POLIS: Divergence

THE

Editor-in-chief & President Readers, It is an honour, this year, to be working as the current Editor-in-Chief of POLIS, a journal that seeks to highlight the talent, rigour, and intellectual pursuit of undergraduate students at the University of Toronto. Working at the Association of Political Science Students (APSS) has not only rewarded me with the opportunity to lead the journal, but it has created a number of opportunities for students to receive well-deserved academic exposure.

POLIS has successfully published its seventh volume, and its publication would not have been possible without the support of an incredibly supportive Masthead. I want to especially thank Ciara McGarry, the President of APSS, for her endless support in publishing this journal.

This year, our journal features powerful essays that represent stark dichotomies in current political science discourse. Thank you, and enjoy!

Sincerely, Ira Chandershekar Editor in Chief

To the readers, The Association of Political Science Students (APSS), as the official undergraduate course union, aims to serve and provide opportunities for political science students at the University of Toronto. Of our many initiatives, POLIS is one of our proudest creations. Every year, POLIS includes papers from students on a diverse variety of political sciencerelated topics, showcasing the work of some of our most impressive students, and this year’s POLIS is no exception.

Masthead Grace Yang

Maddie Skobolo Andrew Carmont Susan Cao Kaitlyn Min

I take absolutely no credit in the publication of this year’s journal; all credit goes to the Masthead and our endlessly talented Editor-in-Chief, Ira Chandershekar. She worked tirelessly over the course of the summer to put this edition together with great meticulousness, as always. It is an honour and a pleasure to work with her– at every new challenge, I was moved by her determination and impressed by her creativity. I am beyond excited to see what she comes up with as she supervises an entirely new Masthead for next year’s POLIS. Hats off to Ira and her team and congratulations to the newly published authors!

Sincerely, Ciara McGarry President

1

IN THIS

ISSUE 03

DRINKING WINE IN CHAINS: AN ANALYSIS OF ROUSSEAU’S FREEDOM

06

MULTIPOLARITY: THE FUTURE OF THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM

11

DEVELOPMENT OF MULTICULTURALISM THROUGH MULTI-PROJECT INVESTMENTS IN CANADA

17

THE EFFECTS OF THE RCMP’S POLICING ON INDIGENOUS SELF-DETERMINATION IN CANADA

21

OP-ED: THE LORDS OF SILICON VALLEY

24

INDIVIDUALISM IN CANADIAN AND AMERICAN POLITICAL CULTURES

30

LOCATING POLITICS: ON THE QUESTION OF INEQUALITY

34 38

by Wenxing Luo

by Harleen Kundan

by Simran Arulraj

by Clover Chen

by Zed Hoffman-Weldon

by Julia Parado Gavieta

by Gabriel Garber

SOCIAL MEDIA AND POLITICAL ADVOCACY

by Katherine E. Todd

CIA COVERT OPERATIONS: A DIVISIVE FOREIGN POLICY TOOL

by Ceylan Borgers

2

DRINKING WINE IN CHAINS: AN ANALYSIS OF ROUSSEAU'S FREEDOM

by Wenxing Luo

Numerous political theorists have attempted to explain the divergence between the state of nature and civil society, including Rousseau who provides a thought-provoking answer.

His most famous quote, “Man is born free,

of the general will as discussed in

and everywhere he is in chains,” describes

“Discourse on the Origin and Foundations

restrictions on freedom as “chains”

of Inequality Among Men” (Second

(Rousseau, 2012, 156). In his letter to the

Discourse) and “On the Social Contract”

Republic of Geneva, he regards freedom

(Social Contract). I argue that Rousseau

as “full-bodied wines” for the robust

endorses a social contract based on

bodies that are accustomed to them. In

collective governance in accordance with

this essay, I analyze the differences

the general will as the preferable “chains”

between Rousseau’s concept of freedom

on the freedom to enable citizens to realize

under the state of nature and freedom

true liberty. I begin by introducing

made possible by the social contract

Rousseau’s concept of natural freedom in

3

the state of nature. This is followed by

other institutions as favourable to himself as

scrutinizing Rousseau’s critique of the

the law of nature was unfavourable.” He is

transition from the state of nature to

dissatisfied with the kind of social contract that

society, which he bases on the lack of a

is rooted merely in the institutionalization of

good social contract for creating such a

wealth inequality – the rich fool the poor to

society.

Rousseau’s

give up their freedom and join in society,

normative argument for civil and moral

while the poor do not realize that they are

freedom made possible by the social

being oppressed and dominated (Rousseau,

contract of the general will, in which he

2012, p. 78). Since laws are rooted in private

diverges from his thought experiment of

property under this kind of social compact,

the state of nature and deals with reality.

whoever has more assets has more power in

Finally, I conclude that drinking “wine” in

society. Alongside the introduction of private

“chains” under a good social contract is

property, people materially rely on others to

preferable.

accumulate properties, resulting in endless

I

then

examine

competition among them (Rousseau, 2012, p.

In the state of nature, natural freedom

77). Therefore, it appears necessary for human

is the unlimited right to all things without

beings to have a good social contract in the

there being any form of interference by

state of civil society.

others; it is constrained by an individual’s strength and is conducive to peaceful and

Thus, Rousseau attempts to establish the

tranquil lives. Human beings are free in the

terms of a social contract that maximizes civil

state of nature in two senses. First, they

and moral liberties within society. Civil and

have

their

moral liberties are the products of human

nature’s

beings’ free agency, by which everyone is

commands. Second, they are free from the

willing to transfer their rights to the entire

interference of others’ opinions because

community. Civil freedom is the “proprietary

human beings are independent in the state

ownership” of all one possesses (Rousseau,

of nature. There is no legal or social

2012, p. 167), confirming everyone’s obligation

constraint on freedom, yet they are limited

to respect others’ property. Moral liberty is the

by their physical strength (Rousseau, 2012,

ability to be the true master of oneself rather

p. 167).

than being governed by others’ will or one’s

free

freedom

to

agency submit

to or

recognize resist

appetites or desires. Rousseau argues that civil

From this state of nature, Rousseau

and moral freedoms are crucial components of

depicts a Golden Age. This is a state of

political society. According to Rousseau, civil

social interdependence, as a transitional

liberty sets the property rights and makes all

period between the savage state of nature

humans equal by convention and right. He

and civil society. It is a thought experiment

argues that no citizen should be “so rich as to

that Rousseau articulates to make a sharp

be capable of buying another” and none so

contrast between the harmony of the state

poor that is forced to sell oneself (Rousseau,

of nature and the miserable situation of domination

under

an

unfair

2012, p. 189), meaning that moderate wealth

political

inequality is allowed.

society, highlighting the undesirability of the latter. Rousseau writes, “[T]he rich

Rousseau argues that a legitimate social

man, thus urged by necessity, conceived at

contract, referring to the rules according to

length the profoundest plan that ever

which a society agrees to operate, stipulates

entered the mind of man… to give them

that these two freedoms are constrained by

4

the general will. This general will stems

more suitable for human beings, and the self-

from the free cooperative activity among

legislative laws – “chains” – are preferable for

equals and is guided by common interests

people to determine their own chains and

and is therefore always just. Only it can

become their own masters. Thus, drinking

direct the forces of the state according to

wine in chains serves to illustrate Rousseau’s

the common good. Rousseau regards law

highest hope for the best of humanity.

by the general will as an “honourable yoke” that is so “pleasant and salutary” that even

Citations:

the “most arrogant heads bear with all the

Rousseau, J.J. (2012). Basic Political Writings. (Translated

greater docility,” and they should be born

and

to bear no other yoke (Rousseau, 2012, p.

Unlike the unjust social contract that is based on force and coercion, Rousseau’s contract

is

based

upon

the

unanimous free and equal consent of all contractors.

There

is

no

relation

to

domination within society: contractors are citizens insofar as they participate in the legislative authority, and they are subjects insofar as they are restricted by the laws of the state. In Rousseau’s words, this social contract

gives

human

beings

an

“advantageous exchange of an uncertain and precarious mode of existence for another that is better and surer” (Rousseau, 2012,

p.

167).

They

exchange

natural

independence for liberty, the power to harm others for their own security, and their force for “a right that the social union renders invincible” (Rousseau, 2012, p. 167).

Most importantly, their lives, which they dedicate

to

the

state,

are

constantly

protected by it. Therefore, the “chains” in society with a good social contract are preferable because they are people’s selfimposing

restrictions

on

by by

Company, Inc.

32).

social

Edited

Annotation

themselves,

securing them more freedom and equality than in the state of nature.

In conclusion, civil and moral freedoms in Rousseau’s ideal type of society are superior to unrestrained natural freedom.

The restricted freedoms – “wine” – under the social contract by the general will are

5

Donald David

A.

Cress.

Wootton).

Introduction Hackett

and

Publishing

MULTIPOLARITY: The Future of the International System

HARLEEN KUNDAN 6

In

wake of the decline in the United States’ influence throughout the world, it

of agreements, could encourage collective

has allowed other world powers to begin to

It is suggested that greater interdependence

gains among states (Keohane, 1998, p.86).

exert their influence. The shifts in power from

a

unipolar

international

to

a

system

mitigates the likelihood of state conflict

multipolar

will

(Doyle,

impact

that

liberalism

is

the

p.231).

Scholars

posit

that

economic exchange and interdependence are

international outcomes. This policy brief maintains

1983,

interrelated as greater trade and economic

best

ties make states more reliant on each other

solution for tackling the challenges that

(Doyle, 1983, p.231). Stronger economic ties

emerge from multipolarity.

result in greater stability as absolute gains,

Liberalism is a set of theories centered

such as economic wealth, emerge from the

on the idea of individual freedom (Doyle,

establishment

1983, p.206). For liberals, the international

between various countries (Hurrell, 2006,

system

actors

p.6). As a result, states are less likely to go to

including institutions, and NGOs, among

war as they would lose out on the many gains

others

that

consists (Hurrell,

of

non-state

2006,

p.3).

The

core

come

of

with

stronger

the

bilateral

fostering

of

ties

their

assumption that liberals make about the

economic ties (Doyle, 1983, p.231). In addition,

international system is that it is anarchic,

liberalism assumes that, if citizens of a state

meaning that there is no central authority

are granted fundamental rights, states are free

(Keohane, 1998, p.88). Nonetheless, liberals

from intervention by others (Doyle, 1983,

believe

p.213).

there

are

opportunities

for

As

such,

leaders’

interests

will

cooperation because, although states have

significantly

different goals, they also have common

authoritarian regimes due to differences in

interests

the characteristics of the regime type, such as

(Keohane,

Cooperation

is

international exchange

and

1998,

achievable institutions,

p.88).

because

vary

in

democracies

versus

of

whether the leader’s authority is dependent

economic

on the consent of citizens or not (Doyle, 1983,

interdependence,

and

p.229).

The

likelihood

that

democracies

democratic regimes (Keohane, 1998, p.82;

engage in conflict with other democracies is

Doyle, 1983, p.213; Drezner, 2021, p.39).

low, while war is possible with other regime types (Doyle, 1983, p.213).

International institutions are defined as “the rules that govern elements of world politics and the organizations that help

Examining Multipolarity Through

implement those rules” (Keohane, 1998,

Liberalism

p.82). Emphasizing the maximization of

From the perspective of liberalism, the

total gains from cooperation–known as

current international order will not be

absolute gains–rather than individual gains

challenged; however, there will be shifts in

of a state–referred to as relative gains–

the political landscape in line with the

liberals

objective

claim

beneficial

for

that

interdependency

peace

and

is

of

fostering

peace

and

cooperation

cooperation in a multipolar world (Hurrell,

(Keohane, 1998, p.86, p.88). International

2006, p.6). One implication is that there

institutions, which play a major part in

will be an increased need for international

reducing costs and uncertainties through

institutions

mechanisms such as information sharing

emerging world powers have their own

when it comes to the signing

7

because,

although

these

interests, they will need to simultaneously

regimes, which have their own economic and

achieve collective action in an effective

political interests in mind when it comes to

manner (Hurrell, 2006, p.6). With the

exerting their influence across the world, may

assistance of institutions, the redistribution

turn to conflict as they are not democratic

of power should be relatively peaceful as

regimes (Doyle, 1983, p.213; Sarty, 2020,

institutions

the

p.622). However, this is less likely to lead to

likelihood of conflicts that may emerge

war than in a non-liberal international order

due to varying interests (Hurrell, 2006,

considering that as authoritarian regimes are

p.6). To create stronger ties and facilitate

gaining

communication

world

interdependence and economic ties, engaging

powers, institutions play a meaningful role

in conflict will not be of their best interest

in laying out how states should behave and

(Doyle, 1983, p.231).

can

help

minimize

between

these

mutual

benefits

from

their

interact with one another (Hurrell, 2006, p.6; Drezner, 2021, p.11). To facilitate

Recommendations For the Canadian

effective collective action among a larger

Government

group of actors, institutions need to play a greater

role

to

tackle

the

degree

Recommendation 1: Strengthening

of

economic ties with emerging powers

complexity and instability that exists with multilateral

decision

making

(Hurrell,

In the view of what has already been said, it

2006, p.7).

Another implication of a multipolar

is essential that Canada take measures that will boost its economic ties with other

system is that economic integration will

countries. Under circumstances wherein

experience a boost, multiple powers will

the United States was the hegemonic

seek to further increase their wealth and

power, Canada’s foreign ties were mostly

will thus establish strong relations with

confined to the cooperation it engaged in

other similar states which are vital for state stability

(Stephen,

2014,

with its southern neighbour (Sarty, 2020,

p.924).

p.625).

Cooperation on a global scale is mutually

(Doyle,

action

countries

between countries, while bringing down

In

line

important

that

with

its

Canada

it

will

economic

translate growth”

into

(Bonciu

and Bâlgar, 2016, pp.42, 44; Sarty, 2020,

p.924). Economic ties boost bilateral affairs

p.625). It is an effective way of working

which may prove to be in the interest of

together for absolute gains that reinforces

keeping the environment safe and conflict-

stability since when states are collectively

free (Bonciu and Bâlgar, 2016, p.36).

involved in economic activities, it reduces

At the same time, the danger of conflicts democratic

is

as

“sustainable

any chances of conflicts (Stephen, 2014,

when

it

p.231).

strengthens its economic ties with other

an enhancement of long-term trade ties

large

1983,

interests,

(Stephen, 2014, p.924). Joint actions lead to

looms

the

integration is in the best interest of Canada

in other words, absolute gains can be collective

stresses

interdependence, partaking in economic

provides economic growth to both states; through

liberalism

importance of economic exchange and

beneficial since transnational production

achieved

As

the

and

environmental

excessive

authoritarian regimes are operating at a

production

implications and

consumption

(Bonciu and Bâlgar, 2016, pp.42, 44).

global level (Doyle, 1983, p.229). Within this context, authoritarian and hybrid

8

of

Recommendation 2: Increased reliance

on economic interdependence brings forward

on international institutions for

that, if greater economic integration exists,

accomplishing goals

conflict can be reduced as it decreases the instability

Canada needs to make the best use of through

agreements

the

international

system

(Stephen, 2014, p.924).

international institutions to achieve its interests

of

The disadvantage of using liberalism as a

and

negotiations with other states (Stephen,

framework

2014, p.915). Given the added complexities

explanation for certain states’ lack of interest

that emerge with engaging in multilateral

in cooperating with other states (Alcaro, 2018,

acts of cooperation, with the assistance of

p.154). As states are concerned with whether

international

the

these “governance arrangements protect their

United Nations, Canada can cooperate

security and economic potential”, their self-

with other powers in areas of common

interest can outweigh their contribution to

importance

emissions

collective action (Alcaro, 2018, p.154); in fact,

(Hurrell, 2006, p.11). This will allow for the

certain states may view cooperation not as

interests of all actors to be heard and it will

something

ensure that they are not undermined by

something dangerous to them (Drezner, 2021,

other actors (Hurrell, 2006, p.11). Working

p.36). By focusing on absolute gains, liberals

with international bodies may also reduce

do not fully recognize the role of relative

the chances of getting into any conflict

gains in undermining adequate action and

with authoritarian regimes that may be

cooperation by actors on global challenges

involved

of

such as climate change (Alcaro, 2018, p.153).

negotiations (Doyle, 1983, p.213; Hurrell,

As such, they do not acknowledge that

2006, p.11).

conflicting interests of some states will mean

institutions,

such

in

as

any

such

carbon

given

as

series

is

its

failure

beneficial,

to

but

provide

rather,

an

as

prioritizing their survival over all other

Liberalism: Advantages and

collective benefits (Drezner, 2021, p.24). In

Disadvantages

short, liberals, unlike realists, do not view the world as “today’s friend may be tomorrow’s

One of the advantages of applying liberalism

as

a

framework

is

enemy

that,

conflict

(Drezner,

2021,

and

reducing

p.36).

than

allow

their

associated cooperation,

own

cooperation

ensure that weaker states are not exploited

mechanisms

that

reduce

framework

acts

of

rooted

in

and

minimizing

conflicts.

With this in mind, Canadian foreign policy

in collective agreements with relatively through

a

multilateral

obstacles in the direction of maximizing

Institutions are advantageous because they

states

with

liberalism allows thinking beyond such

interests to dominate (Drezner, 2021, p.36).

powerful

in

Despite the many challenges that may be

move in the direction of their mutual rather

results

Conclusion

Liberals

believe there is an opportunity for actors to interests

which

(Drezner, 2021, p.36).

the international system as they focus on cooperation

war”

underestimating the likelihood of conflict

ultimately, liberals are not pessimistic of facilitating

in

can

various

be

improved

aforementioned

ambiguity

grounded in liberalism.

(Hurrell, 2006, p.11). Further, the emphasis

9

through

the

recommendations

Citations:

Alcaro, Riccardo. (2018). “Contestation and Transformation. Final Thoughts on the Liberal International Order.” The International Spectator 53, no.1: 152–67.

https://doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2018.1429533.

Bonciu, Florin and Ana-Cristina Bâlgar. (2016). “Sharing Economy as a Contributor to

Sustainable Growth. An EU

Perspective.” Romanian Journal of European Affairs 16, no.2: 36–45.

Doyle, Michael. (1983). “Kant, Liberal Legacies, and Foreign Affairs,” Philosophy & Public Affairs 12, no.3: 205-235.

Drezner, Daniel. (2021). “Power and International Relations: a Temporal View.” European no.1: 29–52.

Journal of International Relations 27,

https://doi.org/10.1177/1354066120969800.

Hurrell, Andrew. (2006). Hegemony, liberalism and global order: what space for would-be great powers? International Affairs (London) 82, no.1: 1–19. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468- 2346.2006.00512.x Keohane, Robert. (1998). “International Institutions: Can Interdependence Work?” Foreign Policy 110, no.110: 82-96. https://doi.org/10.2307/1149278.

Sarty, Leigh. (2020). “The Fragile Authoritarians: China, Russia, and Canadian Foreign Policy.” International Journal (Toronto) 75, no.4: 614–28.

https://doi.org/10.1177/0020702020968941.

Stephen, Matthew. (2014). “Rising Powers, Global Capitalism and Liberal Global Governance: A Historical Materialist Account of the BRICs Challenge.” European Journal of

International Relations 20, no.4: 912–38.

https://doi.org/10.1177/1354066114523655.

10

DEVELOPMENT OF MULTICULTURALISM THROUGH MULTI-PROJECT INVESTMENTS IN CANADA

by: Simran Arulraj With immigration progressively increas-

programs

ing in Canada, is Canada’s multicultural

immigrants

policy progressing in tandem with a rising develop

multicultural

and

policies

in

doubt that multiculturalism in Canada is advancing

investments and programs.

First, the Canadian Multiculturalism Act

immigration. tiered

The

to

following

increased paper

approach

of

multicultural

interconnected perspectives, as described

enables the formal enforcement of such

by K. Wood and Gilbert.

values, and thus encourages multicultural development within communities. Second, settlement

approach

government’s

development through three diverging, yet

of multiculturalism into the legislation

of

the

discusses the advancement of this multi-

to

Canadian society. Embedding the ideology

introduction

through

multi-tiered

(1971) was established to recognize the

the

The investment in

multiculturalism. As such, it is without a

infrastructural

diversity

of

also created a positive notion around

developing heavy multi-level government

cultural

members

of right-wing extremism in Canada has

and in its response, Canada has been

of

functional

discriminatory legislation and the sparsity

response to the increase in immigration,

contributions

of

tolerance. Third, the presence of strict anti-

policy of multiculturalism as a public

through

transition

in cultivating intercultural interaction and

This

paper argues that Canada has embraced the

intervention

the

public infrastructure is especially effective

implement Canada?

to

eased

Canadian society.

number of immigrants? How do different actors

has

and

integration

11

Multiculturalism

“As a specific government policy to

“invaluable

and Gilbert 2005, 682-685)”

values

encourages

emphasis

economic, social, or ethnic differences

2016,

277).

Second,

the

mechanism

by

reporting

on

diversity

and

policy’s

equity,

the

Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms

among individuals. This can be based to include

(Uberoi

development initiatives to the

(noun) is understood as the recognition of

sexual

and

program delivery outcomes and program

frequently used in this paper. Diversity

ethnicity,

resource,”

accountability

of the terms ‘diverse’ and ‘diversity’ as it is

gender,

Canadian

Multiculturalism Act is served to create an

is important to define our understanding

that

to

Canadians to “preserve” and “respect” these

Before expanding on the arguments, it

indicators

central

identity, for it recognizes diversity as an

ensure political pluralism” (K. Wood

various

is

also

race,

promotes

the

values

of

multiculturalism.

orientation,

disabilities, religious beliefs, and much more.

Diverse

(adjective)

is

used

to

"Diversity (noun) is understood as the recognition of economic, social, or ethnic differences among individuals. "

describe these differences depending on context. The above approach explains the development of multiculturalism as a public policy at the federal level. Canada, like many industrialized countries, was experiencing skilled

a

limited

availability

of

workers

among

Canadian-born

individuals, so skilled immigration was not an option, but rather, a necessary factor for economic growth (Ng and Metz 2014,

The

Charter

is

a

fundamental

legal

9). Therefore, multicultural policies were a

guideline that aligns with values in the

response

Multiculturalism Act. It upholds values of

to

immigration

the

relatively

a

equality, mobility, democratic rights and

diversity of immigrants in Canada (G.

freedoms, minority language educational

Reitz 2012, 521-523). In 1971, the policy of

rights, and its subsets (Canadian Charter of

multiculturalism informally began being

Rights and Freedoms, 1982). Therefore, the

established

Bilingual

importance of multiculturalism in public

cultural

policy stems from the need to recognize

expression by discouraging discrimination

diversity, promote intercultural interaction,

(Berry 2013, 664).

Later, in 1988, the

and reinforce Canadian identity formation.

Multiculturalism Act gave concrete and

For these reasons, the expansion of the

formal meaning to ensure recognition for

policy took diverse routes in addition to its

immigrant

significance in legislation.

Framework

policies

that

open

within that

brought

the

encouraged

contributions

to

Canadian

society and equal participation among all citizens (Berry 2013, 664).

“As a social reality of a

There are two main reasons for

demographically diverse society” (K.

formalizing the Multiculturalism Act as a

Wood and Gilbert 2005, 682-685)

public policy. First, it is used as a tool for nation-building.

12

This approach discusses programs and public

spaces

that

enable

support (only English or French) and

multicultural

workforce

development

(creating

interaction on a local scale. In a social

additional skilled workers depending on

perspective, multiculturalism is a social

market requirements) initiatives through

construct

settlement

programs,

integration of diversity, and adaption to a

systemically

invest

multi-ethnic society (S. Ng and Metz 2015,

(Uberoi 2016, 268-277). Additionally, local

256). In Canada, since the formalization of

governments

multiculturalism,

related

to

immigration,

in

nation-building

Toronto’s

municipal

follow

an

involvement in settlement services are

than

an

outstanding due to the establishment of the

‘assimilation’ approach to retain skilled

Toronto Region Immigrant Employment

workers, who are integral members of the

Council (TRIEC) (Bushell and Shields 2018,

labor market in the country (S. Ng and Metz

35-37). TRIEC ensures coordination among

2015, 257). The introduction of settlement

multi-level government efforts. The City

and

include

of Toronto provides “social services vital to

language training, fast-track citizenship, and

immigrants’ settlement process, such as

human rights guarantees have transformed

social assistance, social housing, childcare,

immigrants into functional members of

and

Canadian society (G. Reitz 2012, 519 & 528).

municipal agencies like Toronto District

These

School

‘integration’

institutions

like

governments

approach

integration

rather

practices

settlement

administered immigration

that

programs

by

are

government-funded

health”

Board,

through

Toronto

central

Public

Health,

Toronto Public Libraries, and the Toronto

organizations

Police Service (Bushell and Shields 2018,

(ISOs) (Zhu 2015, 9). On the Federal level,

35-37). Through these agencies, Toronto

programs like the Resettlement Assistance

can

Program (RAP) are funded by Immigration,

framework

Refugee, and Citizenship Canada (IRCC).

settlement service delivery (Bushell and

The RAP assists immigrants in English or

Shields 2018, 35-37). The above initiatives

French language training for integrating

improve civic participation and remove

into the labor market, providing short-term

barriers to societal participation among

shelter,

new immigrants.

or

settlement

public

helping

gain

access

to

information (Bushell and Shields 2018, 18).

Newcomer

of

Ontario

Settlement

funds

Program

and

collaborative coordinate

urban efficient

to retain their cultural heritage, ancestry,

the

and be tolerant of their host countries’

(NSP),

culture to encourage the co-existence of

which provides direct support as well as

various cultures (S. Ng and Metz 2015, 262).

funding to ISOs to carry out specific

Multicultural

projects (Bushell and Shields 2018, 20). The

policies

are

a

means

to

facilitate interaction between natives and

NSP includes orientation, job counseling,

immigrants. An important way to ensure

and job-specific training and development

interaction

of newcomer workers (Bushell and Shields

among

the

different

social

groups is through the creation of public

2018, 20).

Along

a

In Canada, immigrants are encouraged

On the provincial level, in Ontario, the Government

develop

spaces. This enables testing of new social with

integration

methods,

theories, unspoken political ideals, and

settlement programs also help achieve the

cultural

political goals of nation-building in Canada.

concept is epitomzed within Toronto’s

By implementing language

ethnic neighbourhoods (Little India, Little

13

exchange;

for

example,

this

Italy, Little Portugal, etc.) where community

“As a social reality of a

residents are able to express their culture through restaurants, small businesses, street

demographically diverse society” (K.

vendors, etc. (K. Wood and Gilbert 2005,

Wood and Gilbert 2005, 682-685)

686-687).

Federal laws like the Canadian Human

Even with cultural contrasts within

Rights Act apply to banks, transportation,

ethnic neighbourhoods, Torontonians can

telecommunications, etc. (Sheppard 2020,

co-exist in a regional setting. These spaces

10). While provincial and territorial laws

increase tolerance and acceptance of non-

cover human rights codes that apply to

dominant cultures or religions. Apart from implementing

national

policies

businesses, educational institutions, and

and

entities regulated by regional governments;

programs, Toronto has invested in local

any grievances are settled through local

public projects that enable interactions

tribunals

among different groups (Galanakis 2013, the

differences

by

speech,

making

diverse

social

groups

to

interaction interact

further states that public incitement of hatred and the wilful promotion of hatred

spaces along with incidental spaces like bus

carries a maximum sentence for up to two

stops, public transport, the public library, (Galanakis

2013,

years

76-77).

there

are

Grove

Park

more

229; Sheppard 2020, 10). In addition to

accessible,

legislation, punish

example is Thorncliffe park that is in a

projects

are

usually

the

above

examples,

far-right

extremists

(Sheppard

systemic discrimination on the federal and provincial level, for example, through the

Women’s Committee (Galanakis 2013, 80From

and

adopted a proactive approach to combat

in

collaboration with the Thorncliffe Park 81).

complaint

remedies to discrimination, Canada has

enhancement

undertaken

are

2020, 11). Apart from complaint-based

predominantly immigrant residing area. and

there

enforcement mechanisms that mediate or

for the public (Galanakis 2013, 76). Another

development

These

discrimination (Ambrose and Mudde 2015,

inclusive, and fit for recreational activities

Park

1985).

to decrease direct, indirect, and systemic

ongoing

negotiations with local authorities to make Dufferin

Code,

towards immigration opposition and aim

among different social and cultural groups. example,

(Criminal

institutional mechanisms build resistance

Interactive spaces often release tensions For

kind,

up to 5 years in prison; the Criminal Code

businesses, community centers, religious

on

any

or hate propaganda and it is punishable for

686). These public spaces include local

so

of

offence to advocate or promote genocide

form

connections (K. Wood and Gilbert 2005,

and

discrimination

of the Canadian Criminal Code, it is an

enables

and

These

For example, according to sections 318-319

investment in ‘routine’ spaces for the of

10).

harassment, or violence that have penalties.

them ‘routine’ (Galanakis 2013, 70-77). The purpose

2020,

legislations also apply to hate crime, hate

70-77). This is deemed more effective and normalizes

(Sheppard

Employment Equity Act (1986), or the

we

Canadian

understand how public spaces can be

Immigration

and

Refugee

Protection Act (Sheppard 2020, 10-15). The

designed to facilitate group interactions

above Acts provide a mechanism that

and develop a sense of collective belonging

proactively identifies employment barriers

in Canadian society.

and resolves systemic inequalities among minority groups.

14

Given these measures seek to improve

positive development of multiculturalism

tolerance in a diverse society, there is,

in Canada, this paper acknowledges gaps in

comparatively,

of

its acceptance by briefly discussing the

right-wing

foreign credential recognition dilemma

extremists or parties in Canada as compared

and Quebec nationalism. First, while there

to the rest of the world.

has been an influx of skilled workers,

a

higher

multiculturalism

tolerance

among

While Canada draws its foundational

Canada has not utilized these workers’

culture from West European countries, the

skills due to a gap in recognition of foreign

adoption of far-right politics remains weak

education and work experience (S. Ng and

(Ambrose and Mudde 2015, 217-221). The

Metz 2015, 261). Immigrants are usually at

sparsity of extreme far-right parties in

an economic disadvantage due to improper

Canada

translations by employers regarding the

is

a

result

of

the

robust

multiculturalism policy in Canada and in

foreign

turn

of

Canadian employment. This often leads to

and

underemployment, settling for precarious

Mudde 2015, 213). The inadequacy of the

jobs, or unemployment (S. Ng and Metz

extremist right influence also results in less

2015,

right-wing

multiculturalism because it downgrades

promotes

multicultural

the

policies

development (Ambrose

terrorism

and

violence

qualifications

261).

This

necessary

is

(Ambrose and Mudde 2015, 215). In fact,

immigrants’

there are two main factors that cause less

compared

to

influence

Second,

multicultural

of

the

far

right.

First,

the

a

threat

socio-economic their

for

country

to

status of

as

origin.

policies

are

tolerance of Canadians towards immigrant

implemented throughout Canada with the

and minority groups is 84% compared to

notable exception of Quebec. As quoted by

61% as reported by the OECD (Ambrose

Louise

and

tolerant

member of parliament, multiculturalism is

attitude reduces the demand for far-right

“not a Quebec value” (Ambrose and Mudde

representation sinceCanada has one of the

2015,

highest immigration rates in the world and

nationalism has led to the implementation

foreign-born

residents

of assimilation laws like Bill 21 – which

(Ambrose and Mudde 2015, 218). Second,

bans wearing religious symbols at work –

the sanctions on right-wing extremism are

and Bill 96, which would make French the

high. Sections 318-319, as discussed in the

only language needed to work in the

previous paragraph, of the Criminal Code

province. These laws challenge Canada’s

reduce

official

Mudde

2015,

the

222).

This

population

motivation

to

practice

Beaudoin,

226).

a

Parti

Quebecois

Additionally,

multiculturalism

and

Quebec

question

xenophobia, racial discrimination, or any

Quebec’s position in Canada’s multicultural

form of exclusion in Canadian society

identity.

(Ambrose

and

Mudde

2015,

221-224).

Despite the recent uprisings with Quebec

Canada is relatively tolerant as compared

nationalism,

to other countries in the world, however,

multiculturalism

there are a few notable exceptions to this

multiculturalism is embraced by Canadians

claim.

because of heavy institutional intervention

there

is in

net

support

Canada.

for

Overall,

While there is a minority opposing

in the development and implementation of

multiculturalism that leads to ideological

multicultural policies and programs. First,

differences at the national level, the scale

this support is achieved through effective

of impact is not profound. Despite the

public policy (Canadian Multiculturalism

15

Act – 1988) and the codification of an

S. Ng, Eddy, & Isabel Metz. (2015). Multiculturalism as a Strategy for National Competitiveness: The Case for Canada and

inclusive Canadian identity. Second, as a result

of

laws

and

rights

Australia. J Bus Ethics, 128, 253-266. DOI 10.1007/s10551-014-

(anti-

2089-8

discriminatory laws) that deter far-right extremists’

sentiments,

promote

multiculturalism

supported.

Finally

generally

supported

policies

discrimination, a comparative law perspective – Canada.

remain

multilculturalism as

Sheppard, Colleen. (2020). The principles of equality and non-

that

European

Parliamentary

Research

Service,

1-64.

https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/STUD/2020/6

is

59362/EPRS_STU(2020)659362_EN.pdf

government

programs (for settlement and integration)

Uberoi,

and investment in public spaces provide a

Nationhood: The 1988 Canadian Multiculturalism Act. Canadian Journal

channel for immigrant expression and

Varun. of

(2016).

Political

Legislating

Multiculturalism

Science,

49

(2),

and

267–287.

doi:10.1017/S0008423916000366.

cultural interaction. While there is support Zhu, Yidan. (2015). Brokering Identity and Learning Citizenship:

for immigration in Canada, there will be continuous

efforts

to

improve

Immigration

civic

participation, immigrant integration, and policies.

Citations: Ambrose,

Emma,

Nationalism

&

and

and

Cas

the

Mudde.

Absence

Ethnic

of

Politics,

(2015). the

Canadian Far

21(2),

Right.

213-236.

https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2015.1032033 Berry, John W. (2013). Research on multiculturalism in Canada. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 37, 663-675. DOI - 10.1016/j.ijintrel.2013.09.005.

Bushell, Riley, & John Shields. (2018). Immigrant Settlement Agencies in Canada: A Critical Review of the Literature through the Lens of Resilience. Migration and Resilience in Urban

Canada,

1-70.

https://bmrc-

irmu.info.yorku.ca/files/2018/10/ISAs-A-Critical-Review2018-JSRB-edits-Oct-9-2018.pdf G. Reitz, Jeffrey. (2012). The distinctiveness of Canadian immigration experience. Patterns of Prejudice, 46 (5), 518538. https://doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2012.718168.

Galanakis, Michail. (2013). Intercultural Public Spaces in Multicultural Toronto. Canadian Journal of Urban Research, 22 (1), 67-89. https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/26193926 Government of Canada. “Guide to the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.” https://www.canada.ca/en/canadianheritage/services/how-rights-protected/guide-canadiancharter-rights-freedoms.html K. Wood, Patricia, & Liette Gilbert. (2005). Multiculturalism in Canada: Accidental Discourse, Alternative Vision, Urban Practice. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research,

29

(3),

679-91.

Organizations

14(3), 9-19. DOI 10.2390/jsse-v14-i3-1403

nation-building through multiculturalism

Multiculturalism

Settlement

and

New

Chinese

Immigrants in Canada. Journal of Social Science Education,

https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-

2427.2005.00612.x

16

THE EFFECTS OF THE RCMP’S POLICING ON INDIGENOUS SELF-DETERMINATION IN CANADA CLOVER CHEN

Peoples (UNDRIP). Article 3 states that Indigenous self-determination includes the freedom to determine political status and the freedom to pursue “economic, social and

cultural

development”

(United

Nations, 2007, p. 3). In Canada, the right to Indigenous self-government is protected under section 35 of the 1982 Constitution Act (Reinders, 2019, p. 3). The Canadian government

has

consistently

published

documents to implement UNDRIP, such as the 1996 Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP) final report, the 2015 Truth The Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP),

and

Reconciliation

Commission

of

initially called the North-West Mounted Police,

Canada’s (TRC) final report, and the 2021

was

Bill

founded

by

Prime

Minister

John

A.

C-15,

but

does

not

address

the

Macdonald in 1873 for the express purpose of

interfering

controlling and displacing Indigenous peoples

RCMP.

(Lajtman, 2020). To what extent does policing,

government’s

in practice and in policy, affect Indigenous self-

UNDRIP and affirm the Indigenous right

determination movements in Canada? I argue

to self-sovereignty, its policy documents

that

with

and action plans fail to emphasize the

Indigenous self-determination in three ways:

principal role the RCMP plays in exercising

policing affects the perception, criminalisation,

state power against

the

RCMP’s

policing

interferes

and victimisation of Indigenous peoples. To relationship

between

Indigenous

Despite

RCMP

self-

of

all

of

efforts

Indigenous

illustrate my argument, I will first contextualise the

factors

policing

by

the

Canadian’s

to

implement

self-determination.

historically

the

and

The

presently

antagonized Indigenous communities as

determination and the RCMP in Canada with

agents of colonialism. Canada’s action

history and policy. I will then elaborate on each

plans and policies should provide special

of the three factors.

care to address the role of policing because both

Given the history and policy context of the

the

historical

relationship

self-determination, Canada must first address

Indigenous Nations have implications that

the role of the RCMP to implement and affirm

interfere with implementing UNDRIP and

the Indigenous right to self-determination. In

contradict

2007, the right to Indigenous self-determination

affirmations

was formally codified, in Article 3 of the United

determination.

Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous

government policy and reports fail to take

the

the

present

relationship between policing and Indigenous

17

between

and

Canadian of

RCMP

and

government’s

Indigenous

Specifically,

self-

Canadian

into account the following three factors that interfere with Indigenous self-determination.

First, the RCMP constructs a perception of Indigenous peoples as a domestic terror threat through

strategic

surveillance

incapacitation

of

Indigenous

and

activists.

Indigenous movements that protect their selfdetermination are seen as disruptive to the extractive industries central to the Canadian economy because Indigenous protests tend to challenge

settler-colonial

land

allocation,

resource use, and supply chains (Dafnos et al., 2016, p. 332). As a result, the state responds with strategic incapacitation policing strategies from the RCMP that are pre-emptive, target

Criminalisation of Indigenous peoples occurs

Indigenous groups, and label them as threats

through the colonial values and practices

for social control (Howe & Monaghan, 2018, p.

embedded

326). A key instance of such targeted risk

instance,

assessment strategies is the RCMP’s secret 2018,

p.

326).

Project

to

(Howe

illustrated

&

Monaghan, 2018, p. 333). The targeted noncriminal surveillance by the RCMP in Project SITKA and the lack of transparency with such types of investigations illustrate how the policing of Indigenous peoples antagonizes Inidgenous self-determination and therefore interferes with Canada’s implementation of Second, the RCMP plays an active role in UNDRIP.

peoples’

social

and

which

Indigenous

political

rights.

Criminalization is used as a state tool to maintain social order, reinforce the moral boundaries of the state, and racialize those moral boundaries to exclude certain groups (Hocking & Cunneen, 2005, p. 50).

in

prophecy. the

effect

is

overrepresentation

of

system (Cunneen, 2011).

and criticisms of settler colonialism (Howe &

contaminates

Indigenous

This

17% of inmates in the federal penitentiary

for surveillance based on their political beliefs

systematically

control

are only 3% of Canada’s total population but

and targeted Indigenous activists and groups

peoples,

and

system in Canada, where Indigenous people

investigation breadth extended past just crime

Indigenous

in

Indigenous people in the criminal justice

Monaghan, 2018, p. 333). Notably, the RCMP’s

criminalizing

coerce

self-fulfilling

“threaten public order” to frontline officers databases

practice

to targeted Indigenous criminalization in a

profiles of Indigenous activists most likely to police

aforementioned

For

communities. Pre-emptive surveillance leads

collect personal information on and sent 89

other

institutions.

rationalized by colonial value systems that aim

SITKA

depended on surveillance and databanking to

and

the

policing

Project SITKA of pre-emptive surveillance is

operation entitled Project SITKA (Howe & Monaghan,

in

18

Crosby, A. (2021). The racialized logics of settler colonial

Indigenous peoples are targeted and thus both

policing: Indigenous ‘Communities of Concern’ and critical

racialised and criminalised in Canada by the RCMP.

Indigenous

infrastructure

criminalization

undermines the political rights and social participation

of

Indigenous

role

in

criminalising

Canada.

Settler

Colonial

Studies,

1–20.

Crosby, A. A., & Monaghan, J. (2018). Policing Indigenous

individuals

Movements:

(Hocking & Cunneen, 2005, p. 51). The RCMP’s

in

https://doi.org/10.1080/2201473x.2021.188442

Dissent

and

the

Security

State.

Fernwood

Publishing.

Indigenous

Cunneen, C. (2011). Indigeneity, Sovereignty and the Law:

people must then be addressed for Canada to

Challenging the Processes of Criminalisation. South Atlantic

implement Indigenous self-determination.

Quarterly, 110(2), 309–327. https://doi.org/10.1215/003828761162471

Third, the RCMP systemically and directly

Dafnos, T., Thompson, S., & French, M. (2016). Surveillance and

victimizes Indigenous peoples to violence.

the Colonial Dream: Canada’s Surveillance of Indigenous Self-

Systemically, the RCMP’s policing fails to

Determination. National Security, Surveillance and Terror, 319–

protect and serve Indigenous peoples. Such

342. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-43243-4_14

failure is evident in how Indigenous peoples

Heath-Rawlings, J. (Host). (2021, October 22). The Big Story

are three times more likely to be victims of

[Audio

podcast].

CityNews

Ottawa.

crime and five times more likely to be victims

https://ottawa.citynews.ca/the-big-story/the-myth-of-the-

of a sexual offense than non-Indigenous

mountie-and-how -it-prevents-rcmp-reform-4540257.

people (Cunneen, 2011). As well, the RCMP’s

Hocking, B., & Cunneen, C. (2005). Consensus and Sovereignty:

policing has historically acted as an oppressive

Rethinking

force

to

frequent

Indigenous cases

Indigenous

of

RCMP

people,

Indigenous

girls

communities,

with

harassment

particularly

(Lajtman,

2020,

of

to

disproportionately

in

the

Light

Unfinished

of

Indigenous

constitutional

Self-

business?:

Aboriginal Studies Press.

Howe, M., & Monaghan, J. (2018). Strategic incapacitation of

5).

indigenous dissent: Crowd theories, risk management, and settler Colonial Policing. Canadian Journal of Sociology, 43(4),

Directly, the RCMP victimises Indigenous peoples

In

Rethinking Indigenous Self-Determination (pp. 47–60). essay,

young p.

Policing

determination.

325–348. https://doi.org/10.29173/cjs29397.

frequent

instances of police violence historically and

Kiedrowski, J., Jones, N. A., & Ruddell, R. (2017). ‘Set up to fail?’

presently. The RCMP’s current unwarranted

An Analysis of Self-Administered Indigenous Police Services in

aggressive

response

to

Wet'suwet'en

Canada.

land

Police

Practice

and

Research,

18(6),

584–598.

https://doi.org/10.1080/15614263.2017.1363973

defenders is an example of direct violence Lajtman, B. (2020). State Sanctioned Violence: The Relationship

(Armao, 2021). Thus, the RCMP’s victimisation

of the RCMP and Indigenous Canadians. The Journal of

of Indigenous peoples violates not only the

Historical Studies, 9(1), 1–16.

Indigenous right to self-determination, but is a

Nettelbeck, A., & Smandych, R. (2010). Policing Indigenous

direct and systemic threat to the personal

Peoples on Two Colonial Frontiers: Australia’s Mounted Police

security and safety of Indigenous peoples as

and Canada’s North-West Mounted Police.

well. It is then crucial to address the RCMP’s participation

in

this

victimisation

to

implement UNDRIP.

Citations: Armao, M. (2021, December 21). Canada sides with a pipeline, violating Wet'suwet'en laws - and its own. Grist. Retrieved March 22, 2022, from https://grist.org/indigenous/wetsuwetenland-defenders/ Canada, G. E., & Dussault, R. Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. Ottawa: The Commission (1996).

19

Porter, A. (2016). Decolonizing Policing: Indigenous Patrols, Counter-Policing and Safety. Theoretical Criminology, 20(4), 548– 565. https://doi.org/10.1177/1362480615625763 Proulx, C. (2014). Colonizing Surveillance: Canada Constructs an Indigenous Terror Threat. Anthropologica, 56(1), 83–100.

Reinders, K. (2019). A Rights-based Approach to Indigenous Sovereignty,

Self-determination

and

Self-government

in

Canada. Studies by Undergraduate Researchers at Guelph Journal, 11. https://doi.org/10.21083/surg.v11i0.4389.

Reinders, K. (2019). A Rights-based Approach to Indigenous Sovereignty,

Self-determination

and

Self-government

in

Canada. Studies by Undergraduate Researchers at Guelph Journal, 11. https://doi.org/10.21083/surg.v11i0.4389.

Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada interim report. Winnipeg: Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. (2012).

United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs.

United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

(2007).

20

OP-ED: THE LORDS OF SILICONE VALLEY Zed Hoffman-Weldon

This is the era where grifters become kings. Consider Silicon Valley. One struggles to think of a time in history when so many useless inventions were gathered in one place.

There’s the trafficky tunnel with no fire suppression exclusively for cars known to combust into difficult-to-quench chemical fires. There’s the mysterious new era of the web that will supposedly integrate cyberspace with an extremely slow, fraud-prone technology best known for hosting ten thousand “unique” drawings of the same derivative ape. And there is, of course, “the metaverse.” Instead of solving real problems, the technology barons have turned their eye to labour exploitation. Silicon Valley’s embrace of the absurd and authoritarian germinated a resistance: Now, it is time to fight back.

21

Amazon disallowed peeing (1). In the

by its growing power (6). Scandals around

past six years, Silicon Valley has been

political

misinformation

riven with labour scandals, most notably,

suppression, like Facebook’s Cambridge

the revelation that Amazon did not let

Analytica

drivers take breaks to pee in tandem with

political role of internet platforms into

the increased prominence of outspokenly

the

anti-rich politicians (2). This revealed to

awareness about the role of the internet in

the American public that Silicon Valley

politics

takes labour relations cues from the Pinkertons. The industry has now been

grapple with their own role in politics (7).

The technology sector now owns public

forced to repress worker rights quietly.

space. Politicians disseminate information

There is the Amazon tactic, interfering

through official Twitter accounts, Twitch

with the union vote to force a second vote

streamers

that is more difficult for the union to

manipulation

win3; the Google tactic, covertly firing

Public

engineers who lead union pushes (4); and

interaction, has shifted almost entirely

the Microsoft tactic, buying competitors

online,

to suck the energy out of their union

controlled

pushes before the virus can spread.

corporations. It’s an adage that the news is

scandal,

spotlight. has

the

social by

the

growing

platforms

politics, the

voter

thrown

public’s

happens

space,

socially

The union push in Silicon Valley is a

talk

to

have

The

forced

and

and

on

site media

voter

Facebook.

of

political

ecosystems

terrifyingly

constructed—out

to

of

large all

the

result of the failure of tech’s utopian

world’s events, journalists and editors

vision. Companies, like Google, that used

select ones that go on to become news.

to encourage dissent among employees

Social media companies have not only the

with

and

power to construct the news, they also

answer sessions have had their visions of

have the power to construct reactions to

benevolent capitalism dashed against the

the news. Facebook and its ‘family of apps’

reality that in order to succeed in an evil

have begun to censor content on their

world, not being evil isn’t always an

platforms. This has largely been far-right

option (5). Companies that were founded

content, but the companies also have

to solve specific problems, like Tesla, have

censored left-wing content they deem

weekly

rapidly

executive

devolved

into

question

‘extreme,’ like criticism of Zionism (8).

grift-factories

This is Facebook thinking like a state: it

because their innovations do not work.

has created a monopoly on discourse (9),

Teslas in tunnels are not going to solve the

and uses that monopoly to allow and

climate crisis. The Lords of Silicon Valley

disallow kinds of politics. Platforms like

fell for their own hype, and union busting

Facebook

is a tantrum after realizing they aren’t

completely

special.

This

tantrum

consequences:

has as

do

this

in

a

unaccountable:

way If

that

is

Twitter

thinks you’re too extreme, you have no

unintended

recourse for being banned. It’s a private

technological

platform.

monetization creeps deeper into the lives of citizens outside the tech sector, the

This is the antithesis of democracy. In a

plight of tech sector workers has become

democracy, citizens enjoy rough political

politically emblematic of the industry’s

equality through which rule by the people

danger. Now, even citizens not employed

means one person, one vote, one voice

by the industry feel threatened

(10). In this new ‘private commons,’ Mark

22

Zuckerberg controls who gets to have a voice. If Facebook or Twitter don’t like what you’re saying, you don’t get to say it.

Facebook and Twitter have set themselves up as feudal lords, ruling over patches of public space and demanding personal data as fealty (11).

The

economy

has

never

been

democratically controlled, and the rise of tech

barons

grotesquerie

is of

simply

markets

the

running

latest wild.

Politicians, like Senator Bernie Sanders, who have called for breaking up Facebook

7 Facebook’s 2018 hiring of Nick Clegg, and his 2022 promotion is an excellent example. See also LeGuin, Ursula K. (1968). A Wizard of Earthsea. Parnassus. pp. 83-84.

8 Biddle, Sam. (2021, May 14). “Facebook’s Secret Rules About the Word ‘Zionist’ Impede Criticism of Israel.” The Intercept. https://theintercept.com/2021/05/14/facebook-israel-zionistmoderation/ 9. The parallel is with the State’s monopoly on violence. See critically Weber, Max. (1919). “Politics as a Vocation.” Munich, https://open.oregonstate.education/sociologicaltheory/chapter /politics-as-a-vocation/, and Dunleavy, Patrick and O’Leary, Vincent. (1987). Theories of the State: The Politics of Liberal Democracy. MacMillan. pp.138, 143, 148- 152.

10 Dewey, John. (1939). “Creative Democracy: The Task Before Us.”

https://www.philosophie.uni-muenchen.de/studium/

are missing the point. The problem isn't

das_fach/warum_phil_ueberhaupt/dewey_creative_democrac

that one company controls public space,

y.pdf. See also Coppedge et al. (2011). “Conceptualizing and

the problem is that the public does not

Measuring Democracy: A New Approach.” Perspectives on Politics, 9(2), 247-267.

control it. These platforms should be expropriated democratic

and

brought

control

where

under basic

protections, like free speech, apply, and citizens have a voice if they don’t like the governance

of

the

platform.

Our

11 For an elucidation of this dynamic, see critically Zuboff, Shoshana. (2015). “Big Other: Surveillance capitalism and the prospect of an information civilization.” Journal of Information Technology, 30, 75-89.

12 See generally Dewey, John. (1927). The Public and Its Problems. Holt.

democracies are flawed, but they are leagues

better

than

having

no

accountability at all (12).

Citations: 1. British Broadcasting Corporation. (2021, April 4). “Amazon Apologizes for wrongly denying employees need to urinate in

bottles.”

https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-

56628745 2 The paradigmatic example is Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt).

3 Selyukh, Alina. (2022, February 4). “Amazon workers in Alabama begin second union vote. Here’s how it happened.”

National

Public

Radio

https://www.npr.org/2022/02/04/1078358112/amazonworkers-in-alabama-vote-for-a-2nd-time on-whether-theywant-a-union 4. British Broadcasting Corporation. (2020, December 3).

“Google fired employees for union activity, says US agency.” https://www.bbc.com/news/technology-55173063 5. Tiku, Nitasha. (2019, August 13). “Three Years of Misery inside Google, the Happiest Company in Tech.” Wired. https://www.wired.com/story/inside-google-three-yearsmisery-happiest-company-tech/ 6. See generally Diebert, Ronald. (2020). Reset: Reclaiming the internet for civil society. House of Anansi.

22

INDIVIDUALISM IN CANADIAN AND AMERICAN POLITICAL CULTURES Julia Parado Gavieta

Political culture is a generalized pattern representing the citizens’ attitudes and values regarding their political institutions (Adams and Nesbitt-Larking 2012. 6; Yoon 2010, 13). Historical experiences shape these fundamental ideas that later affect the political system (2010, 14). Political cultures exist on a spectrum ranging from individualistic to collectivist, so there is often a struggle between them in most political cultures (2010, 21; Adams and Nesbitt-Larking

2012,

8).

Through

an

investigation of Canadian and American Since

its

conservative

conception,

political

the

Despite

recent

trends

obedience.

of

increasing

(US)

remains

significantly

between the individual and the group.

more

intensified

Individualism

asserts

independent

of

that

each

people

other,

are

while

collectivism claims that people depend on

individualistic than Canada since the Trump administration

this

collectivism hinges on the relationship

individualism in both countries, the United States

express

The core definition of individualism and

embedded collectivistic elements of group and

will

section.

than its American counterpart due to its selflessness

I

ideological dichotomy in the following

Canadian political culture is less individualistic

responsibility,

cultures,

each

pre-existing

other

(2010,

39).

Hence,

individualism promotes a society where

neoliberal beliefs of personal responsibility,

people only protect themselves and their

selfishness and rebellion. First, I define and

loved

establish a set of criteria to assess the degree of

ones

(2010,

29).

However,

collectivism creates a society where people

individualism or collectivism in a political

belong to groups that protect them in

culture. Next, I describe how the US and

exchange for their loyalty (2010, 29).

Canada’s diverging state-formation cultivated different political cultures, with neoliberalist

Based on Yoon’s (2020) identified

attitudes in Americans and socialist beliefs

traits for individualism and collectivism,

among Canadians. Last, I research the ongoing

this essay categorizes them into three

individualistic trend in Canada and the US and

broad

reveal similar growing distrust in society.

responsibility,

Although Canadians and Americans possess

and

individualistic elements, there is still a gap

responsibility, selfishness, and rebellion

between these two that has distinguished them

are

since the beginning.

group responsibility, selflessness, and

24

themes:

personal/group

selfishness/selflessness,

rebellion/obedience. individualistic

traits.

Personal Meanwhile,

obedience

are

collectivistic

Personal/group whether

the

individual

features.

(1)

refers

to

responsibility

protection alone

costs

or

lie

the

on

the

state.

(2)

Selfishness/selflessness refers to the tolerance for people beyond one’s immediate group, such

as

family

and

friends.

(3)

Rebellion/obedience measures the degree of compliance and trust towards authority and society.

By

analyzing

a

political

culture

through these categories, I determine that Americans lean more towards individualism than Canadians.

As a result, welfare provisions that benefit the

Collectivism in Canada and

whole group, such as accessible education and

Individualism in the US

healthcare, are largely ignored (Regilme 2019,

Canada is fundamentally more collectivistic than

the

US

formations.

due

to

These

eventually

their

initial

ideological

sprouted

into

158). Ultimately, the free market encourages

state

selfishness through the well-enforced notion

beginnings

their

that people should only care for their own

current

gains—independent of social obligations and

ideological status. Dalton argues that the American

Revolution

created

two

state control.

new

Neoliberalism’s erosion of the welfare state

countries: the classical liberals in the US and

equates to the decline of the collectivistic

the Whigs in Canada (Dalton 2019). Thus, the classical

liberals

revolutionary

in

the

heritage

US

provided

that

society as it creates a collective identity for

a

citizens to identify with (Ventura 2012, 29).

encouraged

The welfare state provides social services to its

distrust in the state and emphasized individual

members,

rights (2019). Meanwhile, the Whigs in Canada endowed

the

conservative

heritage

(2019).

Thus,

classical

neoliberalism or

historical

persistence

basic

foundations

of

in

family

the

through

ventures,

economic

neoliberalism

collective

independent shifting

social

sphere.

fosters

Therefore,

individualistic

competition between people as it refuses to

regulation (Ventura 2012, 10). These beliefs are because

this

these responsibilities, people need to compete

American

private property and freedom from state individualistic

dismantles

individual alone (Ventura 2019, 29). To afford

liberalism include its classical liberal beliefs in

inherently

identity

responsibilities and costs from the state to the

of

collectivism in Canadian politics.

The

her

entrepreneurial

the Whigs cultivated Canadian socialism— the

shared

identity by supporting the individual and his

liberals

developed into American neoliberalism, and highlighting

a

through their shared assistance. However,

that

respected the state and underlined collective solidarity

producing

provide social provisions.

they

promote personal responsibility separated from

Compared to American neoliberalism’s weak

the state. Neoliberalism magnifies these beliefs

welfare system, the Canadian socialist culture

through its increasingly privatized economic

embraces

sphere through a self-regulating market for

conservative Whig heritage, Canadian socialist

individuals to act freely.

culture derived its collectivistic sentiments.

25

its

welfare

state.

From

its

Although

Whiggery

eventually

declined

to still support general redistribution (Banting

everywhere, it endured longer in Canada and

2010,

later influenced Toryist ideas of the common

universal

good (Horowitz 1966, 1520-152; 159). Thus,

collectivistic notions in Canada because this

Canadian socialism enables the welfare state by

group responsibility creates a group identity

emphasizing public good over private freedoms,

through interdependence. Therefore, most

highlighting

and

Canadians are selfless compared to Americans

selflessness. Additionally, Canadian socialism’s

because they tolerate “strangers,” extending

welfare system encourages obedience toward

group responsibility beyond themselves and

authority because citizens must recognize and

their immediate families.

comply

group

with

a

responsibility

centralized

authority’s

redistribution of welfare aid. Although Canadian socialism

does

not

encompass

the

entire

Canadian political culture, social democratic parties

possess

continuous

influence

at

all

government levels. For example, there is the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation party in British Columbia and the New Democrat Party at the federal level (1966, 149). Therefore, Canada contains a collectivistic spirit in its political culture, pushing the state to provide for the common good.

804).

This

shared

healthcare

Overall,

expectation

further

Canadian

of

cements

society

is

more

collectivistic than the highly individualistic American society. American neoliberalism is fundamentally based on individualistic ideas that

promote

selfishness

personal

and

Canadian

responsibility,

rebellion.

socialism

Meanwhile,

promotes

group

responsibility, selflessness, and obedience to the state. First, the US’ economic freedoms weaken

welfare

supports

and

encourage

individuals to be “selfish” and responsible for only themselves and their close relations.

Contrastingly, Canada’s promotion of welfare policies cultivates group responsibility and selflessness. Everyone relies on the state for social provisions and thus, tolerates everyone receiving the same social benefits. Second, the US’ weaker welfare systems also indicate rebellion

rather

authority

compared

welfare

state,

than

which

to

obedience

toward

Canada’s

stronger

requires

obedience

towards the state as citizens need to comply with

identity among citizens through their shared (2014)

describes

redistribution

of

Increasing Individualism in Canada

social protections from the government. For Prince

government’s

benefits.

In Canada, the welfare state creates a shared

instance,

the

and the US?

Canada’s

Recent data suggest Canada and the US are

universal healthcare as a defining feature of its

moving

national identity because it permeates every

towards

individualism

due

to

declining trust in the government and society.

individual, unifying Canadians under the same

Nonetheless, this trend still demonstrates their

services (351). Access to healthcare for all

fundamental differences because the US is

permanent residents is a widely uncontested

augmenting

subject among Canadians (Banting 2010, 805).

its

pre-existing

individualistic

elements while Canada is undergoing conflict

Although there is a minority that is less

between individualism and collectivism.

supportive of universal healthcare, they tend

26

In the US, Trump exacerbated neoliberalism’s

and detach from social conventions (Osborn

individualistic effects, encouraging rebellion

2019). These ideas align with individualistic

against social morals and the government itself.

features of rebellion against authority and

In Canada, some scholars argue that Canada is

selfishness. Expressive individualism rebels

undergoing a “Progressive’s dilemma” with

against the state or collective by acting upon

rising

multicultural

one’s own selfish interests. Trump exemplifies

identity and its welfare system. However, this

this characteristic in his infamous quote, “grab

section later finds that these frictions remain

’em by the p*ssy” (Makela 2016). He ignores

low due to survey data indicating Canadians'

societal convention that dictates what should

high

and should not be said through his explicit

tensions

group

between

its

responsibility

and

selflessness

towards immigrants.

language. Due to his crude attitude, Trump supporters

Since 2017, President Trump has aggravated

view

him

as

a

champion

of

neoliberalism’s effects, creating socio-political

individualistic virtues (Osborn 2019). Hence,

instability in the US. His presidency increases

Trump amplifies rebellious attitudes among

the welfare state's erosion by promoting a “pro-

Americans, creating a divided culture where

business” strategy that decreases taxes for

his supporters rebel against social morals and

businesses and the economic elites, diminishing

opponents rebel against his government.

the already shrinking welfare aid (2019, 161).

In contrast to the US’ intensification of

These actions further relocate the protection

individualism,

costs

individual,

individualism and collectivism is not as drastic

emphasizing personal responsibility. Moreover,

enough to cause socio-political instability.

since Trump’s administration, public distrust

Some

and rebellion against the American government

experiencing a “Progressive’s dilemma,” the

have steadily climbed. Because the US opts for

tension between “diversity and solidarity” as

“pro-business” ventures over universal welfare,

multiculturalism

economic inequality has increased alongside

cohesiveness (obedience), which is essential to

citizen disdain against Trump and the American

support welfare redistribution (Banting 2010,

government. A 2018 Gallup World Poll Survey

799).

evidence that Americans have reported a low

multicultural countries, there is little tension

average

in

from

of

the

30%

state

to

approval

the

towards

their

Canada’s

scholars

Strangely, public

argue

conflict

that

between

Canada

weakens

as

attitudes

one

of

regarding

is

societal

the

most

national

government (2019, 161). In another 2018 Gallup

harmony and welfare policies (2010, 799).

World

Regardless of the low degree, there is distrust

Poll,

16%

of

Americans

wanted

to

permanently leave the US during the first two

in

years of the Trump administration, almost a 6-

Canadian Election Study found a wide gap

point difference from the Obama (10%) and

among respondents regarding trust level in

Bush (11%) eras (Ray and Esipova 2019). Thus,

their society; 46% of phone respondents and

these statistics exhibit the rebellion against the

69% of online respondents distrusted society

state as Americans become dissatisfied with the

(Breton et al. 2017, 1022). Thus, Canadian

“pro-business” strategy and the eroding welfare.

obedience (trust) in the government is not

the

Canadian

government.

The

2015

image

entirely cohesive but relatively better than the

exemplifies individualism due to his disregard

Americans’ extremely high rebellion (distrust).

for social conventions. Osborn (2019) argues

However, other information depicts the

that Trump represents the crudest form of

endurance of collectivism over individualism

American expressive individualism. Expressive

in Canada. According to a 2019 Gallup World

individualism

Poll, Canada is the most accepting country for

Furthermore,

Trump’s

presents

public

humans

as

self-

indulgent beings that maximize their pleasure

27

immigrants than the US in sixth place (Ray et

Conclusion In conclusion, Canada is more collectivistic than

the

extremely

individualistic

US.

I

explore both political cultures from a macrolevel

through

determine attitudes.

scholarly

any

consensus

to

patterns

of

overarching

Then,

I

research

micro-level

information about individual beliefs towards the government to support or challenge the previously abolished political cultures in the prior section. I create a nuanced assessment of the Canadian and American political cultures through this approach.

American political culture originated from

al.) Although Canadians are more likely to

its

believe immigrants are beneficial for the

Canadians

discrepancy,

generally

support

without

extending

bilingualism

heritage,

and

universal

individualistic

President

US is experiencing socio-political instability as

strategy

Trump

multiculturalism

each

other.

Statistics

reveal

the

for

However,

the

redistribution

Canadians

continue

of to

government

Canada

that

political

welfare.

recent

universal healthcare, a welfare benefit, for all

and

distrust

challenge

expect

and

seemingly

individualism

Canadians are divided in their trust in society —vital

erodes

the

weak

welfare

enticing rebellion among citizens who distrust

may

reduce civil trust in the government and among

further

system, emphasizing personal responsibility and

from the state onto the individual. Meanwhile, growing

necessitating

tension because of growing individualism. The

continuously displaces social responsibilities Canada’s

healthcare,

American and Canadian political cultures face

face

Trump’s

“pro-business”

and

Despite this fundamental difference, the

Regardless of their similar trajectory toward conflicts.

selflessness,

collectivism.

generation.

different

responsibility,

socialism’s

system wherein a centralized state provides

normalization multiculturalism through every

US

Canadian

socialism underlines the Canadian welfare

of immigrants in the welfare system and

the

promoting

obedience towards authority. Thus, Canadian

high selflessness levels through their tolerance

and

influencing

group

above confirms that Canadians still maintain

Canada

control,

culture developed from its conservative Whig

multiculturalism (2010, 809). Thus, the data

individualism,

state

individualism. Meanwhile, Canadian political

the 1960s, Canada has defined its national through

responsibility,

private economy for individuals to act freely

most

redistribution to immigrants (2010, 804). Since identity

personal

cultivating

Hence, neoliberalism fosters the American

preserving cultural differences (Banting 2010, this

birth,

selfishness, and rebellion against a strong state.

likely to promote cultural integration over Despite

liberal

neoliberalism’s

economy, earlier surveys suggest they are

803).

classical

faces

Meanwhile,

friction

collectivism among

welfare

surveys

society.

between as

Canadians

distribution.

evidence

that

sociowill

However, Canadians

continue to welcome immigrants to their

permanent residents, including immigrants,

welfare systems. Thus, the Canadian political

indicating the persistence of selflessness and

culture continues to remain more collectivistic

group responsibility in Canadian culture.

28

than its American counterpart today.

Citations: Adams, Micheal and Nesbitt-Larking, Paul. “Is the Canadian Political Culture Becoming Americanized?” In Crosscurrents: Contemporary Political Issues, edited by Mark Charlton and Paul Barker, 2-34. Toronto: Nelson, 2012.

Banting, Keith G. "Is There a Progressive's Dilemma in Canada? Immigration, Multiculturalism and the Welfare State, Presidential Address to the Canadian Political Science Association, Montreal, June 2, 2010." Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne De Science Politique 43, no. 4 (2010): 797-820. Accessed March 13, 2021. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40983555.

Breton, Charles, Fred Cutler, Sarah Lachance, and Alex Mierke-Zatwarnicki. 2017. “Telephone Versus Online Survey Modes for Election Studies: Comparing Canadian Public Opinion and Vote Choice in the 2015 Federal Election.” Canadian Journal of Political Science 50 (4): 1005–36. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008423917000610.

Dalton, Russell J. "Political Culture and Values." In The United States and Canada: How Two Democracies Differ and Why It Matters, edited by Paul J. Quirk. New York: Oxford University Press, 2019. Oxford Scholarship Online, 2019. Doi: 10.1093/oso/9780190870829.003.0002.

Horowitz, Gad. “Conservatism, Liberalism, and Socialism in Canada: An Interpretation”, Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 32: 2 (1966), 143-171.

Makela, Mark. “Transcript: Donald Trump’s Taped Comments About Women.” The New York Times. October 8, 2016. https://www.nytimes.com/2016/10/08/us/donald-trump-tapetranscript.html.

Prince, Michael J. 2014. “The Universal in the Social: Universalism, Universality, and Universalization in Canadian Political Culture and Public Policy: Universality In Canadian Politics And Public Policy.” Canadian Public Administration 57 (3): 344–61. https://doi.org/10.1111/capa.12075.

Ray, Julie and Esipova, Neli. “Record Numbers of Americans Want to Leave the U.S.” Gallup.

January 4, 2019, https://news.gallup.com/poll/245789/record-numbers-americansleave.aspx.

Ray, Julie, Esipova, Neli, and Tsabuashvili, Dato. “Canada No. 1 for Migrants, U.S. in Sixth Place.” Gallup. September 23, 2020, https://news.gallup.com/poll/320669/canadamigrants-sixth-place.aspx.

Ventura, Patricia. 2012. Neoliberal Culture: Living with American Neoliberalism. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315597751.

Yoon, Kwang-Il. Political Culture of Individualism and Collectivism. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 2010.

29

LOCATING POLITICS: ON THE QUESTION OF INEQUALITY GABRIEL GARBER

30

Inequality, in the most literal sense, is not necessarily a problem. We recognize the inevitable existence of some inequalities and promote other inequalities. I claim multiple different normative claims are often made when discussing wealth inequality. At some points, it seems as though a utilitarian argument is being made that suggests that the wealth of the upper classes is wasting away in their savings accounts. At other points, ‘the problem of inequality describes something closer to the problem of poverty, and the needless suffering that some face. Sometimes the problem of inequality seems to refer to social cohesion. It is often discussed as if the problem is self-evident when in reality multiple problems are being addressed. The point is not to argue which is the real problem — they are all real problems — the point is to realize that they are all symptomatic of larger processes in the economic and political realms. "Wealth inequality" has become a blanket term that attempts to capture all problems in the economic realm. The emphasis on inequality has misidentified the location of politics: the focus should be on the origins of this inequality and the exact location of injustice, which is the process, not the outcome, of political economics.

The descriptive claims of wealth inequality are more or less agreed upon. It is a measurable phenomenon, quantified most recently by Thomas Piketty’s Capital in the Twenty-First Century. To summarize, wealth inequality has been rising since the industrial revolution. After a brief halt to its growth due to welfare policies during the postwar era, it has been on the rise since the 1970s with the introduction of neoliberalism. Piketty’s famous formula, r > g, where r is the return on capital and g is the growth rate, suggests a divergence in wealth over time of capital owners and non-capital owners (Piketty 2014). His formula states that some individuals will see a growth in their wealth higher than the average growth rate of society. Thus, the gap between those with substantial wealth and those without has and will continue to grow. The descriptive accounts of inequality do vary, and it is a subject worth studying, but it is the normative claims that have not received enough attention. A strong normative analysis of inequality would disregard its status as a source of economic problems and would see it rather as an indication of economic problems.

"WEALTH INEQUALITY" HAS BECOME A BLANKET TERM THAT ATTEMPTS TO CAPTURE ALL PROBLEMS IN THE ECONOMIC REALM. Piketty focuses on outcomes because he avoids the factors at play in the process. First, the concept of bargaining plays no role in his model. Second, Piketty conflates wealth with capital, which is to say Piketty does not view certain forms of wealth as more productive than others. The inclusion of the two aforementioned factors would allow Piketty to better analyze the process, but their exclusion results in a limited account focused only on outcomes. Varoufakis demonstrates the problem with Piketty’s sole focus on outcomes through a comparison to Robert Nozick’s famous critique of John Rawls.

31

Rawls argues that if one were to consider

accordance with their will. Freedom means

the

resources

that we can pursue our preferred objectives,

objectively, one would seek to maximize the

interests, and outcomes. The working class’

circumstances of the least advantaged. Thus,

current lack of decision-making abilities is an

Rawls promotes redistribution until the

unfreedom. It limits the degree to which one

point at which more redistribution would

can

be damaging. In other words, Rawls claims

outcomes as well as the degree to which one

that inequality is only justified if it helps the

can shape the rules and environment in which

least

this

one operates. Most people tend to lack the

theory of justice on the grounds that it

freedom to produce what they want, produce

limits freedom. Nozick claims that in Rawls’

how they want, produce for how long they

theory, no action that skews this optimal

want, and so on. These injustices may be

distribution

Nozick

discovered in the outcome, but they are

suggests that people ought to be able to

located in the process. They are the source of

have choice, even if their choice skews the

unjust results.

optimal

division

advantaged.

would

of

Nozick

be

critiques

allowed.

optimal distribution. The critique is that Rawls’

theory

limits

people’s

pursue

one’s

individually

preferred

Thus, it is not simply that a just process will

decision-

lead to a just outcome, but that a just process

making capacity; a Rawlsian world must be

can lead to a diversity of outcomes. Rather

static and inactive: “The simple-minded

than pursue an ideal outcome, we should

point [Nozick] made — a point that Marx

promote the capacities of people to pursue

had essentially made before — was that

the outcome of their choosing; that is to say,

what matters is not so much the outcome,

optimize the power and freedom people can

it’s the process” (Varoufakis 2014). Piketty’s

have over their own lives. This allows for a

focus on changing the distribution of wealth

politics of versatility, activity, and freedom. It

ignores the importance of process, just like

is with this in mind that I am arguing for a

Rawls. Piketty’s world is also static and

politics of process.

inactive: it is a just process, not outcome,

Consider the following objection in favour

that should be pursued.

of outcome-based solutions. Even if the

Inequality itself is not injustice; the lack

outcomes

of power and freedom in the economic

of

the

economic

realm

are

symptomatic of its process, they themselves

process is the injustice, which produces the

can still be damaging, and thus policy directed

outcome of inequality as its symptom. The

at results is still needed. Symptoms too cause

problematic reality is that decision-making

harm, and therefore also need to be corrected.

power during the process of production is

This objection often recognizes its limits

currently in the hands of a small minority.

when its application is attempted. Even when

The power dynamics of the economic

one is applying a policy directed at an

process are best exemplified by bargaining

outcome, they must know the process to be

power. As J.W. Mason and others point out,

able to apply their policy. I claim that results-

it is strength in workers’ bargaining power

oriented thinkers, in the stage of theorizing

(which Piketty does not consider) that has

ideal outcomes, tend to not only ignore the

led to the moments of least inequality

problems in the process but ignore the reality

(Mason 2015). Or consider the lack of

of a process itself — as is the case with Rawls

freedom that Nozick discusses. Freedom is

and Piketty. The only problem as it appears to

the ability to shape one’s life, and to an

them is that the policy that would create the

extent, shape one’s surroundings in

32

the best outcome has yet to be implemented,

Piketty sees a house on fire, sees the valuable

without asking if there is a reason why it has

items being burnt, and thus suggests that the

not or could not be implemented. This leads

items be removed from the house. He does

to an uncontentious vision of the process of

not realize that one cannot do this while the

economics and politics — which is the actual

house is on fire; and that if one could remove

location of political conflict and the actual

the valuable items (i.e., if the house were not

source of unjust outcomes. Indeed, many

on fire), the problem would already be solved

tend to presuppose a just process, without

and there would be no need to remove the

realizing that if such a process existed, the

items to begin with.

very results they want to change may never

For those arguing against the injustice of our

have developed in the first place.

economic circumstances, "wealth inequality"

Let us clarify this point with Piketty’s

has become the all-encompassing slogan. As

suggestion of a global wealth tax. Wealth

such, it becomes the focus of our attention. It

usually goes untouched by taxation — a

then becomes the sole issue that requires

wealth tax could change this. A global wealth

solutions, and its roots are either assumed or

tax triumphs over capital’s ability to avoid

forgotten. Our attention is misplaced. Wealth

taxation by moving across borders to find

inequality is the unjust outcome of an unjust

states with the most favourable taxes. The

process. Changing the focus away from the

existence of a global wealth tax would be a

outcome of inequality toward the economic

positive, but it should not be represented as

process can achieve the evasion of the dead

the solution to inequality. This is not because

end that Piketty and others have run into. The

its implementation is impossible; rather, the

divergence of wealth across classes is unjust,

actual victory would be achieved prior to the

unhealthy, and perhaps unsustainable, but it

implementation of the policy. The victory

is nevertheless a symptom of injustice of the

would be the creation of a world where such

economic

a policy can be implemented. Zizek, in

outcome of divergence as symptomatic of

response to Piketty, notes that a global wealth

unjust processes, and these processes as the

tax would require a global power that

location of political conflict.

process.

We

should

view

the

transcends the sovereignty of nation-states, is capable of accurately tracking capital, and

Citations:

can implement and enforce the tax (Zizek 2015). The creation of this global power that

Mason, J. W. 2015. “It's Bargaining Power All the Way Down.”

Crooked Timber. https://crookedtimber.org/2015/12/15/its-

can reliably track and control capital would

bargaining-power-all-the-way-down/.

be the substantial victory (Zizek 2015). Thus, the

suggestion

of

a

global

wealth

Sierakowski, Slawomir. 2015. “Utopia and Its Discontents.”

tax

Los Angeles Review of Books.

presupposes that the actual political victory is

https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/utopia-discontents-

already accomplished and that the process is

slawomir-sierakowski-talks-slavoj-zizek/

perfectly just. If such a political victory had

Piketty, Thomas. 2014. Capital in the Twenty First Century.

already been accomplished and our politics were

without

conflict,

which

is

Translated by Arthur Goldhammer. Harvard University

the

Press.

requirements for this policy, such issues

Varoufakis, Yanis 2014. “Yanis Varoufakis Critiques Thomas

would be nonexistent, making his solutions

Piketty’s Capital in the Twenty-First Century”. Interview by

irrelevant. Piketty is ignorant about the

Andrew Mazzone. Smart Talk with Andrew Mazzone. https://www.youtube

location of politics and potential political victory.

33

SOCIAL MEDIA AND POLITICAL ADVOCACY

by Katherine E. Todd

Where do you get your news, hear about ongoing protests, and see grassroots advocacy in action? Is it on legacy media or your favourite social media platform?

Since its inception in the early 2000s,

and government’s public health measures

social media has become the world’s most

around the world aimed to curb the spread

popular media form (Cosentino, 2020, p.

of the virus, leading to individuals spending

15).

50 to 70% more time on their digital devices

The

popularity

of

social

media

websites took off in the 2000s, with an

in 2020, with 50% of that time being spent

estimated 42% of the global population

on social media (Pandya & Lodha, 2021).

using social media by 2018, compared to

This article will delve into the effects of

the estimated 8% of the global population

these trends and explore how social media’s

that had access to the internet in 2001

use impacts political advocacy by analyzing

(Flew & Iosifidis, 2019, p. 10; Gerbaudo,

how grassroots advocacy groups and

2014, p. 73). The COVID-19 pandemic

34

populists have used such platforms to

spread

awareness

causes.

So, how does social media and its ability to

Moreover, this paper will investigate the

promote alternative discourses relate to

convergence of these groups during the

grassroots

pandemic, and their attempts to spread

highlighted in the Egyptian Revolution in

awareness

2011,

and

of

gain

their

support

for

the

advocacy?

where

the

This

ability

authoritarian

was state’s

Canadian Freedom Convoy in February

perspective dominated legacy news outlets

2022.

and public conversation (Salem, 2014, pp.

180-181). Social media allowed Egyptian

Social Media as a Form of

protestors

Communication of

traditional

communication.

In

channels

the

days

181).

Social media’s algorithms influence the visibility and popularity of social media posts, so users are shown content that matches their interests and online crowds with the same beliefs or interests are formed.

the space in social life where public be

formed,

but

narratives,

with ideas of the state (Salem, 2014, pp. 180-

before

public discourse made up the entirety of could

state

this digitally networked space that competed

of

Facebook and Twitter, legacy media and

opinion

contest

spreading critical views of the state through

Social media is different from other

forms

to

now,

different and more radical opinions are easily found online (Salem, 2014, p. 175; Waisbord, 2018, p. 24). Social media users are instantly connected to one another, allowing ideas to be communicated more quickly than ever before (Gerbaudo, 2018, p.

751;

Skey,

2020).

Social

media’s

During the protests, social media created

algorithms influence the visibility and

space for dissenting opinions that were

popularity of social media posts, so users

otherwise

are shown content that matches their

their

beliefs or interests are formed (Gerbaudo,

Egyptians,

spread

their

for protests (Salem, 2014, pp. 171, 179). As seen

compete for attention, leading to the “online

fellow

share content like photos, videos, and venues

of social media also force content to the

grassroots

messages, form online groups, and instantly

2018, pp. 746, 750). The interactive features

of

These

advocates used social media to mobilize

interests and online crowds with the same

‘gamification’

dismissed.

in this example, social media is a powerful

political

tool that allows grassroots advocates to

experience,” where content creators feed

garner support and spread discourse that

users information in attempts to capture

would not be accepted by legacy media.

their attention (Cosentino, 2020, pp. 4-5, 21; Engesser et al., 2017, p. 1113; Gerbaudo,

Social Media and Populist Advocacy

2014, p. 68). Social media has essentially created “a new form of mass politics” in the

If grassroots advocates can utilize social

last decade, where online crowds can

media to spread their messages and garner

perpetuate

discourses,

support, can populists do this too? Populism

spreading ideas instantly through likes,

refers to a communication style where one

shares, and comments (Gerbaudo, 2014, p.

claims “to speak and act in the name of the

68).

people” (Brubaker, 2017, p. 362). Social

Social Media and Grassroots

media

alternative

allows

populists

to

“feed

their

followers” their own alternative views and

Advocacy 35

avoid

constraints

legacy

share alternative ideas, and plan protests,

media (Flew & Iosifidis, 2019, p. 16). An

members of the Freedom Convoy were able

example of populists using social media

to block streets in Ottawa for three weeks

to advocate their own views is Donald

and the Ambassador Bridge at the Windsor-

Trump’s

Detroit border for over a week (Graham-

2016

imposed

election

by

campaign

(Groshek & Koc-Michalska, 2017, p. 1390;

Harrison

&

Lindeman,

Waisbord, 2018, p. 23). By utilizing social

2022). This protest is the most recent

media, Trump’s campaign was able to

example of social media’s power to promote

share alternative discourses online, create

advocacy; this time, however, grassroots and

groups of supporters, and change the

populist advocacy converged to create a

existing narrative that cast him in a

movement that sparked copycat protests

negative light, while remaining “immune

across

to factual corrections” (Waisbord, 2018,

Lindeman, 2022).

the

globe

2022;

Turnbull,

(Graham-Harrison

&

pp. 24, 26-27). Populism thrives amongst

Takeaways

alternative discourses found on social media that allow populists to connect

In

sum,

social

media

allows

both

directly with ‘the people’ (Engesser et al.,

grassroots

2017,

promote their views. Although this can be

p.

1113).

Donald

Trump’s

2016

and

populist

advocates

to

campaign is just one example of how a

beneficial

populist has used social media to spread

advocates face off against authoritarian

their views, and gain a following.

governments, as we saw in Egypt, it can

political and economic disruptions. Social media is a powerful tool, we just have to

and populist advocacy converged in the

be careful about what it is used for.

form of the Freedom Convoy in Canada.

The Freedom Convoy began as a protest vaccine

mandates

and

Citations:

other

Brubaker, R. (2017). Why populism? Theory and Society, (46),

public health restrictions imposed to

357–385. https://doi-

combat COVID-19 (Turnbull, 2022). A

org.myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/10.1007/s11186-017-9301-7

small minority of Canadians were able to

Carvin, S. (2022, March 5). Stephanie Carvin: How the Freedom

gather and spread awareness of their

Convoy was fuelled by

alternative views on social media (Carvin, Graham-Harrison

&

online activism. The National Post. https://nationalpost.com/opinion/stephanie-carvin-how-the-

Lindeman,

freedom-convoy-was-fuelled-by-online-activism

2022). They were also able to share links fundraising

GoFundMe

and

websites

such

GiveSendGo,

as

Cosentino, G. (2020). Social Media and the Post-Truth World Order The Global

which

Dynamics of Disinformation. Springer International Publishing.

allowed the convoy supporters to raise funds

that

grassroots

the Freedom Convoy that cause major

In February 2022, grassroots advocacy

to

where

like Donald Trump and movements like

COVID-19

2022;

cases

also lead to the election of populist actors

Social Media and Advocacy During

against

in

supported

the

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030- 43005-4_1

movement

Engesser, S., Ernst, N., Esserand, F., & Büchel, F. (2017).

(Carvin, 2022). On GoFundMe alone,

Populism and Social Media:

more than ten million dollars were raised,

How Politicians Spread a Fragmented Ideology. Information, Communication & Society, 20(8), 1109- 1123.

with 86 percent of donations coming from Canadians (Turnbull, 2022). Using social media as a place to congregate,

36

Gerbaudo, P. (2014). Populism 2.0: Social Media Activism, the Generic Internet User and Interactive Direct Democracy. In D. Trottier and C. Fuchs (Eds.), Social Media, Politics and the State (pp. 67-87).

Routledge.

Gerbaudo, P. (2018). Social Media and Populism: An Elective Affinity? Media, Culture and Society, 40(5), 745-752.

Graham-Harrison, E. & Lindeman, T. (2022, February 13). Freedom convoys: legitimate Covid protest or vehicle for darker beliefs. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/feb/13/freedomconvoys-legitimate-covid-protest-or-vehicle-for-darker-beliefs Groshek, J., & Koc-Michalska, K. (2017). Helping Populism Win? Social Media Use, Filter Bubbles, and Support for Populist Presidential Candidates in the 2016 US Election Campaign. Information, Communication and Society, 20(9), 1389-1401.

Pandya, A. & Lodha, P. (2021). Social Connectedness, Excessive Screen Time During COVID-19 and Mental Health: A Review of Current Evidence. Frontiers Institution. https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fhumd.2021.684137/full Salem, S. (2014). Creating Spaces for Dissent The Role of Social Media in the 2011 Egyptian Revolution. In D. Trottier and C. Fuchs (Eds.), Social Media, Politics and the State (pp. 171-188). Routledge.

Skey, M. (2020). Nationalism and Media. State of Nationalism. https://stateofnationalism.eu/article/nationalism-and-media/ Turnbull, S. (2022, March 3). GoFundMe head testifies over Freedom Convoy fundraising, says most donors were Canadian. CTV News. https://www.ctvnews.ca/politics/gofundme-head-testifies-overfreedom-convoy-fundraising-says-most-donors-were-canadian-1.5804094 Waisbord, S. (2018). The Elective Affinity Between Post-Truth Communication and Populist Politics. Communication, Research and Practice, 4(1), 17-34. DOI: 10.1080/22041451.2018.1428928

37

CIA COVERT OPERATIONS: A DIVISIVE FOREIGN POLICY TOOL Ceylan Borgers

The emergence of the Soviet Union as a world power constituted a real threat to the United States’ global hegemony, and would contribute to instability within the world order.

To contain the spread of communism, the United States, via its intelligence service agencies, orchestrated covert operations in countries suspected of aligning themselves with the Soviet Union. The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), as well as other intelligence services, were a crucial asset to American foreign affairs, especially in the field of covert operations. While certain American covert operations were successful, others were detrimental to the United States’ reputation on the world stage and deepened an already present division within global politics. Even though some operations were unsuccessful, this essay will argue that American covert operations were a key asset in influencing domestic and foreign politics, which were, in part, a reaction to the United States’ desire to protect their interests in the face of the rise of

38

communism during the Cold War. This

Another important advantage of covert

paper will explore the significance of

operations was the ability of the American

Operation AJAX, Operation PBSUCCESS

government

and Operation ZAPATA during the Cold

involvement in such activities. Plausible

War and determine how the American

deniability was especially crucial as it

intelligence community influenced the

allowed the government to appease both

nature

foreign and domestic interests (Gleijeses,

of

Moreover,

American this

consideration

paper

how

interventionism. will

covert

take

into

to

publicly

deny

their

1995). In fact, a memorandum from the

operations

CIA

to

the

President’s

office

asked

undertaken by the United States have

whether

the

President

would

“want

contributed to the destabilization of states

directly to deny or to avoid denial by

and how their consequences are still felt

using some less direct and therefore

to this day.

inevitably ambiguous form of words” (Barnes,

Covert operations played a key role in

1961).

In

fact,

information

the United States’ efforts to contain the

regarding CIA operations abroad would

spread of communism. In the aftermath

be

of the Second World War, United States’

operations were politically contentious.

intelligence services began operations in

Public knowledge of the role of the

Europe to ensure that communism would

intelligence community’s involvement in

not become the predominant ideology on

foreign interventionism could destabilize

the continent. The American National

domestic politics, as well as affect the

Security Council stated that the United

United States’ diplomatic relations with

States should “preserve and retain as

other

many of its effective allies as possible”

successes of its early missions, as seen

(Lay,

with

1954).

Indeed,

United

States

kept

from

the

countries.

Operation

public,

Despite AJAX

as

the

and

such

early

Operation

to

PBSUCCESS, a few miscalculated steps in

successfully prevent European countries,

Operation ZAPATA would mark the end

such as Italy, from electing a communist

to the widespread use of covert missions

government

as a foreign policy tool.

intelligence

services

were

through

the

able

use

of

“psychological warfare” (Del Pero, 2001).

One of the early successful interventions conducted by the CIA was Operation

The success of the American intelligence services

in

influencing

the

AJAX in Iran, whereby the American

internal

government

politics of foreign nations, as seen in the

Cold

War.

States

Covert

American

compared to other means of foreign such

as

deployment

(Isenberg,

direct 1989).

would

approach

this

situation

would establish a precedent for future

operations had considerable advantages intervention,

overthrow

regime. The manner in which the United

the heightened use of covert operations the

to

Musaddiq and install a pro-American

case of Italy, would mark the beginning of throughout

wanted

administrations.

Not

only

would this particular mission further the

military

importance

Covert

intelligence

operations could be implemented within

of

American

services

foreign

maintaining

the

balance of power for the United States,

a short time-frame, required fewer agents,

but

and were relatively inexpensive (Isenberg,

it

would

also

ensure

American

dominance in a region near the Soviet

1989).

39

Union. Tensions began to rise between

services. In order for Operation Ajax to be

the United States and Iran when their

successful, the various agencies working on

newly

this mission would have to ensure that there

elected

Prime

Minister, to

was enough support against Musaddiq within

Oil

Iran. To this end, the United States “had to

Company (AIOC) (Ruehsen, 1993, pp.

obtain cooperation and confidence from the

467). This plan went against American

Shah” (477), as he would rule over Iran once

interests in the region, as the American

Musaddiq

government was concerned about the rise

Furthermore, another important element of

in global oil prices and how it would

the 1953 organized coup would be the

subsequently affect American industries

“instrumental” role of the street gangs that

(467). Musaddiq’s plans to nationalize

helped garner support against Musaddiq

Iranian oil also stoked fear of the spread

(476). Protests against Musaddiq were led by

of communism in the Middle East. It was

pro-Shah forces, who were able to garner

a generally accepted fact by top US

support from Iranians who were influenced

officials that if “left to themselves…[Iran]

through propaganda orchestrated by the

will welcome communism” (467) even

United

though there was enough evidence to

described

suggest that Musaddiq was not inclined to

Communists” (480). Moreover, the success of

turn Iran into a communist state (469).

Operation AJAX was dependent on the

Despite the clear lack of evidence that

collaboration between the of the CIA and

there

with the Defense Departments (476). The role

Muhammed

Musaddiq,

nationalize

the

was

a

decided

Anglo-Iranian

substantive

“communist

States

removed

and

Musaddiq

power.

Great

Britain

“as

tool

a

the

described as “vital,” as “[t]he Iranian army

situation strictly in Cold War terms” (469)

would have to be won over for there to be

and were nonetheless persuaded that such

any real chance of success” (476). With

a threat was indeed present in Iran (472).

diminished domestic support and growing

The British, who were also affected by

riots that were supported by the police (480),

Musaddiq’s plan to nationalize oil, sent in

Musaddiq was removed from office and

a small military build-up to add pressure

replaced

on

August, 1953.

Operation Ajax proved to be very successful

Iran

to

reverse

its

decision

to

nationalize Iranian oil (468).

rule. The Shah also stated in a meeting with

had accumulated a significant amount of missions

in

Iran

in

regain capital that it lost during Musaddiq’s

Musaddiq called “Operation BOOT” and

intelligence

regime

to Iran” (481) allowing the United States to

(474). MI6 had devised its own plan to oust

its

pro-American

coup, “Western businessmen were flocking

also requested assistance from the CIA

through

a

be

for the United States. Following the 1953

The British’s intelligence service, MI6,

intelligence

by

could

the

“Eisenhower

viewed

department

for

that

of

Dulles

Defense

from

threat” posed by the Iranian government, and

the

was

the American Secretary of State that Iran

human

would also take a strong stance against

(474).

communism within Iran (Dulles, 1954). The

However, British presence in Iran was no

United

longer welcome and could compromise

States

achieved

their

goals

of

containing the spread of communism and

the success of a coup so the United States’

re-establishing American industries within

took a leading role (474). Operation AJAX

the region with minimal financial cost and

was a result of collaboration between

very few agents on the ground. They had

British and American intelligence

plausible deniability as it was not entirely

40

clear, though assumed by a few, that the

Similar to Operation AJAX, the success of

United States was involved in the coup. As

Operation

noted by one French reporter, “the recent

depended on the support of both the

royalist coup d’état was largely inspired, if

Guatemalan people and its military (Rabe,

not

785).

actually

elements,

engineered,

notably

the

by

United

foreign

PBSUCCESS

As

stated

in

in

a

Guatemala

memorandum

States”

addressing the deployment of American

(Ruehsen, 481). Operation AJAX would

military resources in Guatemala, “[the

provide a framework for subsequent

people of Guatemala] are unorganized

covert operations that sought to achieve

and entirely helpless to resist the well-

similar goals. The removal of Musaddiq

planned and executed campaign directed

would have not been possible without the

against them from Moscow” (Holland,

“complicity of numerous Iranian citizens”

1954). This particular type of thinking,

(483). Similarly, the success and failure of

whereby American leadership feared that

Operation PBSUCCESS and Operation

certain developing nations would seek

ZAPATA would also depend on whether

assistance

or not there was enough support within

transcended

the country to remove those countries’

making

leaders.

intervention by the CIA. American air

from

the

Soviet

throughout

process

Union,

the

decision-

regarding

foreign

One year after Operation AJAX and the

support was instrumental in backing the

resulting coup d’état in Iran, the United

Guatemalan military which was a leading

States government attempted to remove

factor

for

Guatemala’s

office

(Streeter,

democratically

elected

Árbenz’s

resignation

2000).

To

from

further

president Jacabo Árbenz in Operation

perpetuate resentment towards Árbenz

PBSUCCESS. The motives to remove

within the general population, the CIA

Árbenz were similar to those in Operation

would use radio and leaflet propaganda

AJAX.

Eisenhower

which was inexpensive and non-invasive

administration fear that Guatemala would

(Nelson, 1998, pp. 506). The use of

become a communist state, but Árbenz’s

paramilitary and propaganda put forth by

leadership

American

the CIA would give the necessary support

investments in the region, most notably

for the Guatemalan army to no longer

the United Fruit Company (Rabe, 2004,

support Árbenz (506).

Not

only

did

the

threatened

pp. 787). As Árbenz implemented a land

While

Operation

PBSUCCESS

was

reform program in 1952, many wealthy

regarded as highly successful, Árbenz’s

landowners began to resent the newly

removal from office was followed by an

elected Guatemalan president and labeled

authoritarian regime that was especially

him as a “communist” (Streeter, 2000). A

brutal

statement made by the Assistant Secretary

Cullather, 2000, pp.179). While the United

of

Affairs

States sought to protect its interests and

Guatemala’s

maintain its ascendency over the Soviet

proximity to the United States would be

Union, the involvement of the CIA in the

advantageous for the Soviet Union if the

removal

latter were to fall under its sphere of

governments does bring into question the

influence (Holland, 1954).

morality of such operations. Even in

State

for

Inter-American

expressed

the

fear

that

against

of

its

people

(Ching

democratically

elected

instances where certain regimes used

41

&

unconventional means to gain control, as in

lack of adequate training for the defectors

the case of Cuba, a question remains as to

would prove to be detrimental to the Bay of

whether the United States was justified in

Pigs invasion (U.S. Department of State,

inciting regime change.

1961). The CIA underestimated the amount

Cuba’s undeniable support for the Soviet

of popular support for the Castro regime

Union alarmed the newly elected Kennedy

within Cuba and the number of Soviet

administration. American policy was “to get

troops present on the island (Paterson, 251).

rid of the [Fidel] Castro regime and Soviet

The neglect of such critical information

influences in Cuba” (Paterson, 1990, 251).

would not only lead to the failure of the

However, unlike the two previous operations

operation but also demonstrate the shortfalls

that were conducted under the Eisenhower

of the CIA’s intelligence gathering in Cuba.

administration, there was a greater sense of urgency

felt

within

the

The failure of Operation ZAPATA also

Kennedy

diluted the United States’ global power, as

administration to act against Fidel Castro

most nations were now also aware of this

(250). This sense of urgency, amplified by the

administration also had to deal with the Cuba

failure. Moreover, one of the biggest issues lack of adequate training for the defectors facing the Kennedy administration was its would prove to be detrimental to the Bay of ability, or lack thereof, to credibly deny Pigs invasion (U.S. Department of State, American involvement in Cuba.

1961). The CIA underestimated the amount

question,

Kennedy

of popular support for the Castro regime

presidency that the CIA finally intervened.

within Cuba and the number of Soviet

Unlike

operations,

troops present on the island (Paterson, 251).

Operation ZAPATA, also known as the Bay of

The neglect of such critical information

Pigs Invasion, would be deemed a failure and

would not only lead to the failure of the

mark the end of the “Golden Age” of covert

operation but also demonstrate the shortfalls

operations

the

of the CIA’s intelligence gathering in Cuba.

fear of the proximity of Cuba to the United States, led the Kennedy administration to take drastic measures. While the Eisenhower it the

was

under

two

previous

(Johnson,

contributing

the

1996).

factors

One

of

to

the

failure

of

The failure of Operation ZAPATA also

can

be

placed

on

diluted the United States’ global power, as

“determination

to

most nations were now also aware of this

leader

failure. Moreover, one of the biggest issues

which

facing the Kennedy administration was its

undoubtedly skewed the decision-making

ability, or lack thereof, to credibly deny

process despite information provided by the

American involvement in Cuba.

Operation

ZAPATA

Kennedy’s

political

succeed”

as

(Vandenbroucke,

a

political

1984,

pp.367),

CIA. Indeed, the mission to intervene in Cuba

was

Republican

inherited

by

administration,

the

While the United States would continue to

previous

which

intervene in the domestic affairs of foreign

can

nations even after the failure of Operation

explain Kennedy’s determination for this

ZAPATA, the strengths and weaknesses of its

operation to succeed (367).

intelligence services would henceforth be

As highlighted in an editorial note by the

scrutinized and examined through these

White House, the CIA’s presentation of

three

Operation ZAPATA to President Kennedy

operations were a beneficial tool for the

included the use of Cuban defectors and the

United States foreign policy as they were

conducting of airstrikes on targets of military

inexpensive and required relatively few

importance (U.S. Department of State, 1961).

resources. However, as the financial costs of

The use of Cuban defectors was presented to

these operations were minimal to the United

President Kennedy as a viable option to

States, the consequences of the interventions

overthrow the Castro regime; however, the

42

particular

operations.

Covert

were tremendous for the citizens of these

Streeter, S. M. (2000). Interpreting the 1954 U.S. Intervention in

countries. The United States purposefully sought

to

destabilize

nations

Perspectives.

who

favour

whatever

The

Revisionist,

History

and

Teacher,

Postrevisionist 34(1),

61–74.

U.S. Department of State. U.S. Department of State. Accessed

policy makers in the White House were to

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