK Council for Child Internet Safety to include works to tackle VAWG105 is a step in the right direction from the government. However, there is always room for improvement such as specified legislation and agendas to tackle VAWG. 104

Sukaina Al-Nasrawi, ‘Combating Cyber Violence Against Women and Girls: An Overview of Legislative and Policy Reforms in the Arab Region’(2021) The Emerald International Handbook of Technology – Facilitated Violence and Abuse 509 105 UK Gov., ‘UK Council for Internet Safety’ < https://www.gov.uk/government/organisations /uk-council-for-internet-safety/about> Last Accessed, 16th March 2022

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CPS Guidelines: The Crown Prosecution106 examines incidents whether there was derogatory language involved, excessive violence, whether there was hostility and if there were previous anti-social behaviours of targeting and offending.

These guidelines can tackle both violence and cyber violence against women and girls.

Aggravating Factors - Amendments to Existing Legislation: Aggravating factors should be added to existing offences and legislation. E.g., s127 Communications Act 2003107 or the Voyeurism Offences (No2) Bill (“Upskirting Bill”) would add the term “misogyny” as an aggravating

106

The Crown Prosecution Service ‘Racist and Religious Hate Crime - Prosecution Guidance’ (21 October 2020) < https://www.cps.gov.uk/legalguidance/racist-and-religious-hate-crimeprosecution-guidance> accessed 24 January 2021 107 Communication Act 2003, s127 states that it is an offence to send grossly offensive messages over a public electronic communications network.

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factor.108 This would make the offence more severe through an increased sentencing, subject to the crime being proven to be hostile109 towards the target because they are/or identify as a woman.

Widening Protection: Gender-based hostility crimes should be included in sections 29-32 of the Crime and Disorder Act 1998. It is also suggested that disability, sexual orientation and transgender identity should be included alongside genderbased hostility.110 Some may argue that this widens the scope of aggravated offences, however, hate crime laws must be consistently applied across all protected characteristics. The Law Commission itself has pointed this out and aims to level the playing field.111 108

Rebecca Cohen, and Martin Wimpole, ‘Reforming hate crime legislation – the Law Commission’s current review’ (2019) 9 Archbold Review, <https://www.archboldeupdate.co.uk/PDF/2019/Archbold%20Review%2 0Issue%209%20PRESS.pdf> Accessed 23 January 2022, 4. Stella Creasy MP 109 Motivated by hostility and demonstrated by hostility, against a protected group at the sentencing period.

110 Mark Austin Walters & Jessica Tumath ‘Gender 'Hostility', Rape, and the Hate Crime Paradigm’ (2014) 77 Modern Law Review, 563, 565

Ratification of the Istanbul Convention: Lastly, the Istanbul Convention has not been ratified – after 10 years. It is apparent that the UK’s laws are struggling to meet its requirements. By ratifying this convention, it addresses sex inequality, beliefs and attitudes which underpin violence against women by men.112 After the brutal murder of Sarah Everard, by now it would be appropriate to ratify this treaty and ensure women are protected in hate crime laws.

Conclusion It is vital that there is gender-based protection in the UK legal system that safeguards women. This report has demonstrated that women are disproportionately affected by genderbased hostility. The use of violence 111

Law Commission, ‘The Case Extending the Existing Offences – A Consultation Paper’(2015) https://www.lawcom.gov.uk/app/uploads/2015 /03/cp213_hate_crime_amended.pdf Accessed 18 March 2022, 7 112 Yvonne Roberts, ‘“If I’m not in on Friday, I might be dead”: Chilling facts about UK femicide’ The Guardian, 2020 < https://www.theguardian.com/society/2020/no v/22/if-im-not-in-on-friday-i-might-be-deadchilling-facts-about-uk-femicide> accessed 26 January 2021

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against women, such as cyber violence, femicide, and domestic abuse convey that women are a targeted group and that there is a hostile nature to these crimes. The psychological impact on women and secondary victims demonstrates the harm committed against the target group. It is considered that men are victims too, however, it is negated since women experience gender-based hostility disproportionately to men. Thirdly, misogynistic speech was analysed in comparison to sexist speech. It was found that misogynistic speech is, in fact, hate speech compared to sexist language, as it is hostile. Therefore, sexist language will not fit into the criteria. This is in order to protect an element of freedom of speech, which is vital for a democratic society.

Applying aggravating factors and an enhanced sentencing to the offence committed, as well as widening the scope of aggravated offences, will expose the perpetrator and their views, if the crime is based on gender hostility. Overall, this proposal will convey the severity of such offences which will send a message to perpetrators that the judicial system and

151

CPS have an intolerance to violence against women.

References Primary Sources Cases R v Woods [2002] EWHC 85 (Admin), [2002] All ER (D) 154 Comparative legislation Criminal Code of Canada European Convention of Human Rights Article 10: Freedom of Expression Article 14: Protection from Discrimination Article 17: Prohibition of Abuse of Rights EU Treaty Istanbul Convention (opened for signature: 2011) Statutes and Statutory Instruments Acts of Parliament Communication Act 2003

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Computer Misuse Act 1990 Crime and Disorder Act 1998 Criminal Justice Act 2003 Criminal Justice and Courts Act 2015 Equality Act 2010 Protection of Freedoms Act 2012 Public Offences Act 1986 Race Relations Act 1976 Sentencing Act 2020 Serious Crime Act 2015 Sex Discrimination Act 1975 Voyeurism (Offences) No.2 Bill (“Upskirting Bill”) Bills: Online Safety Bill 2021 Secondary Sources

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Noman, A.H.M ‘The detrimental effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on domestic violence against women’ (2021) 134 Journal of Psychiatric Research, 111 Pico-Alfonso, M.A ‘Psychological intimate partner violence: the major predictor of posttraumatic stress disorder in abused women’ (2005) 29 Neuroscience and Biobehavioural Reviews, 181 Richardson-Self, L ‘Woman-Hating: On Misogyny, Sexism and Hate Speech’ (2017) 33 Hypatia, Inc, 256 Ryu, A ‘Hate Speech and Public Reason’ (2020) 2020 Oxford University Undergraduate Law Journal, 217 Schweppe, J., & Haynes, Amanda ‘You Can’t Have One Without The Other One: “Gender” in Hate Crime Legislation (2020) 2 Criminal Law Issue, 148 Sloan, J. A ‘Sex doesn’t matter? The problematic status of sex, misogyny and hate’ (2017) 1 Journal of Language and Discrimination, 61 Thureau.S et al ‘Conjugal violence: A comparison of violence against men by

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women and women by men’ (2015) 31 Journal of Forensic and Legal Medicine, 42 Walters, M.A and Tumath, J ‘Gender 'Hostility', Rape, and the Hate Crime Paradigm’ (2014) 77 Modern Law Review, 563 Weil, S ‘Two Global Pandemics: Femicide and COVID 19’ (2020) 8 Trauma and Memory, 110 Online Journals Cohen R, and Wimpole M, ‘Reforming hate crime legislation – the Law Commission’s current review’ (2019) 9 Archbold Review, <https://www.archboldeupdate.co.uk/PDF/2019/Archbold%20R eview%20Issue%209%20PRESS.pdf> accessed 23 January 2022 Law Commission ‘Hate Crime: Consultation Paper Summary’ (Report,2020) <https://s3-eu-west2.amazonaws.com/lawcom-prodstorage11jsxou24uy7q/uploads/2020/09/Hatecrime-final-summary.pdf> accessed 24

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January 2021 Law Commission, ‘The Case Extending the Existing Offences – A Consultation Paper’(2015) https://www.lawcom.gov.uk/app/uplo ads/2015/03/cp213_hate_crime_amend ed.pdf Accessed 18 March 2022 Policy Department for Citizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs European Parliament ‘Cyber violence and hate speech online against women’ (report, 2018) <https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegD ata/etudes/STUD/2018/604979/IPOL_ STU(2018)604979_EN.pdf> accessed 24 January 2021 Ruxton, S., & Burrell, S.R. ‘Masculinities and COVID-19: Making the Connections’ (2020)Washington,DC:PromundoUS<http s://static1.squarespace.com/static/5d7 7e56c1fc5e024160affa9/t/5f9af125a80d e91b7db11151/1603989800147/Promun do+-+Masculinities+and+COVID-19.pdf> accessed 24 January 2021, UN broadband commission for digital development working group on broadband and gender “Cyber violence against women and girls - a worldwide

wake-up call” (report, 2015) <https://www.unwomen.org/~/media/ headquarters/attachments/sections/lib rary/publications/2015/cyber_violence _gender%20report.pdf?d=20150924T1542 59&v=1> accessed 24 January 2021 World Health Organisation ‘Global and regional estimates of violence against women: Prevalence and health effects of intimate partner violence and nonpartner sexual violence’ (report, 2013) <https://www.who.int/publications/i/it em/9789241564625 > accessed 24 January 2021 World Health Organisation ‘Understanding and addressing violence against women’ ‘Femicide’ (report, 2012) <https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/ha ndle/10665/77421/WHO_RHR_12.38_en g.pdf> 24 January 2021 Websites and blogs BBC ‘Femicide: Women are most likely to be killed by their partner or ex’ (20 February 2020) <https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/newsbe at-51572665> accessed 24 January 2021

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Caroline Davies ‘Levi Bellfield gets life without parole’ The Guardian, 2011 <https://www.theguardian.com/uk/201 1/jun/24/levi-bellfield-life-withoutparole> accessed 26 January 2021 CPS, ‘Hate Crime’ <https://www.cps.gov.uk/crimeinfo/hate-crime> Accessed, 20 January 2022 National Centre for Domestic Violence, ‘Domestic Violence Against Men’, https://www.ncdv.org.uk/domesticviolence-against-men/ Last accessed, 20th March 2022 Office for National Statistics, ‘Domestic abuse victim characteristics, England and Wales: year ending March 2020’(2020)<https://www.ons.gov.uk/p eoplepopulationandcommunity/crimea ndjustice/articles/domesticabusevictim characteristicsenglandandwales/yearen dingmarch2020 > date last accessed 27 January 2021 Rape Crisis England & Wales ‘Statistics Sexual Violence’ (2021) <https://rapecrisis.org.uk/getinformed/about-sexual-

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violence/statistics-sexual-violence/ > accessed 24 January 2021 The Crown Prosecution Service ‘Homophobic, Biphobic and Transphobic Hate Crime - Prosecution Guidance’ <https://www.cps.gov.uk/legalguidance/homophobic-biphobic-andtransphobic-hate-crime-prosecutionguidance#:~:text=S146%20Criminal%20Ju stice%20Act%202003&text=the%20offen ce%20being%20motivated%20(wholly,ori entation%20or%20who%20are%20transg ender.> date accessed 26 January 2021 The Crown Prosecution Service ‘Racist and Religious Hate Crime - Prosecution Guidance’ (21 October 2020) < https://www.cps.gov.uk/legalguidance/racist-and-religious-hatecrime-prosecution-guidance> accessed 24 January 2021 UK Gov., ‘UK Council for Internet Safety’ <https://www.gov.uk/government/org anisations/uk-council-for-internetsafety/about> Last Accessed, 16th March 2022 Yvonne Roberts, ‘“If I’m not in on Friday, I might be dead”: Chilling facts about UK

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femicide’ The Guardian, 2020 <https://www.theguardian.com/society /2020/nov/22/if-im-not-in-on-friday-imight-be-dead-chilling-facts-about-ukfemicide> accessed 26 January 2021.

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Five reasons to decolonise RomanoBritish deity studies in iconography Daniele Sylvester Doctoral Research Student, Archaeology The University of Winchester initiative to encourage students to contemplate ways in which we can decolonise the curriculum encourages evaluation of current methodologies employed in teaching and learning but also in academia more widely. To understand why we need to decolonise deity studies in Romano-British archaeology one must begin with the problem of colonialism as the agent of social inequalities that have been virulent in the field. This article explains the problem of studying artefacts in museums, a history of classical sculpture, and the role of mythology in supporting inequalities which have been overlooked by some scholars of Romano-British artefacts (1). It is argued that the problem of ideal bodies has hindered the study of deity iconography in the British province (2).

The issue of legacy collections is raised where the provenance of artefacts remains unquestioned (3). Native or stylized pieces are advocated as

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artefacts suitable for recording and exploring religious practices (4). That stylized pieces were always intended to emulate classical styles is disputed with the argument that such an outlook limits research (5). Finally, this article explains why attempts at changing approaches to Romano-British iconography have not succeeded in bringing lasting change.

Therefore, a new frame of reference is needed in teaching and learning to educate the scholars of tomorrow, giving a boost to a field which has for some years suffered a drop in student applications (Flatman, 2015:142-143).

Readers of last years’ Alfred journal might remember the article by Elis Thomas (2021:50-68) which discussed the impact of national or cultural identities on the study of Archaeology in Europe. The article pointed out several perpetuating issues with museums as colonial institutions.

The largest museums in Britain were built and designed to assert the British colonial superiority over the colonised, and this article discusses museum related factors which affect the study of Romano-British artefacts.

Decolonising Romano-British religious artefact study can be achieved through

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object literacy, where the student can handle the artefact during analysis and interpretation (Hodge, 2018; Schultz, 2018). The problem is that museums preserve artefacts in suitable environments for their continued survival, often in glass cabinets, at the right temperature, with low lighting and handling them is prohibited. However, despite these valid reasons for the distance between the student and the artefact, museums seldom take steps to provide suitable alternatives for analysis.

The result being that the museum itself perpetuates colonization in the observation and study of artefacts by creating a spectacle. This leaves the student with no alternative but to rely on visual observation in the study of artefacts. In many cases this is at a great distance on small objects with a view of only one side in low light. The result is that the objects which are unpublished and considered low quality or have poor preservation continue to be under studied. Nevertheless, simple, and relatively low-cost steps towards decolonisation are video guidance or interactive displays which cross into online access and use replicas to stimulate exploration and independent thought.

Museum labelling of artefacts provides

little contextual information on religion or even how the object might have been used.

Before discussing other colonial factors influencing the study of RomanoBritish artefacts let’s go back to how we arrived at the current state of affairs.

Roman civilization considered itself to be a superior culture to all others, and their infamous conquests stretched from The Middle East to Northwest Britain.

Everywhere the Romans went they ‘civilized’ barbarian societies. Their legacy has indeed had a lasting impact, their values from philosophy, literature, history, Latin, and Greek as well as that of sculpture of the human form is still relevant today (Plato, Republic; Foucault, 2003:145-170; Spivey, 1996; Moat, 2017:16-29). European artists adopted classical styles during the Renaissance and figurative art evolved into neoclassical art forms. Colonialism aligned itself with these classical ideas (Vitruvius, De Architectura, III) creating sets of essentialist categories to determine the nature of the human corpus (Davis, 2006; Yoshida and Shanouda, 2015). Anyone outside of the classification of nondisabled, European, heterosexual, cis gendered white men could experience marginalisation. Classical outlook meant

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the ‘beauty’ of a Greek god was the perfect human form. Religion, too, was viewed on an evolutionary scale with Christianity residing at the top closely followed by the classical pantheons of deities of ‘misguided’ paganism which was often reframed into Christian interpretations. For example, in classical mosaics dolphins could represent the resurrection of the soul on its journey after death (Toynbee, 2013:206-208).

Classical style can also be called Greco-Roman and originates from Athens during the 5th c BCE. It was created for social ‘democratic’ purposes to convey civic qualities such as dignity and honour (Spivey, 1996:36-43). This style was adopted by the Romans during the Republican raids on Greece. The style was later used out of context and adapted by Roman Emperors to give them political dominance using characteristics such as idealism, godliness, and gravitas. It was then brought to Britain during the Roman occupation (43-410 CE). It is unlikely this style was manufactured in Britain but imported by elite Roman collectors from the Mediterranean. These pieces always make it to display in the biggest museums. Scholarly studies on these

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classical artefacts have dominated academic writing since the Renaissance.

With our frame of reference i.e., valuing anatomical beauty and symmetry over stylized pieces: we only see one side of the coin – the colonisers (Moat, 2017:1629). These artefacts tell us very little about Romano-British religious behaviour, sex, gender, sexuality, ethnicities, anatomical difference and perceptions of the body or native mythology.

So, there is a need to change our frame of reference to understand features which have traditionally been ignored and undervalued, and to view classical characteristics from myth in a critical light to read the religious messages of mythology. These were part of entire cosmologies which informed communities.

For example, in archaeology Roman mythology is seldom discussed within social contexts of the central themes and morals to which Roman people situated themselves. For many years the study of scenes such as the rape of Europa by the King of the Gods Jupiter, found in the Lullingstone Mosaic, did not get more than a mention outside of feminist writers (Sharrock, 2002:101). Similarly, depictions

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of Jupiter as an eagle kidnapping the foreign, Phrygian boy prince Ganymede, found in a mosaic at Bignor, were seldom tackled by authors. Commentators usually referred to the allegorical meaning of the conquest of the subordinate provinces submitting to the superior power of Rome and offering service in the way that Ganymede does when he becomes Jupiter’s cup bearer on Olympus after his ‘apotheosis’ (Henig, 1984:177; 1995:124; cf Williams, 2010:5964). These crimes against vulnerable individuals such as women and children were seen but not discussed and surreptitiously reinforced colonial philosophies. Omitting these important themes are perpetuating the inequalities within colonial frameworks that are still operating to view the foreign, female and child as subordinate and voiceless (Fausto-Sterling, 1995:42).

Classically styled deities had anatomy that appears to be natural but is exaggerated with tensed muscles, longer legs, and a deeper and wider inguinal crease (Spivey, 1996:36-43). In alignment with classical ideals to create a ‘Greek god’ meant to create beauty.

Beauty was an indicator of goodness in one’s character (Spivey, 1996:38) a feature which has perpetuated into

colonial eugenicist philosophy which has been repeatedly called out by scholars of the Disability Studies discipline (Hughes, 2005; Davis, 2006; Yoshida and Shanouda, 2015). Sculpture of mortals could be idealistic or where idiosyncratic characteristics such as wrinkles which were found in the veristic style, these could be oddly coupled with athletic bodies (Walker, 1995:78-9). So, there was always a focus on aesthetic beauty and idealism, even in personal portraits. The statuary had postural asymmetry to generate the perception of movement for the viewer or worshipper. Classical iconography of deities was always gendered using attributes, for example if the figure held a lightning bolt it meant, according to myth, that it was Jupiter and therefore male. This led to anomalies which were somehow overlooked, such as a stone sculpture recovered from Corbridge in 1913 which holds a lightning bolt but displays female genitalia. This is labelled as a male Jupiter by Phillips (1977) and only recently identified by Moat as a female (2017:215).

Understanding and observing these classical features is important to interpreting the level of Romanness in Britain and Empire wide.

The disadvantages of observing only these

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styles and characteristics creates a misleading perception of the types of religious artefacts in Britain. Genuine classical metalwork figurines, for example, were produced on a large scale, and these are copies of copies often created in identical batches. One can go to any museum in Western Europe and the USA to find identical copies of these styles. The problems of legacy collections acquired from colonial antiquarians have found their way into our museums. Often artefacts from these collectors are unprovenanced and rely upon the credibility of the donator for their authenticity. Galestin (1981) has suggested that reproduction figurines made during the Renaissance have been mistaken for originals and now fill up to 50% of collections in western museums of today. Her hypothesis is that after the discovery of Pompeii, figurines recovered from this site were copied, and catalogues of their specifications were manufactured and sold worldwide. This began a colonial habit of manufacturing bronze copies all over the globe which were purchased by the western elite.

Despite some very strong and credible arguments, Galestin’s (1981) paper has been largely overlooked by the

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academic communities and museums alike. Nevertheless, as any researcher on metalwork figurines will testify, classical figurines in museums seldom have any information on their find circumstances and are often remarkably well preserved for artefacts that have been buried in the ground for approximately 1600 to 2,000 years. If one can still consider good quality legacy collections genuine Roman period pieces, the presence of this style stifled individual creativity of Romano-British artisans and continued focus on them prevents us understanding how Iron Age and Roman religion integrated in Britain. Stylized pieces also appear in museum displays and many have good provenance. There are also other on-line resources such as the Portable Antiquities Scheme where less well-preserved pieces, often appear.

While online resources are helpful as an index for object research, accessibility is still an obstacle to analysis and interpretation.

Differences in native styles include an overly large head which might represent the Iron Age belief system that the seat of the soul was in the head. Head cults were common in Britain and western Europe prior to occupation

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(Armit, 2012) and human decapitation evidence in the post Roman period suggests a parallel with Iron Age practice (Tucker, 2015:152). Based on my PhD research, it is possible there was continuity of belief about the head expressed in art during the Roman period. In evidence there is often a lack of three dimensionality which served to exaggerate the head and detail in the face, and fingers and toes are often missing. The figures are representative of human bodies, and it is likely that they were not intended to be a good anatomical likeness of somatic features and instead represented religious themes. The body shape is sometimes androgynous and is only sexed by the genitalia or breasts and gendering is not always present in the way that is in classical pieces. With stylized RomanoBritish figures a high level of individual pieces can be found, in fact in my study on Jupiter, I have found no two stylized figures alike. Similarly, the figures are almost impossible to age which indicates that the British people were not consumed with issues of age in the way that Romans were. Another feature is parody where the artist has imitated Roman styles as resistance to Roman occupation and to emphasise their own

identity (Jimenez, 2010:47-48). The attributes the deity is pictured with often confuse scholars who are only able to identify classical pieces using mythology, and so when an unexpected attribute appears on these figures’ understanding their symbolism can be difficult.

Creating 3D figurative pieces in stone and metalwork was new to the native people of Britain. Their religion was largely aniconic with animistic characteristics considered ‘primitive’ by the colonial antiquarians who saw religion as ‘evolving’ to codified monotheism (Tylor, 1871; Gilmore, 1919).

Colonialism at home promoted the English language which diminished cultures and language of those native to the British Isles. The ethnographic literature of Irish, Welsh, Cornish, and Scottish populations was first recorded in the early medieval period, far later than events of the Iron Age (Mallory, 2016) by comparison with significantly older classical myths in literature (8c BCE) which are used as supporting evidence in archaeology. However, academic use of ethnographies including those from Germanic cultures is being used more widely and offers stories passed through oral tradition which give archaeologists

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an impression of the cosmologies of these tribal groups (Price and Mortimer, 2014).

Stylized artefacts appear to have been undervalued, although the situation is improving in some museums, including well labelled, contextualised RomanoBritish displays at Peterborough, North Lincolnshire, and Lincoln Museums.

Nevertheless, many pieces are still hidden away in dusty boxes or lost during local authority re-structuring. They can tell us about the cultural practices of the population of Roman Britain and hold indications of ideologies and deities that preceded Britain’s provincialisation (Webster, 1986:23-79). They contain valuable glimpses into authentic selfmodelled customs, creativity, and inventiveness as well as insight into localised religious worship and ritual and social relationships with deities. The designs can also make us re-consider their use and see them as active parts of ritual instead of passive ornaments. In a nutshell more can be learnt about Romano-British religion from these artefacts than from classical copies of copies imported by the coloniser. That is not to say that classical pieces should be disregarded, they are able to offer

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valuable information, but equality of styles should now be priority in the study of religious sculpture of Roman Britain.

In small metalwork figures academic writers have begun from the colonial assumption that the local Romano British artists were seeking to copy classical styles and mythical stories.

They believe it could be explained by the ‘copybook’, for which there is no evidence of in Britain, which artists used to try to emulate the classical styles, but the locals failed without the training to develop the correct artistic skills in anatomy and without the proper knowledge and understanding of mythology (Toynbee, 1964:10; Durham, 2010:173). Durham (2010:308-309) and Henig (2005:207; 2018:12) explain Romano-British figurines as poor-quality attempts at copying by local or provincial artisans which are based on classical prototypes. This approach has recently been re-thought by post-colonial writers such as Alissa Jimenez (2010) and Stephanie Moat (2017) who suggest alternatives where the creator’s intention was to parody classical styles or to alter them so that locals could access the power of the Roman deity. My research indicates in addition to these themes that

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head cults, mythological stories and Iron Age perceptions of deities were presented in this iconography.

Attempts at changing our frame of reference can be found in scholarship since the 1990’s. Often termed postcolonialism, writers including Jane Webster (2001) stated their intention to avoid classical interpretations of evidence. Theory has often been borrowed from researchers on South American religions studying syncretism between indigenous people and Christian colonialists. Helpful in gaining new perspectives on asymmetrical power relations; these theories can prompt writers to set out to prove a theoretical framework which sometimes excludes evidence which does not fit this narrative (Moat, 2017:215). This results in the reader learning more about the limitations of the theory than the evidence. Green (1998:18) pointed out the weaknesses in such models which have similar features, but they are varying cultures, almost two thousand years apart. Syncretism is different in each time and place with no two models the same, and with an awareness of this more recent writers have attempted to shift focus from classicism by using models borrowed from other disciplines even if

their datasets are largely classical (Suzawa, 2008 and Mišić, 2013).

A preferable method is to get to the root of the problem which starts in students long before they are publishing academic papers. Understanding why we hold classical pieces in esteem is an important part of changing the scholarly outlook in the next generation of writers.

Essentialism is built into the methods we use to evaluate the body in art. It is the process of categorising the human body using physical characteristics. When physical features don’t fit into categories, the sculpture itself becomes excluded from the canon. These artefacts are considered anomalous, a misunderstanding, curious ‘hybrids’, or the result of unskilled artists. This perspective stems from influences in education since the Renaissance, which still dominates our expectations. Value systems are built into our frames of reference, and only by raising awareness of this blind acceptance of classical sculpture and ideas about the body, sex, gender, age, and anatomical difference can we more accurately attempt to explore the past in Roman Britain and make Romano-British archaeology a more attractive proposition for a diverse range of students. One method which

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can change student outlook is Transformative Learning. This is where the student sets out to change their mindset and associations through selfdiscovery. Guided by teachers as facilitators of disorienting dilemmas, student experiences challenge social ideas and result in a shift in an individual’s frame of reference (Merizow, 1978, 1981 and 1997; Slavich and Zimbardo, 2012).

Another method for the future is a project that includes the use of 3D scanning and creation of replicas which could be used in the classroom for students to complete object study using other senses than seeing. Similarly, these artefacts would enable students to experiment with ways of exploring the function and purpose of artefacts.

Wider issues of colonialism within a structuralist framework are implicit in the problem facing new interpretations of religious iconography, and there are present impediments which can be identified and tackled. These could be pursued through further research which builds on tackling the antiquarian collections and testing and reinforcing Galestin’s theory of reproduction and authenticity.

Access to evidence presented through colonial museums

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needs to be addressed, particularly in teaching, where the important issue of the destructive process in haptic object study of ancient artefacts must be taken into consideration. Despite colonialism giving us a deep articulation of Roman iconographic practices, colonialist habits which diminish the worthiness of indigenous art in semi-classical and stylized work has served us badly in this respect, with Romano-British society only half illuminated. We do not need to recover new artefacts from the earth to find new information when we have a treasure chest of existing evidence, much of which has not been reviewed and reinterpreted for 20 and in some cases 60 years or more. There are exciting new meanings, functions and practices for religious artefacts waiting to be discovered. Nevertheless, because of several difficulties in bringing this process to the classroom, teachers and academics more generally need to be creative in their thinking.

References Armit, I. (2012) Headhunting and the Body in Iron Age Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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Davis, L. J. (2006) Constructing Normalcy: The Bell Curve, the Novel, and the Invention of the Disabled Body in the Nineteenth Century. In: Davis, L. J. (ed.) The Disability Studies Reader.

Abingdon: Routledge, 3-17.

Durham, E. (2010) Metal Figurines in Roman Britain, unpublished PhD thesis, University of Warwick.

Fausto-Sterling, A. (1995) Gender, Race, and Nation: The Comparative Anatomy of "Hottentot" Women in Europe, 18151817. In: Terry, J. and Urla, J. (eds) Deviant Bodies: Critical Perspectives on Difference in Science and Popular Culture. Indiana: Indiana University Press, 19-48.

Flatman, J. (2015) A Slight Degree of Tension: Training the Archaeologists of the Future. The Historic Environment: Policy & Practice. (6) 2. 142-155. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1179/1756750515Z.00 000000079 [Accessed: 20th December 2021] Foucault, M. (2003) Technologies of the Self. In: Rabinow, P. and Rose, N. (eds) The Essential Foucault: Selections from Essential Works of Foucault, 1954-1984.

Galestin, M., C. (1981) Reproductions, Falsifications, and Imitations of Ancient Bronzes. B A Besch bulletin antike beschaving (56), 89-105.

Gilmore, G.W. (1919) Animism or thought currents of primitive peoples. Boston: Marshall Jones Co. Green, M., J. (1998) God in Man's Image: Thoughts on the Genesis and Affiliations of some Romano-British Cult-imagery.

Britannia, (29) 17-30.

Henig, M. (1984) Religion in Roman Britain. Abingdon: Routledge.

Henig, M. (1995) The Art of Roman Britain.

Michigan: University of Michigan Press.

Henig, M., and Saunders, G. (2005) A Romano-British Figurine of Jupiter Tonans from the South Hams. Proc.

Devon Archaeological Society, (63) 206208.

Henig, M (2018) A Jupiter Temple (?)

Outside the West Gate of Venta Belgarum and the Development of Winchester’s Western Suburb. Journal of the British Archaeological Association,

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(171), 1. 1-33. Available at: DOI 10.1080/00681288.2018.1522118 [Accessed 10th October.20].

Hodge, C. J, (2018) Decolonizing Collections-Based Learning: Experiential Observation as an Interdisciplinary Framework for Object Study. Museum Anthropology 41, (2) 142-58. Available at: Doi: 10.1111/muan.12180 [Accessed 01 December 2021].

Hughes, B. (2005) What Can a Foucauldian Analysis Contribute to Disability Theory. In: Tremain, S. (ed.)

Foucault and the Government of Disability. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 78–92.

Jimenez, A. (2010) Reproducing Difference, mimesis, and colonialism in Roman Hispania. Material Connections in the Ancient Mediterranean. Routledge Edited ByPeter van Dommelen, A. Bernard Knapp.

Mallory, J, P. (2016) In search of the Irish Dreamtime: Archaeology and Early Irish Literature. London: Thames and Hudson.

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Merizow, J. (1978) Education for Perspective Transformation: Women’s Reentry Programs in Community Colleges.

New York Center for Adult Education Teachers College, Columbia University: Columbia. Available at: https://silo.tips/download/educationfor-perspective-transformationwomens-re-entry-programs-incommunity-c [Accessed 20 December 2021].

Merizow, J. (1981) A Critical Theory of Adult Learning and Education. Adult Education. 32, (1) 3-24. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1177/07417136810 3200101 [Accessed 10 December 2021].

Merizow, J. (1997) Transformative Learning: Theory to Practice. New Directions for Adult and Continuing Education. 74, 5-12. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1002/ace.7401 [Accessed 13 November 2021] Mišić, B. (2013) Cults and Religious Integration in The Roman Cities of The Drava Valley (Southern Pannonia), unpublished PhD thesis, Royal Holloway University of London.

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Moat, S. (2017) Assertive Mimesis: A Comparative Analysis of Religious Sculptures from the Roman Provinces, unpublished PhD thesis, Newcastle University.

Price, N., and Mortimer, P. (2014) An Eye for Odin? Divine Role-Playing in the Age of Sutton Hoo. European Journal of Archaeology, 17 (3), 517–538.

Sharrock, A. (2002) Gender and Sexuality in The Cambridge Companion to Ovid.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 95-107. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1017/CCOL052177 2818.008 [Accessed 21.01.22] Shultz, L. (2018) Object-based learning, or learning from objects in the anthropology museum. Review of Education, Pedagogy, and Cultural Studies. 40, (4) 282-304. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1080/10714413.2018.1 532748 [Accessed 26 November 2021] Slavich G M., and Zimbardo, P.G., (2012) Transformational Teaching: Theoretical Underpinnings, Basic Principles, and Core Methods. Educational Psychology Rev. 24. (4). 569-608. Available at:

DOI:10.10007/s10648-012-9199-6 [Accessed 25 October 2021] Spivey, N. (1996) Understanding Greek Sculpture: Ancient Meanings Modern Readings. London: Thames and Hudson.

Suzawa, Y. (2008) The Genesis of Early Christian Art: Syncretic Juxtaposition in the Roman World. Oxford: BAR Publishing.

Thomas, E. (2021) In what ways has national or cultural identity influenced the discipline of archaeology in Europe?.

The Alfred Journal, 10 (1). Available at: https://issuu.com/theuniversityofwinch ester/docs/alfred__2021__vol._1._ed._10 _?fr=sYjFkNDM2MDM4OTQ [Accessed, 18th January 2022] Toynbee, J. (1964) Art in Britain under the Romans. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Toynbee, J. (2013) Animals in Roman Life and Art, 2nd edn. Barnsley: Pen & Sword Books.

Tylor, E. B. (1871) Primitive Culture. New York: Harper.

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Plato (2013) Republic I-V (ed. Trans.)

Emlyn-Jones, C. Cambridge: MA: Loeb Classical Library.

Archaeology (105) 2. 209–25. Available at: https://doi.org/10.2307/507271 (Accessed 23rd Jan 2022)

Phillips, E.J. (1977) Corpus Signorum Imperii Romani Great Britain. (1) Fas. 1.

Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Williams, C. (2010) Roman Homosexuality. 2nd edn. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Portable Antiquities Scheme (2022) British Museum and National Museum Wales.

Available at: https://finds.org.uk/ [Accessed 22nd January 2022].

Yoshida, K., and Shanouda, F. (2015) A culture of silence: modes of objectification and the silencing of disabled bodies. In Disability and Society.

Available at: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09687599.201 5.1019042 [Accessed 21 December 2021].

Tucker, K. (2015) An Archaeological Study of Human Decapitation Burials. Barnsley: Pen and Sword Archaeology.

Vitruvius, (1931) de architectura I-V. (Trans.) Granger, F. Cambridge: MA: Loeb Classical Library.

Walker, S. (1995) Greek and Roman Portraits. London: Trustees of the British Museum.

Webster, G. (1986) The British Celts and Their Gods Under Rome. London: Batsford.

Webster, J. (2001) Creolizing the Roman provinces. American Journal of

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‘Get Busy Living’: Spinal Cord Injured Athletes’ Journey from Adversity to Growth Dalma Szecsi MSc Applied Sport Psychology Acquiring a spinal cord injury (SCI) is an adversity in an individual’s life, which impacts not only the physical functioning of the body, but the individual’s psychological, social, cultural and emotional worlds [1]. It also disrupts individuals’ ability to control their life and satisfy their basic psychological needs [2]. The Basic Psychological Need Theory [3] acknowledges that the satisfaction of three psychological needs (autonomy, relatedness, competence) is necessary for growth [2] and integral to identity consolidation [4], emotion regulation [5], well-being and prosocial tendencies [6].

Individuals experience changes in their bodies post-SCI, which prompts changing their identity goals [7]. Charmaz [7] outlines a process of adapting to impairment. The process includes individuals first trying to hide their impairment, then change their identity goals and finally surrender to their postSCI body and experience a new unity between body and self. If individuals are not able to positively change their

identity goals or, as Charmaz [7] describes, surrender to their bodies, they are stuck with a less preferred identity than their pre-SCI one. Therefore, it is important to help them form new identities. Although individuals following SCI tend to experience a high level of psychological distress [8], research has shown that under certain conditions, growth can be experienced [9].

Several labels have been utilised to refer to the growth-related experiences of athletes after experiencing adversities. One of the most commonly used terms is post-traumatic growth [PTG; 10]. Tedeschi and Calhoun [10] defined PTG as positive psychological change resulting from one’s struggle with highly challenging life circumstances. It occurs when an individual’s development in relating to others, new possibilities, personal strength, spiritual or existential change and appreciation of life has surpassed what was present before the crisis [11].

PTG is concerned with traumatic events that shatter an individual’s assumptions, causing profound and transformative changes in emotional and cognitive life [12]. Participants of the present research experienced the shattering of their core beliefs following their SCI and moved

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beyond previous levels of functioning, therefore, the term PTG was deemed appropriate to use.

Matt Hampson, Brent Poppen, Travis Roy and Henry Fraser are all examples of athletes who experienced a traumatic spinal cord injury, but instead of giving up, they took control of their lives and managed to make sense of their injuries. Matt Hampson was playing in an England Under-21 team that included James Haskell and Toby Flood. During the training session one morning, after the forwards engaged, Matt found himself at the bottom of a collapsed scrum. He woke up in an intensive care unit, paralysed from the neck down and dependent on a ventilator to breathe [13].

‘Henry Fraser was 17 years old when a tragic accident severely crushed his spinal cord. Paralysed from the shoulders down, he has conquered unimaginable difficulty to embrace life and a new way of living.’ [14]. Brent Poppen was left a quadriplegic after a sport accident, but it did not paralyze his athletic dreams.

Brent competed in two Paralympics, Athens 2004 and Beijing 2008, in wheelchair rugby and tennis where he earned a Bronze Medal in wheelchair rugby and numerous Gold Medals [15].

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‘Travis Roy was a promising twenty-yearold hockey star. Then moments into his first collegiate game as a Boston University Freshman, a freak accident drove Travis into the boards. A cracked fourth vertebra left him paralyzed from the neck down. That fateful October night in 1995 signalled the death of one dream - but also the eventual rebirth of a special kind of hope. For, though imprisoned for months in a hospital bed, then confined to a wheelchair, Travis gradually found the grit and the will to reclaim for himself a fulfilling and productive life.’ [16].

To reveal the journey these athletes took from the trauma of their spinal cord injury to living a more meaningful life, their autobiographies were examined and analysed. Why are stories of trauma worth examining?

Because telling stories is a way to make sense of events and changes happening to us. People use different narratives to tell their stories and to give meaning to their experiences [17]. Through listening to others’ stories, we get to know their narratives that scaffold the stories they tell. Although everyone’s experiences and biographical events are unique, the narration they use is influenced by

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society [18,19]. Therefore, when people are constructing their stories of SCI, they necessarily draw on the available narratives in their culture. As each narrative has its own storyline, it is worth finding out which narrative promotes PTG after a spinal cord injury, and which one undermines it.

The most common narratives people with injuries or illness tell in the Western cultures are: (a) restitution (a fully restored body-self is normal and achievable after an injury), (b) chaos (characterised by vulnerability, futility and impotence), (c) quest (there is something to be achieved through disability, which can be reframed as a challenge) [20]. As Matt’s, Brent’s, Travis’ and Henry’s stories will show, different narratives lead to different experiences of spinal cord injuries. Understanding how one narrative promotes, while the other undermines growth after a spinal cord injury can help individuals understand their own experiences and encourage their relatives and friends to promote narratives that enable growth.

Narratives It was revealed that Matt, Brent, Travis and Henry relied on two narratives to tell their stories of transition from trauma to

growth. Frank’s [20] restitution and quest narratives were useful to illuminate how they made sense of their newly impaired bodies.

The narratives revealed differences between the individuals’ thinking processes, emotional states, coping mechanisms, basic psychological needs and identity formation, which were influenced by the individual’s personality, their knowledge on SCI, and the social support they received, their instrumental resources and the cultural stereotypes surrounding them.

Restitution – ‘This wheelchair is only temporary’ After their injuries, the athletes underwent life-saving surgeries. When their initial physical pain was reduced, they started their rehabilitation. Initially all athletes were in a state of denial, they did not acknowledge how serious their injuries were and they believed that one day they would walk again. Therefore, they tried to come up with an explanation to all the trauma-related information they received. Their storylines reflected that of the restitution narrative that is ‘Yesterday I was healthy, today I am disabled, but tomorrow I will be healthy again’. For example, Travis wrote ‘I didn’t like people thinking of me that way: a

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quadriplegic. I just didn’t. I was in a state of denial, of nonacceptance, still hoping to wake up one day with my movement miraculously restored.’ [16,p.72]. Initially, participants’ emotions reflected hope.

When hope dominates the storylines, people are expected to fight their disability, even if they cannot restore their able-bodied self [21]. In the restitution narrative, stories of survival and overcoming SCI are emphasised, therefore, the narrative creates an unrealistic ideal [22] and limits individuals’ recovery by restricting their opportunities to make sense of their newly acquired impairment in social situations [23]. For example, Matt wrote ‘We took the lift downstairs to Jimmy’s café and decided to explore the gym with its tilt tables and weights and gear. I’ll be down here soon working out again.’ [13,p.251].

As participants had a strong athletic identity pre-SCI, that is the extent to which an individual identifies with the athlete role [24], they tried to fix their disabled body and restore their old self.

As they expected to return to their former able-bodied life, they maintained their able-bodied and athletic identities. For example, Travis wrote ‘There’s no question in my mind. There’ll be a

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medical breakthrough. It’ll be a little while, but I will use […] [my golf clubs and tennis rackets] again. My faith in that helps me keep going.’ [16,p.153] SCI affected participants’ ability to be in control of their lives, to relate to others and to experience competence [2]. However, as the athletes believed that their disability was only temporary, they could still relate to the able-bodied and by making small advancements in rehabilitation, participants could, to some extent, fulfil their autonomy and competence needs. For example, Henry experienced competence ‘If… someone had told me that swallowing half a biscuit… would have given me so much satisfaction… I would have laughed.’

[14,p.48.]

Narrative wreckage – ‘This cripple with the bag of piss strapped to his leg and the pipe coming out of his neck…was me!’

A limitation of the restitution narrative is that there has to be a cure for the experienced illness, and a cure for paralysis is not yet available. Therefore, eventually, the restitution narrative of participants became untenable. When the available or dominant narrative is at odds with the actual life, peoples’ lives

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become limited and there is a risk of narrative wreckage [20]. Participants’ restitution narrative failed, and they experienced narrative wreckage. For example, Matt wrote: … we stopped in front of a mirror. It was the first time I had seen my reflection since the accident... This guy with the wasted body and the pasty skin and the thinning hair; this bloke with the tiny shoulder blades and the legs shrivelled like twigs; this cripple with the bag of piss strapped to his leg and the pipe coming out of his neck…was me! [13,p.251] To try to process information about their new bodies, participants engaged in cognitive processes characterised by rumination [25]. The most commonly asked questions were ‘why me?’ as they tried to make sense of what had happened to them. For example, Henry wrote ‘Terrified in a way that I had never before experienced, the magnitude of my helplessness suddenly hit home and I broke down, sobbing “Why me? Why

me?”… I just didn’t know how I was going to go on’ [14,p.57]. These ruminative processes led to negative emotional states, such as anger, shame and frustration.

Moreover, as a result of facing the reality of their SCI, participants’ ablebodied and athletic identities became shattered. For example, Travis wrote ‘… I didn’t know who I was anymore. I didn’t know how to relate to myself as a person.

I wasn’t an athlete anymore... What was I?’ [16,p.186]. With each identity loss due to SCI, the preservation of valued, performing identities becomes increasingly difficult; as the distance increases between their past and present self, the former valued identities collapse [26]. In such circumstances, problems are likely to arise in changing life priorities, personal goals and exploring new possibilities for one’s life in the future [26].

The participants’ pre-SCI unity of body and self was shaken and their assumptions about body and self were jolted [7]. Initially, participants could not find a new unity between their body and self and, therefore they tried to hide their changed bodies [7]. For example, Travis wrote:

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I tried … to fit in. To not look so strange to the other students…I got rid of the sip-and-puff device on my wheelchair. I didn’t wear a chest strap on my wheelchair… because it made me look like I was strapped into an electric chair…So many little things, just to try to look normal, not handicapped. But it didn’t work. [16,p.185] SCI made it harder for participants to satisfy their need for autonomy, competence and relatedness [3], which is integral to identity consolidation [4] and well-being [6]. Not being able to do things for themselves and looking different from the able-bodied population, participants’ accounts revealed that they could not satisfy such needs. Brent wrote that ‘Not being an independent teenager was frustrating…

More than anything, I wanted to be independent ...’ [15,p.22]. As they lost most of their functionality in their bodies, participants did not feel competent anymore. They required others to help them with personal care such as bathing

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and dressing. Additionally, in their wheelchairs they looked different from others, therefore they could not relate to the able-bodied population.

To try to cope with their new life, participants engaged in emotionalfocused coping styles (e.g., emotional venting, seeking support for emotional reasons and turning to religion). For example, Travis reported that he turned to religion ‘That night, I returned to my room, and for the first time since the accident, I prayed to God. Religion was never a big part of my life.’ [16,p.111].

Additionally, avoidance was also used as a coping mechanism. For example, Matt tried to hide from questions ‘…now that I can talk again there is no place to hide.

And I want to hide. I don’t want to hear the answers to those questions [Will I walk again?, Will I play again?, Is this is for the rest of my life?]...’ [13,p.247] Quest – ‘What if there was a reason?’

Participants eventually started to accept and accommodate to their new body and self [25]. They all found purpose in their SCI and started to see their injury as a quest [20]. Their storylines started to reflect the quest narrative, as they would seek to use their disability. They started

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to look for a meaning in their injury. For example, Matt wrote ‘…I had a platform… I had headlines and people writing to me.

It started me thinking…What if there was a reason for this?’ [13,p.356].

With the help of social support, participants started to form new identities and change their identity goals.

However, keeping bodily needs and identity goals in balance was arduous [7].

Initially participants kept ignoring the needs of their new bodies. For example, Henry ignored his chest pains over the course of his art exhibition ‘Going home that night I was completely wiped out and… it became clear that my tight chest I’d kind of been ignoring was not going away.’ [14,p.134]. Eventually, participants surrendered to their disabled body [7], which meant that they experienced a new unity between their body and self and they no longer ignored their bodily feelings. New identities were formed and they accepted themselves as a quadriplegic. Brent became a teacher, Matt a rugby coach, Henry a mouth painter and Travis created an identity as a quadriplegic.

Positive accommodation means that individuals are able to acknowledge their challenges and revise their pretraumatic assumptions about the world

and themselves in a positive way [27].

Matt, Henry and Brent showed signs of positive accommodation and their stories reflected feelings of joy and appreciation.

For example, Brent wrote ‘This past year of unexplainable physical and mental pain, and being near death, has brought me to a new time and place of joy that I had never dreamed!’ [15,p.98]. Positive accommodation is most closely associated with growth [28], therefore Matt, Henry and Brent’s experience of PTG is in line with previous literature. On the other hand, Travis could only negatively accommodate to his impaired body and he developed negative assumptions about the world and himself. For example, he wrote: My personality has changed. I don’t have the goals I had, or the excitement I had, or the confidence I had.

I certainly don’t have the fun I had…It’s like I’m living my life as much for everybody else now as I’m living it for me… I’m in a wheelchair so people will realise how fortunate they are. [16,p.112]

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Despite his negative accommodation, it could be argued that Travis experienced growth just like the others as a result of finding a greater purpose in his life. He managed to surrender to his new body, but he was stuck with a less preferred identity than his pre-SCI one [7].

Therefore, it is suggested that growth may be experienced even if someone can only negatively accommodate to his new body if they are able to surrender to their body and find a quest.

It has been shown that social environment plays an important role in the satisfaction of autonomy, relatedness and competence needs of individuals with a physical disability [29]. With the help of social support and available resources, participants found ways to experience competence, autonomy and relatedness. For example, the Rugby Football Union promised to provide funds for Matt, whereas Travis was supported by the entire Boston sport community ‘…members of the Celtics, the Bruins, BU hockey players, my roommates-all of them [got behind a call-in fundraiser for Travis and] volunteered to answer phone lines and to go on the radio to drum up support.’

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[16,p.68]. Being supported socially meant that participants could go back to school, graduate and take up new hobbies, such as painting and water skiing. Being able to excel in these areas meant that participants’ competence needs became satisfied, and they experienced pride in themselves. For example, Henry was given an easel that he could use for drawing: … [Martin] came back a couple of weeks later with a great big wooden construction that I could be pushed into, with the board in front of me and a stand around me, I felt so overwhelmed that I decided there and then to try drawing on paper.

[14,p.125] Additionally, the more knowledge they had on life with SCI, the more competent participants felt to make decisions about their life. Seeing how other SCI patients lived their lives, they could see that they had choices to make, such as, in Henry’s case, what opportunities he had ‘The thing that kept coming back to me was

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the vision of James pushing himself out of St Andrew and I suppose, really, I’d known from that moment I glimpsed him from my bed that if this could be done I needed to do it.’ [14,p.82].

Participants took part in recreational and occupational therapies, and they were educated about life as a quadriplegic. In these lessons they learnt about dysreflexia, sex and how to prevent bedsores, which gave them more sense of autonomy and competence: To know what was going on with my body, to have a working understanding of all the various procedures and options, was so important for my peace of mind. I no longer felt like a broken vessel in the hands of the doctors, totally dependent on their attention and care. I could begin to make informed decisions by myself.

[16,p.103] Additionally, participants felt more autonomy as they could do things for themselves. For example, Brent could

drive, and Henry earned money ‘Earning money gave me some feeling of independence… I was earning money and doing something I could really only have dreamed of.’ [14,p.115].

In terms of relatedness needs, participants started to spend more time with other SCI individuals who were more relatable because cultural stereotypes, such as disability is incompatible with a good quality of life, and its association with dependency [30], made participants feel judged by the able-bodied. For example, Brent wrote: Being disabled sometimes presented a challenge in being accepted among the other students, since people look at disabled people differently. They judge us without getting to know who we are and the things we are capable of doing…there were times when persons went out of their way to avoid walking by me... [15,p.54] Besides social support, participants had several qualities, such as resilience, determination, passion and humour that

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enabled them to express their emotions and to be open about opportunities. This contributed to them finding ways to fulfil their needs. For example, Henry chose to focus on the next achievable thing ‘As the old saying goes, you can’t run before you can walk, so for the time being I had to focus on what was achievable and work at building up my strength.’ [14,p.83]. Matt used humour when someone enquired about his disability ‘That scene with Daniel Craig on the building site? That was me. I’m a stuntman…or at least I was before my accident.’ [13,p.12]. In terms of perseverance, Travis wrote ‘After about a half an hour of trying, I managed to stick a prong into that hole…and fed myself my first postparalysis grape.’ [16,p.150].

To overcome challenges, such as making a phone call or buying a greeting card, participants used problem-focused coping styles (e.g., planning, seeking support for instrumental reasons, active coping). For example, Travis reported that ‘All of those things required planning, but they were do-able. I had to keep my money in a pocket that was accessible... I had to ask the greeting card store owner to read me three or four cards.... Planning was the most important elements of these trips.’ [16,p.108]

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In the present study, the quest narrative empowered participants by revealing a storyline that enabled them to experience a valued new self. Their quest became to help others with SCI, through which they could experience autonomy, competence and relatedness.

Despite the occasional negative emotions, they were all excited to help others.

Conclusion Although suffering a SCI is a traumatic event, with the help of the quest narrative [20], the athletes could make sense of the changes they experienced after their SCI and experience growth. The findings may not only give hope to other spinal cord injured athletes, but also provide them and their environment with knowledge on how they could facilitate their own growth.

It also provides sport psychologists, family members and friends with information on how best they can support individuals with a spinal cord injury.

The findings highlight how the restitution narrative placed limitations on the participants’ identity formation process [7] by encouraging them to hold on to the able-bodied and athletic

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identities. As a cure was not yet possible for SCI, participants’ restitution narratives became untenable and they experienced narrative wreckage. Over time, however, their storylines started to reflect the quest narrative which enabled participants to develop a valued disabled self by providing a storyline where disabled people have value.

Findings revealed how individuals with an SCI make sense of their impaired bodies, what facilitates needs satisfaction, identity formation and how these processes contribute to growth.

Therefore special attention needs to be placed on such processes when designing interventions to foster individuals’ well-being and growth. One’s social environment plays an important role in satisfying these needs [25], therefore educating family members and friends about what they can do to enhance need satisfaction would be crucial. Additionally, the athletes’ accounts demonstrate that the more knowledge spinal cord injured athletes have on SCI, the more autonomous decisions they can make and the more competent they feel.

In conclusion, this study advanced understanding of how the quest narrative enables athletes with an

acquired SCI to transform their trauma to growth. Additionally, it is emphasised that finding ways to use one’s SCI to induce positive changes in the world could help individuals positively accommodate their new body.

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