9789144133041

Crime, Victimization and Vulnerability in Malmö

Cr ime, V ic t imiz at ion a nd V u l ner a bil i t y in M a l mö

Marie Väfors Fritz Ardavan Khoshnood (Eds.)

M A R I E Vร F O R S F R I T Z A R D AVA N K H O S H N O O D ( E D S . )

Crime, Victimization and Vulnerability in Malmรถ T r a nsl at ion: Chr is K l einm a n

Original title: Brottslighet och utsatthet i Malmö © Studentlitteratur, Lund 2018

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Art. No 40351 ISBN 978-91-44-13304-1 First edition 1:1 © The authors and Studentlitteratur 2019 studentlitteratur.se Studentlitteratur AB, Lund Translation: Chris Kleinman Design: Sebastian Wadsted/Lyth & Co Cover design: John Persson Cover photo: Shutterstock.com Printed by Interak, Poland 2019

CO NTE NTS

P R E FA C E 11 A B O U T T H E A U T H O R S 15

1. Gun and explosive violence

19

A r dava n K hoshnood & M a nne Ger ell Gun violence in Sweden

19

Gangs and loose networks

21

Modus operandi and crime typology

22

Gun violence in Malmö

23

Statistics on shootings in Malmö

25

Geographical and temporal patterns

27

2. Arson

33

M a nne Ger ell Arson in Sweden and Malmö

33

Causes and motives behind arson

36

Where are the fires in Malmö, and why?

41

Specific places and interplay between levels

45

Summary and conclusions

48

3. The Offender, the Crime and the Victim

53

A r dava n K hoshnood, M a r ie Vä fors Fr itz & Ulf Ek elund Crime in Malmö

53

Nineteen unique cases

55

Offender characteristics

56

Crime characteristics

59

Who is the offender?

62

Who is the victim?

64

Injuries

65

Cause of death

66

4. Women’s pathways to substance abuse

71

K ajsa Ry dén & M a r ie Vä fors Fr itz When the offender is a woman

71

Childhood and upbringing

74

Personal characteristics

76

Relationships and friendships

77

Link between substance abuse and crime

79

More about the interviews

80

Final thoughts

82

5. “I am not my addiction”

87

Athina Brunner & M a rtina Lengel Women with addiction – a forgotten social group

87

Theoretical basis – identity theory

89

Study approach

90

Findings

94

Mother identity

95

Sober thinking

96

“That is enough”

97

Events

97

Preconditions

98

Moving on

98

Hurdles

99

Complexity in method design

100

6. Hate crime in Malmö?

105

Ca roline Mellgr en What can constitute a hate crime?

105

Overview of existing knowledge

108

Experiences and Exposure to Hate Crime

111

Pattern and nature of victimization

113

Consequences of the crime

114

Few crimes reported

115

Support for the legislation

116

Discussion

117

7. “Beggars” in Malmö – a crime victim study 121 Simon Wa llengr en & Ca roline Mellgr en Importance of studying “beggars” in Malmö

121

Study approach

123

Selection and access to the research field Findings General findings about the group’s victimization

123 124 124

Consequences of victimization and protection strategies 126 Conclusion

8. Malmö from a Policing Perspective

128

131

Ulf Sempert & Peter Lindström The criminologist and the police chief: a conversation

131

Criminology and police knowledge: a few shared final words

9. Malmö’s underworld: A social anthropological study

146

149

Sten Leva nder The Swedish welfare and treatment model for crime

150

The treatment model begins to be questioned

151

The modern definition of psychopathy – how I helped create it

152

From hyperactivity in boys to ADHD through life

153

PS-treatment of adults with ADHD – very controversial 154 Crime prevention – and how politics steers science in Sweden

155

The circle is complete – after 33 years I could implement my thesis work

155

Social anthropology in Chicago in the 1920s, in large Swedish cities today

157

A social anthropological research project behind the psychiatric façade

161

What was the outcome?

163

How difficult were my patients?

164

Problems appear worse for very gifted people

167

How did it turn out for the women in the user-led organization?

Concluding words F I N A L R E M A R K S 173

169 170

PR E FAC E

This book describes some of the crime and victimization that have existed in Malmö over the past 15 years, and which have left a big mark on the city, perhaps too big. When Malmö is mentioned in the news and social media, it is often due to the serious violent crimes that have been committed in the city in recent years.

During a press conference in June 2018, Malmö Police Chief Stefan Sintéus was asked why Malmö is such a hotbed for crime, to which he responded: It is likely that the southern part of Sweden attracts a certain criminal element with its proximity to the continent, as you can be based in Southern Sweden but have Europe as your criminal field of operation, with the proximity to Denmark, Germany and Poland certainly playing a role in this. (Sydsvenskan, 2018)

As discussed in Chapters 1, 3 and 8, this serious crime is something that is attributed to some hundred-odd individuals in Malmö. Most people do not commit crime. As of 2018, Malmö had a population of 330,000, with even more people visiting and working in the city every day. The City of Malmö’s website reports that Malmö is the largest-growing major city in Sweden, with a growth of 43 percent since 1990. The inequality and the gaps between the residents, however, present a challenge. Despite this, Swedish daily newspaper Sydsvenskan reported in 2016 that the city was on the top-ten list of European cities with the most contented residents.

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The editors of this book encourage readers to reflect critically not only on what they read in the media and on the sources used by the media, but also on the contents of this book (compare, for example, the previous sentence with the crime surveys conducted continuously on both national and local levels). In the book Kriminologi, en studiehandbok [Criminology – A Study Guide], a 2014 and 2018 collaborative work between the departments of criminology at Malmö University and Stockholm University, in the chapter on learning criminology in the city, Christoffer Carlsson makes a reference to Durkheim. By referring to Durkheim’s words, Carlsson aims to remind readers that we often have “... preconceptions and prejudices about crime, about those who commit crime and those who are victims of it.” Repeatedly re-examining one’s own approaches, opinions and arguments is important for both students and the public and for professionals working in the field.

This book now serves as yet another source discussing crime, exposure to crime, vulnerability and victimization in Malmö. In no way, however, does the book intend to touch upon or provide a comprehensive account of all crime in the city over the past 15 years, but rather instead seeks to describe some of the work conducted at the Department of Criminology at Malmö University during this period. What we give readers here is instead a vignette or a snapshot, a cross-section. The Department conducts teaching and research in cooperation with the surrounding community through third-stream activities, often referred to as the “third mission” of Swedish universities. This book therefore reflects content from researchers, students (and alumni) and other actors (including addiction treatment providers and primary and emergency care providers as well as police) operating in Malmö. Malmö is a city under transformation. It is a melting pot of individuals from different parts of the world who are influenced by the spirit of the times we live in.

The editors of this book write under the assumption that its readers realize that the city of Malmö and its residents are living

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in a historical era and in a changing environment, and that the chapters far from describe the complexity of our society as a whole.

What the book does, however, is give readers a few narratives about the various groups of individuals in the city whose lives have been touched upon in the research conducted at the university. The knowledge conveyed by the book, even if it is based on data from Malmö, can also be applied in other contexts. Instead of limiting ourselves with knowledge acquired in North America and the United Kingdom, which is often based on research in specific cities, we can now also use research from a Swedish city as a reference.

Chapter 1 of this book describes serious crime such as gun or explosive violence, Chapter 2 discusses arson, and Chapter 3 the offender characteristics of individuals who commit serious violent crimes in the city. The connection between crime and substance abuse is explored in Chapters 4 and 5. Chapter 5 also provides an example of how students can apply theory to research material.

Chapters 6 and 7 examine victimological aspects of crime (something which is also discussed to some extent in Chapters 3, 4 and 5).

Chapter 6 defines hate crime and discusses the state of knowledge and experiences and exposure to hate crime. Chapter 7 is a study of crime victims, with a focus on a particularly vulnerable group in the city (EU citizens). Chapter 8 is a contribution from a researcher in criminology and an active police officer, both affiliated with the Department, in which the researcher asks the police chief questions. This chapter thus becomes a sort of discussion between the two on crime and vulnerability in Malmö. In Chapter 9, a psychiatrist and professor emeritus offers summarizing reflections on his experience of how society (correctional care and psychiatry) and individuals with antisocial problems (in interaction) have changed over time, and how this may have affected criminal development and treatment efforts. The book concludes with some closing comments from the editors.

All of the people asked to participate in the writing of this book are affiliated in some way with the Department of Criminology at

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The quote on page 11 is taken from Sydsvenskan (June 19, 2018, 20 minutes into the press conference): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IwJY-jIKBaA (in Swedish).

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Malmö University. We wanted their contribution to describe some of the crime and vulnerability that have been identified in Malmö over the past decade, and their experiences in contact with crime.

With these texts, we aim to provide a selection of the research that is being conducted, its application, and the crime, victimization and vulnerability that have existed in Malmö in recent years. We also hope that the book will demonstrate how students can in some cases use material compiled at the Department and how actors affected by crime in Malmö (e.g. health care providers, psychiatric services, support groups and social services) are involved in events and in the turns people’s lives take.

In conclusion, we would like to thank everyone who has helped to make this book a reality. All of the authors, of course, but even more important, those of you who have contributed by making your voices heard – the participants in our research projects. Thank you.

AB O UT TH E AUTH O R S

Athina Brunner is, at the time of publication, a master’s student at the Department of Criminology, Malmö University. She also holds a Bachelor of Science in Criminology from Malmö University.

Ulf Ekelund is an emergency physician at Skåne University Hospital in Lund, Professor of Emergency Medicine at Lund University and Adjunct Professor in Emergency Medicine at the University of Southern Denmark in Odense. Ulf is conducting a number of national and multinational research projects in emergency medicine and teaches and supervises at the undergraduate, graduate and post-graduate levels.

M a nne Ger el l is Senior Lecturer in Criminology at Malmö University. His research concerns the geography of crime, vulnerable areas and the police’s preventative efforts. His publications in recent years include studies on shootings, car fires and street violence.

A r dava n K hoshnood is a senior resident in Emergency Medicine at Skåne University Hospital in Lund and holds a PhD in Clinical Medicine, Emergency Medicine. He is also a criminologist at Malmö University and focuses on offender profiling, criminal intelligence and serious violent crimes. Ardavan also holds a master’s degree in Political Science from Malmö University and a bachelor’s degree in Intelligence Analysis from Lund University.

15

Sten Leva nder was born in 1939 to working-class parents. Industrial assembly-line worker 1955–. Mechanical Engineering, KTH Royal Institute of Technology 1960–. Registered Physician 1971.

Bachelor of Arts 1972 (psychology, mathematics, philosophy). Clin.

Spec. General and Forensic Psychiatry 1978. Psychodynamic Psychotherapist 1982. Clinically active since 1966. Sten has authored clinical textbooks and textbook chapters. MD/PhD 1979 (Karolinska Institutet), Associate Professor of Psychiatry 1980, Professor, Psychiatry/Forensic Psychiatry 1984–. Supervised eleven doctoral students to PhDs. Published approx. 200 research articles internationally.

Good classical guitarist (Recuerdos, Mozart variations, Vivaldi guitar concert). Renovates and drives vintage vehicles (Vincent Black Shadow, Daimler DoubleSix, Lloyd, Dnepr).

Peter Lindström is Associate Professor and Criminologist with the Swedish Police, Region Stockholm, and currently working on the development of knowledge-based policing. This includes evaluating a current national pilot project with the neighborhood watch and participating in task forces on the police’s local crime and safety surveys and the police’s crime prevention and safety-building activities. In December 2018, he received a gold watch for long and loyal government service, starting with the Swedish Prison and Probation Service via Stockholm University, the Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention, Institute of Police Education at Linnaeus University, and the Ministry of Justice.

Ca roline Mellgren holds a PhD in Medical Science and is Assistant Professor in Criminology and Supervisor for the Police Program at the Faculty of Health and Society at Malmö University. She 16

A b ou t t h e au t hor s

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M a rt ina L engel is a senior probation officer and works with individuals who are on probation or conditional release. Her work aims to prevent recidivism within all categories of crime. Martina has a Bachelor of Science in Criminology from Malmö University.

researches issues related to victimization and crime, with a focus on hate crime and on crime prevention and safety enhancement.

Caroline teaches and supervises at the undergraduate, graduate and post-graduate levels.

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K ajsa Ry dén is an investigator with the Swedish Police. She has a Bachelor of Science in Criminology from Lund University and a Master of Science in Criminology from Malmö University.

Ulf Sempert has been a police officer for over 40 years and has extensive experience as Police Chief in Helsingborg, County Sheriff in Halland and Chief of Police in Malmö. Crime prevention is a very important issue for him. Ulf has been Chief of Police and Crime Prevention Strategist with the Swedish Police, Region South since 2015, with the comprehensive task of implementing more evidence-based policing in the counties of Kalmar, Kronoberg, Blekinge and Skåne. Since 2017, Ulf has also been a guest lecturer at the Department of Criminology at Malmö University, with the aim of strengthening the link between experience-based police knowledge and higher education.

M a r ie Vä fors Fr itz holds a PhD in Psychology and is a senior lecturer at the Department of Criminology in the Faculty of Health and Society at Malmö University. She researches issues relating to individual attributes, including impulsivity and psychopathic tendencies of life course persistent offenders as well as factors relating to crime and substance abuse entries and exits. Internationalization and acculturation are important elements in both her research and teaching. Marie is the Assistant Head of Department, Director of Studies and Program Coordinator and teaches and supervises at the undergraduate, graduate and post-graduate levels.

Simon Wa llengr en is a doctoral student at the Department of Criminology in the Faculty of Health and Society at Malmö Univer-

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sity. He researches the vulnerability of marginalized groups from a victim perspective, with a particular focus on the Roma people, Travelers/Traveling Roma, and socially vulnerable EU citizens who support themselves by engaging in begging, as well as methodological challenges in the study of these groups. Simon teaches and supervises at the undergraduate and graduate levels.

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Chapter 3

The Offender, the Crime and the Victim A r dava n K ho s h no o d, M a r i e Vä f o r s F r i t z & U l f Ek e l u n d

In addition to Malmö having the most reported crimes in relation to its population, it is also one of the cities in the country with the highest percentage of gun-related violence. Our earlier studies show that people who commit serious crimes such as homicide or attempted homicide in Malmö are primarily single, have no psychiatric diagnosis and mainly use knives or other sharp weapons to commit their crimes, although guns do cause more fatalities. The victims are usually somewhat older than the offenders and there is often a relationship between them. In fatal knife attacks, the leading cause of death among victims is loss of blood. For victims who are attacked by guns, head injuries are the main cause of death.

Crime in Malmö In an extensive report from 2012, the Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention (Ekström et al., 2012) notes that the number of reported robberies, obstruction of justice and extortion are higher per capita in Malmö than in Stockholm and Gothenburg.

The report, which examines crime and safety in the country’s

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three largest cities, focuses on the years 2009–2011. No similar report has been published since.

Unfortunately, Malmö stands out in terms of number of shootings (see Chapter 1) and in terms of the many gangster homicides that have taken place in the city (Khoshnood, 2017). In June 2018, Malmö would once again make the headlines in both national and international media.

It is Monday, June 18th, just past 8:00 p.m. A car drives by an Internet café on Drottninggatan, just a few hundred meters from the police station. A passenger opens fire with an automatic weapon straight into a group of infamous and violent criminals outside the café (Ahlqvist et al., 2018; Arvidson et al., 2018). By the next day, three people have died and three have suffered injuries (Ahlqvist et al., 2018). Sweden’s worst gangster murder and mass shooting is a fact, and it’s signed Malmö. Just three days later, on June 21, a 24-year-old known criminal is shot to death on Lind­ ängen (Olofsson et al., 2018). The shooting is a direct retaliation for what happened on Drottninggatan. Two days after this, on June 23, a 19-year-old is shot in the back but sustains only minor injuries thanks to the bulletproof vest he is wearing (Wizén, 2018). Over the course of five days, four people have been murdered and just as many injured.

For many, the questions are clear: Who is committing these murders in Malmö? Who are the victims and what are their injuries? The aim of this chapter is to provide a glimpse into who these individuals are who commit serious violent crimes such as murder and manslaughter and attempted murder and manslaughter. Another aim is to describe the victims and the injuries they sustain, and in the case of fatalities, the cause of death.

The chapter is based on two previously published studies discussing both offender profiling with regard to Swedish individuals who commit serious violent crimes (Khoshnood & Väfors Fritz, 2017), and their victims’ injuries and causes of death (Khoshnood et al., 2017). Both studies were conducted after repeated contact

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with the District Court in Malmö and the Court of Appeals for Skåne and Blekinge, in which a large number of court records were acquired for court cases between 2009 and 2013 in which someone was convicted of murder, manslaughter or attempted murder or manslaughter. After studying all material from the court records, we were able to perform cluster analyses1 to produce different profiles of the perpetrators who had been convicted of these serious crimes. The victims’ injuries and causes of death could also be identified, which is highly valuable data for both health care providers and the Swedish National Board of Forensic Medicine.

Nineteen unique cases Between 2009 and 2013, nineteen unique cases were identified in which at least one offender was convicted of murder, manslaughter or attempted murder or manslaughter in Malmö District Court.

A total of 23 offenders were convicted. In 13 of these 19 cases (68%), the crime was listed as murder 2 . There were no cases listed as manslaughter3. There were three cases listed as attempted murder and three cases as attempted manslaughter4.

In 14 of the cases (74%), the District Court’s judgment was appealed to the Court of Appeals. In only one of the cases was the classification of the crime changed, and then to a milder classification (which is nevertheless included in our study). In eight of the 1

2 3 4

Cluster analysis, which is a multivariate method, involves systematizing data into schematic groups/clusters (Tryon, 1939; Ward, 1963; Hartigan, 1978). The type of analysis method used in this study is called K-means. K-means is an algorithm that enables grouping of characteristics or attributes in K number of groups, which are homogeneous with respect to the attributes included in each group. Cluster analysis is not entirely unusual in criminological research and is accordingly a well-proven method (see, e.g., Grubesic & Murray, 2001; Neema & Böhning, 2010; Esbensen & Huizinga, 1993; Hindelang & Weis, 1972).

Chapter 3, Section 1 of the Penal Code (1962:700).

Chapter 3, Section 2 of the Penal Code (1962:700).

Chapter 3, Section 11 of the Penal Code (1962:700).

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Offender characteristics The characteristics of the offenders studied were as follows: Age: The average age was 32.8 and the median age was 29, with a range from 15 to 59 years old (Figure 3.1).

Civil status: Sixteen of the 23 (70%) offenders were single at the time of the crime, four were divorced or separated and three were married. Those who were divorced or separated were also classified as

5

A forensic psychiatric examination is usually preceded by a “section-seven” examination, in which a psychiatrist assesses whether a forensic psychiatric examination is needed. The forensic psychiatric examination is prescribed by law in the act (1966:301) regulating psychiatric examinations in criminal cases.

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cases, the Court of Appeals changed the sentence. In half of these, the sentence was changed to a stricter sentence than that imposed by the District Court and in the other half to a milder sentence.

Eleven of the 23 offenders (48%) in 10 of the 19 cases (53%) were subjected to a forensic psychiatric examination 5 and/or a “section-seven” examination (shorter and less extensive forensic psychiatric exam) before the judgment was delivered. Supported by these examinations, two (9%) of the offenders were sentenced to forensic psychiatric care. Of the other 21, three were sentenced to care in a juvenile institution for durations between 1.6 and 3 years, and the remaining 18 offenders to a total period of imprisonment of 230 years, i.e. just over 13 years each on average. The longest prison sentence handed down was 18 years. In two of the cases, the sentence also included deportation from the country.

All of the offenders were men. There were three women who were also convicted of one of the crimes studied, but they were excluded from the study due to the risk that they could be identified.

single. Thus, the prevalence of single individuals was 20 offenders, i.e. almost 87 percent of all the studied offenders.

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Psychiatric status: Nine of 23 (39%) offenders were found to have a psychiatric diagnosis when the crime was committed, and two of these were sentenced to forensic psychiatric care. Thirteen offenders, i.e. the majority, did not have any psychiatric diagnosis (Table 3.1). For one offender, this characteristic was unknown.

Level of education: One offender did not have any school education at all, nine (39%) had below high-school level, three had high-school level and one had post-secondary vocational education. None of the offenders had a college education. For nine offenders, this characteristic was unknown.

Previous crime: Three of the 23 offenders did not have any previous criminal record. Nineteen offenders (83%) had criminal records; six Prevalence 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0

11–20

21–30

31–40

41–50

51–60

Age

F I G U R E 3 .1 Offender

age distribution.

T h e Of f e n de r , t h e C r i m e a n d t h e V ic t i m

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Mental illness

Prevalence

Percent

2

9%

13

57%

Psychiatric diagnosis

7

30%

Unknown

1

4%

Sentenced to forensic psychiatric care No psychiatric diagnosis

of these had been convicted of only non-violent offenses, and the remaining 13 (57%) of both violent offenses and other crimes. For one offender, this characteristic was unknown.

Substance abuse: Ten offenders (44%) were found to have substance abuse problems when the crime was committed, mostly with regard to narcotics and prescription drugs, but also alcohol. Six offenders did not have any substance abuse problems, though several of them had tried illegal substances on one or more occasions.

For seven offenders, this characteristic was unknown.

Occupation: Eight of the 23 offenders (35%) had some sort of occupation when the crime was committed (Figure 3.2). Of the two offenders reported in the figure under the “other” category, one had a cash in the hand-job while the other participated in a labor market policy initiative through the Swedish Public Employment Service.

Socioeconomic status: The majority of the offenders, 16 of 23, did not have any gainful employment when the crime was committed, while five were employed. For two offenders, this characteristic could not be assessed.

Intoxication: This was one of the most difficult characteristics to compile, primarily in the case of the offenders. In many cases, this

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TA B L E 3.1 Occurrence of mental illness among the offenders.

Prevalence 6 5 4 3 2 1

go Re ve ce r i su nm ving pp en or t t Un kn ow n

D in isa su bi ra lit nc y e

St ud en t

Em pl oy ed

Un em p in loy su m ra en nc t e Un em pl oy ed

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O th er

0

Occupation

F I G U R E 3 . 2 Offender

occupation prevalence.

was because the offenders were only apprehended after several hours or even days and weeks after the offense, and a forensic chemical analysis would thus have been of no value to the investigation or to this study. In other cases, the Police Authority, for reasons unknown to the authors, did not take blood or urine samples for further forensic chemical analysis. Only eight of the offenders could be assessed for this characteristic: Six were intoxicated at the time of the crime and two were not. For 15 offenders, this characteristic was unknown.

Crime characteristics Table 3.2 shows the prevalence of the various sub-categories for the characteristic modus operandi, which is the criminological term to describe the approach used by the offender to commit

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Modus operandi

Prevalence

Percent

10

43%

Assault with a weapon not deemed to be a gun or knife

3

13%

Gun

8

35%

Other

2

9%

Knife or other sharp weapon

a crime. Ten (43%) of the offenders used a knife or other sharp weapon at the time of the crime. This is thus the most common modus operandi in our study, closely followed by guns, which were used by eight of the offenders. The approach used by two of the offenders is reported under the “other” category; in both cases, the offender handed over a weapon to another offender who then used it against the victim. The District Court sentenced both of these offenders similarly to their accomplices, as they acted together and in collusion.

In a comparison between modus operandi and crime classification (Table 3.3), it is clear that when a gun was used, it resulted in more deaths (87%) than when a knife or other sharp weapon (60%) was used.

As concerns crime typology, this characteristic is “unknown” in three of the 19 cases studied. The same number of cases were “gang-related acts.” Six cases (32%) were classified as “domestic dispute,” making it the most common typology. Only one case concerned a “psychotic act”6 in which the offender and victim were completely unknown to each other. The act could thus be categorized as a “stranger crime,” i.e. that the offender and the 6

The offender commited the crime as a direct result of his psychotic illness.

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TA B L E 3.2 Offender modus operandi prevalence.

TA B L E 3.3 Relationship between modus operandi and crime classification.

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Modus operandi

Murder

Attempted murder

Attempted manslaughter

Knife or other sharp weapon

6

2

2

Assault with a weapon not deemed to be a gun or knife

1

-

2

Gun

7

1

-

Other

2

-

-

victim did not previously know each other. The forensic psychiatric examination, however, found that the perpetrator of this psychotic act had committed the crime under the influence of a severe mental disorder. As the verdict focused on the forensic psychiatric examination and the offender’s mental illness, the category “psychotic act” was chosen instead of “stranger act.” In one instance, however, it was a “stranger act.” This case involved a dispute between the offender and the victim, whereupon the offender attempted to take the victim’s life. One of the cases was categorized as “other” because the offender committed the criminal act against the wrong person.

As for the crime scene, this crime characteristic is relatively evenly distributed, with nine cases categorized as “private”7 and ten cases as “public.”8

7 8

Defined as private residence of either the victim or the perpetrator, a hotel, motel, dormitory or vehicle (Liem et al., 2013).

Defined as public places such as parks, forests, recreational areas, businesses, restaurants, bars, streets, public transit or workplaces (Liem et al., 2013).

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Using SPSS9, a cluster analysis was conducted in which we could identify two profiles of the offenders committing serious violent crimes in Malmö.

Profile A shows that the offender is 15–33 years old and single.

He has no previous psychiatric diagnosis and often has below high-school-level education. He is either a student, unemployed or receiving government support, and thus not gainfully employed.

He is just as likely to be a substance abuser as not, and he has previous convictions for both violent crimes and other crimes. He uses a gun in his criminal acts, and his acts are primarily gang-related.

The crime scene is usually a public place.

Profile B shows that the offender is 37–59 years old and single.

He has a previous psychiatric diagnosis and is more likely than Profile A to have high-school-level education. He is most often on disability pension and not gainfully employed. He also has substance abuse problems, and has previous criminal convictions, including violent crimes. He primarily uses knives or other sharp weapons and has a clear relationship with the victim. The crime scene is usually a private place.

Nine of 23 (39%) offenders are in the 21–30 age group at the time of the crime, with an average age of 33. In most other studies, the average age is under 30 (Gottlieb et al., 1990; Gruenewald & Pridemore, 2009; Howitt, 2009; Salfati & Canter, 1999), so the offenders are slightly older in this study. The offenders who are younger are primarily found in Profile A. The offenders who have committed crimes against a former or current partner are somewhat older when age is compared with crime typology. This is also clearly seen in Profile B, which mainly comprises these offenders. The fact that this category of offenders is somewhat older is likely due to the etiology of the crime: in crimes committed in close relationships

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where a woman is subjected to crime by her former or current partner, there are strong emotions involved, emotions that probably have taken time to develop. There are also usually children in the picture, which indicates a relationship of a longer term.

The majority of the offenders (n=13, 57%) did not have any psychiatric diagnosis. This should be interpreted with caution, as 39 percent of our offenders did have a psychiatric diagnosis at the time of the crime, in two cases so serious that they were sentenced to forensic psychiatric care. The large number of offenders without a psychiatric diagnosis is still somewhat surprising considering that psychiatric diagnoses are relatively common among prison inmates and thus in those who commit crimes (Fazel & Danesh, 2002).

There is some evidence that work or some type of occupation can be crime-preventative, and that the lack of occupation can be a risk factor for committing murder or manslaughter (Palermo, 2010). A full 52 percent of the offenders (n=12) in our study were considered not to have an occupation. It is interesting to note, however, that 35 percent of the offenders (n=8) were either students or had some form of employment at the time of the offense. The offenders who fit Profile B were more likely to have an occupation than the offenders in Profile A. That so many of the offenders in this study had some form of occupation and still committed such serious crimes as murder or manslaughter, casts some shadow of doubt over the argument that occupation can be crime-preventative. The majority (n=3) of those in our study who were employed and committed one of the crimes studied, were classified under the crime typology domestic disputes. The fact that the offenders in domestic disputes (Profile B) had higher degrees of occupation and education in comparison with Profile A offenders could be because they had not lived criminal lifestyles previously, and likely would not have committed such a serious crime as murder or manslaughter had it not been for the domestic disputes that had occurred with a former or current partner.

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Who is the victim?

Among the 19 unique cases identified in our study, there were, as previously reported, a total of 23 offenders and 19 victims. Thirteen of the victims lost their lives, while the other six were injured. The victims had a median age of 39 and most were men (n=14).

It was easier to investigate whether the victims were intoxicated at the time of the crime than it was to investigate this for the offenders, as the majority of the victims died of the crime they were subjected to and therefore underwent a forensic examination by the National Board of Forensic Medicine. Slightly more than half of the victims (n=10) were not intoxicated at the time of the crime, five were intoxicated and intoxication status is unknown for the remaining four victims.

The question of modus operandi differs somewhat, from a purely statistical standpoint, when discussed from the perspective of the victims than from that of the offenders. Ten of the victims (53%) were attacked with knives or other sharp weapons, 64

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As regard to modus operandi in murder and manslaughter in Sweden, Liem and colleagues (2013, p. 84) find “[…] homicides in Sweden to be most likely to be committed with other weapons than with guns.” This view does not correspond particularly well with the cases included in our study. Although knives or other sharp weapons were more common (n=10) than guns (n=8), the former contributed to murder or manslaughter in six cases (60%), while the latter in seven cases (88%). In this study, guns have thus resulted in more murders and manslaughters in terms of both prevalence and percentage than knives or other sharp weapons.

One reason for the difference between the results of the studies could be that Liem and colleagues included significantly more offenders in their study than what we have done, and that they only focused on murder and manslaughter, and not also attempted murder or manslaughter, as our study does.

seven (37%) were attacked with guns and the remaining two were attacked with other types of weapons.

With a focus on the victims, the most common crime typo­ logy was domestic disputes (n=6, 32%), followed by disputes among friends and acquaintances (n=4). For three of the victims, the crime typology was gang-related crime. The three remaining cases fell into the typologies of psychotic act, stranger act and in one case the offender attacked the wrong victim.

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Injuries Of the ten victims attacked with knives or other sharp weapons, all sustained multiple injuries. The most common anatomical locations for the injuries were the back (n=5, 50%), the chest (n=4, 40%) and the neck (n=3, 30%). Four of the victims survived. One of these sustained only minor injuries, while three sustained serious critical injuries; one had bilateral hemopneumothorax10, one suffered extensive cardiac injuries and the third had to undergo surgery due to injuries mainly to the liver.

As for the seven victims who were shot, the head (n=5, 71.4%) and the chest cavity (n=3, 42.9%) were the most common locations of injuries. Six of the seven victims shot died of their injuries.

The only one who survived was shot in the gluteal muscle and sustained serious arterial damage, although this could be rectified with surgery.

Of the two victims who were not attacked with guns or with knives or other sharp weapons, one was attacked with a paving stone and one with a wrench. The victim attacked with a paving stone died while the other survived but with serious injuries.

10 Lung collapse in which there is also an accumulation of both air and blood in the pleural cavity.

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For the six victims attacked with knives or other sharp weapons, the most common cause of death was hemorrhagic hypovolemia11, following damage to major blood vessels (n=4, 66.7%). The other two victims died as a result of intracranial injuries and hypoxia12.

In the case of intracranial injury, the victim received a cut to the head resulting in damage to the brain stem. The victim who died of hypoxia suffered extensive injuries to the lungs, including hemopneumothorax. The victim underwent surgery, but subsequently suffered new hemorrhaging leading to hypoxia.

As mentioned, six of the victims who were shot died as a result of their injuries. The most common cause of death among these victims was intracranial injury (n=3, 50%) followed by hemorrhagic hypovolemia (n=2, 33.3%). For the remaining deceased victim, the cause of death was deemed to be a combination of hemorrhagic hypovolemia and intracranial injury. The victim who was struck with a paving stone died as a result of massive injuries to the face and brain with subsequent cerebral edema.13 Although our study included few cases, our findings confirm those of other studies in terms of both injury patterns and causes of death (Boström, 1997; Holmström et al., 2015; Hougen et al., 2000; Nair et al., 2011; Rogde et al., 2000).

Our finding that knife or other sharp weapon is the most common type of weapon used in serious violent crime corresponds well with other Swedish and international studies (Hougen et al., 1999; Liem et al., 2013; Tingne et al., 2014). What deviates in our study, however, is that guns have been used to a larger extent, which may be because the use of guns has increased sharply in Sweden and particularly in Malmö (see Chapter 1).

11 Reduced blood volume due to hemorrhaging.

12 Oxygen deprivation.

13 Excess accumulation of fluid in the brain tissue.

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Cause of death

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The increasing level of gun violence is not only a challenge for our law enforcement agencies, but also for health care providers, and not least the National Board of Forensic Medicine. The findings of our study can hopefully contribute to greater insight into serious violent crime and deadly violence.

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Marie Väfors Fritz holds a PhD in Psychology, is Deputy Head of Department of Criminology and Director of Studies for the Master’s Programme in Criminology at Malmö University (MAU). Ardavan Khoshnood holds a PhD in Clinical Medicine, is a resident in Emergency Medicine and a criminologist. Other contributing authors are Athina Brunner, Ulf Ekelund, Manne Gerell, Martina Lengel, Sten Levander, Peter Lindström, Caroline Mellgren, Kajsa Rydén, Ulf Sempert and Simon Wallengren. Together, these authors offer a glimpse into some of the collaborative efforts and research conducted at the Department of Criminology at Malmö University (MAU).

Crime, Victimization and Vulnerability in Malmö Malmö and its inhabitants are living in a historical era and in a changing environment – in a city that has grown with 43 percent since 1990.

Crime, Victimization and Vulnerability in Malmö presents a selection of current research, and the impact that crime, victimization and vulnerability have had on Malmö since the early 2000s.

Crime, Victimization and Vulnerability in Malmö addresses topics such as gun and explosive violence, arson, offender characteristics, hate crime and victimological aspects. The book also discusses the link between crime and substance abuse, presents a crime victim study of EU citizens, and invites readers to listen in on a conversation between a criminologist and an active-duty police officer. Finally, a psychiatrist reflects on how society’s interaction with people with antisocial problems has changed over time.

The book has a clear link to Malmö, but can be used to understand crime, victimization and vulnerability in other places. Readers are encouraged to reflect critically on crime, victimization and vulnerability, and on how these are portrayed both in the media and in the book itself.

The hope is that this book will contribute to the discussion on Malmö’s crime, victimization and vulnerability and that it will inspire thoughts, questions and curiosity about criminology as a subject.

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