Readers, It is an honour, this year, to be working as the current Editor in Chief of POLIS, a journal that seeks to highlight the talent, rigour, and intellectual pursuit of undergraduate students at the University of Toronto. Working at the Association of Political Science Students (APSS) has not only rewarded me with the opportunity to lead the journal, but it has created a number of opportunities for students to receive well deserved academic exposure POLIS has successfully published its seventh volume, and its publication would not have been possible without the support of an incredibly supportive Masthead I want to especially thank Ciara McGarry, the President of APSS, for her endless support in publishing this journal.
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Masthead Grace Yang Maddie Skobolo AndrewKaitlynSusanCarmontCaoMin
E or-in-chief & Pres T H E
Sincerely, Ciara McGarry President
This year, our journal features powerful essays that represent stark dichotomies in current political science discourse. Thank you, and enjoy!
To the readers, The Association of Political Science Students (APSS), as the official undergraduate course union, aims to serve and provide opportunities for political science students at the University of Toronto Of our many initiatives, POLIS is one of our proudest creations Every year, POLIS includes papers from students on a diverse variety of political science related topics, showcasing the work of some of our most impressive students, and this year’s POLIS is no exception I take absolutely no credit in the publication of this year’s journal; all credit goes to the Masthead and our endlessly talented Editor in Chief, Ira Chandershekar She worked tirelessly over the course of the summer to put this edition together with great meticulousness, as always It is an honour and a pleasure to work with her at every new challenge, I was moved by her determination and impressed by her creativity I am beyond excited to see what she comes up with as she supervises an entirely new Masthead for next year’s POLIS Hats off to Ira and her team and congratulations to the newly published authors!
Sincerely, Ira Chandershekar Editor in Chief
IN THIS ISSUE 03 DRINKING WINE IN CHAINS: AN ANALYSIS OF ROUSSEAU’S FREEDOM by Wenxing Luo 06 MULTIPOLARITY: THE FUTURE OF THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM by Harleen Kundan 11 DEVELOPMENT OF MULTICULTURALISM THROUGH MULTI-PROJECT INVESTMENTS IN CANADA by Simran Arulraj 17 THE EFFECTS OF THE RCMP’S POLICING ON INDIGENOUS SELF-DETERMINATION IN CANADA by Clover Chen 21 OP-ED: THE LORDS OF SILICON VALLEY by Zed Hoffman-Weldon 24 INDIVIDUALISM IN CANADIAN AND AMERICAN POLITICAL CULTURES by Julia Parado Gavieta 30 34 LOCATING POLITICS: ON THE QUESTION OF INEQUALITY by Gabriel Garber 38 SOCIAL MEDIA AND POLITICAL ADVOCACY by Katherine E Todd CIA COVERT OPERATIONS: A DIVISIVE FOREIGN POLICY TOOL by Ceylan Borgers 2
Numerous political theorists have attempted to explain the divergence between the state of nature and civil society, including Rousseau who provides a thought-provoking answer. His most famous quote, “Man is born free, and everywhere he is in chains,” describes restrictions on freedom as “chains” (Rousseau, 2012, 156). In his letter to the Republic of Geneva, he regards freedom as “full bodied wines” for the robust bodies that are accustomed to them. In this essay, I analyze the differences between Rousseau’s concept of freedom under the state of nature and freedom made possible by the social contract of the general will as discussed in “Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality Among Men” (Second Discourse) and “On the Social Contract” (Social Contract). I argue that Rousseau endorses a social contract based on collective governance in accordance with the general will as the preferable “chains” on the freedom to enable citizens to realize true liberty. I begin by introducing Rousseau’s concept of natural freedom in
AN ANALYSIS OF ROUSSEAU'S FREEDOM by Wenxing Luo 3
DRINKING WINE IN CHAINS:
the state of nature. This is followed by scrutinizing Rousseau’s critique of the transition from the state of nature to society, which he bases on the lack of a good social contract for creating such a society. I then examine Rousseau’s normative argument for civil and moral freedom made possible by the social contract of the general will, in which he diverges from his thought experiment of the state of nature and deals with reality Finally, I conclude that drinking “wine” in “chains” under a good social contract is preferable.
In the state of nature, natural freedom is the unlimited right to all things without there being any form of interference by others; it is constrained by an individual’s strength and is conducive to peaceful and tranquil lives. Human beings are free in the state of nature in two senses. First, they have free agency to recognize their freedom to submit or resist nature’s commands. Second, they are free from the interference of others’ opinions because human beings are independent in the state of nature. There is no legal or social constraint on freedom, yet they are limited by their physical strength (Rousseau, 2012, p 167) From this state of nature, Rousseau depicts a Golden Age. This is a state of social interdependence, as a transitional period between the savage state of nature and civil society It is a thought experiment that Rousseau articulates to make a sharp contrast between the harmony of the state of nature and the miserable situation of domination under an unfair political society, highlighting the undesirability of the latter Rousseau writes, “[T]he rich man, thus urged by necessity, conceived at length the profoundest plan that ever entered the mind of man… to give them other institutions as favourable to himself as the law of nature was unfavourable.” He is dissatisfied with the kind of social contract that is rooted merely in the institutionalization of wealth inequality the rich fool the poor to give up their freedom and join in society, while the poor do not realize that they are being oppressed and dominated (Rousseau, 2012, p 78) Since laws are rooted in private property under this kind of social compact, whoever has more assets has more power in society. Alongside the introduction of private property, people materially rely on others to accumulate properties, resulting in endless competition among them (Rousseau, 2012, p. 77). Therefore, it appears necessary for human beings to have a good social contract in the state of civil society.
Thus, Rousseau attempts to establish the terms of a social contract that maximizes civil and moral liberties within society Civil and moral liberties are the products of human beings’ free agency, by which everyone is willing to transfer their rights to the entire community Civil freedom is the “proprietary ownership” of all one possesses (Rousseau, 2012, p 167), confirming everyone ’ s obligation to respect others’ property. Moral liberty is the ability to be the true master of oneself rather than being governed by others’ will or one ’ s appetites or desires. Rousseau argues that civil and moral freedoms are crucial components of political society. According to Rousseau, civil liberty sets the property rights and makes all humans equal by convention and right. He argues that no citizen should be “ so rich as to be capable of buying another” and none so poor that is forced to sell oneself (Rousseau, 2012, p. 189), meaning that moderate wealth inequality is allowed Rousseau argues that a legitimate social contract, referring to the rules according to which a society agrees to operate, stipulates that these two freedoms are constrained by 4
Most importantly, their lives, which they dedicate to the state, are constantly protected by it Therefore, the “chains” in society with a good social contract are preferable because they are people’s self imposing restrictions on themselves, securing them more freedom and equality than in the state of nature.
Unlike the unjust social contract that is based on force and coercion, Rousseau’s social contract is based upon the unanimous free and equal consent of all contractors There is no relation to domination within society: contractors are citizens insofar as they participate in the legislative authority, and they are subjects insofar as they are restricted by the laws of the state. In Rousseau’s words, this social contract gives human beings an “advantageous exchange of an uncertain and precarious mode of existence for another that is better and surer ” (Rousseau, 2012, p. 167). They exchange natural independence for liberty, the power to harm others for their own security, and their force for “ a right that the social union renders invincible” (Rousseau, 2012, p. 167).
In conclusion, civil and moral freedoms in Rousseau’s ideal type of society are superior to unrestrained natural freedom. The restricted freedoms “wine” under the social contract by the general will are more suitable for human beings, and the self legislative laws “chains” are preferable for people to determine their own chains and become their own masters. Thus, drinking wine in chains serves to illustrate Rousseau’s highest hope for the best of humanity.
the general will. This general will stems from the free cooperative activity among equals and is guided by common interests and is therefore always just. Only it can direct the forces of the state according to the common good. Rousseau regards law by the general will as an “honourable yoke” that is so “pleasant and salutary” that even the “most arrogant heads bear with all the greater docility,” and they should be born to bear no other yoke (Rousseau, 2012, p 32).
Rousseau, J J (2012) Basic Political Writings (Translated and Edited by Donald A Cress Introduction and Annotation by David Wootton) Hackett Publishing Company, Inc Citations: 5
MULTIPOLARITY: TheFutureoftheInternationalSystem HARLEEN KUNDAN 6
The likelihood that democracies engage in conflict with other democracies is low, while war is possible with other regime types (Doyle, 1983, p 213)
Examining Multipolarity Through Liberalism
of agreements, could encourage collective gains among states (Keohane, 1998, p.86).
Cooperation is achievable because of international institutions, economic exchange and interdependence, and democratic regimes (Keohane, 1998, p.82; Doyle, 1983, p 213; Drezner, 2021, p 39)
n wake of the decline in the UnitedI
From the perspective of liberalism, the current international order will not be challenged; however, there will be shifts in the political landscape in line with the objective of fostering peace and cooperation in a multipolar world (Hurrell, 2006, p.6). One implication is that there will be an increased need for international institutions because, although these emerging world powers have their own 7
States’ influence throughout the world, it has allowed other world powers to begin to exert their influence The shifts in power from a unipolar to a multipolar international system will impact international outcomes. This policy brief maintains that liberalism is the best solution for tackling the challenges that emerge from multipolarity
International institutions are defined as “the rules that govern elements of world politics and the organizations that help implement those rules” (Keohane, 1998, p.82). Emphasizing the maximization of total gains from cooperation known as absolute gains rather than individual gains of a state–referred to as relative gains–liberals claim that interdependency is beneficial for peace and cooperation (Keohane, 1998, p 86, p 88) International institutions, which play a major part in reducing costs and uncertainties through mechanisms such as information sharing when it comes to the signing
It is suggested that greater interdependence mitigates the likelihood of state conflict (Doyle, 1983, p.231). Scholars posit that economic exchange and interdependence are interrelated as greater trade and economic ties make states more reliant on each other (Doyle, 1983, p.231). Stronger economic ties result in greater stability as absolute gains, such as economic wealth, emerge from the establishment of stronger bilateral ties between various countries (Hurrell, 2006, p.6). As a result, states are less likely to go to war as they would lose out on the many gains that come with the fostering of their economic ties (Doyle, 1983, p 231) In addition, liberalism assumes that, if citizens of a state are granted fundamental rights, states are free from intervention by others (Doyle, 1983, p.213). As such, leaders’ interests will significantly vary in democracies versus authoritarian regimes due to differences in the characteristics of the regime type, such as whether the leader’s authority is dependent on the consent of citizens or not (Doyle, 1983, p.229).
Liberalism is a set of theories centered on the idea of individual freedom (Doyle, 1983, p.206). For liberals, the international system consists of non state actors including institutions, and NGOs, among others (Hurrell, 2006, p.3). The core assumption that liberals make about the international system is that it is anarchic, meaning that there is no central authority (Keohane, 1998, p.88). Nonetheless, liberals believe there are opportunities for cooperation because, although states have different goals, they also have common interests (Keohane, 1998, p.88).
In the view of what has already been said, it is essential that Canada take measures that will boost its economic ties with other countries. Under circumstances wherein the United States was the hegemonic power, Canada’s foreign ties were mostly confined to the cooperation it engaged in with its southern neighbour (Sarty, 2020, p 625) As liberalism stresses the importance of economic exchange and interdependence, partaking in economic integration is in the best interest of Canada (Doyle, 1983, p 231) In line with its interests, it is important that Canada strengthens its economic ties with other countries as it will translate into “sustainable economic growth” (Bonciu and Bâlgar, 2016, pp.42, 44; Sarty, 2020, p.625). It is an effective way of working together for absolute gains that reinforces stability since when states are collectively involved in economic activities, it reduces the environmental implications of excessive production and consumption (Bonciu and Bâlgar, 2016, pp.42, 44).
Recommendations For the Canadian Government Recommendation 1: Strengthening economic ties with emerging powers 8
interests, they will need to simultaneously achieve collective action in an effective manner (Hurrell, 2006, p.6). With the assistance of institutions, the redistribution of power should be relatively peaceful as institutions can help minimize the likelihood of conflicts that may emerge due to varying interests (Hurrell, 2006, p 6) To create stronger ties and facilitate communication between these world powers, institutions play a meaningful role in laying out how states should behave and interact with one another (Hurrell, 2006, p.6; Drezner, 2021, p.11). To facilitate effective collective action among a larger group of actors, institutions need to play a greater role to tackle the degree of complexity and instability that exists with multilateral decision making (Hurrell, 2006, p 7)
Another implication of a multipolar system is that economic integration will experience a boost, multiple powers will seek to further increase their wealth and will thus establish strong relations with other similar states which are vital for state stability (Stephen, 2014, p.924).
Economic ties boost bilateral affairs which may prove to be in the interest of keeping the environment safe and conflict free (Bonciu and Bâlgar, 2016, p.36).
Cooperation on a global scale is mutually beneficial since transnational production provides economic growth to both states; in other words, absolute gains can be achieved through collective action (Stephen, 2014, p.924). Joint actions lead to an enhancement of long term trade ties between countries, while bringing down any chances of conflicts (Stephen, 2014, p.924).
At the same time, the danger of conflicts looms large when democratic and authoritarian regimes are operating at a global level (Doyle, 1983, p 229) Within this context, authoritarian and hybrid regimes, which have their own economic and political interests in mind when it comes to exerting their influence across the world, may turn to conflict as they are not democratic regimes (Doyle, 1983, p 213; Sarty, 2020, p.622). However, this is less likely to lead to war than in a non liberal international order considering that as authoritarian regimes are gaining mutual benefits from their interdependence and economic ties, engaging in conflict will not be of their best interest (Doyle, 1983, p.231).
The disadvantage of using liberalism as a framework is its failure to provide an explanation for certain states’ lack of interest in cooperating with other states (Alcaro, 2018, p.154). As states are concerned with whether these “ governance arrangements protect their security and economic potential”, their self interest can outweigh their contribution to collective action (Alcaro, 2018, p.154); in fact, certain states may view cooperation not as something beneficial, but rather, as something dangerous to them (Drezner, 2021, p.36).
Conclusion Despite the many challenges that may be associated with multilateral acts of cooperation, a framework rooted in liberalism allows thinking beyond such obstacles in the direction of maximizing cooperation and minimizing conflicts. With this in mind, Canadian foreign policy can be improved through the aforementioned recommendations grounded in liberalism.
on economic interdependence brings forward that, if greater economic integration exists, conflict can be reduced as it decreases the instability of the international system (Stephen, 2014, p.924).
By focusing on absolute gains, liberals do not fully recognize the role of relative gains in undermining adequate action and cooperation by actors on global challenges such as climate change (Alcaro, 2018, p.153). As such, they do not acknowledge that conflicting interests of some states will mean prioritizing their survival over all other collective benefits (Drezner, 2021, p.24). In short, liberals, unlike realists, do not view the world as “today’s friend may be tomorrow’s enemy in war ” which results in underestimating the likelihood of conflict (Drezner, 2021, p.36).
One of the advantages of applying liberalism as a framework is that, ultimately, liberals are not pessimistic of the international system as they focus on facilitating cooperation and reducing conflict (Drezner, 2021, p.36). Liberals believe there is an opportunity for actors to move in the direction of their mutual interests rather than allow their own interests to dominate (Drezner, 2021, p.36).
Liberalism: Advantages and Disadvantages
Institutions are advantageous because they ensure that weaker states are not exploited in collective agreements with relatively powerful states through various mechanisms that reduce ambiguity (Hurrell, 2006, p 11) Further, the emphasis Canada needs to make the best use of international institutions to achieve its interests through agreements and negotiations with other states (Stephen, 2014, p.915). Given the added complexities that emerge with engaging in multilateral acts of cooperation, with the assistance of international institutions, such as the United Nations, Canada can cooperate with other powers in areas of common importance such as carbon emissions (Hurrell, 2006, p.11). This will allow for the interests of all actors to be heard and it will ensure that they are not undermined by other actors (Hurrell, 2006, p 11) Working with international bodies may also reduce the chances of getting into any conflict with authoritarian regimes that may be involved in any given series of negotiations (Doyle, 1983, p.213; Hurrell, 2006, p 11)
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Recommendation 2: Increased reliance on international institutions for accomplishing goals
Citations: Alcaro, Riccardo (2018) “Contestation and Transformation Final Thoughts on the Liberal International Order ” The International Spectator 53, no 1: 152 67 https://doi org/10 1080/03932729 2018 1429533 Bonciu, Florin and Ana Cristina Bâlgar (2016) “Sharing Economy as a Contributor to Sustainable Growth An EU Perspective ” Romanian Journal of European Affairs 16, no 2: 36 45 Doyle, Michael (1983) “Kant, Liberal Legacies, and Foreign Affairs,” Philosophy & Public Affairs 12, no 3: 205 235 Drezner, Daniel (2021) “Power and International Relations: a Temporal View ” European Journal of International Relations 27, no 1: 29 52 https://doi org/10 1177/1354066120969800 Hurrell, Andrew (2006) Hegemony, liberalism and global order: what space for would be great powers? International Affairs (London) 82, no 1: 1 19 https://doi org/10 1111/j 1468 2346 2006 00512 x Keohane, Robert (1998) “International Institutions: Can Interdependence Work?” Foreign Policy 110, no 110: 82 96 https://doi org/10 2307/1149278 Sarty, Leigh (2020) “The Fragile Authoritarians: China, Russia, and Canadian Foreign Policy ” International Journal (Toronto) 75, no 4: 614 28 https://doi org/10 1177/0020702020968941 Stephen, Matthew. (2014). “Rising Powers, Global Capitalism and Liberal Global Governance: A Historical Materialist Account of the BRICs Challenge.” European Journal of International Relations 20, no.4: 912 38. https://doi.org/10.1177/1354066114523655. 10
ing in Canada, is Canada’s multicultural policy progressing in tandem with a rising number of immigrants? How do different actors develop and implement multicultural policies in Canada? This paper argues that Canada has embraced the policy of multiculturalism as a public response to the increase in immigration, and in its response, Canada has been developing heavy multi level government intervention through infrastructural investments and programs.
First, the Canadian Multiculturalism Act (1971) was established to recognize the contributions of cultural diversity to Canadian society. Embedding the ideology of multiculturalism into the legislation enables the formal enforcement of such values, and thus encourages multicultural development within communities. Second, the introduction of settlement and integration programs has eased the transition of immigrants to functional members of Canadian society. The investment in public infrastructure is especially effective in cultivating intercultural interaction and tolerance. Third, the presence of strict anti discriminatory legislation and the sparsity of right wing extremism in Canada has also created a positive notion around multiculturalism. As such, it is without a doubt that multiculturalism in Canada is advancing through the government’s multi tiered approach to increased immigration. The following paper discusses the advancement of this multi tiered approach of multicultural development through three diverging, yet interconnected perspectives, as described by K Wood and Gilbert
DEVELOPMENT OF MULTICULTURALISM THROUGH MULTI-PROJECT INVESTMENTS IN CANADA by: Simran Arulraj With immigration progressively increas
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Multiculturalism is central to Canadian identity, for it recognizes diversity as an “invaluable resource, ” and encourages Canadians to “ preserve ” and “respect” these values (Uberoi 2016, 277). Second, the Multiculturalism Act is served to create an accountability mechanism by reporting program delivery outcomes and program development initiatives to the policy’s emphasis on diversity and equity, the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms also promotes the values of multiculturalism
“As a specific government policy to ensure political pluralism” (K. Wood and Gilbert 2005, 682 685)”
The Charter is a fundamental legal guideline that aligns with values in the Multiculturalism Act. It upholds values of equality, mobility, democratic rights and freedoms, minority language educational rights, and its subsets (Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, 1982). Therefore, the importance of multiculturalism in public policy stems from the need to recognize diversity, promote intercultural interaction, and reinforce Canadian identity formation. For these reasons, the expansion of the policy took diverse routes in addition to its significance in legislation.
"
The above approach explains the development of multiculturalism as a public policy at the federal level. Canada, like many industrialized countries, was experiencing a limited availability of skilled workers among Canadian born individuals, so skilled immigration was not an option, but rather, a necessary factor for economic growth (Ng and Metz 2014, 9) Therefore, multicultural policies were a response to the relatively open immigration policies that brought a diversity of immigrants in Canada (G. Reitz 2012, 521 523). In 1971, the policy of multiculturalism informally began being established within the Bilingual Framework that encouraged cultural expression by discouraging discrimination (Berry 2013, 664) Later, in 1988, the Multiculturalism Act gave concrete and formal meaning to ensure recognition for immigrant contributions to Canadian society and equal participation among all citizens (Berry 2013, 664). There are two main reasons for formalizing the Multiculturalism Act as a public policy. First, it is used as a tool for nation building
Before expanding on the arguments, it is important to define our understanding of the terms ‘diverse’ and ‘diversity’ as it is frequently used in this paper. Diversity (noun) is understood as the recognition of economic, social, or ethnic differences among individuals This can be based to various indicators that include race, gender, ethnicity, sexual orientation, disabilities, religious beliefs, and much more Diverse (adjective) is used to describe these differences depending on context.
"Diversity (noun) is understood as the recognition of economic, social, or ethnic differences among individuals.
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“As a social reality of a demographically diverse society” (K. Wood and Gilbert 2005, 682 685)
support (only English or French) and workforce development (creating additional skilled workers depending on market requirements) initiatives through settlement programs, governments systemically invest in nation building (Uberoi 2016, 268 277) Additionally, local governments like Toronto’s municipal involvement in settlement services are outstanding due to the establishment of the Toronto Region Immigrant Employment Council (TRIEC) (Bushell and Shields 2018, 35 37). TRIEC ensures coordination among multi level government efforts. The City of Toronto provides “social services vital to immigrants’ settlement process, such as social assistance, social housing, childcare, and public health” through central municipal agencies like Toronto District School Board, Toronto Public Health, Toronto Public Libraries, and the Toronto Police Service (Bushell and Shields 2018, 35 37). Through these agencies, Toronto can develop a collaborative urban framework and coordinate efficient settlement service delivery (Bushell and Shields 2018, 35 37). The above initiatives improve civic participation and remove barriers to societal participation among new immigrants.
The RAP assists immigrants in English or French language training for integrating into the labor market, providing short term shelter, or helping gain access to information (Bushell and Shields 2018, 18) On the provincial level, in Ontario, the Government of Ontario funds the Newcomer Settlement Program (NSP), which provides direct support as well as funding to ISOs to carry out specific projects (Bushell and Shields 2018, 20). The NSP includes orientation, job counseling, and job specific training and development of newcomer workers (Bushell and Shields 2018, 20).
This approach discusses programs and public spaces that enable multicultural interaction on a local scale In a social perspective, multiculturalism is a social construct related to immigration, integration of diversity, and adaption to a multi ethnic society (S Ng and Metz 2015, 256). In Canada, since the formalization of multiculturalism, institutions follow an ‘integration’ approach rather than an ‘assimilation’ approach to retain skilled workers, who are integral members of the labor market in the country (S. Ng and Metz 2015, 257). The introduction of settlement and integration practices that include language training, fast track citizenship, and human rights guarantees have transformed immigrants into functional members of Canadian society (G. Reitz 2012, 519 & 528). These settlement programs are administered by government funded immigration settlement organizations (ISOs) (Zhu 2015, 9). On the Federal level, programs like the Resettlement Assistance Program (RAP) are funded by Immigration, Refugee, and Citizenship Canada (IRCC).
In Canada, immigrants are encouraged to retain their cultural heritage, ancestry, and be tolerant of their host countries’ culture to encourage the co existence of various cultures (S. Ng and Metz 2015, 262).
Multicultural policies are a means to facilitate interaction between natives and immigrants. An important way to ensure interaction among the different social groups is through the creation of public spaces This enables testing of new social theories, unspoken political ideals, and cultural exchange; for example, this concept is epitomzed within Toronto’s ethnic neighbourhoods (Little India, Little Along with integration methods, settlement programs also help achieve the political goals of nation building in Canada By implementing language 13
Federal laws like the Canadian Human Rights Act apply to banks, transportation, telecommunications, etc. (Sheppard 2020, 10) While provincial and territorial laws cover human rights codes that apply to businesses, educational institutions, and entities regulated by regional governments; any grievances are settled through local tribunals (Sheppard 2020, 10). These legislations also apply to hate crime, hate speech, discrimination of any kind, harassment, or violence that have penalties.
For example, according to sections 318 319 of the Canadian Criminal Code, it is an offence to advocate or promote genocide or hate propaganda and it is punishable for up to 5 years in prison; the Criminal Code further states that public incitement of hatred and the wilful promotion of hatred carries a maximum sentence for up to two years (Criminal Code, 1985) These institutional mechanisms build resistance towards immigration opposition and aim to decrease direct, indirect, and systemic discrimination (Ambrose and Mudde 2015, 229; Sheppard 2020, 10). In addition to legislation, there are complaint and enforcement mechanisms that mediate or punish far right extremists (Sheppard 2020, 11). Apart from complaint based remedies to discrimination, Canada has adopted a proactive approach to combat systemic discrimination on the federal and provincial level, for example, through the Employment Equity Act (1986), or the Canadian Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (Sheppard 2020, 10 15). The above Acts provide a mechanism that proactively identifies employment barriers and resolves systemic inequalities among minority groups.
Even with cultural contrasts within ethnic neighbourhoods, Torontonians can co-exist in a regional setting. These spaces increase tolerance and acceptance of non dominant cultures or religions. Apart from implementing national policies and programs, Toronto has invested in local public projects that enable interactions among different groups (Galanakis 2013, 70 77). This is deemed more effective and normalizes the differences by making them ‘routine’ (Galanakis 2013, 70 77). The investment in ‘routine’ spaces for the purpose of social interaction enables diverse groups to interact and form connections (K. Wood and Gilbert 2005, 686) These public spaces include local businesses, community centers, religious spaces along with incidental spaces like bus stops, public transport, the public library, and so on (Galanakis 2013, 76 77) Interactive spaces often release tensions among different social and cultural groups. For example, there are ongoing negotiations with local authorities to make Dufferin Grove Park more accessible, inclusive, and fit for recreational activities for the public (Galanakis 2013, 76) Another example is Thorncliffe park that is in a predominantly immigrant residing area Park development and enhancement projects are usually undertaken in collaboration with the Thorncliffe Park Women’s Committee (Galanakis 2013, 80 81). From the above examples, we understand how public spaces can be designed to facilitate group interactions and develop a sense of collective belonging in Canadian society. Italy, Little Portugal, etc.) where community residents are able to express their culture through restaurants, small businesses, street vendors, etc (K Wood and Gilbert 2005, 686 687).
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“As a social reality of a demographically diverse society” (K. Wood and Gilbert 2005, 682-685)
While Canada draws its foundational culture from West European countries, the adoption of far right politics remains weak (Ambrose and Mudde 2015, 217 221) The sparsity of extreme far right parties in Canada is a result of the robust multiculturalism policy in Canada and in turn promotes the development of multicultural policies (Ambrose and Mudde 2015, 213). The inadequacy of the extremist right influence also results in less right-wing terrorism and violence (Ambrose and Mudde 2015, 215) In fact, there are two main factors that cause less influence of the far right First, the tolerance of Canadians towards immigrant and minority groups is 84% compared to 61% as reported by the OECD (Ambrose and Mudde 2015, 222) This tolerant attitude reduces the demand for far right representation sinceCanada has one of the highest immigration rates in the world and foreign born population residents (Ambrose and Mudde 2015, 218). Second, the sanctions on right wing extremism are high Sections 318 319, as discussed in the previous paragraph, of the Criminal Code reduce the motivation to practice xenophobia, racial discrimination, or any form of exclusion in Canadian society (Ambrose and Mudde 2015, 221 224). Canada is relatively tolerant as compared to other countries in the world, however, there are a few notable exceptions to this claim. Given these measures seek to improve tolerance in a diverse society, there is, comparatively, a higher tolerance of multiculturalism among right wing extremists or parties in Canada as compared to the rest of the world positive development of multiculturalism in Canada, this paper acknowledges gaps in its acceptance by briefly discussing the foreign credential recognition dilemma and Quebec nationalism. First, while there has been an influx of skilled workers, Canada has not utilized these workers’ skills due to a gap in recognition of foreign education and work experience (S. Ng and Metz 2015, 261). Immigrants are usually at an economic disadvantage due to improper translations by employers regarding the foreign qualifications necessary for Canadian employment. This often leads to underemployment, settling for precarious jobs, or unemployment (S. Ng and Metz 2015, 261) This is a threat to multiculturalism because it downgrades immigrants’ socio economic status as compared to their country of origin.
While there is a minority opposing multiculturalism that leads to ideological differences at the national level, the scale of impact is not profound Despite the
Second, multicultural policies are implemented throughout Canada with the notable exception of Quebec. As quoted by Louise Beaudoin, a Parti Quebecois member of parliament, multiculturalism is “not a Quebec value” (Ambrose and Mudde 2015, 226). Additionally, Quebec nationalism has led to the implementation of assimilation laws like Bill 21 – which bans wearing religious symbols at work and Bill 96, which would make French the only language needed to work in the province. These laws challenge Canada’s official multiculturalism and question Quebec’s position in Canada’s multicultural identity
Despite the recent uprisings with Quebec nationalism, there is net support for multiculturalism in Canada Overall, multiculturalism is embraced by Canadians because of heavy institutional intervention in the development and implementation of multicultural policies and programs First, this support is achieved through effective public policy (Canadian Multiculturalism 15
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edits Oct
Berry, John W. (2013). Research on multiculturalism in Canada. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 37, 663 675. DOI 10.1016/j.ijintrel.2013.09.005. Bushell, Riley, & John Shields. (2018). Immigrant Settlement Agencies in Canada: A Critical Review of the Literature through the Lens of Resilience. Migration and Resilience in Urban Canada, 1 70. https://bmrc irmu info yorku ca/files/2018/10/ISAs A JSRB 9 G Reitz, Jeffrey (2012) The distinctiveness of Canadian immigration experience Patterns of Prejudice, 46 (5), 518 538 https://doi org/10 1080/0031322X 2012 Galanakis, Michail (2013) Intercultural Public Spaces in Multicultural Toronto Canadian Journal of Urban Research, 22 (1), 67 89 https://www jstor org/stable/10 2307/26193926 Government of Canada “Guide to the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms ” https://www canada ca/en/canadian heritage/services/how rights protected/guide canadian rights K Wood, Patricia, & Liette Gilbert (2005) Multiculturalism in Canada: Accidental Discourse, Alternative Vision, Urban International Multiculturalism (2020) The Varun (2016) Legislating The Canadian Journal of Political Science, 49 (2015) Canada Journal of Social
Act 1988) and the codification of an inclusive Canadian identity. Second, as a result of laws and rights (anti discriminatory laws) that deter far right extremists’ sentiments, policies that promote multiculturalism remain supported. Finally multilculturalism is generally supported as government programs (for settlement and integration) and investment in public spaces provide a channel for immigrant expression and cultural interaction While there is support for immigration in Canada, there will be continuous efforts to improve civic participation, immigrant integration, and nation building through multiculturalism policies. Ambrose, Emma, & Cas Mudde (2015) Canadian Multiculturalism and the Absence of the Far Right Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 21(2), 213 236 https://doi org/10 1080/13537113 2015 1032033
The RCMP historically and presently antagonized Indigenous communities as agents of colonialism. Canada’s action plans and policies should provide special care to address the role of policing because both the historical and present relationship between the RCMP and Indigenous Nations have implications that interfere with implementing UNDRIP and contradict the Canadian government’s affirmations of Indigenous self determination. Specifically, Canadian government policy and reports fail to take 17
Indigenous self determination
The Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), initially called the North-West Mounted Police, was founded by Prime Minister John A Macdonald in 1873 for the express purpose of controlling and displacing Indigenous peoples (Lajtman, 2020). To what extent does policing, in practice and in policy, affect Indigenous self determination movements in Canada? I argue that the RCMP’s policing interferes with Indigenous self determination in three ways: policing affects the perception, criminalisation, and victimisation of Indigenous peoples. To illustrate my argument, I will first contextualise the relationship between Indigenous self determination and the RCMP in Canada with history and policy I will then elaborate on each of the three factors. Given the history and policy context of the relationship between policing and Indigenous self determination, Canada must first address the role of the RCMP to implement and affirm the Indigenous right to self determination In 2007, the right to Indigenous self determination was formally codified, in Article 3 of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). Article 3 states that Indigenous self determination includes the freedom to determine political status and the freedom to pursue “economic, social and cultural development” (United Nations, 2007, p 3) In Canada, the right to Indigenous self government is protected under section 35 of the 1982 Constitution Act (Reinders, 2019, p. 3). The Canadian government has consistently published documents to implement UNDRIP, such as the 1996 Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP) final report, the 2015 Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada’s (TRC) final report, and the 2021 Bill C-15, but does not address the interfering factors of policing by the RCMP. Despite all of the Canadian’s government’s efforts to implement UNDRIP and affirm the Indigenous right to self sovereignty, its policy documents and action plans fail to emphasize the principal role the RCMP plays in exercising state power against
THEEFFECTSOFTHERCMP’SPOLICINGON INDIGENOUSSELF-DETERMINATIONINCANADA CLOVER CHEN
Criminalization is used as a state tool to maintain social order, reinforce the moral boundaries of the state, and racialize those moral boundaries to exclude certain groups (Hocking & Cunneen, 2005, p. 50).
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First, the RCMP constructs a perception of Indigenous peoples as a domestic terror threat through strategic incapacitation and surveillance of Indigenous activists. Indigenous movements that protect their self determination are seen as disruptive to the extractive industries central to the Canadian economy because Indigenous protests tend to challenge settler colonial land allocation, resource use, and supply chains (Dafnos et al., 2016, p. 332). As a result, the state responds with strategic incapacitation policing strategies from the RCMP that are pre-emptive, target Indigenous groups, and label them as threats for social control (Howe & Monaghan, 2018, p. 326) A key instance of such targeted risk assessment strategies is the RCMP’s secret operation entitled Project SITKA (Howe & Monaghan, 2018, p. 326). Project SITKA depended on surveillance and databanking to collect personal information on and sent 89 profiles of Indigenous activists most likely to “threaten public order” to frontline officers and other police databases (Howe & Monaghan, 2018, p 333) Notably, the RCMP’s investigation breadth extended past just crime and targeted Indigenous activists and groups for surveillance based on their political beliefs and criticisms of settler colonialism (Howe & Monaghan, 2018, p. 333). The targeted non criminal surveillance by the RCMP in Project SITKA and the lack of transparency with such types of investigations illustrate how the policing of Indigenous peoples antagonizes Inidgenous self determination and therefore interferes with Canada’s implementation of UNDRIP.Second, the RCMP plays an active role in criminalizing Indigenous peoples, which systematically contaminates Indigenous peoples’ social and political rights
Criminalisation of Indigenous peoples occurs through the colonial values and practices embedded in policing institutions For instance, the aforementioned practice in Project SITKA of pre emptive surveillance is rationalized by colonial value systems that aim to coerce and control Indigenous communities. Pre emptive surveillance leads to targeted Indigenous criminalization in a self fulfilling prophecy This effect is illustrated in the overrepresentation of Indigenous people in the criminal justice system in Canada, where Indigenous people are only 3% of Canada’s total population but 17% of inmates in the federal penitentiary system (Cunneen, 2011)
into account the following three factors that interfere with Indigenous self-determination.
Crosby, A A , & Monaghan, J (2018) Policing Indigenous Movements: Dissent and the Security State Fernwood Publishing Cunneen, C (2011) Indigeneity, Sovereignty and the Law: Challenging the Processes of Criminalisation South Atlantic Quarterly, 110(2), 309 327 https://doi org/10 1215/00382876 1162471 Dafnos, T., Thompson, S., & French, M. (2016). Surveillance and the Colonial Dream: Canada’s Surveillance of Indigenous Self Determination. National Security, Surveillance and Terror, 319 342. https://doi.org/10.1007/978 3 319 43243 4 14 Heath Rawlings, J. (Host). (2021, October 22). The Big Story [Audio podcast]. CityNews Ottawa. https://ottawa.citynews.ca/the big story/the myth of the mountie and how it prevents rcmp reform 4540257 19
Kiedrowski, J , Jones, N A , & Ruddell, R (2017) ‘Set up to fail?’ An Analysis of Self Administered Indigenous Police Services in Canada Police Practice and Research, 18(6), 584 598 https://doi org/10 1080/15614263 2017 1363973
Indigenous peoples are targeted and thus both racialised and criminalised in Canada by the RCMP. Indigenous criminalization undermines the political rights and social participation of Indigenous individuals (Hocking & Cunneen, 2005, p. 51). The RCMP’s role in criminalising Indigenous people must then be addressed for Canada to implement Indigenous self determination. Third, the RCMP systemically and directly victimizes Indigenous peoples to violence Systemically, the RCMP’s policing fails to protect and serve Indigenous peoples Such failure is evident in how Indigenous peoples are three times more likely to be victims of crime and five times more likely to be victims of a sexual offense than non Indigenous people (Cunneen, 2011). As well, the RCMP’s policing has historically acted as an oppressive force to Indigenous communities, with frequent cases of RCMP harassment of Indigenous people, particularly young Indigenous girls (Lajtman, 2020, p. 5). Directly, the RCMP victimises Indigenous peoples to disproportionately frequent instances of police violence historically and presently. The RCMP’s current unwarranted aggressive response to Wet'suwet'en land defenders is an example of direct violence (Armao, 2021). Thus, the RCMP’s victimisation of Indigenous peoples violates not only the Indigenous right to self determination, but is a direct and systemic threat to the personal security and safety of Indigenous peoples as well It is then crucial to address the RCMP’s participation in this victimisation to implement UNDRIP Citations: Armao, M (2021, December 21) Canada sides with a pipeline, violating Wet'suwet'en laws and its own Grist Retrieved March 22, 2022, from https://grist org/indigenous/wetsuweten land defenders/ Canada, G E , & Dussault, R Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples Ottawa: The Commission (1996)
Crosby, A. (2021). The racialized logics of settler colonial policing: Indigenous ‘Communities of Concern’ and critical infrastructure in Canada. Settler Colonial Studies, 1 20. https://doi.org/10.1080/2201473x.2021.188442
Hocking, B , & Cunneen, C (2005) Consensus and Sovereignty: Rethinking Policing in the Light of Indigenous Self determination In Unfinished constitutional business?: Rethinking Indigenous Self Determination (pp 47 60) essay, Aboriginal Studies Press Howe, M , & Monaghan, J (2018) Strategic incapacitation of indigenous dissent: Crowd theories, risk management, and settler Colonial Policing Canadian Journal of Sociology, 43(4), 325 348 https://doi org/10 29173/cjs29397
Lajtman, B (2020) State Sanctioned Violence: The Relationship of the RCMP and Indigenous Canadians The Journal of Historical Studies, 9(1), 1 16 Nettelbeck, A , & Smandych, R (2010) Policing Indigenous Peoples on Two Colonial Frontiers: Australia’s Mounted Police and Canada’s North West Mounted Police.
https://doi
https://doi
Reinders, K (2019) A Rights based Approach to Indigenous Sovereignty, Self determination and Self government in Canada Studies by Undergraduate Researchers at Guelph Journal, 11 org/10 21083/surg v11i0 4389
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Porter, A (2016) Decolonizing Policing: Indigenous Patrols, Counter Policing and Safety Theoretical Criminology, 20(4), 548 565 https://doi org/10 1177/1362480615625763
Reinders, K (2019) A Rights based Approach to Indigenous Sovereignty, Self determination and Self government in Canada Studies by Undergraduate Researchers at Guelph Journal, 11 org/10 21083/surg v11i0 4389
Proulx, C (2014) Colonizing Surveillance: Canada Constructs an Indigenous Terror Threat Anthropologica, 56(1), 83 100
Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada interim report Winnipeg: Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (2012) United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (2007)
OP-ED: THE LORDS OF SILICONE VALLEY
Zed Hoffman-Weldon
his is the era where grifters become kings. Consider Silicon Valley. One struggles to think of a time in history when so many useless inventions were gathered in one place. There’s the trafficky tunnel with no fire suppression exclusively for cars known to combust into difficult-to-quench chemical fires. There’s the mysterious new era of the web that will supposedly integrate cyberspace with an extremely slow, fraud-prone technology best known for hosting ten thousand “unique” drawings of the same derivative ape. And there is, of course, “the metaverse.” Instead of solving real problems, the technology barons have turned their eye to labour exploitation. Silicon Valley’s embrace of the absurd and authoritarian germinated a resistance: Now, it is time to fight back.
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Public space, the site of political interaction, has shifted almost entirely online, to social media ecosystems controlled by terrifyingly large corporations. It’s an adage that the news is socially constructed out of all the world’s events, journalists and editors select ones that go on to become news. Social media companies have not only the power to construct the news, they also have the power to construct reactions to the news. Facebook and its ‘family of apps ’ have begun to censor content on their platforms. This has largely been far right content, but the companies also have censored left wing content they deem ‘extreme,’ like criticism of Zionism (8). This is Facebook thinking like a state: it has created a monopoly on discourse (9), and uses that monopoly to allow and disallow kinds of politics. Platforms like Facebook do this in a way that is completely unaccountable: If Twitter thinks you ’ re too extreme, you have no recourse for being banned. It’s a private platform. This is the antithesis of democracy. In a democracy, citizens enjoy rough political equality through which rule by the people means one person, one vote, one voice (10). In this new ‘private commons, ’ Mark 22
The technology sector now owns public space. Politicians disseminate information through official Twitter accounts, Twitch streamers talk politics, and voter manipulation happens on Facebook.
Amazon disallowed peeing (1). In the past six years, Silicon Valley has been riven with labour scandals, most notably, the revelation that Amazon did not let drivers take breaks to pee in tandem with the increased prominence of outspokenly anti rich politicians (2). This revealed to the American public that Silicon Valley takes labour relations cues from the Pinkertons. The industry has now been forced to repress worker rights quietly. There is the Amazon tactic, interfering with the union vote to force a second vote that is more difficult for the union to win3; the Google tactic, covertly firing engineers who lead union pushes (4); and the Microsoft tactic, buying competitors to suck the energy out of their union pushes before the virus can spread.
The union push in Silicon Valley is a result of the failure of tech’s utopian vision. Companies, like Google, that used to encourage dissent among employees with weekly executive question and answer sessions have had their visions of benevolent capitalism dashed against the reality that in order to succeed in an evil world, not being evil isn’t always an option (5). Companies that were founded to solve specific problems, like Tesla, have rapidly devolved into grift factories because their innovations do not work. Teslas in tunnels are not going to solve the climate crisis. The Lords of Silicon Valley fell for their own hype, and union busting is a tantrum after realizing they aren’t special. This tantrum has unintended consequences: as technological monetization creeps deeper into the lives of citizens outside the tech sector, the plight of tech sector workers has become politically emblematic of the industry’s danger. Now, even citizens not employed by the industry feel threatened by its growing power (6). Scandals around political misinformation and voter suppression, like Facebook’s Cambridge Analytica scandal, have thrown the political role of internet platforms into the spotlight. The public’s growing awareness about the role of the internet in politics has forced the platforms to grapple with their own role in politics (7).
7 Facebook’s 2018 hiring of Nick Clegg, and his 2022 promotion is an excellent example See also LeGuin, Ursula K (1968) A Wizard of Earthsea Parnassus pp 83 84
6
https://www
Zuckerberg controls who gets to have a voice. If Facebook or Twitter don’t like what you ’ re saying, you don’t get to say it.
11
https://www
5
8 Biddle, Sam (2021, May 14) “Facebook’s Secret Rules About the Word ‘Zionist’ Impede Criticism of Israel ” The Intercept https://theintercept com/2021/05/14/facebook israel zionist moderation/ The parallel is with the State’s monopoly on violence
National
Politicians, like Senator Bernie Sanders, who have called for breaking up Facebook are missing the point. The problem isn't that one company controls public space, the problem is that the public does not control it These platforms should be expropriated and brought under democratic control where basic protections, like free speech, apply, and citizens have a voice if they don’t like the governance of the platform. Our democracies are flawed, but they are leagues better than having no accountability at all (12).
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2 The paradigmatic example is Sen. Bernie Sanders (I Vt). 3 Selyukh, Alina. (2022, February 4). “Amazon workers in Alabama begin second union vote. Here’s how it happened.” Public Radio https://www npr org/2022/02/04/1078358112/amazon workers in alabama vote for a 2nd time on whether they want a union 4 British Broadcasting Corporation (2020, December 3) “Google fired employees for union activity, says US agency ” bbc com/news/technology 55173063 Tiku, Nitasha (2019, August 13) “Three Years of Misery inside Google, the Happiest Company in Tech ” Wired wired com/story/inside google three years misery happiest company tech/ See generally Diebert, Ronald (2020) Reset: Reclaiming the internet for civil society House of Anansi
See critically Weber, Max (1919) “Politics as a Vocation ” Munich, https://open oregonstate education/sociologicaltheory/chapter /politics as a vocation/, and Dunleavy, Patrick and O’Leary, Vincent (1987) Theories of the State: The Politics of Liberal Democracy MacMillan pp 138, 143, 148 152 10 Dewey, John (1939) “Creative Democracy: The Task Before Us ” https://www philosophie uni muenchen de/studium/ das fach/warum phil ueberhaupt/dewey creative democrac y pdf See also Coppedge et al (2011) “Conceptualizing and Measuring Democracy: A New Approach ” Perspectives on Politics, 9(2), 247 267. For an elucidation of this dynamic, see critically Zuboff, Shoshana. (2015). “Big Other: Surveillance capitalism and the prospect of an information civilization.” Journal of Information Technology, 30, 75 89. See generally Dewey, John. (1927). The Public and Its Problems. Holt. 22
Citations: 1 British Broadcasting Corporation (2021, April 4) “Amazon Apologizes for wrongly denying employees need to urinate in bottles.” https://www.bbc.com/news/world us canada 56628745
12
Facebook and Twitter have set themselves up as feudal lords, ruling over patches of public space and demanding personal data as fealty (11) The economy has never been democratically controlled, and the rise of tech barons is simply the latest grotesquerie of markets running wild.
Julia Parado Gavieta
INDIVIDUALISM IN CANADIAN AND AMERICAN POLITICAL CULTURES
24
The core definition of individualism and collectivism hinges on the relationship between the individual and the group Individualism asserts that people are independent of each other, while collectivism claims that people depend on each other (2010, 39) Hence, individualism promotes a society where people only protect themselves and their loved ones (2010, 29). However, collectivism creates a society where people belong to groups that protect them in exchange for their loyalty (2010, 29).
Based on Yoon’s (2020) identified traits for individualism and collectivism, this essay categorizes them into three broad themes: personal/group responsibility, selfishness/selflessness, and rebellion/obedience Personal responsibility, selfishness, and rebellion are individualistic traits Meanwhile, group responsibility, selflessness, and
Although Canadians and Americans possess individualistic elements, there is still a gap between these two that has distinguished them since the beginning.
Political culture is a generalized pattern representing the citizens’ attitudes and values regarding their political institutions (Adams and Nesbitt Larking 2012. 6; Yoon 2010, 13) Historical experiences shape these fundamental ideas that later affect the political system (2010, 14) Political cultures exist on a spectrum ranging from individualistic to collectivist, so there is often a struggle between them in most political cultures (2010, 21; Adams and Nesbitt Larking 2012, 8). Through an investigation of Canadian and American political cultures, I will express this ideological dichotomy in the following section
Since its conservative conception, the Canadian political culture is less individualistic than its American counterpart due to its embedded collectivistic elements of group responsibility, selflessness and obedience Despite recent trends of increasing individualism in both countries, the United States (US) remains significantly more individualistic than Canada since the Trump administration intensified pre existing neoliberal beliefs of personal responsibility, selfishness and rebellion. First, I define and establish a set of criteria to assess the degree of individualism or collectivism in a political culture. Next, I describe how the US and Canada’s diverging state formation cultivated different political cultures, with neoliberalist attitudes in Americans and socialist beliefs among Canadians. Last, I research the ongoing individualistic trend in Canada and the US and reveal similar growing distrust in society.
Compared to American neoliberalism’s weak welfare system, the Canadian socialist culture embraces its welfare state. From its conservative Whig heritage, Canadian socialist culture derived its collectivistic sentiments
The basic foundations of American liberalism include its classical liberal beliefs in private property and freedom from state regulation (Ventura 2012, 10) These beliefs are inherently individualistic because they promote personal responsibility separated from the state. Neoliberalism magnifies these beliefs through its increasingly privatized economic sphere through a self regulating market for individuals to act freely.
Canada is fundamentally more collectivistic than the US due to their initial state formations These ideological beginnings eventually sprouted into their current ideological status. Dalton argues that the American Revolution created two new countries: the classical liberals in the US and the Whigs in Canada (Dalton 2019). Thus, the classical liberals in the US provided a revolutionary heritage that encouraged distrust in the state and emphasized individual rights (2019) Meanwhile, the Whigs in Canada endowed the conservative heritage that respected the state and underlined collective solidarity (2019). Thus, classical liberals developed into American neoliberalism, and the Whigs cultivated Canadian socialism highlighting the historical persistence of collectivism in Canadian politics.
Neoliberalism’s erosion of the welfare state equates to the decline of the collectivistic society as it creates a collective identity for citizens to identify with (Ventura 2012, 29). The welfare state provides social services to its members, producing a shared identity through their shared assistance. However, neoliberalism dismantles this collective identity by supporting the individual and his or her family through independent entrepreneurial ventures, shifting social responsibilities and costs from the state to the individual alone (Ventura 2019, 29). To afford these responsibilities, people need to compete in the economic sphere. Therefore, neoliberalism fosters individualistic competition between people as it refuses to provide social provisions
As a result, welfare provisions that benefit the whole group, such as accessible education and healthcare, are largely ignored (Regilme 2019, 158). Ultimately, the free market encourages selfishness through the well enforced notion that people should only care for their own gains independent of social obligations and state control.
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obedience are collectivistic features. (1) Personal/group responsibility refers to whether the protection costs lie on the individual alone or the state (2) Selfishness/selflessness refers to the tolerance for people beyond one ’ s immediate group, such as family and friends. (3)
Rebellion/obedience measures the degree of compliance and trust towards authority and society. By analyzing a political culture through these categories, I determine that Americans lean more towards individualism than Canadians Collectivism in Canada and Individualism in the US
In Canada, the welfare state creates a shared identity among citizens through their shared social protections from the government. For instance, Prince (2014) describes Canada’s universal healthcare as a defining feature of its national identity because it permeates every individual, unifying Canadians under the same services (351). Access to healthcare for all permanent residents is a widely uncontested subject among Canadians (Banting 2010, 805). Although there is a minority that is less supportive of universal healthcare, they tend
Recent data suggest Canada and the US are moving towards individualism due to declining trust in the government and society Nonetheless, this trend still demonstrates their fundamental differences because the US is augmenting its pre existing individualistic elements while Canada is undergoing conflict between individualism and collectivism.
Although Whiggery eventually declined everywhere, it endured longer in Canada and later influenced Toryist ideas of the common good (Horowitz 1966, 1520 152; 159) Thus, Canadian socialism enables the welfare state by emphasizing public good over private freedoms, highlighting group responsibility and selflessness. Additionally, Canadian socialism’s welfare system encourages obedience toward authority because citizens must recognize and comply with a centralized authority’s redistribution of welfare aid. Although Canadian socialism does not encompass the entire Canadian political culture, social democratic parties possess continuous influence at all government levels. For example, there is the Co operative Commonwealth Federation party in British Columbia and the New Democrat Party at the federal level (1966, 149). Therefore, Canada contains a collectivistic spirit in its political culture, pushing the state to provide for the common good. to still support general redistribution (Banting 2010, 804) This shared expectation of universal healthcare further cements collectivistic notions in Canada because this group responsibility creates a group identity through interdependence. Therefore, most Canadians are selfless compared to Americans because they tolerate “strangers,” extending group responsibility beyond themselves and their immediate families.
Increasing Individualism in Canada and the US? 26
Overall, Canadian society is more collectivistic than the highly individualistic American society. American neoliberalism is fundamentally based on individualistic ideas that promote personal responsibility, selfishness and rebellion. Meanwhile, Canadian socialism promotes group responsibility, selflessness, and obedience to the state. First, the US’ economic freedoms weaken welfare supports and encourage individuals to be “selfish” and responsible for only themselves and their close relations. Contrastingly, Canada’s promotion of welfare policies cultivates group responsibility and selflessness Everyone relies on the state for social provisions and thus, tolerates everyone receiving the same social benefits Second, the US’ weaker welfare systems also indicate rebellion rather than obedience toward authority compared to Canada’s stronger welfare state, which requires obedience towards the state as citizens need to comply with the government’s redistribution of benefits.
Furthermore, Trump’s public image exemplifies individualism due to his disregard for social conventions. Osborn (2019) argues that Trump represents the crudest form of American expressive individualism. Expressive individualism presents humans as selfindulgent beings that maximize their pleasure However, other information depicts the endurance of collectivism over individualism in Canada According to a 2019 Gallup World Poll, Canada is the most accepting country for immigrants than the US in sixth place (Ray et 27
In contrast to the US’ intensification of individualism, Canada’s conflict between individualism and collectivism is not as drastic enough to cause socio political instability.
Some scholars argue that Canada is experiencing a “Progressive’s dilemma,” the tension between “diversity and solidarity” as multiculturalism weakens societal cohesiveness (obedience), which is essential to support welfare redistribution (Banting 2010, 799). Strangely, as one of the most multicultural countries, there is little tension in public attitudes regarding national harmony and welfare policies (2010, 799).
Regardless of the low degree, there is distrust in the Canadian government. The 2015 Canadian Election Study found a wide gap among respondents regarding trust level in their society; 46% of phone respondents and 69% of online respondents distrusted society (Breton et al 2017, 1022) Thus, Canadian obedience (trust) in the government is not entirely cohesive but relatively better than the Americans’ extremely high rebellion (distrust). and detach from social conventions (Osborn 2019) These ideas align with individualistic features of rebellion against authority and selfishness Expressive individualism rebels against the state or collective by acting upon one ’ s own selfish interests Trump exemplifies this characteristic in his infamous quote, “grab ’ em by the p*ssy” (Makela 2016) He ignores societal convention that dictates what should and should not be said through his explicit language. Due to his crude attitude, Trump supporters view him as a champion of individualistic virtues (Osborn 2019). Hence, Trump amplifies rebellious attitudes among Americans, creating a divided culture where his supporters rebel against social morals and opponents rebel against his government In the US, Trump exacerbated neoliberalism’s individualistic effects, encouraging rebellion against social morals and the government itself. In Canada, some scholars argue that Canada is undergoing a “Progressive’s dilemma” with rising tensions between its multicultural identity and its welfare system. However, this section later finds that these frictions remain low due to survey data indicating Canadians' high group responsibility and selflessness towards immigrants. Since 2017, President Trump has aggravated neoliberalism’s effects, creating socio political instability in the US His presidency increases the welfare state's erosion by promoting a “ pro business” strategy that decreases taxes for businesses and the economic elites, diminishing the already shrinking welfare aid (2019, 161). These actions further relocate the protection costs from the state to the individual, emphasizing personal responsibility Moreover, since Trump’s administration, public distrust and rebellion against the American government have steadily climbed. Because the US opts for “ pro business” ventures over universal welfare, economic inequality has increased alongside citizen disdain against Trump and the American government. A 2018 Gallup World Poll Survey evidence that Americans have reported a low average of 30% approval towards their government (2019, 161). In another 2018 Gallup World Poll, 16% of Americans wanted to permanently leave the US during the first two years of the Trump administration, almost a 6 point difference from the Obama (10%) and Bush (11%) eras (Ray and Esipova 2019) Thus, these statistics exhibit the rebellion against the state as Americans become dissatisfied with the “ pro business” strategy and the eroding welfare.
al )
In conclusion, Canada is more collectivistic than the extremely individualistic US. I explore both political cultures from a macro level through scholarly consensus to determine any overarching patterns of attitudes. Then, I research micro level information about individual beliefs towards the government to support or challenge the previously abolished political cultures in the prior section. I create a nuanced assessment of the Canadian and American political cultures through this approach. Regardless of their similar trajectory toward individualism, Canada and the US face different conflicts. President Trump’s individualistic “ pro business” strategy continuously displaces social responsibilities from the state onto the individual. Meanwhile, Canada’s growing multiculturalism may reduce civil trust in the government and among each other Statistics reveal that Canadians are divided in their trust in society vital for the redistribution of welfare However, Canadians continue to expect universal healthcare, a welfare benefit, for all permanent residents, including immigrants, indicating the persistence of selflessness and group responsibility in Canadian culture.
Conclusion 28
American political culture originated from its classical liberal birth, cultivating neoliberalism’s personal responsibility, selfishness, and rebellion against a strong state. Hence, neoliberalism fosters the American private economy for individuals to act freely without state control, promoting individualism Meanwhile, Canadian political culture developed from its conservative Whig heritage, influencing Canadian socialism’s group responsibility, selflessness, and obedience towards authority Thus, Canadian socialism underlines the Canadian welfare system wherein a centralized state provides universal healthcare, necessitating collectivism. Although Canadians are more likely to believe immigrants are beneficial for the economy, earlier surveys suggest they are likely to promote cultural integration over preserving cultural differences (Banting 2010, 803). Despite this discrepancy, most Canadians generally support extending redistribution to immigrants (2010, 804). Since the 1960s, Canada has defined its national identity through bilingualism and multiculturalism (2010, 809). Thus, the data above confirms that Canadians still maintain high selflessness levels through their tolerance of immigrants in the welfare system and normalization multiculturalism through every generation
Despite this fundamental difference, the American and Canadian political cultures face tension because of growing individualism The US is experiencing socio political instability as Trump further erodes the weak welfare system, emphasizing personal responsibility and enticing rebellion among citizens who distrust the government and society. Meanwhile, Canada seemingly faces friction between individualism and collectivism as socio political distrust among Canadians will challenge welfare distribution. However, recent surveys evidence that Canadians continue to welcome immigrants to their welfare systems. Thus, the Canadian political culture continues to remain more collectivistic than its American counterpart today.
Dalton, Russell J "Political Culture and Values " In The United States and Canada: How Two Democracies Differ and Why It Matters, edited by Paul J Quirk New York: Oxford University Press, 2019 Oxford Scholarship Online, 2019 Doi: 10 1093/oso/9780190870829 003 0002
Yoon, Kwang Il Political Culture of Individualism and Collectivism Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 2010 29
Horowitz, Gad “Conservatism, Liberalism, and Socialism in Canada: An Interpretation”, Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 32: 2 (1966), 143 171 Makela, Mark. “Transcript: Donald Trump’s Taped Comments About Women.” The New York Times. October 8, 2016. https://www.nytimes.com/2016/10/08/us/donald trump tape transcript.html. Prince, Michael J. 2014. “The Universal in the Social: Universalism, Universality, and Universalization in Canadian Political Culture and Public Policy: Universality In Canadian Politics And Public Policy.” Canadian Public Administration 57 (3): 344 61. https://doi.org/10.1111/capa.12075. Ray, Julie and Esipova, Neli. “Record Numbers of Americans Want to Leave the U.S.” Gallup. January 4, 2019, https://news gallup com/poll/245789/record numbers americans leave aspx Ray, Julie, Esipova, Neli, and Tsabuashvili, Dato “Canada No 1 for Migrants, U S in Sixth Place ” Gallup September 23, 2020, https://news gallup com/poll/320669/canada migrants sixth place aspx Ventura, Patricia 2012 Neoliberal Culture: Living with American Neoliberalism Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge https://doi org/10 4324/9781315597751
Citations: Adams, Micheal and Nesbitt Larking, Paul “Is the Canadian Political Culture Becoming Americanized?” In Crosscurrents: Contemporary Political Issues, edited by Mark Charlton and Paul Barker, 2 34 Toronto: Nelson, 2012 Banting, Keith G "Is There a Progressive's Dilemma in Canada? Immigration, Multiculturalism and the Welfare State, Presidential Address to the Canadian Political Science Association, Montreal, June 2, 2010 " Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne De Science Politique 43, no 4 (2010): 797 820 Accessed March 13, 2021 http://www jstor org/stable/40983555 Breton, Charles, Fred Cutler, Sarah Lachance, and Alex Mierke Zatwarnicki 2017 “Telephone Versus Online Survey Modes for Election Studies: Comparing Canadian Public Opinion and Vote Choice in the 2015 Federal Election ” Canadian Journal of Political Science 50 (4): 1005 36 https://doi org/10 1017/S0008423917000610
LOCATING POLITICS: ON THE QUESTION OF INEQUALITY GABRIEL GARBER 30
Piketty focuses on outcomes because he avoids the factors at play in the process First, the concept of bargaining plays no role in his model. Second, Piketty conflates wealth with capital, which is to say Piketty does not view certain forms of wealth as more productive than others. The inclusion of the two aforementioned factors would allow Piketty to better analyze the process, but their exclusion results in a limited account focused only on outcomes. Varoufakis demonstrates the problem with Piketty’s sole focus on outcomes through a comparison to Robert Nozick’s famous critique of John Rawls.
nequality, in the most literal sense, is not necessarily a problem. We recognize the inevitable existence of some inequalities and promote other inequalities. I claim multiple different normative claims are often made when discussing wealth inequality At some points, it seems as though a utilitarian argument is being made that suggests that the wealth of the upper classes is wasting away in their savings accounts At other points, ‘the problem of inequality describes something closer to the problem of poverty, and the needless suffering that some face Sometimes the problem of inequality seems to refer to social cohesion. It is often discussed as if the problem is self evident when in reality multiple problems are being addressed The point is not to argue which is the real problem they are all real problems the point is to realize that they are all symptomatic of larger processes in the economic and political realms. "Wealth inequality" has become a blanket term that attempts to capture all problems in the economic realm. The emphasis on inequality has misidentified the location of politics: the focus should be on the origins of this inequality and the exact location of injustice, which is the process, not the outcome, of political economics. I The descriptive claims of wealth inequality are more or less agreed upon. It is a measurable phenomenon, quantified most recently by Thomas Piketty’s Capital in the Twenty First Century. To summarize, wealth inequality has been rising since the industrial revolution. After a brief halt to its growth due to welfare policies during the postwar era, it has been on the rise since the 1970s with the introduction of neoliberalism. Piketty’s famous formula, r > g, where r is the return on capital and g is the growth rate, suggests a divergence in wealth over time of capital owners and non capital owners (Piketty 2014). His formula states that some individuals will see a growth in their wealth higher than the average growth rate of society Thus, the gap between those with substantial wealth and those without has and will continue to grow. The descriptive accounts of inequality do vary, and it is a subject worth studying, but it is the normative claims that have not received enough attention. A strong normative analysis of inequality would disregard its status as a source of economic problems and would see it rather as an indication of economic problems.
"WEALTH INEQUALITY" HAS BECOME A BLANKET TERM THAT ATTEMPTS TO CAPTURE ALL PROBLEMS IN THE ECONOMIC REALM.
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Consider the following objection in favour of outcome based solutions Even if the outcomes of the economic realm are symptomatic of its process, they themselves can still be damaging, and thus policy directed at results is still needed Symptoms too cause harm, and therefore also need to be corrected. This objection often recognizes its limits when its application is attempted. Even when one is applying a policy directed at an outcome, they must know the process to be able to apply their policy. I claim that results oriented thinkers, in the stage of theorizing ideal outcomes, tend to not only ignore the problems in the process but ignore the reality of a process itself — as is the case with Rawls and Piketty The only problem as it appears to them is that the policy that would create the Thus, it is not simply that a just process will lead to a just outcome, but that a just process can lead to a diversity of outcomes Rather than pursue an ideal outcome, we should promote the capacities of people to pursue the outcome of their choosing; that is to say, optimize the power and freedom people can have over their own lives. This allows for a politics of versatility, activity, and freedom. It is with this in mind that I am arguing for a politics of process.
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Rawls argues that if one were to consider the optimal division of resources objectively, one would seek to maximize the circumstances of the least advantaged. Thus, Rawls promotes redistribution until the point at which more redistribution would be damaging In other words, Rawls claims that inequality is only justified if it helps the least advantaged Nozick critiques this theory of justice on the grounds that it limits freedom Nozick claims that in Rawls’ theory, no action that skews this optimal distribution would be allowed. Nozick suggests that people ought to be able to have choice, even if their choice skews the optimal distribution. The critique is that Rawls’ theory limits people’s decision making capacity; a Rawlsian world must be static and inactive: “The simple-minded point [Nozick] made a point that Marx had essentially made before — was that what matters is not so much the outcome, it’s the process ” (Varoufakis 2014). Piketty’s focus on changing the distribution of wealth ignores the importance of process, just like Rawls Piketty’s world is also static and inactive: it is a just process, not outcome, that should be pursued.
Inequality itself is not injustice; the lack of power and freedom in the economic process is the injustice, which produces the outcome of inequality as its symptom. The problematic reality is that decision making power during the process of production is currently in the hands of a small minority. The power dynamics of the economic process are best exemplified by bargaining power. As J.W. Mason and others point out, it is strength in workers’ bargaining power (which Piketty does not consider) that has led to the moments of least inequality (Mason 2015) Or consider the lack of freedom that Nozick discusses. Freedom is the ability to shape one ’ s life, and to an extent, shape one ’ s surroundings in accordance with their will. Freedom means that we can pursue our preferred objectives, interests, and outcomes. The working class’ current lack of decision making abilities is an unfreedom It limits the degree to which one can pursue one ’ s individually preferred outcomes as well as the degree to which one can shape the rules and environment in which one operates Most people tend to lack the freedom to produce what they want, produce how they want, produce for how long they want, and so on. These injustices may be discovered in the outcome, but they are located in the process. They are the source of unjust results.
Piketty sees a house on fire, sees the valuable items being burnt, and thus suggests that the items be removed from the house. He does not realize that one cannot do this while the house is on fire; and that if one could remove the valuable items (i.e., if the house were not on fire), the problem would already be solved and there would be no need to remove the items to begin with.
For those arguing against the injustice of our economic circumstances, "wealth inequality" has become the all encompassing slogan As such, it becomes the focus of our attention. It then becomes the sole issue that requires solutions, and its roots are either assumed or forgotten Our attention is misplaced Wealth inequality is the unjust outcome of an unjust process. Changing the focus away from the outcome of inequality toward the economic process can achieve the evasion of the dead end that Piketty and others have run into. The divergence of wealth across classes is unjust, unhealthy, and perhaps unsustainable, but it is nevertheless a symptom of injustice of the economic process We should view the outcome of divergence as symptomatic of unjust processes, and these processes as the location of political conflict.
Los Angeles Review of Books https://lareviewofbooks org/article/utopia discontents slawomir sierakowski talks slavoj zizek/ Piketty, Thomas 2014 Capital in the Twenty First Century Translated by Arthur Goldhammer Harvard University Press Varoufakis, Yanis 2014 “Yanis Varoufakis Critiques Thomas Piketty’s Capital in the Twenty First Century” Interview by Andrew Mazzone Smart Talk with Andrew Mazzone https://www youtube 33
the best outcome has yet to be implemented, without asking if there is a reason why it has not or could not be implemented. This leads to an uncontentious vision of the process of economics and politics which is the actual location of political conflict and the actual source of unjust outcomes. Indeed, many tend to presuppose a just process, without realizing that if such a process existed, the very results they want to change may never have developed in the first place
Let us clarify this point with Piketty’s suggestion of a global wealth tax. Wealth usually goes untouched by taxation a wealth tax could change this. A global wealth tax triumphs over capital’s ability to avoid taxation by moving across borders to find states with the most favourable taxes. The existence of a global wealth tax would be a positive, but it should not be represented as the solution to inequality This is not because its implementation is impossible; rather, the actual victory would be achieved prior to the implementation of the policy. The victory would be the creation of a world where such a policy can be implemented. Zizek, in response to Piketty, notes that a global wealth tax would require a global power that transcends the sovereignty of nation states, is capable of accurately tracking capital, and can implement and enforce the tax (Zizek 2015) The creation of this global power that can reliably track and control capital would be the substantial victory (Zizek 2015) Thus, the suggestion of a global wealth tax presupposes that the actual political victory is already accomplished and that the process is perfectly just If such a political victory had already been accomplished and our politics were without conflict, which is the requirements for this policy, such issues would be nonexistent, making his solutions irrelevant. Piketty is ignorant about the location of politics and potential political victory.
Citations: Mason, J. W. 2015. “It's Bargaining Power All the Way Down.” Crooked Timber. https://crookedtimber.org/2015/12/15/its bargaining power all the way down/. Sierakowski, Slawomir. 2015. “Utopia and Its Discontents.”
Where do you get your news, hear about ongoing protests, and see grassroots advocacy in action? Is it on legacy media or your favourite social media platform?
This article will delve into the effects of these trends and explore how social media’s use impacts political advocacy by analyzing how grassroots advocacy groups and populists have used such platforms to by Katherine E. Todd 34
The COVID-19 pandemic and government’s public health measures around the world aimed to curb the spread of the virus, leading to individuals spending 50 to 70% more time on their digital devices in 2020, with 50% of that time being spent on social media (Pandya & Lodha, 2021).
Since its inception in the early 2000s, social media has become the world’s most popular media form (Cosentino, 2020, p. 15). The popularity of social media websites took off in the 2000s, with an estimated 42% of the global population using social media by 2018, compared to the estimated 8% of the global population that had access to the internet in 2001 (Flew & Iosifidis, 2019, p. 10; Gerbaudo, 2014, p. 73).
SOCIAL MEDIA AND POLITICAL ADVOCACY
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So, how does social media and its ability to promote alternative discourses relate to grassroots advocacy? This ability was highlighted in the Egyptian Revolution in 2011, where the authoritarian state’s perspective dominated legacy news outlets and public conversation (Salem, 2014, pp 180-181). Social media allowed Egyptian protestors to contest state narratives, spreading critical views of the state through this digitally networked space that competed with ideas of the state (Salem, 2014, pp. 180181).
During the protests, social media created space for dissenting opinions that were otherwise dismissed. These grassroots advocates used social media to mobilize their fellow Egyptians, spread their messages, form online groups, and instantly share content like photos, videos, and venues for protests (Salem, 2014, pp. 171, 179). As seen in this example, social media is a powerful tool that allows grassroots advocates to garner support and spread discourse that would not be accepted by legacy media.
Social Media as a Form of Communication Social Media and Grassroots Advocacy
If grassroots advocates can utilize social media to spread their messages and garner support, can populists do this too? Populism refers to a communication style where one claims “to speak and act in the name of the people” (Brubaker, 2017, p. 362). Social media allows populists to “feed their followers” their own alternative views and Social Media and Populist Advocacy
spread awareness of their causes. Moreover, this paper will investigate the convergence of these groups during the pandemic, and their attempts to spread awareness and gain support for the Canadian Freedom Convoy in February 2022 Social media is different from other forms of traditional channels of communication In the days before Facebook and Twitter, legacy media and public discourse made up the entirety of the space in social life where public opinion could be formed, but now, different and more radical opinions are easily found online (Salem, 2014, p. 175; Waisbord, 2018, p. 24). Social media users are instantly connected to one another, allowing ideas to be communicated more quickly than ever before (Gerbaudo, 2018, p. 751; Skey, 2020). Social media’s algorithms influence the visibility and popularity of social media posts, so users are shown content that matches their interests and online crowds with the same beliefs or interests are formed (Gerbaudo, 2018, pp. 746, 750). The interactive features of social media also force content to compete for attention, leading to the ‘gamification’ of the “online political experience,” where content creators feed users information in attempts to capture their attention (Cosentino, 2020, pp. 4 5, 21; Engesser et al., 2017, p. 1113; Gerbaudo, 2014, p. 68). Social media has essentially created “ a new form of mass politics” in the last decade, where online crowds can perpetuate alternative discourses, spreading ideas instantly through likes, shares, and comments (Gerbaudo, 2014, p. 68).
Social media’s algorithms influence the visibility and popularity of social media posts, so users are shown content that matches their interests and online crowds with the same beliefs or interests are formed.
In February 2022, grassroots advocacy and populist advocacy converged in the form of the Freedom Convoy in Canada
The Freedom Convoy began as a protest against vaccine mandates and other public health restrictions imposed to combat COVID 19 (Turnbull, 2022). A small minority of Canadians were able to gather and spread awareness of their alternative views on social media (Carvin, 2022; Graham Harrison & Lindeman, 2022). They were also able to share links to fundraising websites such as GoFundMe and GiveSendGo, which allowed the convoy supporters to raise funds that supported the movement (Carvin, 2022). On GoFundMe alone, more than ten million dollars were raised, with 86 percent of donations coming from Canadians (Turnbull, 2022). Using social media as a place to congregate, share alternative ideas, and plan protests, members of the Freedom Convoy were able to block streets in Ottawa for three weeks and the Ambassador Bridge at the Windsor Detroit border for over a week (Graham Harrison & Lindeman, 2022; Turnbull, 2022). This protest is the most recent example of social media’s power to promote advocacy; this time, however, grassroots and populist advocacy converged to create a movement that sparked copycat protests across the globe (Graham Harrison & Lindeman, 2022). In sum, social media allows both grassroots and populist advocates to promote their views. Although this can be beneficial in cases where grassroots advocates face off against authoritarian governments, as we saw in Egypt, it can also lead to the election of populist actors like Donald Trump and movements like the Freedom Convoy that cause major political and economic disruptions. Social media is a powerful tool, we just have to be careful about what it is used for.
Social Media and Advocacy During COVID 19 Takeaways
Carvin, S (2022, March 5) Stephanie Carvin: How the Freedom Convoy was fuelled by online activism The National Post https://nationalpost com/opinion/stephanie carvin how the freedom convoy was fuelled by online activism Cosentino, G (2020) Social Media and the Post Truth World Order The Global Dynamics of Disinformation Springer International Publishing https://doi org/10 1007/978 3 030 43005 4 1 Engesser, S , Ernst, N , Esserand, F , & Büchel, F (2017) Populism and Social Media: How Politicians Spread a Fragmented Ideology Information, Communication & Society, 20(8), 1109 1123 36
Citations: Brubaker, R. (2017). Why populism? Theory and Society, (46), 357 385. https://doi org myaccess library utoronto ca/10 1007/s11186 017 9301 7
Donald Trump’s 2016 campaign is just one example of how a populist has used social media to spread their views, and gain a following.
avoid constraints imposed by legacy media (Flew & Iosifidis, 2019, p. 16). An example of populists using social media to advocate their own views is Donald Trump’s 2016 election campaign (Groshek & Koc Michalska, 2017, p. 1390; Waisbord, 2018, p. 23). By utilizing social media, Trump’s campaign was able to share alternative discourses online, create groups of supporters, and change the existing narrative that cast him in a negative light, while remaining “immune to factual corrections” (Waisbord, 2018, pp. 24, 26 27). Populism thrives amongst alternative discourses found on social media that allow populists to connect directly with ‘the people’ (Engesser et al., 2017, p. 1113).
Gerbaudo, P (2018) Social Media and Populism: An Elective Affinity? Media, Culture and Society, 40(5), 745 752 Graham Harrison, E. & Lindeman, T. (2022, February 13). Freedom convoys: legitimate Covid protest or vehicle for darker beliefs. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/feb/13/freedom convoys legitimate covid protest or vehicle for darker beliefs Groshek, J., & Koc Michalska, K. (2017). Helping Populism Win? Social Media Use, Filter Bubbles, and Support for Populist Presidential Candidates in the 2016 US Election Campaign. Information, Communication and Society, 20(9), 1389 1401. Pandya, A & Lodha, P (2021) Social Connectedness, Excessive Screen Time During COVID 19 and Mental Health: A Review of Current Evidence Frontiers Institution https://www frontiersin org/articles/10 3389/fhumd 2021 684137/full Salem, S (2014) Creating Spaces for Dissent The Role of Social Media in the 2011 Egyptian Revolution In D Trottier and C Fuchs (Eds ), Social Media, Politics and the State (pp 171 188) Routledge Skey, M (2020) Nationalism and Media State of Nationalism https://stateofnationalism eu/article/nationalism and media/ Turnbull, S (2022, March 3) GoFundMe head testifies over Freedom Convoy fundraising, says most donors were Canadian CTV News https://www ctvnews ca/politics/gofundme head testifies over freedom convoy fundraising says most donors were canadian 1 5804094 Waisbord, S (2018) The Elective Affinity Between Post Truth Communication and Populist Politics Communication, Research and Practice, 4(1), 17 34 DOI: 10 1080/22041451 2018 1428928 37
Gerbaudo, P (2014) Populism 2 0: Social Media Activism, the Generic Internet User and Interactive Direct Democracy In D Trottier and C Fuchs (Eds ), Social Media, Politics and the State (pp 67 87) Routledge
The emergence of the Soviet Union as a world power constituted a real threat to the United States’ global hegemony, and would contribute to instability within the world order. To contain the spread of communism, the United States, via its intelligence service agencies, orchestrated covert operations in countries suspected of aligning themselves with the Soviet Union. The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), as well as other intelligence services, were a crucial asset to American foreign affairs, especially in the field of covert operations. While certain American covert operations were successful, others were detrimental to the United States’ reputation on the world stage and deepened an already present division within global politics. Even though some operations were unsuccessful, this essay will argue that American covert operations were a key asset in influencing domestic and foreign politics, which were, in part, a reaction to the United States’ desire to protect their interests in the face of the rise of 38
CIA COVERT OPERATIONS: A DIVISIVE FOREIGN POLICY TOOL Ceylan Borgers
Moreover, this paper will take into consideration how covert operations undertaken by the United States have contributed to the destabilization of states and how their consequences are still felt to this day. Covert operations played a key role in the United States’ efforts to contain the spread of communism. In the aftermath of the Second World War, United States’ intelligence services began operations in Europe to ensure that communism would not become the predominant ideology on the continent. The American National Security Council stated that the United States should “ preserve and retain as many of its effective allies as possible” (Lay, 1954). Indeed, United States intelligence services were able to successfully prevent European countries, such as Italy, from electing a communist government through the use of “psychological warfare” (Del Pero, 2001). The success of the American intelligence services in influencing the internal politics of foreign nations, as seen in the case of Italy, would mark the beginning of the heightened use of covert operations throughout the Cold War. Covert operations had considerable advantages compared to other means of foreign intervention, such as direct military deployment (Isenberg, 1989). Covert operations could be implemented within a short time-frame, required fewer agents, and were relatively inexpensive (Isenberg, 1989).
communism during the Cold War. This paper will explore the significance of Operation AJAX, Operation PBSUCCESS and Operation ZAPATA during the Cold War and determine how the American intelligence community influenced the nature of American interventionism.
Another important advantage of covert operations was the ability of the American government to publicly deny their involvement in such activities. Plausible deniability was especially crucial as it allowed the government to appease both foreign and domestic interests (Gleijeses, 1995). In fact, a memorandum from the CIA to the President’s office asked whether the President would “want directly to deny or to avoid denial by using some less direct and therefore inevitably ambiguous form of words” (Barnes, 1961). In fact, information regarding CIA operations abroad would be kept from the public, as such operations were politically contentious.
Public knowledge of the role of the intelligence community’s involvement in foreign interventionism could destabilize domestic politics, as well as affect the United States’ diplomatic relations with other countries. Despite the early successes of its early missions, as seen with Operation AJAX and Operation PBSUCCESS, a few miscalculated steps in Operation ZAPATA would mark the end to the widespread use of covert missions as a foreign policy tool. One of the early successful interventions conducted by the CIA was Operation AJAX in Iran, whereby the American government wanted to overthrow Musaddiq and install a pro American regime. The manner in which the United States would approach this situation would establish a precedent for future American administrations. Not only would this particular mission further the importance of American foreign intelligence services maintaining the balance of power for the United States, but it would also ensure American dominance in a region near the Soviet 39
Tensions began to rise between the United States and Iran when their newly elected Prime Minister, Muhammed Musaddiq, decided to nationalize the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC) (Ruehsen, 1993, pp. 467). This plan went against American interests in the region, as the American government was concerned about the rise in global oil prices and how it would subsequently affect American industries (467). Musaddiq’s plans to nationalize Iranian oil also stoked fear of the spread of communism in the Middle East. It was a generally accepted fact by top US officials that if “left to themselves…[Iran] will welcome communism” (467) even though there was enough evidence to suggest that Musaddiq was not inclined to turn Iran into a communist state (469).
The British, who were also affected by Musaddiq’s plan to nationalize oil, sent in a small military build up to add pressure on Iran to reverse its decision to nationalize Iranian oil (468).
Union.
The British’s intelligence service, MI6, also requested assistance from the CIA (474). MI6 had devised its own plan to oust Musaddiq called “Operation BOOT” and had accumulated a significant amount of intelligence through its human intelligence missions in Iran (474). However, British presence in Iran was no longer welcome and could compromise the success of a coup so the United States’ took a leading role (474). Operation AJAX was a result of collaboration between British and American intelligence
services. In order for Operation Ajax to be successful, the various agencies working on this mission would have to ensure that there was enough support against Musaddiq within Iran. To this end, the United States “had to obtain cooperation and confidence from the Shah” (477), as he would rule over Iran once Musaddiq was removed from power.
Despite the clear lack of evidence that there was a substantive “communist threat” posed by the Iranian government, “Eisenhower and Dulles viewed the situation strictly in Cold War terms” (469) and were nonetheless persuaded that such a threat was indeed present in Iran (472).
Furthermore, another important element of the 1953 organized coup would be the “instrumental” role of the street gangs that helped garner support against Musaddiq (476). Protests against Musaddiq were led by pro Shah forces, who were able to garner support from Iranians who were influenced through propaganda orchestrated by the United States and Great Britain that described Musaddiq “ as a tool for the Communists” (480). Moreover, the success of Operation AJAX was dependent on the collaboration between the of the CIA and with the Defense Departments (476). The role of the Defense department could be described as “vital,” as “[t]he Iranian army would have to be won over for there to be any real chance of success ” (476). With diminished domestic support and growing riots that were supported by the police (480), Musaddiq was removed from office and replaced by a pro American regime in August, 1953. Operation Ajax proved to be very successful for the United States. Following the 1953 coup, “Western businessmen were flocking to Iran” (481) allowing the United States to regain capital that it lost during Musaddiq’s rule. The Shah also stated in a meeting with the American Secretary of State that Iran would also take a strong stance against communism within Iran (Dulles, 1954). The United States achieved their goals of containing the spread of communism and re establishing American industries within the region with minimal financial cost and very few agents on the ground They had plausible deniability as it was not entirely 40
Similar to Operation AJAX, the success of Operation PBSUCCESS in Guatemala depended on the support of both the Guatemalan people and its military (Rabe, 785). As stated in a memorandum addressing the deployment of American military resources in Guatemala, “[the people of Guatemala] are unorganized and entirely helpless to resist the well planned and executed campaign directed against them from Moscow” (Holland, 1954). This particular type of thinking, whereby American leadership feared that certain developing nations would seek assistance from the Soviet Union, transcended throughout the decision making process regarding foreign intervention by the CIA. American air support was instrumental in backing the Guatemalan military which was a leading factor for Árbenz’s resignation from office (Streeter, 2000). To further perpetuate resentment towards Árbenz within the general population, the CIA would use radio and leaflet propaganda which was inexpensive and non invasive (Nelson, 1998, pp. 506). The use of paramilitary and propaganda put forth by the CIA would give the necessary support for the Guatemalan army to no longer support Árbenz (506).
While Operation PBSUCCESS was regarded as highly successful, Árbenz’s removal from office was followed by an authoritarian regime that was especially brutal against its people (Ching & Cullather, 2000, pp.179). While the United States sought to protect its interests and maintain its ascendency over the Soviet Union, the involvement of the CIA in the removal of democratically elected governments does bring into question the morality of such operations. Even in instances where certain regimes used 41
One year after Operation AJAX and the resulting coup d’état in Iran, the United States government attempted to remove Guatemala’s democratically elected president Jacabo Árbenz in Operation PBSUCCESS. The motives to remove Árbenz were similar to those in Operation AJAX. Not only did the Eisenhower administration fear that Guatemala would become a communist state, but Árbenz’s leadership threatened American investments in the region, most notably the United Fruit Company (Rabe, 2004, pp. 787). As Árbenz implemented a land reform program in 1952, many wealthy landowners began to resent the newly elected Guatemalan president and labeled him as a “communist” (Streeter, 2000). A statement made by the Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs expressed the fear that Guatemala’s proximity to the United States would be advantageous for the Soviet Union if the latter were to fall under its sphere of influence (Holland, 1954).
clear, though assumed by a few, that the United States was involved in the coup. As noted by one French reporter, “the recent royalist coup d’état was largely inspired, if not actually engineered, by foreign elements, notably the United States” (Ruehsen, 481). Operation AJAX would provide a framework for subsequent covert operations that sought to achieve similar goals. The removal of Musaddiq would have not been possible without the “complicity of numerous Iranian citizens” (483). Similarly, the success and failure of Operation PBSUCCESS and Operation ZAPATA would also depend on whether or not there was enough support within the country to remove those countries’ leaders.
As highlighted in an editorial note by the White House, the CIA’s presentation of Operation ZAPATA to President Kennedy included the use of Cuban defectors and the conducting of airstrikes on targets of military importance (U.S. Department of State, 1961). The use of Cuban defectors was presented to President Kennedy as a viable option to overthrow the Castro regime; however, the lack of adequate training for the defectors would prove to be detrimental to the Bay of Pigs invasion (U.S. Department of State, 1961). The CIA underestimated the amount of popular support for the Castro regime within Cuba and the number of Soviet troops present on the island (Paterson, 251).
unconventional means to gain control, as in the case of Cuba, a question remains as to whether the United States was justified in inciting regime change.
The neglect of such critical information would not only lead to the failure of the operation but also demonstrate the shortfalls of the CIA’s intelligence gathering in Cuba.
The neglect of such critical information would not only lead to the failure of the operation but also demonstrate the shortfalls of the CIA’s intelligence gathering in Cuba. The failure of Operation ZAPATA also diluted the United States’ global power, as most nations were now also aware of this failure. Moreover, one of the biggest issues facing the Kennedy administration was its ability, or lack thereof, to credibly deny American involvement in Cuba.
However, unlike the two previous operations that were conducted under the Eisenhower administration, there was a greater sense of urgency felt within the Kennedy administration to act against Fidel Castro (250). This sense of urgency, amplified by the fear of the proximity of Cuba to the United States, led the Kennedy administration to take drastic measures. While the Eisenhower administration also had to deal with the Cuba question, it was under the Kennedy presidency that the CIA finally intervened.
While the United States would continue to intervene in the domestic affairs of foreign nations even after the failure of Operation ZAPATA, the strengths and weaknesses of its intelligence services would henceforth be scrutinized and examined through these three particular operations. Covert operations were a beneficial tool for the United States foreign policy as they were inexpensive and required relatively few resources. However, as the financial costs of these operations were minimal to the United States, the consequences of the interventions 42
The failure of Operation ZAPATA also diluted the United States’ global power, as most nations were now also aware of this failure. Moreover, one of the biggest issues facing the Kennedy administration was its ability, or lack thereof, to credibly deny American involvement in Cuba.
Cuba’s undeniable support for the Soviet Union alarmed the newly elected Kennedy administration. American policy was “to get rid of the [Fidel] Castro regime and Soviet influences in Cuba” (Paterson, 1990, 251).
Unlike the two previous operations, Operation ZAPATA, also known as the Bay of Pigs Invasion, would be deemed a failure and mark the end of the “Golden Age” of covert operations (Johnson, 1996). One of the contributing factors to the failure of Operation ZAPATA can be placed on Kennedy’s political “determination to succeed” as a political leader (Vandenbroucke, 1984, pp.367), which undoubtedly skewed the decision-making process despite information provided by the CIA. Indeed, the mission to intervene in Cuba was inherited by the previous Republican administration, which can explain Kennedy’s determination for this operation to succeed (367).
lack of adequate training for the defectors would prove to be detrimental to the Bay of Pigs invasion (U.S. Department of State, 1961). The CIA underestimated the amount of popular support for the Castro regime within Cuba and the number of Soviet troops present on the island (Paterson, 251).
U S Department of State U S Department of State Accessed March 5, 2020 https://history state gov/historicaldocuments/frus1952
Streeter, S M (2000) Interpreting the U S Intervention in Realist,
Immerman, R H , & Cullather, N (April 2001) Secret History: The CIAs Classified Account of Its Operations in Guatemala, 1952 1954 The American Historical Review 106, no 2: 605 https://doi org/10 2307/2651701
were tremendous for the citizens of these countries. The United States purposefully sought to destabilize nations who democratically elected their leaders. The policy makers in the White House were inclined to favour whatever options would help maintain the United States as a world power, amidst their conflict with the Soviet Union, regardless of the moral or ethical implications of such interventions.
Citations: Ching, E (2000) Nick Cullather Secret History: The CIA’S Classified Account of Its Operations in Guatemala, 1952 1954 Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 42, no 1: 179 83 https://doi org/10 2307/166478
Revisionist, and Postrevisionist Perspectives The History Teacher, 34(1), 61 74 https://doi org/10 2307/3054375
Johnson, L. K. (1996). The Golden Age of the CIA [Review of Gentleman Spy: The Life of Allen Dulles, by P. Grose]. Diplomatic History, 20(4), 675 680. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24913326
Guatemala:
Isenberg, D (1989) The Pitfalls of U S Covert Operations Cato Institute http://www jstor org/stable/resrep04927
U S Department of State U S Department of State Accessed March 5, 2020 https://history state gov/historicaldocuments/frus1952 54v02p1/d115. U.S. Department of State. U.S. Department of State. Accessed March 6, 2020. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1952 54v04/d439. U.S. Department of State. U.S. Department of State. Accessed March 6, 2020. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961 63v10/d92 Vandenbroucke, L S (1984) The ‘Confessions’ of Allen Dulles: New Evidence on the Bay of Pigs Diplomatic History 8, no 4: 365 76 https://doi org/10 1111/j 1467 7709 1984 tb00417
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