The Murillo Bulletin Issue No. 13

Page 1

The Murillo Bulletin Journal of PHIMCOS The Philippine Map Collectors Society

Issue No. 13

May 2022

In this issue   

Mapping Zamboanga

‘The March’ by Fernando Amorsolo

World War II Japanese postcards of the Philippines

Zamboanga | Bach, John / Bureau of Coast and Geodetic Survey, Manila | 1920 | original-colour lithograph | 21.8 x 12.8cm.

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The only Gallery in the Philippines exclusively selling antique prints and antiquarian books before 1900.

The Murillo Bulletin Issue No. 13

May 2022 In this issue

PHIMCOS News & Events

page 3

Addenda et Corrigenda


The Other March by Andoni F. Aboitiz


Artworks on Japanese WW II Philippine propaganda postcards by Ricardo Trota Jose


Mapping the Growth of Zamboanga by Dr. Felice Noelle Rodriguez


Alexander Dalrymple in Zamboanga by Peter Geldart


PHIMCOS Trustees, Members & Committee Members


About PHIMCOS The Philippine Map Collectors Society (PHIMCOS) was established in 2007 in Manila as the first club for collectors of antique maps and prints in the Philippines. Membership of the Society, which has grown to a current total of 37 individual members, 7 joint members, and 3 corporate members (with two nominees each), is open to anyone interested in collecting, analysing or appreciating historical maps, charts, prints, paintings, photographs, postcards and books of the Philippines. When possible, PHIMCOS holds quarterly general meetings at which members and their guests discuss cartographic news and give after-dinner presentations on topics such as maps of particular interest, famous cartographers, the mapping and history of the Philippines, or the lives of prominent Filipino collectors and artists. The Society also arranges and sponsors regular webinars on these topics. A major focus for PHIMCOS is the sponsorship of exhibitions, lectures and other educational events designed to educate the public about the importance of cartography as a way of learning both the geography and the history of the Philippines. The Murillo Bulletin, the Society’s journal, is normally published twice a year. PHIMCOS welcomes new members. The annual fees, application procedures, and additional information on PHIMCOS are available on our website: Front Cover: Mapa de la Isla de Mindanao, donde se fundó el presidio de Zamboanga, c.1683 (image courtesy of Archivo General de Indias ES.41091.AGI//MP-FILIPINAS,11) 1

BLAEU, Johannes. [Manuscript chart of the Javan Sea]. Amsterdam, 1672.

Daniel Crouch Rare Books

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PHIMCOS News & Events


HIS YEAR PHIMCOS celebrates the Society’s 15th anniversary with a record number of members. In November the board approved two new applicants, so PHIMCOS now has a total of 57 members including individual members, joint members and the nominees of corporate members (see page 56). We welcome all our new and recent members, thank our founders, and express our gratitude to everyone who has supported the Society over the past 15 years.

Covid-19, with its Delta and Omicron variants, continues to prevent us from holding in-person meetings, but our bimonthly programme of webinars continues. For the first of the year, on 22 February Ino Manalo, Director of the National Archives of the Philippines, gave a talk titled ‘Discourses over a Sacristy Doorway in Loboc, Bohol’ in which he gave us a fascinating analysis of the imagery of the four continents depicted as women, as visualised by artists and cartographers during the Age of Exploration. On 2-3 March, PHIMCOS members were invited by the International Map Collectors’ Society (IMCoS) to participate virtually in the ‘Mapping the Pacific’ conference hosted by the State Library of New South Wales in Sydney, Australia.

1945. To mark the 80th anniversary of these events, this issue of The Murillo Bulletin contains articles on the march of POWs from Corregidor through Manila to Bilibid prison, and on the postcards produced by Japanese artists in the Philippines during the occupation. Please write to us The articles published in The Murillo Bulletin are written by our members and guest speakers, and the editor does his best to ensure accuracy and consistency. Nevertheless, errors creep in, new information is discovered, and opinions can always be debated. Consequently we urge all our readers, whether members or not, and whether they be academic experts, inveterate or occasional collectors, enthusiastic amateurs or neophytes, to please send us any questions, comments, clarifications, corrections or critical opinions they would like to share. Letters can be sent to us through the Society’s website, or directly to the editor at .

  

On 27 April, Dr. Michael Armand P. Canilao, a Research Associate in Archaeology with the National Museum of the Philippines, gave a talk on ‘An Analysis of Historical Evidence on the Cordillera Gold Trade: Palimpsests of Archival Maps, Historical Accounts, Oral Tradition and Geographic Information Systems’. In the presentation, Dr. Canilao showed how the historical trails used by the gold miners in northern Luzon can be discovered by using the georeferencing of archival maps. In memoriam World War II arrived in the Philippines when the Batanes islands and Luzon were invaded by Japanese forces on 8 December, 1941. Manila was occupied on 2 January, 1942, and fighting continued until the last defending U.S. and Filipino forces surrendered on 8 May, 1942. The occupation lasted until Japan’s final surrender in 3

Addenda et Corrigenda


N HIS ARTICLE ‘Nomadic Papua’ (The Murillo Bulletin, Issue No. 9), as subsequently clarified in Issue No. 10, Richard Jackson gave his opinion that the source for the toponym ‘Negros’ for the small island next to ‘Cubu’ shown on the 1548 map India Tercera Nova Tabula by Giacomo Gastaldi was Ferdinand Magellan’s chronicler, Antonio Pigafetta, who mentioned an island south-southwest from Bohol which he called ‘Panilongon’ and described as ‘where black people like those of Ethiope live’. However, as pointed out by Professor Bronwen Douglas of the Australian National University, Gastaldi’s map was not the first to use the name. The manuscript map Carta Castiglioni of 1525, attributed to Diego Ribeiro, which is believed to be the first map to show the results of Magellan’s voyage, shows the ‘y: de negros’ written (upside down) next to ‘Cubu’ ‒ see: As a result of work he is doing for a mining project on the small island of Misima in the extreme southeast of Papua New Guinea, in collaboration with Geoff Callister who was born and brought up on the island and is fluent in the local Austronesian language, Richard has ascertained that there are a number of smaller islands nearby whose names begin with pana, derived from the Misiman word panua meaning 'place'. For example, the islands of Panaeati and Panapompom can be translated respectively as ‘place of old coconut trees' and 'place of filariasis'. Further west along the south coast of PNG, settled by Austronesian speakers about 1000 years ago, panua morphed into hanua, hence the name Hanuabada ('place big' or ‘big village’) for the site which became the country's capital with its name changed by the British to Port Moresby. Consequently it may be reasonable to speculate that to the Austronesian speakers in what is now the Philippines, Pigafetta’s name for the island 'Panilongon', known today (and for the past 500 years by Europeans) as Negros, would have simply meant ‘the place of the Ilongo'.

Detail from Diego Ribeiro’s Carta Castiglioni (1525) (image courtesy of Biblioteca Estense, Modena)

By analogy, can we also hypothesise that ‘the place of the Aeta’ provided the derivation for the name of the island of Panay (which appears on some early maps as ‘Panoades’)? The word Aeta is a collective ethnonym and endonym for several indigenous peoples of Negrito ethnicity living in Luzon and the Visayas (including Panay) who are thought to be among the earliest inhabitants of the Philippines, pre-dating the arrival of the Austronesians.

   In ‘A VOC Chart of Mindanao’ (Issue No. 12) we quoted a catalogue description for a manuscript chart made by the Dutch East India Company in the mid-18th century which stated that in Mindanao: ‘Saranga’ island is here called “MaLoeLang oud Siruganna”, now Talikud Island’. Christian Perez has kindly pointed out that this is incorrect, and that ‘MaLoeLang oud Siruganna’ is in fact Sarangani Island.

(Image courtesy of Daniel Crouch Rare Books Ltd)

  


A chart of the Islands between Formosa and the Philippines, June 1763 (image courtesy of the Library of Congress)


A reader has asked about the references to indigo in ‘Nicholas Norton Nicols and his maps of Mindanao’ (Issue No. 12). Indigo, a dark shade of blue, is traditionally the colour in the rainbow between blue (cyan) and violet. Before the discovery of synthetic dyestuffs in the late19th century, the principal sources of indigo dye were tropical plants of the genus Indigofera, in particular Indigofera tinctoria, which grows wild across the Philippines and is also cultivated.

not around the Batanes or Babuyanes islands. Many of the latitudes recorded are wrong, by as much as 10 nautical miles, as shown in the locations of Botel Tabago, the Batanes and the Babuyanes. Christian Perez has pointed out that ‘Cape Westminster Hall’ on the north coast of Luzon, today known as Mairaira Point, is the northernmost point of Luzon, but the chart is inaccurate as it shows Cape Kagayan as being further to the north.

To create indigo dye, the leaves are soaked in water and fermented to convert the glycoside indican present in the plant to the chemical indigotin. The solution is treated by the addition of a strong alkali such as lye, and the resulting precipitate is dried, powdered and pressed into cakes. The term ‘indigo’ can therefore mean the colour, the plant from which the dye is obtained or, as used by Nicholas Norton in his memorial ‘Commerce of the Philipinas Islands’, the indigo dyestuff exported in large quantities from Asia to Europe in the 18th century for the production of dyed cotton textiles, notably serge de Nîmes (denim).

Not only is the cartographer unknown, but we have been unable to identify the surveying ship. The chart dates from the period when Manila was under British occupation, and in May 1763 the 20-gun Royal Navy ship H.M.S. Seaford ‘and a collection of small craft acquired locally’ were dispatched to Ilocos to support Diego Silang's rebellion. But Silang was assassinated on 28 May, 1763 and the Seaford sailed no further north than Vigan. Dr. Stephen Davies, a former Director of the Hong Kong Maritime Museum, suggests that the depth of the soundings (up to 40 fathoms) and the inaccuracies in latitude and in the location of some of the islets shown indicate that the survey was made in a relatively small boat, perhaps a launch, using only a standard boat lead. A possible theory is that the vessel was the Westminster Hall, since that toponym for the cape appears on no other charts, but as no ship of that name appears in the records of the Royal Navy or the East India Company we shall probably never know.

   In ‘The Naming and Mapping of the Batanes: Mapmakers have a Problem with these Islands!’ (Issue No. 2) the authors state that ‘the first accurate outline of the Bashee Islands was published by Alexander Dalrymple [in] 1771’. However, there is an earlier, manuscript chart in the Howe map collection at the Library of Congress that shows the Batanes correctly, in some detail. A chart of the Islands between Formosa and the Philippines (ref. G8062.B2 1763.J8 Howe 61) is stated to be by ‘W. June’, and is dated 1763. However, this is probably incorrect; June is a pretty uncommon surname, and there is no record for a June in the naval personnel records in the U.K. National Archives. Consequently it seems more likely that ‘June 1763’ is in fact the date, with the name of the cartographer unrecorded and the ‘w.' perhaps standing for ‘written’. The chart extends from ‘The South End of Formosa’ in the north to just south of ‘Bigan’ (Vigan) in ‘Luzonia’, and shows all ten Batanes islands with ‘Bayat or Orange’, ‘Grafton’, ‘Goat’, ‘Bashee’ and ‘Sabtang or Monmouth’ named. Soundings are shown along the southern coast of Formosa and the western coast of Luzon, but

Detail of the Batanes Islands from the 1763 chart (image courtesy of the Library of Congress)


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The Other March by Andoni F. Aboitiz


N 8 DECEMBER, 1941, ten hours after the attack on Pearl Harbor, Japan invaded the Philippines by air and by sea. Manila was occupied on 2 January, 1942, and the defenders withdrew to the Bataan Peninsula and the island of Corregidor. The defending forces in Bataan surrendered on 9 April, and those on Corregidor surrendered on 6 May. Much has been written about the fall of Bataan and the familiar events of the subsequent Bataan Death March, yet very little has been written about the fate of the men captured on Corregidor. We know they were not immediately moved out of the fortress, and spent several weeks on the island. At the end of May some were chosen for a closing act the Japanese Military Administration wished to play out in Manila. On the morning of 25 May, 1942, approximately 1,000 prisoners of war (POWs) were transported by sea from Corregidor to a beach in Parañaque, south of Manila. The group was composed of American and Filipino soldiers from the United States Army Forces in the Far East (USAFFE) that had surrendered on the island. Their final destination for that day would be the Bilibid Prison complex right off Quezon Boulevard, which at that time was just inside the inner periphery of urban Manila. The total distance from the likely landing spot in Parañaque to Bilibid is around 11 kilometres. This route was certainly not the shortest the Japanese could have chosen if the intention was primarily to move these exhausted and sick men to prison. A landing at any one of the many landing points on the Pasig River would have put the group to within a kilometre or two of the Bilibid Complex. But the Japanese had another goal that day. They had chosen these men to participate in a public display of the humiliation of the American and Filipino forces by parading them through the very heart of Manila along its grandest and most popular avenues.

The route of the POWs’ march through Manila

The route would take the POWs from their offload point in Parañaque, through Dewey Boulevard ‒ as would have been witnessed by my mother ‒ past the Luneta and the Rizal memorial, and then up Padre Burgos Street; upon reaching the tranvia (streetcar) circle in front of the Post Office they would turn hard right, cross the Pasig River via the Quezon Bridge, and march up Quezon Boulevard to be finally incarcerated at Bilibid. With this route, they marched past the Quiapo Church and the art deco Life Theater on Quezon Boulevard. The Japanese had arranged for Manileños to be aware of this event so as to ensure the spectacle was witnessed by as many as possible. This was achieved.


The small size of the painting (approximately 12”x18”) tells us that he painted the scene en plein air (outdoors), either contemporaneously or shortly thereafter. That Amorsolo witnessed the march, I have no doubt. It is his composition of the painting and the details he decided to focus on that I find the most intriguing. The details of the white buildings are relatively pronounced, showing he meant to ensure that the viewer knew exactly where the scene was taking place. Curiously, the men in the march have been done in quick and simple strokes of his brush. Not much detail is created of the POWs, who we think would be the main characters in the picture. In my view, and quite unexpectedly, it is the Japanese guard in the foreground that elicits the most emotion. His stance is not aggressive and is, in fact, quite relaxed. He knows the POWs pose no threat, and he has no intention to inflict harm. His pose, quite unusually, is one of pity for the marchers. Not what we would expect.

Two photographs from that day (above), published in Manila on 7 June in The Sunday Tribune, a Japanese-controlled newspaper, document two of the landmarks the men traversed. One shows them having crossed the Quezon Bridge; the other places them in front of the Times Theatre, which was situated right across from the Quiapo Church.

For all the participants of that day in Manila it would seem that the Japanese were fully in control. But, ironically, history tells us that this period (May to June 1942) was, in fact, the high point of the Japanese expansion in Asia. The Battle of Midway was to follow in a couple of weeks, and after this epic battle the Japanese military would be completely on the defensive. This highly emotive painting deserves further study.

Fernando Amorsolo (1892-1972), who would be posthumously honoured as the first National Artist of the Philippines, is best known for his many paintings of Philippine landscapes, rural customs and culture, and portraits. But during World War II he documented the destruction of Manila and the suffering of its inhabitants by sketching war scenes from the windows or rooftop of his house. Amorsolo painted his image of the Parañaque to Bilibid march most likely from a spot not many steps from his studio on Bilibid Viejo Street near Quezon Boulevard. In the painting we can see a tower from the Quiapo Church, with its dome in the background, and the Life Theater in the middle distance behind the POWs. 10

The Life Theater photographed for Life magazine by Carl Mydans in late 1941

The March of the Corregidor POWs to Bilibid Prison, 25 May, 1942 by Fernando Amorsolo (from the collection of Matthew Westfall)

The arrival of the American and Filipino POWs at Bilibid Prison as the Japanese look on (photograph from the Imago History Collection) 11


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Moritz Sternberg, the Bridge of Spain, Manila rare coloured double postcard, 14 cm x 17.8 cm, Hong Kong c.1906 Antique maps, prints, photographs, postcards, paintings & books


Postcards at War: Artworks on Japanese World War II Philippine propaganda postcards by Ricardo Trota Jose, Ph.D. Department of History, University of the Philippines, Diliman


AR PROPAGANDA takes on many forms: posters, leaflets, cartoons, newsreels and music. All these formats were used in the Philippines during the Second World War and the Japanese Occupation. One relatively unknown field, however, is the use by the Japanese of picture postcards as a medium of propaganda. Not so much for the occupied peoples ‒ the Filipinos ‒ as is more usually the case, but for Japanese in the home front. What is unique about these Japanese postcards is that they utilized as their medium artworks by both Japanese and Filipino artists, to bring home to the Japanese people conditions in the Philippines: life on the battle-front and in the Japanese-occupied country. The wartime Japanese pictorial postcards can be grouped into distinct classifications. One category is defined by where, and by which organization, the postcard was published; another is by the artist ‒ whether Filipino or Japanese artists and, for the latter, whether the artist had been to the Philippines or created his work in Japan proper. Another category would be by subject: the message the artwork in the postcard was trying to convey to the recipient.

Japan was unique during its wars by having postcards issued by the Japanese military. Gunji yubin, literally translated as military mail or military post, were posted free for Japanese servicemen. These were blank postcards with military symbols and the characters for military mail on them, along with a box where the censor’s name stamp could be affixed. Other postcards were pictorial (e hagaki), with artworks on them. This article looks into those military pictorial postcards which carried artworks depicting Philippine scenes. Propaganda and art War propaganda and wartime art are strongly connected. Various combatant states employed artists at the fighting fronts to document frontline action and conditions that film could not capture: the colors, nuances and sensations which only an artist could capture on canvas or sketch pad. Be it pen-and-ink sketches, watercolors or oil paintings, these paintings provided substance and depth to photographic images. The U.S., Great Britain, Germany and other major powers recognized the importance of the artist in conveying the human side of the war.

Locally printed military postcards featuring Philippine scenes by an unknown Filipino artist, with a typical back showing the characters for gunji yubin and yubin hagaki and a box for the censor’s stamp 13

Front-line scene by Mukai Junkichi, with laundry hung out to dry, farmers pounding rice, a barber cutting hair, and other peaceful pursuits, as a Japanese soldier looks on; printed in Manila by the 14th Army Propaganda Section.

People proceeding to town by Suzuki Eijiro; printed in Manila by the 14th Army Propaganda Section

‘Southern Philippines Carabao Cart’ by Suzuki Eijiro, annotated by the sender with the Filipino words for woman, child, bananas, man, carabao and coconuts; printed in Manila by the 14th Army Propaganda Section.

Quiapo Church by Tsurui Minoru; printed in Manila by the 14th Army Propaganda Section

Outskirts of Manila by Suzuki Eijiro; while fighting was going on, this painting of two fish traps, looking across the bay towards Bataan, evokes calm and tranquility.

Mount Natib by Tanaka Saichiro; a peaceful and tranquil view of this site of fierce combat in January 1942, printed in Manila by the 14th Army Propaganda Section.


Locally-printed postcard showing a Filipina and Japanese soldiers cooking a meal, by Nonaka Isao

Japan in particular gave special importance to the artists depicting battle scenes, landscapes, and the people of the places where their soldiers fought and lived. Prints showing battles from the first Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895) and the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905) provided action-packed illustrations which brought home to the people in Japan what combat was like. During the second Sino-Japanese War (19371945), the Japanese government sent artists to sketch and draw the battles, the people and the lands where their soldiers fought. Famous artists were sent to the front to document the warzones, and the territory and people the Japanese had occupied. Many of these artworks were used in military postcards, which allowed soldiers to show their families and friends at home their experiences at the front. Since these postcards could be sent free of charge, soldiers made much use of this means to share what they saw. Numerous types were issued and can still be found today.

Postcard by Nonaka Isao showing a fish market in Manila, printed by the 14th Army Propaganda Section

Postcards printed in the Philippines One group of gunji yubin e hagaki is that of postcards published in the Philippines. These were meant to be sent home by soldiers or civilians working in the military. A number were sent to Japan from the Philippines; others were mailed from other battlefronts in the south as the soldiers’ units were reassigned. One set of military postcards was in one color only. These depicted scenes by Filipino artists, who are not identified. The main purpose of these postcards was to show the folks back home what the Philippines was like, and there is no indication that fighting had taken place. No publisher is stated, but these postcards have Gunji yubin (military mail) / Yubin hagaki (postcard) characters and a box for the censor’s seal printed on the back. Over 30 designs appear to have been issued. A second set of military postcards printed in the Philippines were issued in 1942 by the Watari Sendenhan (14th Army Propaganda Section); the


‘Army Eagles Control the South Seas’ by Mukai; seemingly tranquil, this painting shows bombers about to drop their deadly loads over the Filipino-American lines in Bataan.

Fierce fighting in the Bataan front by Terauchi Manjiro; bullets can be seen flying as samurai swords and bayonets glint in the sunlight.

‘Gun Smoke Road’ by Inokuma Genichiro.

‘Charge’ by Mukai Junkichi, who was with the Propaganda Corps and was an eyewitness.

‘Musing on Manila’ by Terauchi Manjiro. A sentry stands guard, thinking about the impending occupation of Manila, as his comrades rest; a Japanese army truck is on the left.

‘Record of April 9’ by Mukai Junkichi. The painting shows the surrender of the defending forces in Bataan , as seen by Mukai who was an eyewitness


Watari Sendenhan was first upgraded to the Watari Sendenbu (Propaganda Department), and then, later in 1942, further renamed as the Hodobu (Department of Information). These were postcards in full color, reproducing watercolor paintings by five Japanese artists who were assigned to the Propaganda Corps. Only ten postcards were issued, showing various Philippine scenes as witnessed first-hand by the artists, who were frequently on the front lines with their art supplies. Postcards printed in Japan There were four agencies connected with the Japanese Army that printed postcards with Philippine scenes in Japan. They were the Army Quartermaster Main Depot, the Army Ministry, the Army Relief Depot, and the Army Art Association. All four were based in Tokyo, and printed paintings and sketches by those artists who were assigned to the Philippines. In addition, the Army Art Association printed paintings by Japanese artists who had not gone to the Philippines, but who painted war scenes based on photographs and reports. Attack on Cavite Navy Base by Miwa Chosei

A private organization, the Asahi Shimbun newspaper, sponsored an exhibition of war art and issued postcards featuring the most significant works (see above and left). As with some of the artists whose works were published as postcards by the Army Art Association, the painters of the exhibited works based their works on sources available in Japan. Naturally, in these cases, the artists painted in their respective styles and provided their own interpretation of important events in the war. Themes and functions

Attack on Clark Field by Sato Kei

The picture postcards printed and published in the Philippines were meant for soldiers at the front to show family and friends at home sights and conditions from the front, but they did not show the actual fighting. Instead, these postcards depicted local flavor: vistas not seen in Japan, such as coconut palms, carabaos, nipa huts, churches and other buildings, and Filipino women and children in traditional dress. One card shows a Filipino youth handing a Japanese soldier a coconut. These postcards by Filipino artists were meant to capture the spirit and mood of the Philippines. 17

‘Ruins on Corregidor’, portrayed by Suzuki Eijiro with much artistic license: after the American surrender there were no palm trees left standing, and there was no heavy ship repair crane in Corregidor’s docks, but the damage is evident.

Corregidor Island by Inokuma Genichiro, showing a Japanese Soldier, victorious, in war-ravaged Corregidor.

‘Jungle Entertainment’ by Nonaka Isao, showing dancing and entertainment in the jungle of Bataan on an improvised stage on the back of a truck.

‘At the Outskirts of Manila’ by Mukai Junkichi; Manila smolders as the Japanese advance towards the Open City.

‘Philippine Sketch – Balanga Cathedral’ by Nonaka Isao; the war damage is evident, and the decline of U.S. influence is indicated by the Mobil Oil sign being ready to fall.

The meeting of Generals Homma and Wainwright, showing the surrender negotiations in Corregidor as interpreted by famed war artist Miyamoto Saburo based on photographs and film footage, but with the addition of the camera, the interpreter and other personnel not caught on film.


Birth of the New Philippines by Kawashima Riichiro.

Postcards which featured paintings by Japanese artists with the Propaganda Corps in the Philippines were in full color. They depicted not only unique views of the Philippines ‒ churches and buildings, the countryside and towns, caromatas, bancas and local costumes ‒ but also the interaction, cooperation and supposed friendship with the Filipinos under Japanese occupation. The one Propaganda Corps postcard that shows a battlefield depicts Mount Natib in Bataan, but silent and peaceful after the fighting. The military postcards printed in Japan published the artworks of the Japanese artists in the Philippines, and replicated some of the peaceful views shown by the postcards printed in Manila. But they also published several scenes of the actual fighting. There are paintings of tanks advancing in Bataan, bombers on missions over the contested peninsula, sentries on the alert, columns of Japanese soldiers advancing on Manila, and officers observing the results of the artillery bombardment of Corregidor. Close up paintings of the ground fighting in Corregidor are filled with graphic detail. Others show soldiers resting next to nipa huts or enjoying a dance presentation on an impromptu stage in the jungle of Bataan. Some

postcards depict the aftermath of fighting, the ruins of Corregidor and Balanga among others. A few postcards depict historical scenes. The surrender of Bataan is depicted by the artist Mukai Junkichi, and the surrender on Corregidor is illustrated by Miyamoto Saburo (who also painted the classic mural showing General Percival surrendering to General Yamashita in Singapore). The visit of Prime Minister General Tojo Hideki to Manila in May 1943 is captured in a postcard showing a researched painting by Kawashima Riichiro, based on photographs and news accounts, of a formal luncheon at the Manila Hotel at which the possibility of Philippine independence under the Japanese was discussed. The meeting was attended by prominent Filipino political leaders, including José P. Laurel and Benigno S. Aquino, and Lieutenant-General Wachi Takaji, Chief-of-Staff of the Imperial Japanese 14th Army, all of whom are accurately depicted and easily recognizable. A painting by Suzuki Eijiro shows FilipinoJapanese friendship, with happy Filipinos waving Japanese and Philippine flags next to the Rizal Monument to celebrate the coming of independence under Japan. While Suzuki was in the


Philippines in 1942, he may not have witnessed the October 1943 independence ceremonies in person; this reconstruction may have been based on his earlier observations. Note how he shows the Philippine flag inverted, with the red field at the top, indicating a state of war. The flag was in fact hoisted this way only in September 1944, when American planes began bombing Japanese positions in the Philippines. Two postcards, published by the Asahi Shimbun as part of its dissemination of war paintings shown in the Greater East Asia Art Exhibition, depict the aerial bombings of Clark Field and Cavite Navy Base. Both were painted by artists in Japan who based their interpretations on photographs and news reports. Some of the postcards that were sent from the Philippines were annotated by the soldiers, giving Filipino names for bananas, carabaos, children and so on. In one card, the sender even mentions what kind of banana was edible and what was not. Whether printed in Manila or Tokyo, all the postcards were meant to uplift the morale of the soldiers in the front line by allowing them to share their experiences (albeit censored)

through illustrations and words. The pictures of battle and apparent cooperation between Japanese and Filipinos reinforced the idea that Japan was winning the war. Virtually all the picture postcards were printed in the early part of the war, however, before Japan suffered major reverses. Thus, they are of Japanese victories and carry an optimistic message. The artists Most of the artists whose works were published in the military picture postcards were established painters who were drafted into the Propaganda Corps of the Imperial Japanese Army about a month before the outbreak of war. Some had won prizes and acclaim in art exhibitions; a few were developing their own schools. Many had stayed in Europe for some time, embracing Impressionism and other Western styles with which they mixed Japanese styles. At least one, Inokuma Genichiro, had begun dabbling in modern art; having studied art in Tokyo, he went to France in 1938 to learn French styles and was inspired by Henri Matisse and Pablo Picasso. In 1940 he was sent to China to cover the second Sino-Japanese War, prior to his assignment to the 14th Army Propaganda Section.

Nippon Banzai - Mabuhay Nippon (The Birth of the New Philippines) by Suzuki Eijiro


the artists was able to see conditions on other front lines in Southeast Asia; after serving with the 14th Army Propaganda Section Terauchi Manjiro, who specialized in watercolor landscapes and had studied traditional Japanese art in Tokyo, was sent to the Celebes to cover operations there.

Inokuma Genichiro in his studio in 1948 The artists joined writers, photographers and even a philosopher who were ordered to report to a designated place in Tokyo, where they were interviewed and underwent a physical exam. After this they were divided into groups, each to accompany combat troops to specific areas. Those artists destined for the Philippines were assigned to the 14th Army. Some artists had already painted frontline scenes in China, while others were neophytes in combat art. The commander of the Japanese Propaganda Corps was Lt. Col. Katsuya Tomishige. They were briefed on the Philippines, and accompanied the first waves to land in Lingayen Gulf or Lamon Bay.

The artists who painted in Tokyo were already well known when the war started. They had been painting battle scenes of the war in China to build up morale and pride in the Japanese armed forces. The paintings were dramatic and full of detail, but showed artistic license to inject more life and meaning into the event than photographs showed. The paintings of the bombing of Clark Field and Cavite Navy Yard, the surrender of Corregidor, and Prime Minister Tojo’s lunch with Laurel and others were historically accurate, but were given highlights and perspectives that the still photos or newsreels of these events were unable to catch. Many of them (including impressions of the surrender of Singapore, the Japanese assault on Hong Kong and others) were murals which were exhibited in art contests and pictorial exhibitions in Tokyo and elsewhere, before being reproduced in postcard form.

Their task was not only to sketch and paint the action in the battle lines or living conditions in the Philippines, but also to produce illustrations for propaganda leaflets, designed to attack the enemy’s will to fight (both Filipinos and Americans). Inokuma, for example, sketched the famous leaflet which enticed Filipinos to surrender since ‘the Japanese were not the enemy’. They sketched and painted with what they had, using crayon, watercolor or pen-andink. As the invading army advanced, the artists were able to scrounge additional artistic supplies in the occupied towns. As propagandists, most of the artists covered the battlefront in the early part of the war, and as conditions stabilized the majority went back home by late 1942. At least one, Mukai Junkichi, wrote a book about his experiences, which including some watercolors that had not appeared in postcards or exhibitions. Some of

Mukai Junkichi in 1961


After the war The military picture postcards served their purpose for a brief moment in the war. When the war ended, this genre of war art fell into obscurity, and the artists themselves feared they might be arrested in connection with their role as war propagandists. They were not put into prison, but their paintings were seized and brought to the U.S., where they remained largely forgotten. Eventually art historians in Japan negotiated their return to Japan.

As for the wartime postcards, they faded into obscurity in the postwar years, until the 1970s when some interest was shown in local philatelic circles. In Japan, awareness of the military postcards with Philippine scenes resurfaced at about the same time, with samples being published in commemorative pictorials on the war. The gunji yubin e hagaki are now collectors’ items, but are relatively scarce. Further details about the artworks and their publication as military picture postcards will hopefully emerge in the near future.

Many of the artists went back to their chosen art forms, and further developed their own unique styles. Many continued to be famous and respectable, but would omit their war art from their catalogs. Inokuma left Japan and decided to live in the U.S.; he subsequently returned to Japan after many years. Mukai shifted his style entirely and focused on painting minka (indigenous Japanese houses).

This article is based on the presentation given by the author to the Jung Art Collective and the Carl Jung Circle Center on 2 October, 2021, which members of PHIMCOS were invited to join. All of the postcards illustrated are from the author’s collection; photographs of the artists are from public sources.

Bibliography and sources Anonymous, World War II Era Japanese Paintings Reflect Artists’ Identity in Militaristic Society, Centre for East Asian Studies, The University of Kansas, 2015:’-identity-militaristic-society Ikeda Asato, Envisioning Fascist Space, Time and Body: Japanese Painting during the Fifteen Year War (19311945), Ph.D. dissertation, University of British Columbia, 2012. —, The Politics of Painting: Fascism and Japanese Art during the Second World War, University of Hawai’i Press, Honolulu, 2018. —, ‘Japan’s Haunting War Art: Contested War Memories and Art Museums’, in disClosure: A Journal of Social Theory,Vol. 18, Article 2, University of Kentucky, 2009. Inokuma Genichiro, Olympedia biographical Information: Barak Kushner, The Thought War: Japanese Imperial Propaganda, University of Hawai’i Press, Honolulu, 2006. Maki Kaneko, ‘Mukai Junkichi’s Transformation from a War to Minka (Folk House) Painter’, in Archives of Asian Art, Vol. 61 (1), Duke University Press, Durham NC, 2011. Miyamoto Saburo Memorial Museum: Mukai Junkichi Annex, Setagaya Art Museum: Mukai Junkichi, 比島 Hito, Shin Taiyō Sha, Tokyo, 1943. Osaki Tomohiro, ‘Junkichi Mukai: The Time for Conversation’, in The Japan Times, August 9, 2012. Linda Stanfield, ‘Philippine Scenes on Japanese Military Postal Cards’, in Philippine Philatelic News, Vol. 3 (1), 1977. —, ‘Philippine Scenes on Japanese Military Postal Cards, Part II’, in Philippine Philatelic News, Vol. 3 (2-4), 1977. Motoe Terami-Wada, ‘The Japanese Propaganda Corps in the Philippines’, in Philippine Studies Vol. 38, 1990. Author’s correspondence with Yano Fumihiko.


Mapping the Growth of Zamboanga from Pigafetta to the 19th Century by Dr. Felice Noelle Rodriguez


HIS IS THE STORY of Zamboanga, the city that punctuates the southwestern tip of the peninsula that forms the western side of the island of Mindanao. Forming its story are multiple cultural encounters: among the local peoples – Subanen, Lutao and Kalibugan – and then with the Spanish administrators, military troops and missionaries; runaway, captured and redeemed slaves; and merchants from China, Southeast Asia, Europe, America and elsewhere. Maps and prints track Zamboanga’s narrative of transformation from a Spanish garrison outpost settlement to a city where the routes of the indigenous, Western, and East Asian worlds meet. Its geographical space and historical times are interspersed with narratives from the indigenous inhabitants and foreign visitors that give us different perspectives of their lives and interconnections. Out of this intermingling developed the Chabacano language, reflecting the cultural melange still ongoing in Zamboanga. Maps remind us that this Philippine creole emerged not only from the physical geography but also from the human landscape of the people who settled at that crossroads.

furthermore, that: ‘The accuracy of his transcriptions of place names is striking. The vast majority of Pigafetta’s East Indian toponyms are easily matched to their modern equivalents.’(1) Pigafetta’s first mention of an encounter in the Zamboanga peninsula is in a place he writes as ‘Kipit’, ‘Chipit’, ‘Chippit’ and ‘Cippit’. Located ‘fifty leagues from Zubu [Cebu]’ in the northwestern part of the peninsula near Sindangan Bay. The settlement was also called by other names: ‘by the Roteiro, Capyam, Quype; by Peter Martyr, Chipico; in Transylvanus, Gibity; and in Barros, Quepindo’.(2) Today Kipit retains its name, as a barangay and a river in the municipality of Labason, Zamboanga del Norte.

Pigafetta’s visit to Kipit After Ferdinand Magellan had been killed by Lapu-Lapu on the island of Mactan on 27 April, 1521, the two remaining ships of the MagellanElcano expedition proceeded and made landfall in Mindanao as they continued their way on the first circumnavigation of the world. Antonio Pigafetta, chronicler of the expedition, narrated the events, peoples and cultures they encountered in Relazione del primo viaggio intorno al mondo (Account of the First Voyage around the World). Pigafetta’s manuscript came with accompanying maps, and in his introduction to an English translation, Theodore J. Cachey Jr. states that the work is noteworthy for its ‘contribution to the cartography of the East Indies, which takes the form of twenty-three painted maps, featured in the earliest manuscripts of the book’ and,

Antonio Pigafetta’s map showing (at left) the tip of the Zamboanga peninsula with ‘Subanin’ and ‘Chauit’ (image courtesy of the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University)


Kipit is described by Pigafetta as a good port having the following products: rice, ginger, swine, goats, poultry, and other things. Pigafetta’s map shows a river with drawings of houses on its banks and the name ‘Cippit’ written alongside. The king was called ‘Raia Calanao’, probably a form of the title Rajah. Pigafetta does not indicate whether the inhabitants were Subanen or Sama, but he does provide us with a window to the location, customs, material culture and trade of the people in the northwestern part of the Zamboanga Peninsula at that time: Then we came to a large island [Mindanao] whose king in order to make peace with us, drew blood from his left hand marking his body, face, and the tip of his tongue with it as a token of the closest friendship, and we did the same. … We had no sooner entered a river than many fishermen offered fish to the king. … The distance from the beginning of the river where our ships were to the king’s house, was two leguas [leagues]. Until the supper was brought in, the king with two of his chiefs and two of his beautiful women drank the contents of a large jar of palm wine without eating anything. … Then the supper, which consisted of rice and very salty fish, and was contained in porcelain dishes, was brought in. … When we had eaten, the king had a reed mat and another of palm leaves, and a leaf pillow brought in so that I might sleep on them. … I saw many articles of gold in those houses but little food. … The most abundant product of that island is gold. They showed me certain large valleys, making me a sign that the gold there was as abundant as the hairs of their heads, but they have no iron with which to dig it, and they do not care to go to the trouble [to get it]. That part of the island belongs to the same land as Butuan and Calaghan, and lies toward Bohol, and is bounded by Mazaua.(3)

Cauit and Subanin The two other settlements mentioned by Pigafetta are in the southernmost tip of the Zamboanga peninsula: Cauit and Subanin, with their names inscribed on Pigafetta’s map of the peninsula. The map also shows Zzolo (Jolo) and Tagima (Basilan), with a scroll saying: ‘Icy naissent les perles’ [Here the pearls are born].(4)


Detail of the c.1571 Fernão Vaz Dourado map showing the Zamboanga peninsula as ‘Cabrita’ (image courtesy of the Arquivo Nacional Torre do Tombo, Lisbon)

Cachey sites Cauit as Cavite, whereas today there is a place called Kawit at the southern tip of the peninsula. Kawit does not figure prominently in other, 19th century maps of Zamboanga, but it still exists as one of the city’s barangays. In the presentation on early Portuguese maps given to PHIMCOS by Miguel Lourenço,(5) he states that in the 16th century the Portuguese navigators would use the tip of the Zamboanga peninsula as a landmark and steer through the strait of Tagima (today Basilan) on their voyages from Malacca to the Moluccas. A Portuguese manuscript portolan chart of c.1571, contained in an atlas attributed to Fernão Vaz Dourado,(6) shows the Zamboanga peninsula with the name ‘Cabrita’. The origin of the name is unknown ‒ possibly an analogue of Cauit, or a reference to the presence of goats (cabritos in Portuguese). Pigafetta states that Subanin and Cauit, produced the best cinnamon, for which he gives the local name caiumana ‒ caiu meaning wood and mana sweet, hence ‘sweet wood’. In the Malay language today cinnamon is called kayu manis (sweet wood), while in Subanen it is known as kayo mamot (fragrant tree).(7) He also stressed the importance of cinnamon for barter trade, showing the ability of the inhabitants to gather cinnamon in bulk and offer it in exchange for trade goods: In those two settlements of Cauit and Subanin is found the best cinnamon that grows. Had we stayed there two days, those people would

have laden our ships [with it] for us, … but we did not wish to delay. While under sail we bartered two large knives which we had taken from the governor of Pulaoan for seventeen libras (pounds) [of cinnamon].

The Subanen are believed to be the earliest people in the peninsula. Suba means river and Subanen (river dweller) was a term applied to the tribe because its members were met going up the river from the coast.(8) Possibly because of the trade in cinnamon, the name given to the peninsula in the celebrated Dutch maps Insulae Moluccae celeberrimae (the ‘Spice Map’) by Petrus Plancius (1594) and Exacta & accurata delineatio cum orarum maritimarum by Jan Huygen Van Linschoten (1596) is ‘Canola’, from canela, the Spanish word for cinnamon. From then on Zamboanga would be looked at as a possible place to grow this spice. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi mentions the possibility of having a cinnamon plantation to sustain the colony, and in the 18th century it was studied by the botanist Juan de Cuellar. The Carta Hydrographica y Chorographica delas Yslas Filipinas by Fr. Pedro Murillo Velarde (1734) shows the ‘Monte de Canela’ to the north of Samboangan, and cinnamon was the mainstay of the project promoted by the English trader Nicholas Norton Nicols in the 1750s.(9) Before Zamboanga there was Subanen, and later maps would still call the peninsula ‘Subana’, for example A Map of the East-Indies by Herman Moll (1727).

Nawan and the Kalibugan As the first peoples of the land, the Subanen have their own narrative of the place before the arrival of Muslim traders and the building of the Spanish fort. We can hear their story from the account an old Subanen headman of Patawak, just west of Sindangan Bay (around 74 kms to the north of Kipit), narrated it to the anthropologist Emerson Brewer Christie in 1905: The former name of Zamboanga was Nawan. There were in old times no Spaniards or Moors. The Moros first came in the time of the Subanun chief Tubunawai, before the Spaniards came. … In those days there were no people in Sulu, Basilan, or in the Gikwan (Sindangan) or Lanau districts. … Tubunawai was a great hunter of wild pigs. He had a hunting lodge in Lake Lanau, another on Sibugai bay, and a third on the Gikwan River. [The Subanun] lived at Nawan, not on the shore, where the town of Zamboanga now is, but on the hillsides above.(10)

The headman’s narrative then recounts the arrival in Sulu of two brothers from Mecca, Assam and Salingaya Bungsu. They sailed to ‘the great island to the north’ [Mindanao] and started to fish. Since the Subanen lived in the hills they thought the island was uninhabited but one day, following three days of hard rain, ‘a great flood swept down the river’ (11) and ‘floating on the yellow water were ‘the broad green leaves of the taro, wisps of rice straw, bobbing calabashes, and stalks of sugar cane’, indicating the presence of the Subanen in the hills. Tubunawai’s men and the ‘men from Mecca’ began to trade local produce for sea fish, and in due course Salingaya Bungsu married Tubunawai’s daughter and relocated to the Sibuguey Bay area; some of his men also married Subanen women. A result of this intermarriage was a new ethnic group, called the Kalibugan, who practiced Islam and lived by the shore. To quote Rolando Esteban:

Detail of the Petrus Plancius ‘Spice Map’ (1594) showing Zamboanga as ‘Canola’ (private collection)

From both myth and history, as well as from some linguistic analysis, kalibugan means an individual of mixed blood – a crossbreed. In Kalibugan oral tradition, a kalibugan is the product of Subanen-Moro miscegenation, as when a Joloano marries a Subanen woman. Its application in the peninsula has a broader 25

meaning: it refers to the Moros descended from either Subanen-Moro unions or from Subanen converts to Islam. Kalibugan, therefore, implies biological and cultural hybridity.(12)

Parallel to the Subanen narrative is what historian Isaac Donoso Jiménez terms the Társila Zamboangueña, a genealogical record of the Zamboangan lineage. It was published in 1898 in Las Islas Filipinas, Mindanao by Benito Francia y Ponce de León and Julián González Parrado. This narrative is by Datto Escander Serri Chucarnain, Chieftain of Sibuguey and Sultan of Tamontaca, from what he calls the secret archives of the family, interpreted by Don José Araneta and his [Datto Chucarnain’s] secretary, Placido Alberto de Saavedra, in the year 1725. It relays the story from the perspective of the newly-arrived Salip Saliganya Bunsú, the introduction of Islam and the unity through marriage of the Subanen and the foreigner. For our purpose it is interesting to note toponyms mentioned, specifically the Masolóc (Masinloc) river and Mount Polumbató (Pulong Bato), that have survived to this day. As it was the first document written in Chabacano, I quote here the original part, on the union between Nayac, the daughter of the Subanen Chief Timuhay Saragán, and Saliganya Bunsu, followed by an English translation: Cuando el Salip Saliganya entró ser dueño y ensañar la ley mahometana en Zamboanga, sin este nombre según la Talasida nuestro, introdujo por el rio Masolóc que entonces era su nombre en donde se tuvieron cuando por las avenidas del rio vieron bajar despojos de sembrados que se internaron hasta los piés de Polumbató que hallaron un camarin que la gente corría, cuando Saliganya Bunsú dejó su crís y su candil de oro en la misma puerta y la misma cuerda formó tres nudos y tornó bajando al rio y llegado el término de los tres días como él lo indicaba mandó á sus bayulares y hallaron un valapá de oro con tres envoltorios de buyo y entregaron á su señor que comprendió del nudo parlamento, y llegado el término de los tres dias fué con toda su comitiva al mismo lugar que sin demora llegó el Timuhay Saragán juntamente con su hija Nayac con el cris puesto y candil fajada junto con los principales y ancianos del pueblo y se juntaron á reconocer por señor casando á su misma hija que Saliganya en prueba que él lo admitía lo compró por un


esclavo un perrito que esta llebaba y de ella tuvo dos hijos Matombong y Tongab.(13) When Sharif Saliganya Bungsu went to Zamboanga to claim sovereignty and preach Islam, he did not carry this name, our Társila says. They entered the river Masolóc, which was then its name, they tarried awhile when the swollen river was full of debris. Then they sailed upriver till they reached the foot of Polumbató. There they found a shed. The people ran and left the shed empty. Saliganya Bungsu placed his kris at the doorway. Then he unbound his golden sash, made three knots on it and left it at the side of the kris. he sailed downriver, and, as he said, after three days he sent his bayulares (lieutenants) back. They found a valapá de oro (chewing box of gold). Inside the box were three bundles of buyo (betel) leaves which they gave to their lord. He headed with his whole entourage for the same place. Without delay, Timuhay Saragan accompanied by his daughter Nayac arrived. She had the Kris on her, hanging from the sash bound around her waist. All the chiefs and elders gathered and acknowledged him as their Lord, and he, Saliganya Bunsu, as a token gesture married Saragan’s daughter and gave her a slave, while she gave him a puppy she had in her arms. They had two sons, Matombong and Tongab.(14)

The Lutao Another group in the peninsula mentioned in historical documents is the Lutao, also known as the Sama Bajau. Fr. Francisco Combés (op cit) named them Lutaya or Lutao, explaining that lutao means ‘he who swims or bounds over the water’. While he states that ‘they know no house save the boat’, he also says that they do have settlements and houses ‘well out where the low tide leaves the land exposed, and when the tide rises, they are left far out from shore in water sufficiently deep to anchor their vintas [outrigger boats] and larger boats’. Pigafetta also mentions a settlement in the island Monoripa (15) ‘ten leagues’ from Cauit and Subanin where they ‘have their houses on boats, and dwell nowhere else.’ Could they have been the Lutao? Historian Eric Casiño (op cit) refers to the Lutao as ancestors of the Samals and Bajaus. In the 17th century, a hundred years or so after Pigafetta’s encounter, Fr. Combés described the Lutao as being ‘distributed along the entire coast that

Chart of Mindanao by Gabriel Tatton (image courtesy of the MoD Admiralty Library, MSS 352)

One of the earliest sea charts to show the Zamboanga peninsular in any detail is in an atlas of 17 untitled charts held in the Admiralty Library in Portsmouth. To quote Sarah Tyacke: “Gabriel Tatton's collection of manuscript charts is the sole surviving example of original marine surveying in the East Indies by the English in the first half of the 17th century. The significance of these charts rests on their immediacy as a record of the ships' routes, drawn by a professional chartmaker while on an East India Company (EIC) voyage to the Spice Islands in 1620- 1621.” Tatton, a professional chartmaker from a Thameside seafaring family, had set out for the East Indies from London in 1619 as a member of the crew on the Elizabeth, a ship newly built for the EIC. In 1620 they sailed from Batavia (Jakarta) along the coasts of Malaya, Vietnam and China to the island of Firando (Hirado) in Japan. The following year they sailed southwards, down the west coast of the Philippines, past Mindoro and the Calamian and Cuyo islands, around the Zamboanga peninsula, and onwards to the Spice Islands, before returning to Firando, where Tatton died on 12 September, 1621. Chart No. 12 in the atlas, oriented to the west, shows the track of the Elizabeth from ‘Coxenlant’ (the Cagayan islands) to the ‘Forcades’ (probably the Sangboy islands), past ‘P. de la Canela’ (the southwest tip of the Zamboanga peninsula) on Mindanao, and through the ‘Straights of Dayima’ (aka Tagima, now the Basilan Strait). Soundings and anchorages along the ship’s track are marked. The editor thanks Sarah Tyacke CB, FSA, FRHistS, FRGS, Chair JB Harley Research Fellowships Trust, for providing a copy of her article ‘Gabriel Tatton's Maritime Atlas of the East Indies, 1620-1621: Portsmouth Royal Naval Museum, Admiralty Library Manuscript, MSS 352’, in Imago Mundi, Vol. 60, No. 1 (2008); and Jennifer Wraight, Admiralty Librarian, Royal Navy, for providing the image of Tatton’s chart of Mindanao.


runs from Zamboanga to the river Mindanao, save those who have a fixed abode in other places, some being located at the city of Cebu and a few others in the town of Dapitan’. Having the skills for building ships, dexterity in sailing, and knowledge of navigation and warfare, they were used as sailors and warriors and ‘lived together with the kings of Mindanao and Jolo, and with the chiefs of the same and those of the island of Basilan, today with the one and tomorrow with the other’. With the arrival of the Spaniards the Lutao served as their warriors, both in their conquests and in the quelling of revolts such as the Agustín (aka Juan) Sumuroy revolt in Palapag, Samar. The Bajau have many stories that explain their origins and way of life. Some of the many variants of these stories link them to Zamboanga and, as collected by the anthropologist Arlo H. Nimmo, the most elaborate is the following: Long ago, the Bajau lived in boats at Johore on the other side of Mecca. One day a great storm approached. To save the boats from being blown away, the headman stuck a pole into what he thought was the sea floor. He tied his boat to the pole, and the other 500 houseboats were tied to him in single file. After the storm passed, leaving the Bajau unharmed, all the people went to sleep. Unknowingly, the head man had stuck his pole into a sleeping, giant sting ray and while the Bajau slept, the ray awakened and pulled their boats to the open sea where they were left. For one week, the Bajau drifted in the open sea, not knowing where they were. Finally, a man prayed to Tuhan [God] to help them in their plight. Tuhan sent down a saitan [spirit] which entered the man (the first shaman, or djin among the Bajau) and told him they should sail toward the east for two days. They did so and eventually reached land. Upon reaching shallow waters, they stuck a mooring pole (called samboang) into the reef and tied their boats to it. The place came to be called ‘Samboangan’ (‘mooring place’), or Zamboanga as it is known today, the first mooring place in Sulu. The Bajau then became the subjects of the Sultan of Sulu who gave groups of them as parts of dowries to different datu scattered throughout the Sulu Islands. That is how they came to be located in their present homes.(16)


It was in this context that the Spaniards arrived. The Zamboanga Társila even narrates how the head of the Lutao, Majaraba Palouan, from the river Cagang-Cagang (now named Rio Hondo), provided the first Spaniards who arrived with food. Rio Hondo is the river closest to Fort Pilar, constructed by the Spanish, and when we look at the early maps it is this river that provides a moat around the fort. Spain enters Zamboanga After the arrival of the Magellan-Elcano expedition in 1521, and a series of failed Spanish expeditions, with the discovery by Andrés de Urdaneta in 1565 of a return-route eastwards across the Pacific Ocean, Spain was able to claim the archipelago as theirs. First setting up camp in Cebu, which they found unsuitable as a base, in 1570 the Spanish made contact with Manila, attacking and burning the city which was then under Rajah Sulayman. Upon the ashes of the old settlement they set up their new base and made Manila the capital, from where they continued with explorations and conquests to expand Spanish rule to the other islands. In 1578, just eight years after the fall of Manila, the third Governor-General, Francisco de Sande Picón, ‘attacked and destroyed Brunei’.(17) From Brunei, Sande sent Captain Rodriguez de Figueroa to Sulu, where he took tribute of a mere 12 pearls and some gold. In March 1579 Captain Gabriel de Rivera went from Sulu to the mouth of the Pulangi river in Maguindanao; the locals however simply withdrew to the interior. Spain tried to conquer the land again in 1596 but was unsuccessful. During these attacks on Maguindanao, the Spanish made Tampakan (in South Cotobato) their temporary base. However, they had problems with provisions, and communications were difficult, so they moved to a better location: the bay of La Caldera at the southwest point of the Zamboanga peninsula. La Caldera was a strategic base from which Spain could continue its colonisation of Maguindanao and Sulu, and also stop Moro raids to the Visayas. However, the bay was vulnerable to enemy attacks, not only from pirates and slave raiders but also from enemy warships. In early 1588 Thomas Cavendish had sailed down the west coast of Mindanao after his raid on the Spanish shipyard

sailed down from Cebu on the orders of the Governor-General Juan Cerezo de Salamanca. On 23 June the cornerstone for the fort, which was named the Real Fuerte de San José, was laid. Fr. Melchor de Vera, S.J. ‘found a workable quarry of good adobe stone close by and after diligent search a spring of sweet water’.(20)

Detail of Robert Dudley’s Carta particolare del Isola Mindanao … (1646) showing the Zamboanga peninsula and the islands fron Basilan to Sulu (Peter Geldart collection)

at Arevalo in Panay; one of Robert Dudley’s charts shows his anchorage at Galera Bay and, between ‘Taginio o Tagimio’ (Basilan) and ‘Solor’ (Sulu), Isolette 24 Viste dal Candish (24 islets seen by Captain Ca[ve]ndish).(18) The Spanish settlement at La Caldera was abandoned by 1596-98. Real Fuerte de San José Jesuit missionaries under their provincial, Fr. Juan de Bueras, then clamoured to build a fort with a permanent garrison. This would help the naval squadrons in Cebu and Iloilo to protect the settlements in the Visayas against slave raids. For the defence of the Visayas, its geographical location was one of the main reasons for building the fort at the southern-most tip of the Zamboanga peninsula because: … if the garrison were provided with a pursuit squadron of its own, it could intercept a raiding fleet from Magindanau or Jolo even before it reached Visayan waters [and] if this was not possible, it could at least send a fast dispatch boat with news of an impending raid and thus alert Cebu and Iloilo much earlier than had been hitherto possible.(19)

The proposal was executed and by the end of March 1635, 300 Spanish and 1,000 Visayan troops, two Jesuits, and Captain Juan de Chavez

The aim of the following Governor-General, Sebastián Hurtado de Corcuera, was the conquest of Maguindanao. The soldiers from the Visayas were replaced by troops from Pampanga. While the raids went on and attacks by Spain into Maguindanao continued, Zamboanga was slowly growing as a city. Six Jesuit chaplains were stationed there, one to serve as chaplain of the garrison, another as chaplain of the naval squadron, a third as missionary among the Lutao, a fourth to evangelise Basilan Island, a fifth to take care of the Subanen settlements along the western coast of the peninsula, and a sixth to preach the gospel to the Sulus.(21) In 1656 Zamboanga had the greatest number of towns, 13 out of the 79 listed, and the highest number of families under their care, 4,251 with a population of 17,004.(22) In 1659 the Jesuits’ residence in Zamboanga became classified as a college. Governor Atienza of Zamboanga and his successors helped the fathers provide the town with much-needed services, among them a hospital, chapels for the Lutao settlements, and a refuge for fallen women: The Lutaus, who had not fallen under the influence of Islam to the same extent as the Sulus, took to Christianity much more readily. They migrated in increasing numbers to Zamboanga and formed three settlements around the town: Bagumbayan on the beach, Kagang-Kagang beside the river, and Buayabuaya in the mangrove marshes.(23)

However, in April 1663, the same year as the Spanish withdrew from Ternate, the Zamboanga fort was abandoned to the care of the Christian Lutao under their datu Don Fernando Makombon. 400 Spanish and 200 Macabebe soldiers, 60 artillery pieces, and all their military equipment, as well as the Jesuit missionaries, were recalled to Manila because of the threat of an attack by the Chinese adventurer Cheng Ch’eng-kung, known also as Koxinga. Though records show that 6,000 inhabitants were left


behind, later visitors indicate that they saw no one by the shore, and the area where the fort stood had been abandoned. Cesar Adib Majul (op cit) directs us to a Dutch report dated 15 June, 1663, a few months after the Spanish abandonment of Zamboanga, indicating that two-thirds of the Christian population of the town reverted to Islam. Ruurdje Laarhoven interprets this as a political move whereby: Sultan Kudarat annexed the fort to his property and enticed two-thirds of the Christians to his side. The Maguindanaus gained influence in this area at the expense of Sulu, whose sultans had always exerted power over it before the Spaniards came in 1635. Kudarat’s efforts in increasing his following were not in vain. His charisma in the Zamboanga area was upheld by his grandson, Maulano, who had excellent connections there up to the end of his reign.(24)

Another account describing Zamboanga after Spain abandoned it is by the English privateer William Dampier, who sailed from the ‘River of Mindanao’ on 14 January, 1687: The next Day we were abreast of Chambongo [Zamboanga]; a Town in this Island, and 30 Leagues from the River of Mindanao. … Here is said to be a good Harbour, and a great settlement, with plenty of Beef and Buffaloe. … About 6 Leagues before we came to the West end of the Island Mindanao, we fell in with a great many small low Islands or Keys. … The 17th Day we anchored on the East side of all these Keys, in 8 fathom Water, clean Sand. … A little to the westward of these Keys, on the Island Mindanao, we saw abundance of Coco-nut Trees; Therefore we sent our Canoa ashore, thinking to find Inhabitants, but found none, nor sign of any; but great tracks of Hogs, and great Cattle; and close by the Sea there were Ruins of an old Fort. The Walls thereof were of a good heighth (sic), built with Stone and Lime; and by the Workmanship seem’d to be Spanish.(25)

An attractive and important manuscript map of Mindanao is held in the Archivo General de Indias (AGI) in Sevilla (see front cover). Titled (on the reverse) Mapa de la Isla de Mindanao …,(26) oriented to the west and dated c.1683, the map shows the fort of ‘Sanboanga’ and the three Lutao settlements mentioned by Horacio de la 30

Detail of ‘Sanboanga’ from the manuscript Mapa de la Isla de Mindanao c.1683 (image courtesy of the Archivo General de Indias)

Costa: Bagunbaya, Cagan-Cagan (today Rio Hondo) and Buaya. Lacaldera (sic) is shown to the west, and near to it Dumalon, on the river of the same name, which was one of the places where the Subanen lived and would later become the town of Ayala. Cauit-Caguit and Masloc (Masinloc) are also on the map. The Spanish return In 1718, 140 Spanish troops and Jesuit missionaries returned to Zamboanga. By 1719, the troops had occupied the fort, to be used as a military base from which to attack, occupy and colonise the other parts of Mindanao. The fort was renamed the Castillo de Nuestra Señora del Pilar de Samboanga, and the AGI holds a manuscript map dated 1719, by the military engineer Sergeant-Major Don Juan de Siscara, that shows the castle and its fortifications in some detail, but no local village is indicated.(27) The fort is bounded to the north and east by Manglar (mangrove swamps) and, to the west, by a Fozo de Agua dulçe (sweet water canal) fed by a shallow river, possibly the Kagang-Kagang (now Rio Hondo). It is from this period that the present town of Zamboanga grew, with the Spaniards living in the fort and the local, ‘native’ communities outside.

Planta ygnográphica del castillo y fortificasiones de Nuestra Señora del Pilar de Samboanga (1719) (image courtesy of the Archivo General de Indias)

Published in 1734, the Carta Hydrographica y Chorographica de las Islas Filipinas was made in Manila by the Spanish Jesuit cartographer Fr. Pedro Murillo Velarde and two Filipinos, the engraver Nicolás de la Cruz Bagay and the artist Francisco Suarez.(28) The map is flanked by panels with 12 vignettes, one of which is a map of ‘Samboangan’. Four years later, a report on fortifications in the Philippines was commissioned by the GovernorGeneral, Fernando Valdés Tamón.(29) The book contains a description and map of the fort titled Plan dela Fuerza Na. Sra. Del Pilar de Saragoza de Sanbuanga y sus Contornos.(30) Although published in 1738-39, one of its remarks states that the report was being written in 1730-1731, so both maps are more or less from the same time period, and give the same description and placing of the structures. The Murillo Velarde map shows the Jesuits’ college, the governor’s house, a sweet-water well, storerooms, a guard-house, a chapel, barracks and a hospital within the fortified area. Valdés Tamón describes the fort and town as follows: [The Fortress of Nuestra Señora del Pilar] is in the village of Samboangan, which has separate jurisdiction and a lord high justice, who is the governor of this garrison. It is situated on the large island of Mindanao,

close to the point called La Caldera. This fort is constructed of stone and mortar, with a terreplein, at the entrance of the town, on the seashore; the beach surrounds it on the eastern and southern sides, along which it has also, externally, a palisade. On the western side, where the gate is, it has a marsh for a moat; and on the northern side, which faces the dwellings, it has an artificial moat. Its shape is that of a rectangle, with four full bastions ‒ three with straight flanks, and one with an orillon; it has a circuit of 820 feet, and in it are enclosed the necessary buildings, as the plan shows. The town has its own special fortifications; for on the eastern side it has a long curtain of palisades, in the midst of which there is a semi-circular platform, which defends it. On the northern side there is a long curtain of stone and mortar, flanked at the east by a bastion with orillon, called Santa Cathalina (sic); and at the west by a cavalier of rectangular shape, called Santa Barbara. This curtain has its palisade, which ends on the western side of this town, at some distance from the said cavalier; and the rest of this said side has some marshes for defense. The said wall and curtain of this town is surrounded by a canal, full of water, ten or twelve feet wide; and it connects with the said marshes.(31)


Most interesting in both these maps are the houses, outside the walls that protect the fort, labelled as the Pueblo de Lutaos (village of the Lutao) on the Murillo Velarde map (on which no other ethnic group is mentioned), and as the Casas de los naturales (houses of the natives) in the Valdés Tamón map. This would be the site from which Zamboanga City emerges. In the listing of the militia in Zamboanga for the Valdés Tamón report, there were around 189 Spaniards, 125 soldiers from Pampanga, two coast guard galleys with 96 galley slaves, and two permanent small galleys. These men would have been housed in the barracks, with their own provisions. Given these numbers, one can ask: where did they get their food? Who cooked? What did they eat? Who washed their clothes and where did they bathe? Did they have families? Did their families come with them? What was day-to-day life like in the garrison? Unfortunately, we merely have the numbers but no descriptions. But one thing can be sure: they must have mingled with the local populace.


In a report written in 1742 on how Zamboanga was governed, Valdés Tamón states: [The] fortress is under a governor who also controls five towns peopled by Lutaons, namely Zamboangan, La Caldera, Siocon, Siraray [Sirauay], and Poongbato [Pulong Bato], which are quite close to one another; this jurisdiction covers the area from Kipit on the north coast for 30 leagues and as far as Sibuguey on the south coast for a further 40 leagues, which is the limit of the Spanish possession. These coasts are sparsely populated, and inland and in the mountains, there live a great many Muslims and other heathens.

Clearly, two decades since the Spanish rebuilt the fort, the number of people under their jurisdiction remained small. Aside from the Muslims, he mentions ‘heathens’ who still lived in the mountains, outside the governor’s jurisdiction. Those who did come under the governor, as based on a certificate issued by the Jesuits, ‘were about 2,500 Christian souls in the aforementioned five townships’. Map of ‘Samboangan’ from the Murillo Velarde Carta Hydrographica y Chorographica … (1734) (image courtesy of the Library of Congress)

Plan dela Fuerza Na. Sra. Del Pilar de Saragoza de Sanbuanga y sus Contornos (1738-39) (image courtesy of the Archivo Museo Naval de Madrid

The French natural historian and explorer Pierre Sonnerat visited the Philippines in 1771-72, and the published account of his voyage includes two views of Zamboanga: Vue de Sambouangue and Vüe du Fort de Sambouangue.(32) The former shows the Palissade qui entoure tout le village (palisade which surrounds the village), the Ruisseau qui remplit les Citernes de la Citadelle (stream that fills the cisterns of the fort), and the Hopital des Chinois (Chinese hospital), indicating that by that date there was already a significant number of Chinese living in Zamboanga. Raiding and slavery Mindanao is part of Southeast Asia, a region where slave raiding was a way to get labour for the production of food, or for trade, or for further raiding. Wealth and power were based not on land, as that was plentiful, but on the number of slaves one had. Manpower was the key to power. In his book The Sulu Zone, James Warren discusses the 18th century as the period of most

intense slave-raiding by the Samal Balangingi and Iranun to supply Sulu for their trade needs. During this time, the royal houses of Sulu were consolidating into a Sultanate. What prompted this political development was the British demand for tea from China. To stop the outflow of their silver, which was used to pay for the large quantities of tea purchased, the British needed products such as birds’ nests, tripang (sea cucumber) and mother of pearl to exchange with the Chinese. For Sulu to obtain these goods to exchange with the British they needed manpower, and to obtain the manpower the Samal Balangingi went on slave raids. Slave raiding then became a very lucrative endeavour and was intensified. Part of the process of Spanish colonisation was the building of towns where people were resettled and made to reside in a centralised community with a set of laws. These towns pertained to the Roman urban plan of having a central plaza as a communal space, a church, a town hall or government building, and houses along roads arranged in a grid pattern. While pre-


Vue de Sambouangue by ˃ Pierre Sonnerat (1771-72) (collection of Rudolf J.H. Lietz, Gallery of Prints, Manila)

˂ Vüe du Fort de Sambouangue by Pierre Sonnerat (1771-72) (collection of Rudolf J.H. Lietz, Gallery of Prints, Manila)

Hispanic societies would usually live in small populations with family homes far from each other, now, as part of the reducción (resettlement), they were made to live ‘under the sound of the church bells.’ Typically, these towns were in the coastal areas, making it easier for the slave raiders to gather and take the people without having to hunt for them. Year after year, different parts of Southeast Asia were raided and, because of the Spanish reducción system, the prime targets were the Christianised lowland Visayas, northern Mindanao, and Luzon. The Samal Balangingi, Iranun, Magindanao, Tausug, Camucones, and groups the Spaniards called Tirones or Tidongs would plunder the communities they raided, burning these to the ground and taking any prisoners they found. Whole communities were destroyed, and families were separated. The captured were stripped naked and tied to the side of the boats. The strong were beaten on the knees and elbows to prevent their escape. The reports of the alcaldes mayores (provincial governors) and friars are a testament to what the reports termed ‘Moro’ raids.


How many were captured in these raids? We do not have precise numbers for the Visayas or Mindanao as a whole, but James Warren states that the bishop of Nueva Cáceres (today Naga City) estimated the loss just in Camarines in 1759-60 at 800 people, and that by 1830 the number of Filipinos carried off or killed from Nueva Cáceres alone was on average 750-1,500 annually.(33) While Warren and Casiño place these raids in the context of an economic and political framework, Majul, Luis Dery and de la Costa interpret these slave raids as a traditional Muslim vs Christian struggle. Majul would even call them the ‘Moro Wars’. What happened to runaway slaves who looked at the Spanish garrison as a sanctuary for protection? Or slaves redeemed by the Spaniards? If their families were separated, with entire towns wiped out, then for most there would not be a place to which they could be repatriated, so most remained in Zamboanga. In Warren’s analysis he states: Unfortunately they suffered a second captivity there. The governors of the presidio [fort]

would delay their return in order to employ them along with criminals, deserters, and exiles. They were forced to work on the fortifications, manufacture salt, collect firewood, and to tend the carabao. Some women were even forced into prostitution. Zamboanga became infamous for slavery, suffered at the hands of the Spanish, far worse than what they suffered from the Taosug and Samal Balangingi. Many would rather die [or remain as captives among the Moros] than be brought to Zamboanga. The arrival of so many banyaga [foreigners] at Zamboanga gave rise to an interesting social situation. The fugitives established themselves with impoverished Chinese and vagrants in a community situated some distance from the presidio. Originating from different parts of the Philippine archipelago and lacking a common language, these degradados [derelicts] developed their own Spanish creole dialect – Chavacano – to communicate. A large percentage of the surrounding rural population labelled Zamboangueño at the end of the 19th century were descendants of fugitive slaves who had lived on the margins of the presidio as social outcasts.(34)

The Samal Balangingi Aside from the escaped or redeemed slaves in Zamboanga, we also have to consider the story of the Samal Balangingi who were captured by the Spanish forces. To stop the raiding, the plan was to destroy the source right at its core. On 27 January, 1848 Governor-General Narciso Clavería y Zaldúa was secretly fitted out and left Manila for Zamboanga with ‘three war steamers, schooners, transports, brigantines, a detachment of the Marina Sutil (light navy), and five hundred troops’.(35) They were joined by ’the Governor of Zamboanga with his fleet of vintas and 150 armed men especially trained for battle against the Kris-bearing Muslims’.(36). They attacked four major forts in Balangingi island: Sipac, Balangingi proper, Sungap, and Bucotingol. In Sipac alone 340 died, of whom 200 were warriors and the rest women and children. 150 captive women and children were sent to Zamboanga, and 250 captives from the Netherlands Indies and the Philippines were found and released. A manuscript map of the island by J. Espejo, dated 1849, with an inset view

of the Fort of Sipac, is held in the Library of Congress.(37) After the battles in Balangingi: … two transport ships … ferried the wounded soldiers, captured pirates, their wives and children, and rescued captives mostly from Luzon and Samar to Zamboanga for immediate treatment of wounds. The rescued captives were given a choice: return to their respective provinces or stay in the province where they were rescued, provided they worked in government lands, cultivating them earnestly for the person who would redeem them.(38)

The Samal captives first brought to Zamboanga were later transferred to the Cagayan Valley in the interior of northern Luzon: The first group of exiles transported to Luzon after the destruction of Balangingi in 1848 numbered 350. In 1858, the Spanish seized hundreds of women and children from Balangingi (the island had been resettled) while the men were away on slaving expeditions. When the Samal returned with their prahus filled with Filipino captives, they were forced to send negotiators to Zamboanga to arrange for the recovery of their families. It was through a false promise of immunity that Julano Taupan, a leading chief, was persuaded to come to Zamboanga to claim his family and was imprisoned. Their women and children were restored to them only upon unconditional obedience to the Spanish; many Samal were obliged to settle in or near Zamboanga under the watchful eye of the authorities. … The chiefs Taupan, Dando, and Tumungsuc and their families were sent to Cavite and later transferred to Fort Santiago in Manila. They were kept under close surveillance in prison for some time before the Governor-General decided to relocate them in Echague (formerly Camarag) in Isabella Province. [Many years later], Haji Datu Nuño, the son of one of the exiled chiefs of Simisa, arranged with the American authorities to repatriate the Samal to Mindanao and Sulu. Francisco Boher, a Spanish tobacco planter in Isabella, agreed to send those settlers who wished to go, providing they turned their land and plough animals over to him. In about 1905, a hundred men, women and children returned to Zamboanga on the S.S. Mauban, and Haji Nuño settled them at Taluksangay, Tigboa, and Tupilac. (39)


Another strategy of the Spaniards to induce the Samal to surrender was to offer them clemency: Pardon for the Simisa residents was possible, the Secretary of State said. But first, the Samals must present their captives and goods. After the pardon, the Samals and their families would be sent to Luzon. If others surrendered voluntarily and convinced their followers to give themselves up, they (together with their families) would be rewarded by being allowed to settle wherever place they desired in Mindanao.(40)

A cheaper solution than transporting the Samal who surrendered to Luzon was to keep them in Zamboanga. Men were sent to construct houses in the Samal settlement of barrio Magay, where the women waited to be reunited with their husbands, and others were brought to a settlement called Santa Maria.(41) The town grows As discussed earlier, in the 1730s there was a local community near Fort Pilar, specified as being Lutao by Murillo Velarde or, generically, as ‘native’ by Valdés Tamón. Although the Jesuit missionaries may have been making headway in their Christianisation, this stopped when they were expelled from the Philippines in 1768. The


Jesuits entrusted the community to the Order of Augustinian Recollects, but as the order was undermanned it is unlikely that any active colonising was done. But from 1768 to 1848 other events began to change the demography of Zamboanga. The intense slave raids during that period changed the entire human landscape of the Visayas region, at times wiping out towns from the map. Raids were also conducted in northern Mindanao, Luzon and across Southeast Asia, with an intensity that increased the number of slaves in the region. There was a corresponding increase of escaped slaves in Zamboanga, from the Visayas and elsewhere. The increase in raiding affected even those living near Fort Pilar, so much so that illustrations and descriptions of the local houses indicate a continuing sense of insecurity. The indigenous architecture at that time is recorded in the drawings made by Fernando Brambila when the Malaspina Expedition visited Zamboanga in late 1792. His Vista de una Torre, y Parte del Pueblo de Samboangan en la Ysla de Mindanao shows a typical watch-tower, accessed by means of a ladder, with native houses to the left.(42) Vista de una Torre, y Parte del Pueblo de Samboangan by Fernando Brambila (image courtesy of the Archivo Museo Naval de Madrid)

Plano que Comprehende la Fortificacion y Campiña de la Plaza de Zamboanga by Manuel de Olea (1831) (image courtesy of the Servicio Histórico Militar, Servicio Geográfico del Ejército, Madrid)

In 1839 the French explorer Jules-SébastienCésar Dumont d’Urville visited Zamboanga during his second circumnavigation of the world in the ships Astrolabe and La Zélée. The artists on the expedition produced a number of fine drawings during their stay, including Rade de Samboangan, Corps de Garde a Samboangan, Maison de Bains a Samboangan, and Rue de Samboangan showing, respectively, views of the harbour, a watchtower, a bathhouse, and a street of typical houses with nipa-thatched roofs. After Dumont d’Urville’s return to Paris, the drawings were published in 1846 in the Atlas pittoresque that was part of the massive 24volume account of his voyage.(43) Zamboanga received another visit, in 1842, by the United States Exploring Expedition (U.S. Ex. Ex.) which explored and surveyed the Pacific Ocean in 1838-42 under the command of U.S. Navy Lieutenant Charles Wilkes. They did not stay at Zamboanga because ‘the anchorage in its roadstead is said to be bad, and the currents that run through the Straits of Basillan (sic) are represented to be strong’; instead they anchored at Caldera, where Wilkes observed:

The fort [which is about seventy feet square] was built in the year 1784, principally for protection against the Sooloo pirates … . Depredations are still committed, which render it necessary to keep up a small force. One or two huts which were seen in the neighbourhood of the bay, are built on posts twenty feet from the ground, and into them they ascend by ladders, which are hauled up after the occupants have entered. These, it is said, are the sleeping huts, and are so built for the purpose of preventing surprise at night.(44)

My favourite map of Zamboanga is one drawn by Lieutenant Colonel Manuel de Olea, copied and signed by Engineer Mariano de Goicoechea, dated Manila, 23 de Agosto de 1831 (23 August, 1831).(45) An elaborate cartouche in the lowerright area of the land frames the title: Plano que Comprehende la Fortificacion y Campiña de la Plaza de Zamboanga. Levantado por el Teniente Coronel D.n Manuel de Olea Comisionado por el Superior General de estas Yslas Filipinas en Marzo de 1830 (Map that comprises the Fort and countryside of the place of Zamboanga. Made by Lieutenant Colonel Don Manuel de Olea, commissioned by the Superior General of these Philippine Islands in March 1830).


In the upper left-hand corner the administrative origin is written as Comand.a de Zamboanga. Outside the margins in the lower-right corner is written Delineado y lavado por Castro. On the lower-middle portion, the scale of the plan is given with the Castillian vara (rod) as the unit of measurement: Escala de 1000 varas castellanas. A scale along the bottom border shows the Longitud del Meridiano de Zamboanga, and another along the left border shows the degrees of latitude. In the sea area at lower-left there is a sixteen-point compass rose with a fleur-de-lis indicating north. The map shows lines of soundings giving the depth of the sea along the coast, especially off the town of Zamboanga. Between the soundings are letters which, we know from other Spanish charts,(46) indicate the nature of the sea floor: ‘P’ for piedra (stone), ‘A’ for arena (sand), ‘AG’ for arena gruesa (coarse sand), ‘AF’ for arena fina (fine sand), ‘AC’ for arena y cascajo (sand and gravel), and ‘L’ for lama (mud). In the area with a sandy bottom near the town’s jetty three anchorages are marked. An Explicacion at bottom-right lists the places, both inside and outside the town, identified by means of the following letters on the map:


A. B. C. D. E. F. G. H. Y. J. K. L. M. N. O. P. Q. R. S. T.

Ciudadela Plaza de Armas Poblasión Baradero de los Buques Baluarte del Baradero Baluarte de Sn Juan Tribunal y Escuela Baluarte Fortin Visita Pantalan Campo Santo Baluarte de Salinas Camarín de Sal Tejeros Sn Ygnacio Casa del Contador Prensilla Presa Mayor y Sanja Campo Santo de los Lazarinos Paso Goayabas

The map displays a wealth of toponyms, starting with three barrios (small villages) and seven sitios (settlements). When this map was made in 1830 only Zamboanga, beside the fort, was called a población (town). The barrios were: Lamalama (later a main parish, renamed Tetuan, separate from Zamboanga), Balete and Tugbungan. __________________________________________________________________________

ѵ Detail of Zamboanga town from the 1831 Plano ... .

The sitios were: Sitio de la Sabana, Sitio de Bual, Sitio de Bulati, Sitio Tapunay, Sitio Bualang (Boalan), Sitio Talabang, and Sitio Mulungenluang. All the sitios would be renamed or would disappear, except for Boalan. The map shows and names a number of mountains and lomas (knolls): M[on]te del Muro, Parang vag, Parang batu (which would be known as Pulong Batu), Loma Talungtalung, and Loma de Talugsagay [Taluksangay]. There are 14 rivers: Rio Baliuasan, Rio Sta María, Rio Hondo (KagangKagang), Rio Marique, Rio Lijalija, Rio Yetem, Rio Logoy, Balabag, Punta y Rio Balabag, Bocas del Macsinloc ó Tumaga, Rio de Tumaga, Rio Talugsagay, Rio Lumbayao, and Rio Tapunay. The major river, the Tumaga, flows from between the Parang vag and Parang batu mountains in the north to the southeast until it debouches into its mouth at the Bocas del Macsinloc o Tumaga. Inland and along the coast are several baluartes (bastions), including the Baluarte de Balivuasan and those of Sta Maria, Tumaga and Balete. Three points are shown: Punta Caballo, P[un]ta Lijaya and Punta y Rio Balabag. Two islands lie off the east coast: Isla Bilangbilang and Balabag. The roads are coloured in orange, and one in particular is clearly defined. This road, running in a straight line from the fort leading all the way north to Tumaga, would continue to exist until today with the names Tumaga Road and (presently) Veterans’ Avenue. A description of the roads at that time is contained in a report produced 15 years later, in 1845: Until January 1844, the roads were simple paths or crossroads that were impassable during the rainy season except for the carabaos. Since that time, a road, nine yards wide, was constructed at 3 or 4 feet above ground level. This started from the walls of the Fortress of Zamboanga and ends, towards the North, in the Tumaga river. It measures ¾ of a league.

beginning from the midpoint of the first road of Tumaga and crossing ricefields at a longitude of 1000 yards; a wooden bridge 14 yards long crosses the principal irrigation canal. It ends parallel to the first road and leads equally to the Tumaga river. Lastly, a road 9 yards wide is being constructed above the last referred; a portion has been completed, starting at the parroquial (sic) church and ends at the side of the cemetery of S. Ignacio, a longitude of less than ¼ of a league.(47)

In this same statistical report, there is indication of little change in terms of settlements: The province of Zamboanga was formally created since January 1844. Until that date, there was only the town of Zamboanga and its adjoining area of Lamalama. Its administration consists of six divisions: Zamboanga or Bagonbayan, Lamalama, Bolon, populated in 1844, as were Bualan, Manicaan, and Dumalon. The expanse of the province within the limits previously stated, could approximate some 30 square leagues of land surface.

The 1831 map does not show any church structure in the town at that time. The earlier maps by Murillo Velarde and Valdés Tamón show a chapel within the fort, but when the Jesuits were expelled from the Philippines in 1768 the Augustinian Recollects took over. Again, the 1845 report gives us an idea about the church: ‘There is no other church except in the town of Bagumbayan, capital of the district; this is made of wood and nipa.’ New arrivals

Another portion of the road, of equal width and height, starting from the first third of the original road, leads to the east, crossing the town of Lamalama and reaches the town of Tugbungan, measuring less than half a league.

The total destruction of the Samal Balangingi in 1848 marked the beginning of the decline of the Sulu Sultanate, such that in 1851 they were forced to submit as a Spanish protectorate. Then, in 1876, Spain conquered Jolo, and in 1878 a peace treaty was agreed upon that allowed Spanish garrisons in Jolo, and Jesuits to enter. These events heavily changed the local demography. Though some of the Samal Balangingi captured in 1848 had been sent far north to Isabela, Cagayan, a fair number stayed on in Zamboanga.

Another crossroad was constructed, of the same elevation as the others, and 4 yards wide,

In late December 1858 Sir John Bowring, the governor of Hong Kong, who had spent a month 39

Rade de Samboangan by Jules Dumont d’Urville (1846) (collection of Rudolf J.H. Lietz, Gallery of Prints, Manila)

visiting the Philippines, arrived in Zamboanga on his way to the penal settlement of Labuan in Borneo. In his account of the visit he describes some of the prisoners captured in the Spanish attacks and raids into the Sama Balangingi territory: We walked to the fortification, and on our way met several of the Mahomedan women who had been captured in a late fray with natives; their breasts were uncovered, and they wore not the veils which almost invariably hide the faces of the daughters of Islam. We learnt that these females were of the labouring and inferior classes; but in the fortification, we saw the wives and children of the chiefs, who had been captured. … Most of the captured chiefs had been sent to Manila; but in another part of the fortress, there were some scores of prisoners, among whom, one seemed to exercise ascendency over the rest, and he repeated some of the formula of the Koran in Arabic words. The Spaniards represented them as a fierce, faithless and cruel race, but they have constantly opposed successful resistance to their invaders.(48)

Writing in 1870, the Duc d’Alençon also provides a picture of the ‘Moros’ and where they lived: ‘On the seashore, beside the European houses, is a Moro village lost in the middle of a coconut grove. The view is bounded by pleasant hills whose shapes are rounded off by their cover of trees. No ships are in the harbour.’(49) Aside from the captured and escaped slaves, the ubiquitous presence of the Chinese in


Zamboanga must also be acknowledged. Warren quotes a letter from the governor dated 23 July, 1883: ‘In 1833, the Governor of Zamboanga wrote that the Chinese of Zamboanga were not from the provinces of the Philippine islands but poor fugitives from Jolo. Among those Chinese that chose to remain at the presidio, there was a high degree of cultural adaptation to Zamboanga’s population as they intermarried with local women, and some became Christians.’(50) When Bowring visited Zamboanga he too noticed the Chinese: In walking about we found one street wholly occupied by Chinese shopkeepers, well supplied with European and Chinese wares; they generally appeared contented and prosperous, and will certainly find the means of supplying whatever the population may demand. … There are about three hundred Chinese settled in Zamboanga, mostly men of Fokien.(51)

Bowring’s visit took place just three years after an important development in the commercial life of the town. In 1855 Manila lost its exclusive right to handle international trade, and the port of Zamboanga (along with those of Sual and Iloilo) was opened to direct foreign commerce. Dr. J.B. Steere visited the Philippines in the years 1870-1874, to gather zoological specimens and ethnological material, and came to Zamboanga. In the article he published in The American Naturalist he gives an apt description of the town and a glimpse into the daily life of its people:

Zamboanga is a town of six or eight thousand inhabitants, nearly all Indian, but of mixed tribes, it having been a convict colony a generation ago, formed from the various islands of the group. The Spanish residents, twenty-five or thirty in number, are gathered with the principal Chinese merchants, at the south end of the town, near the old stone fort and the church. … The houses are of the ordinary Philippine type ‒ great baskets of nipa palm leaves, mounted on poles, eight or ten feet above ground. In front of a part of the native town is a village of Moros, Mohammedan natives, who may be the original inhabitants of the place. Their houses are the same form as those of the Christians, but are poorer, and many of them built over water, in true Malay style. These people seem to pretty nearly monopolize the business of boat-making and fishing for the town, leaving the Christians to cultivate the soil. Behind the city is a level country extending for three or four miles to the foot of the hills. Much of it is overflowed and planted to rice. The hills themselves showed patches of sugar cane and other crops, whose cultivation was crawling up their sides, but above and beyond all was still unbroken forest. We made daily visits to the market and found the Moro men, marked by their red turbans and tight-fitting drawers, busy selling fish, while their wives were squatted on the ground with little piles – one for a cent – of shell fish spread out before them. (52) Rada y Villa de Zamboanga by Baltasar Giraudier (image courtesy of Ortigas Foundation, Inc.) ѵ

A visual look into how an event would change the human landscape of Zamboanga was captured for us by Baltasar Giraudier, the illustrator of the Diario de Manila, who was part of the 1876 expedition to Jolo. One of the illustrations he provides is that of the Zamboanga barracks, made out of bamboo and nipa, built between the town and the fort. With the influx of soldiers and volunteers there was not enough room in the fortress so these barracks had to be constructed. Each building could house about 200 men. The barracks was also later used to accommodate the wounded and ill from the Jolo expedition. Other illustrations by Giraudier show the Governor’s official residence, the Navy headquarters, the headquarters of the Army’s engineering unit, the police barracks and headquarters, the Casa Tribunal (court house), and the settlement by the beach called Magay. This settlement is not drawn on the 1831 map, possibly because it did not yet exist then. Giraudier would describe it as a settlement made up of ‘moros’, who were mostly fishermen who sailed a lot with their boats called vintas and had a local leader called a Datu.(53) A leader that would figure prominently from the 19th century all the way to the American period was Dato Mandi. The Moro houses on stilts and their boats are shown in a photograph taken by Frederick Hodgeson on the visit by HMS Challenger in October 1874 during the first global marine research expedition.(54)


and decided on how to live as Christians. Thus, new communities flourished in areas that are today barangays of Zamboanga City: Santa Maria, Las Mercedes, Bolong, Curuan and Ayala.

Moro houses on stilts and boats in Zamboanga in 1874, by Frederick Hodgeson, HMS Challenger (image © National Maritime Museum, Greenwich)

Jesuit communities When the Jesuits returned to Zamboanga in 1862, they resumed their missionary work. The first Jesuits to arrive, Fr. Ramon Barua and Fr. Francisco Ceballos, with Bro. Francisco Atristain, proceeded to a new parish in the newly-created independent municipality of Tetuan, formerly called the barrio of Lamalama. To indicate the size of the population, it had 4,000 tribute payers. They first stayed with Don Balbino Natividad until they had a residence of their own.(55) But the Jesuits did not merely stay in the parish; instead, they went further inland, amongst the Subanen and other ethnic groups. They made demographic studies of the native communities and, in keeping with the Hispanic system of town building, they gathered people into larger, centralised communities. This was in keeping with the Spanish colonial duty to ‘colonize, to Catholicize, to civilize, and to urbanize the Filipinos’.(56) The building of a town followed rules for choosing the place, and for its physical lay-out as codified in Las Leyes de las Indias (Laws of the Indies), following King Philip II’s 1573 Royal Ordinances Concerning the Laying Out of New Towns: the land should be elevated or, if it is a sea-coast town, the main plaza is to be situated near the landing place of the port, near a body of water, roads to be placed with the grid pattern at right angles, with a special place for the church, the plaza and the court.(57) The Jesuits though did not forge communities exclusively according to their own design. Subtly, the Subanen chose the location of their villages 42

The letters of the Jesuit fathers provide an anthropological study, describing clothing, beliefs, and cultures particularly in newly-opened reducción sites like Tupilak, Buluan, Nueva Reus, Dumanquilas and Sirauay. Each town has its own story – of settling and unsettling. One example is the Ayala mission formerly called Dumalong. According to Fr. Banqúe, the place used to be occupied by the Subanen but was abandoned. In 1840, the people of Zamboanga took advantage of the fact that the land had already been cleared and began to settle. Governor Cayetano Figueroa in 1844 raised its rank to a barrio. Interestingly, he developed it and peopled it with Christians who had escaped Moro captivity. Earlier he had sent others to Zamboanga to help them, giving them tools and carabaos.(58) In 1869 a mission was established, and later Fr. Juanmartí succeeded in attracting and resettling various Subanen in a permanent town. However, the Subanen eventually returned to the mountains. We also have descriptions of Ayala from Steere, who visited in the 1870s, and Dean Worcester, who was there in the 1890s. Both describe the place as thriving and give a clear picture of the town with its economic activity, the land being toiled, and details of its governance with all the local officials of rank from the gobernadorcillo (municipal governor) to the cabeza de barangay (barrio chief), tenientes (lieutenants) and scribes. By the late 19th century, Ayala was a ‘proper’ colonial town: At Ayala we saw, for the first time, a village of decent, civilized natives completely under Spanish control. There is a good deal of similarity between such villages. Each has a church, a convento, and a tribunal. The church is usually the most pretentious edifice in the place, and the convento, or priest’s house, the most comfortable. The tribunal is the one which chiefly concerns travellers. It is a sort of town-hall, where the head men of the village meet to transact business. It contains a pair of stocks, or some other contrivance for the detention of prisoners. It is frequently used as a barracks for troops, and, last but not least, any traveller who chooses to do so has a right to put up there.(59)

‘Map showing the journey of Fr. Juan Quintana, S.J. along the west coast of Mindanao in July 1894’ (image courtesy of Widener Library, Harvard University)


An example of a Jesuit missionary who travelled and gave detailed observations of his trip along the western coast of the Zamboanga peninsula is Fr. Juan Quintana. In letters to the Mission Superior written in June and September 1894, he narrates his trip from Ayala to Siocon, and also includes a map of the peninsula.(60) He rode a lancán (a cargo boat without outriggers) with 10 others, and noted that it was a big vessel that could carry 50 cavans (around 60 kg.) of palay (unhusked rice). It is interesting to follow his detailed itinerary along the coast from Ayala to Erenas, then to the Mantebú Cave from where they continued to sail north, passing the mouth of the Nongan river and the wide, sheltered gulf of Kauit-Kauit. From there they proceeded to the bay of Sirauay, ‘which takes from three to four hours to sail from west to east’. To the right of the bay is Danganun, followed by Piakan; Fr. Quintana describes the area as follows: … next to Piakan, almost to the east coast, are the hills and low mountains of Panabutan and Pugus. And already at the end of the bay appear wide areas of uninhabited open plains, fertile, and waiting for occupants. Besides these plains, on the farther side across, a tiny bay is hidden into which the deep Sirauay river debouches. They say it is deep enough for big boats. Mountains continue westward until the wide entrance to the bay, from which one is struck by the beauty of the scenery. From the uplands, one looks down on the sea and the coastal area.

Fr. Quintana wrote about the ‘wide fertile plain of Sirauay’ and excitedly explained that there was already a list of 50 heads of families who wished to form a Christian town there. Again he describes the fertility of the place: In Piakan there is a wide area for coconuts, areca, coffee, cacao, etc. In Pugus and Tapanayan there are fertile hills for various plantations. In Bitogan at the end of the gulf, there are very beautiful and wide plains green with vegetation extending to the foot of the hills. Then on the left side close to the end of the bay, is the vast and extensive terrain watered by the deep Sirauay river whose waters feed a picturesque bay, wide and deep for many big boats.


Interestingly, Fr. Quintana comments that when one enters Sirauay bay with the ranchería (small rural settlement) of Danganun to the right followed by Piakan, there is another bay in the interior guarded by an islet called Bato Pare. It was believed that a Salíp from long ago was buried there, but he found only a pile of stones and no inscription. He also revealed new information: from Piakan one can cross in six hours to Sibuguey bay on the eastern coast of the peninsula. In terms of demography we can surmise that there were settlements that were Kalibugan and others Subanen. He actually observed that there was a slight difference in the language used by the Kalibugan in Piakan, which was more Subanen as compared to that used in Nongan where he states there are ‘more words and traces of the Magindanao moro spoken in Tamontaka’ and that ‘the Moros and the Subanons do not live close to the river mouth but upriver, about eight- or ten-hours’ sail, perhaps more’. From Sirauay Fr. Quintana sailed further north to Sabuan, Putul, Baligian, Ligian and Sikanan although, surprisingly, these five toponyms are not indicated in his map. From there, passing by Balili they finally reached Siocon. On the way back south they made a stop at the port of Santa Maria where the commanding officer, Don Rafael Salvador, and his wife received them. On their return journey they encountered a storm that took them to a shore near Pangulan, not too distant from Sibuko. They sailed on but reached Erenas, which was Subanen territory and a place without shelter from the winds, so they went back north to Muluk and, when the winds subsided, returned to Erenas and on to Ayala. Fr. Quintana’s letters are only some of many Jesuit letters that have informed works like El Archipiélago Filipino ‒ Colección de Datos Geográficos, Estadísticos, Cronológicos y Científicos, Relativos al mismo, Entresacados de Anteriores Obras ú Obtenidos con la Propia Observación y Estudio, por algunos Padres de la Misión de la Compañia de Jesús en estas Islas, and the production and publication of the collection of 30 maps in the Atlas de Filipinas, executed by Filipino draftsmen under the direction of Fr. José Algué, S.J., Director of the Manila Observatory, in 1899.(61)

Inset map of Zamboanga from the map of Mindanao Occidental, Joló by Fr. José Algué, S.J. (1899) (image courtesy of the David Rumsey Map Collection

The Introduction to the atlas by Superintendent Henry S. Pritchett remarks that the maps that cover Mindanao are ‘based on information from the Mission of the Society of Jesus and the maps published by that mission in the Philippines’. Map 26, Mindanao y Joló, and Map 28, Mindanao Occidental, Joló (see back cover) are pertinent to this paper. The two maps show clearly the different toponyms on both the western and eastern coasts of the Zamboanga peninsula. Map 28 has an inset of ‘Parte de Zamboanga’ that covers the same area as the 1831 map by Olea. Comparing the two maps shows the changes in population that had taken place over the intervening 70 years. Some sitios including Sitio de la Sabana, Sitio de Bual and Sitio de Bulati disappear, but new ones like San Roque and Las Mercedes emerge. Statistics in the letters and official government reports of the period reveal the immigration and emigration of people, informing us of the constant shifting of the sands of history.

From Castellano to Chabacano Ayala, the town risen from land originally fully occupied by the Subanen, was now an example of a true colonial town. In the report signed by the governor on 16 January, 1885 Ayala was listed as having two Europeans and 1,400 indigenous inhabitants made-up of Naturales, Moros, Subanos, and Mestizos. The language spoken by the naturales (natives) was labelled as castellano degenerado (degenerate Castilian), while the rest would be speaking sus dialectos (their dialects), castellano degenerado or Castilian. In all the other areas ‒ Zamboanga proper, Tetuan, Santa Maria and Las Mercedes ‒ the report showed that the naturales spoke castellano degenerado. Zamboanga proper had a population of 33 Europeans and 4,394 indigenous people, including Moros who spoke Joloano, Samales, and castellano degenerado and Chinos (Chinese) who spoke ‘their own language’. Tetuan had a population of two Europeans and 3,084 indigenous people; Santa


Maria had two Europeans and 2,815 indigenous people; and Las Mercedes also had two Europeans, with 2,668 locals. Worcester gave his own analysis of the origin of the natives and the languages used: The natives of the town and vicinity, known as Zamboangueños, are an odd lot. Perhaps a majority of them are descended from Visayans who migrated to the island long ago; certainly, a very considerable portion are the offspring of slaves who have contrived to escape from the Moros. As the latter people were not at all particular where they obtained captives, so long as they got them, the result has been that the representatives of most of the Philippine coast-tribes have found their way to Zamboanga, where their intermarriage has given rise to a people of decidedly mixed ancestry. On account of the multiplicity of native dialects, Spanish became the medium of communication, but they have long since converted it into a Zamboangueño patois which is quite unintelligible to one familiar only with the pure ‘Castellano’.(62)

Prior to 1885, reports would indicate the language spoken in Zamboanga as ‘Castellano’. However, post-1885 reports would show it evolving to a ‘degenerate’ type of Castillian. Later on a name was given to this language: Chabacano. El Archipielago Filipino describes the idiomas (languages) of Zamboanga as follows: Háblase en Zamboanga el castellano, el chabacano, ó sea, una mezcla de castellano, tagalo, bisaya y moro, á causa del gran roce que han tenido con gentes de otras provincias, el moro sámal y el subano. (In Zamboanga they speak Castilian, Chabacano, that is, a mixture of Castilian, Tagalog, Bisayan and Moro, because of the great contact they have had with people from other provinces, the Samal Moro and the Subanen.) (63) The number of towns in Zamboanga and their inhabitants increased after the destruction of the Samal Balangingi strongholds in 1848, especially after the return of the Jesuits in 1862 to further the Christianisation and urbanisation of the peninsula. In 1833 the Cuadro estadistico del Establem[ien]to de Zamboanga listed 4,891 native inhabitants, 442 in the garrison, 497


military families, five registered Spaniards, seven ‘confined’, five Americans, 36 registered Chinese, 72 Chinese families, and 81 captured refugees, making a total of 6,036 inhabitants for the población. No information on communities away from the town is given. The 1877 Anuario Filipino reveals more detailed statistics as it includes the main towns and their visitas (villages without a priest) and barrios, with a total population of 25,000. Zamboanga had 6,271 inhabitants and Tetuan 6,268; Santo Tomas and Las Mercedes had five visitas and four barrios. Three Moro rancherias (native settlements) are also listed. 20 years later, according to the Estados Generales del Obispado de Jaro en 1897, the number of Christian inhabitants of Zamboanga and its immediate neighbours had risen to 19,903. The population of the Moros is given as 8,000, with 90,000 Subanen living in the unexplored Sibuguey territory. A breakdown of the inhabitants shows: Zamboanga 7,634; Tetuan, with its visitas Putig and Talon-Talon, 5,572; Las Mercedes, with its visitas Manicaan, Catumbal and Bualan, 3,839; Bolong, with its visitas Curuan, Taguite and Tamion, 1,144; and Ayala, with its visitas Talisayan, Erenas or Malayat and Sinonong, and the San Ramón Penitentiary, 1,655. The population had grown despite the deadly cholera epidemic of 1882 that took so many lives, including that of the mayor and his wife, and the violent earthquakes in 1874 and 1897 that destroyed many homes and buildings. While the fort was erected as a bastion of the Spanish conquistador, symbolising the capacity for the violent defence of power, it was spontaneously transformed by communities of different creeds into a sacred space. An image of Our Lady of the Pilar of Zaragoza carrying the child Jesus remains in the middle of the east side of the fort’s outer wall. This used to be the entrance to the fort as seen in the Murillo Velarde and Valdés Tamón maps and even in the later map by Olea in 1831. We are unsure though of when it was sealed off. Below the image is written in a plaque: Governando este presidio el Sr. Don Juan de la Torre Bustamante. Este frontispicio fue construido el Enero del año 1734. We can presume then that the image was placed there in 1734. However, we are not sure of when

it grew into a shrine. Legends abound though of Our Lady of the Pilar performing miracles, guarding the populace against attacks and calamities like the tsunami of 1976.(64) In his exploratory visit to Zamboanga in 1860 the Jesuit Superior Fr. José Fernandez Cuevas saw a dozen women kneeling in front of this image praying in Spanish; near them was a candlestick of iron with lighted candles. Unlike the statuette in Zaragoza, Spain, the Zamboanga representation is a bas relief on the external surface. Jesuit historian Fr. Antonio de Castro describes the image of Our Lady ‘dressed in what appears to be a malong [wrap-around dress] or a patadyong [wrap-around skirt] ... perhaps a local version of an inculturated (sic) image of Mary’. On its October 12 feast day, ‘Our Lady of the Pillar draws pilgrims from all the surrounding areas, including Taosugs, Yakans, and Samals from as far as the islands of the Sulu archipelago, and Subanen from their villages in the provinces of Zamboanga del Sur and Zamboanga del Norte’.(65) The multi-cultural, multi-religious city of Zamboanga has thus claimed, transformed and appropriated the Spanish language and Our Lady of the Pillar. Conclusion With the reducción process the Jesuits initiated the settlements that became Zamboanga City. By gathering the Subanen, the escaped slaves, the Tausug, the Samal and others nearer to the fort, and teaching them to raise exemplary Christian families, the Jesuits created a new society. This was the root of the Chabacano culture, sprung from the interaction of runaway slaves, captured Samal and Tausug, other indios from the Spanish fort, Lutao, and the Subanen converts.

Warren states that the slaves who sought refuge in Zamboanga were incorporated into the lowest strata of society, marginalised and displaced. They formed their communities with other dispossessed members of Zamboanga society. Initially, without a common language, they created their own, using elements from the language of the conqueror and from their own native tongues. The language thus formed with its own set of words and rules, continues to be spoken to this day. A voiceless community found words to speak once again. Native populations accepted a foreign culture and used it to create their own hybrid. Today, Zamboanga City has a unique culture born of the interaction of many worlds. Zamboanga, leal y valiente (loyal and brave), like its own forged tongue emerged from an amalgamation of various traditions. From this meeting of different worlds, a city of varied charms remains in the Philippines as a resplendent frontier of different worlds. This article is based on the webinar presentation I gave to PHIMCOS on 13 October, 2021. I wish to thank the editor, Peter Geldart, for his contributions, including the information on the charts by Gabriel Tatton and Robert Dudley, the visit of the U.S. Ex. Ex., and the hydrographic details on the 1831 Plano … de la Plaza de Zamboanga; Dr. Ros Castelo for providing me with a highresolution image of the 1831 map from the Servicio Histórico Militar, Servicio Geográfico del Ejército; and Andrea Canova, who prepared an authoritative Italian edition of the Pigafetta Ambrosiana manuscript, for introducing me to the work by Theodore Cachey.

Selected Bibliography Ferdinand Philippe Marie d’Orleans, duc d’Alençon, Luçon et Mindanao ‒ Extraits d’un Journal de voyage dans l’extrême Orient, Michel Lévy Frères, Paris, 1870; translated by E. Aguilar Cruz, National Historical Institute, Manila, 1986. Sir John Bowring, A Visit to the Philippine Islands, Smith, Elder & Co., London, 1859. Theodore J. Cachey Jr. (editor), The First Voyage Around the World 1519-1522, An Account of Magellan’s Expedition by Antonio Pigafetta, based on the critical edition by Andrea Canova, University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 2007. Eric S. Casiño, Mindanao Statecraft and Ecology: Moros, Lumads, and Settlers Across the Lowland-Highland Continuum, Notre Dame University, Cotabato City, 2000. Emerson Brewer Christie, The Subanuns of Sindangan Bay, Bureau of Science, Division of Ethnology Publications, Vol. VI – Part I, Manila, 1909. 47

Margarita delos Reyes Cojuangco, Kris of Valor: The Samal Balangingi’s Defiance and Diaspora, Manisan Research and Publishing Inc., Manila, 1993 Francisco Combés, Historia de las islas de Mindanao, Jolo, y Adyacentes, Madrid, 1667; ‘con la colaboracion del P. Pablo Pastells saca nuevamente a luz’, W.E. Retana, Madrid, 1897. Antonio F.B. de Castro, S.J., ‘La Virgen del Pilar: Defamiliarizing Mary and the Challenge of Inter-religious Dialogue’, in Landas: Journal of Loyola School of Theology, 19 (1), Ateneo de Manila University, 2005. Horacio de la Costa, The Jesuits in the Philippines, 1581-1768, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 1961. Luis Camara Dery, The Kris in Philippine History: A Study of the Impact of Moro Anti-Colonial Resistance, 1571-1896, published by the author, 1997. Fred Eggan, History, Ethnology, Social Life and Customs of Mindanao, Chicago University Philippine Studies Program, Mindanao Conference, Chicago, 1955. Rolando C. Esteban, The Kalibugans, Moros of Zamboanga Peninsula, University of Santo Tomas Publishing House, Manila, 2002. John P. Finley and William Churchill, The Subanu: Studies of a Sub-Visayan Mountain Folk of Mindanao, Carnegie Institution of Washington, Washington D.C., 1913. Benito Francia y Ponce de León and Julián González Parrado, Las Islas Filipinas, Mindanao, Vol. II, Imprenta de la Subinspección de Infantería, Havana, 1898. Baltasar Giraudier, Expedición a Joló 1876: Bocetos del Cronista del Diario de Manila, Lit. de J.M. Mateu, Madrid, 1877; English translation by Chaco Molina, Ortigas Foundation, Inc., Makati, 2021. Isaac Donoso Jiménez, ‘Társila Zamboangueña: Fuente Hispánica para la Historia del Islam en Filipinas y Primer Documento Escrito en Chabacano Zamboangueño’, in Cuaderno Internacional de Estudios Humanísticos y Literatura, Vol. 19, Universidad de Puerto Rico en Humacao, 2013. John Kleinen, ‘Piracy and Anti-Piracy in Southeast Asian and East Asian Waters in the 19th Century’, in Asia y el Museo Naval, Ministerio de Defensa, Madrid, 2018. Ruurdje Laarhoven, Triumph of Moro Diplomacy: The Maguindanao Sultanate in the 17th Century, New Day Publishers, Quezon City, 1989. Hilario Lim y Atilano, Roots of Zamboanga Hermosa: paradise found and possessed, lost and repossessed four x over, Manila, 1993. Cesar Adib Majul, Muslims in the Philippines, University of the Philippines Press, Quezon City, 1973. Francisco A. Mallari, S.J., Ibalon Under Storm and Siege: Essays on Bicol History, 1565-1860, Xavier University, Cagayan de Oro City, 1990. Fr. Joaquín Martínez de Zúñiga, O.S.A., Estadismo de las islas Filipinas [Status of the Philippines in 1800], translated by Vicente del Carmen, Filipiniana Book Guild, Manila, 1973. Arlo H. Nimmo, ’Religious Beliefs of the Tawi-Tawi Bajau’, in Philippine Studies, Vol. 38, No. 1, Ateneo de Manila University, Manila, 1990. Robert R. Reed, Colonial Manila: The Context of Hispanic Urbanism and Process of Morphogenesis, University of California Publications in Geography Vol. 22, University of California Press, 1978.

Max Rodriguez, CMF, Our Lady of Pilar, Heritage of Zamboanga, Claretian Publications, Quezon City, 1995. Alexander Spoehr, Zamboanga and the Sulu Archipelago: An Archaeological Approach to Ethnic Diversity, Department of Anthropology, University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, 1973. J.B. Steere, ’Six Weeks in Southern Mindanao’, in The American Naturalist, Vol. 22, No. 256, April 1888, The University of Chicago Press. Bertram Tiemeyer, O.F.M., The Culture of the Subanäns, Their Mythology, Beliefs, Rituals and Prayers, narrated by the Subanäns of the Salugnon Tribe, translated by Bertram Tiemeyer, Kadena Books, Quezon City, 2003.


James Francis Warren, The Sulu Zone, 1768-1898 ‒ The Dynamics of External Trade, Slavery, and Ethnicity in the Transformation of a Southeast Asian Maritime State, NUS Press, Singapore, 1981; Fortieth Anniversary Edition, Ateneo de Manila University Press, Manila, 2021. —, The Global Economy and the Sulu Zone: Connections, Commodities and Culture, New Day Publishers, Quezon City, 2000. —, ‘The Iranun and Balangingi Samal: The Sulu Zone and the Vikings of Asia’, in Asia y el Museo Naval, Ministerio de Defensa, Madrid, 2018. Dean C. Worcester, The Philippine Islands and their people – A record of personal observation and experience, with a short summary of the more important facts in the history of the archipelago, The Macmillan Company, New York (1899). Notes and References 1.

Cachey op cit; the interactive map of the first circumnavigation published by the National Quincentennial Committee provides the location of the points of encounter mentioned by Pigafetta:


Finley & Churchill op cit.


Magellan’s Voyage Around the World by Antonio Pigafetta, the original text of the Ambrosian MS with English translation by James Alexander Robertson, The Arthur H. Clark Company, Cleveland, 1906.


From a c.1525 French translation of Pigafetta’s Journal of Magellan’s Voyage, c1525, MS 351, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University:


Forgotten renderings of the Philippines in Portuguese cartography of the 16th century by Miguel Rodrigues Lourenço, Universidade NOVA de Lisboa; PHIMCOS webinar on 24 February, 2021.


Arquivo Nacional Torre do Tombo, Lisbon: Another copy of the manuscript atlas in the Huntington Library, San Marino shows the name as ‘quabrita’.


Esteban op cit.


Christie op cit. The name Subanen is sometimes given as Subanu, Subanun, Subanon or Subanän; Finley & Churchill op cit state that ‘subanun would not mean people of rivers, but a place where rivers are’. On the other hand, Tiemeyer op cit explains the need to use the spelling Subanän to approximate the sound used in the Subanän language. In this article I use Subanen to follow the spelling adopted since 2002 by Ateneo de Zamboanga University in its Culture and Peace Studies Journal.


See Peter Geldart, ‘Nicholas Norton Nicols and his maps of Mindanao’, in The Murillo Bulletin, Issue No. 12.

10. Christie op cit. 11. The ‘Nawan river’ could have been the Masinloc river, now named Tumaga, which meanders down from Mount Pulong Bato towards the southeast and is the city’s main river. 12. Esteban op cit. 13. Francia and Parrado op cit 14. Lim op cit. 15. The National Quincentennial Committee equates Monoripa with the current-day Manalipa Island. 16. Nimmo op cit. 17. Casiño op cit. 18. Robert Dudley, Carta particolare del Isola Mindanao parte Australe con Celebes … d’Asia Carta XI, Florence, 1646; see Susan Maxwell, ‘The Philippines – A Link between Thomas Cavendish and Sir Robert Dudley’, in Journal of the International Map Collectors’ Society, No. 155, December 2018. 19. De la Costa op cit. 20. De la Costa op cit. 49

21. De la Costa op cit. 22. De la Costa op cit: Table on the Parish and Mission Residences of the Philippine Province in 1656. 23. De la Costa op cit; buaya means crocodile in Malay and cognate languages. 24. Laarhoven op cit. 25. Captain William Dampier, A New Voyage round the World, James Knapton, London, 1697. 26. Mapa de la Isla de Mindanao, donde se fundó el presidio de Zamboanga, c.1683, Archivo General de Indias, ES.41091.AGI//MP-FILIPINAS,11: 27. Planta ygnográphica del castillo y fortificasiones de Nuestra Señora del Pilar de Samboanga, conforme se hallaron (después de 56 años que se abandonó) al tiempo del nuevo restablesimiento y pocesión que de ellas tomó (de orden del señor mariscal de campo Don Fernando Manuel de Bustillo Bustamante y Rueda, gobernador y capitán general de esta islas y presidente de su Real Audiencia) el general Don Gregorio de Padilla y Escalante : delineada, obserbada y reconosida por el sargento mayor Don Juan de Siscara, yngeniero militar a cuyo cargo puso dicho señor mariscal la reedificasión y enmienda de dichas fortificasiones, por averlas hallado muy deterioradas y con los defectos que se demuestran en esta planta, año de 1719; Archivo General de Indias, ES.41091.AGI//MP-FILIPINAS,20: 28. Fr. Pedro Murillo Velarde, S.J., Carta Hydrographica y Chorographica delas Yslas Filipinas Dedicada al Rey Nuestro Señor Por el Mariscal de Campo D. Fernando Valdes Tamon Cavallº del Orden de Santiago de Govor. Y Capn. General de dichas Yslas; Library of Congress: 29. Fernando Valdés Tamón, Relación en que de orden de su Magestad Cathólica (Dios le guarde) se declaran las Plazas, Castillos, Fuerzas, y Presidios de las Provincias sugetas a su Real Dominio en las Yslas Philipinas: Con Delineación de sus Planos y Demonstraciones puntuales de los Pertrechos y Gente de Guerra, Sueldos, Raciones y Municiones para su manutención, Manila, 1738. 30. Plan dela Fuerza Na. Sra. Del Pilar de Saragoza de Sanbuanga y sus Contornos; Archivo Museo Naval de Madrid (AMN 0399 Ms.1040 / 000), page 53r: 31. Translation from Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803, Vol. XLVII, The Arthur H. Clark Company, Cleveland, Ohio, 1903-09. 32. Pierre Sonnerat, Voyage à la Nouvelle Guinée, dans lequel on trouve la description des Lieux, des Observations physiques & morales, & des details relatifs à l’Histoire Naturelle dans le Regne Animal & le Regne Végétal, Chez Ruault, Paris, 1776. 33. Warren op cit. 34. Warren op cit. 35. Warren op cit. 36. Cojuangco op cit. 37. J. Espejo, Croquis de la Ysla de Balanguingui y sus adyacentes en el Archipielago de Joló. Destruidos sus fuertes por las armas del Egército y Armada Naval de Filipinas, las primeras al inmediato mando del Ex’mo. S’or. D. Narciso Claveria, Capitan General de aquellos dominios …; Library of Congress G8062.S26 1848.E8; see Jaime C. González, ‘The Balanguingui Expedition of 1848’, in The Murillo Bulletin, Issue No. 10, November 2020. 38. Cojuangco op cit. 39. Warren op cit. 40. Cojuangco op cit. 41. Cojuangco op cit. 42. Fernando Brambila, Vista de una Torre, y Parte del Pueblo de Samboangan, drawing in pen and ink with sepia wash, from the Malaspina Expedition, Archivo Museo Naval de Madrid (AMN Ms.1724 (18)). 50

43. Voyage au Pôle Sud et dans l’Océanie sur les corvettes l’Astrolabe et La Zélée, exécuté par ordre du Roi pendant les années 1837, 1838, 1839, 1840 Sous le Commandement de M.J. Dumont d’Urville, Capitaine de vaisseau ‒ Atlas pittoresque, artwork by Louis Le Breton and Eugène Cicéri, Gide et Cie., Paris, 1846. 44. Charles Wilkes, Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition During the Years 1838, 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842, Lea & Blanchard, Philadelphia, 1845. 45. Plano que Comprehende la Fortificacion y Campiña de la Plaza de Zamboanga Levantado por el Teniente Coronel Don Manuel de Olea Comisionado por el Govierno Superior de estas Yslas Filipinas en Marzo de 1830; Servicio Histórico Militar, Servicio Geográfico del Ejército, Madrid (PHL-52-15 1831). 46. For example, the 1766 Plano del Puerto de Subec en la Ysla de Lubsón, in the Library of Congress, and the (1843) 1850 Plano del Puerto de Zebú,in the Archivo Museo Naval de Madrid. 47. El Gobernador Cayetano Figueroa, ‘Memoria estadistica de aquel distrito’, in Estadistica Zamboanga, PNA, Zamboanga, 1845. 48. Bowring op cit. 49. D’ Alençon op cit. 50. Warren op cit: ‘El Governador Militar y Politico del Zamboanga a GCG, 23 July 1883, PNA, Unclassified Mindanao/Sulu bundle’. 51. Bowring op cit. 52. Steere op cit. 53. Giraudier op cit. 54. ‘Moro or Indian Huts built in the water, Zamboanga, Mindanao’ by Frederick Hodgeson, National Maritime Museum, Greenwich (ALB0175/98): 55. Jesuit Missionary Letters from Mindanao, Volume Two: The Zamboanga-Basilan-Jolo Mission, edited, translated and annotated by José S. Arcilla, S.J., University of the Philippines, Quezon City, 1993. 56. Reed op cit. 57. Gerard Lico and Lorelei D.C. de Viana, Regulating Colonial Spaces (1565-1944): A Collection of Laws, Decrees, Proclamations, Ordinances, Orders, and Directives on Architecture and the Built Environment During the Colonial Eras in the Philippines. National Commission for Culture and the Arts, Manila, 2017. 58. Letter of Fr. Pablo Banqúe to Hermenegildo Jacas, [Cartas 6:25-35], Zamboanga, 10 April, 1884. 59. Worcester op cit. 60. ‘Carta del P. Juan Quintana al R. P. Juan Ricart, Superior de la Misión ‒ Expedición á Nongán, Ayala, 24 de Junio de 1894’ and ’ ‘Carta del P. Juan Quintana al R. P. Juan Ricart, Superior de la Misión ‒ Expedición á Siocon, Ayala, 11 de Setiembre de 1894’, in Cartas de los Misioneros de la Compañía de Jesús en Filipinas, Cuaderno X, Establecimiento Tipográfico de J. Marty, Manila, 1895. 61. José Algué S.J. / United States Coast and Geodetic Survey, Atlas de Filipinas, Manila, 1899 / Government Printing Office, Washington D.C., 1900. 62. Worcester op cit. 63. José Algué, S.J. (editor), El Archipielago Filipino, Coleccion de Datos, Geograficos, Estadisticos, Cronologicos y Cientificos, Relativos al Mismo Entresecados de Anterio Obra U Obtenidos con La Propia Observacion y Estudio. Por Algunos Padres de la Mision de la Compania de Jesus en estas Islas, Vol. 1, Imprenta del Gobierno, Washington D.C., 1900. 64. For more on the miracles and legends see Rodriguez op cit. 65. De Castro op cit.

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C A P TA I N D . C L A U D I O M O N T E R O

(1824 - 1885)

Île de Luçon Baie de Manille (Island of Luzon, Manila Bay)

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Alexander Dalrymple in Zamboanga by Peter Geldart


N APRIL 1759, at the age of 21, Alexander Dalrymple (1737-1808) left his position as Deputy Secretary of the East India Company (EIC) in Madras on the first of the three voyages that would take him to the Philippines. Having travelled to Malacca on the East Indiaman Winchelsea, he embarked on the schooner Cuddalore (Captain George Baker).(1) Dalrymple took command of the ship, with Captain Baker retaining control of navigation and management of the vessel until he resigned his command in November. The Cuddalore reached Macao in July and was based there for 18 months, with trips to explore the islands to the north of Luzon, the Pearl River Delta, and the coasts of Hainan and Cochin China. With French frigates in control of the coast of Sumatra and the Strait of Sunda, the EIC’s Committee of Supercargoes at Canton requested Dalrymple to escort five East Indiamen on their return voyage to England by way of the new (and as yet untried) Eastern Passage.(2) The Cuddalore set sail for Luzon on 30 December, 1760, rounded Manila (Capones) Point, passed through the Visayas, and reached Mindanao in mid-January. Dalrymple visited Sulu, where he signed a preliminary agreement with the Sultan, and then carried on along the coasts of Borneo to the island of Sumbawa.(3) There the convoy parted company, with the four remaining East Indiamen (3) sailing homewards while Dalrymple stayed on from February to April 1761 to carry out local coastal surveys of Sumbawa and Flores. The Cuddalore then returned, via the Dutch fort at Macassar, to Sulu, where Dalrymple was able to have his recent treaty with the Sultan ratified by the leading datus (tribal chiefs). The next port of call was Zamboanga, where Dalrymple was made welcome by the Governor, Don Manuel Galves, whom he described as “a Native of New-Spain, an intelligent Man, and the best Artist I have known amongst the Spanish Navigators”.(4) Galves had been a piloto (master) on the Manila Galleon who by 1740

had already made four crossings to Acapulco.(5) A manuscript draft map of the ‘Isla de San Joan ô Guajan’ (Guam) held in the Archivo del Museo Naval in Madrid shows, to the southwest of the island, the Placer de Arena descubierto por el Capn. Dn. Manuel Galves en el año de 1740 (Sandbank discovered by Captain Don Manuel Galves in the year 1740).(6) A version of this map, combined with an accompanying sketch of the island of Rota, was published by Dalrymple in 1796.(7) Galves was involved with the discussions over the route and home port for the galleons. He was against the alternative route around the north of Luzon, but supported the case for moving the main port for the trans-Pacific trade route from Cavite to Lampon on the east coast.(8) In 1745 Galves explored the east coast of Luzon and the route from Lampon to Manila for Governor-General Gaspar de la Torre, and in 1754 he recorded his findings in a manuscript Mapa Del Puerto De Lampon made for the Governor-General Pedro Manuel de Arandía.(9) As Dalrymple and Galves were both keen and accomplished hydrographers the two men bonded. Galves provided Dalrymple with books and manuscript charts, and Dalrymple would copy and publish a number of them in 1774 as part of A Collection of Plans of Ports in the East Indies. These include the above-mentioned Plan of Lampon Bay on the East Coast of Luzon, together with Bay of Panguyl, Plan of the Port of Palapa, Plan of Sorsorgon Harbour, Plan of Capa-Luan, and insets of Plan of the Port of Seeseeran and Port of Salomague.(10) Dalrymple was quite fluent in Spanish, and the manuscripts given to him by Galves included two derroteros (pilot books), one for the coasts of Luzon by Manuel Correa (11), and the other for the San Bernardino Strait by Antonio Perez Gil,(12) together with an untitled text starting with De Romblon a la punta de Bulacave … . In c.1773 Dalrymple arranged to have these printed, in Spanish, by the firm of Murray and Cochrane in Edinburgh.(13) 53

Detail of ‘Samboangan’ from Alexander Dalrymple’s Views of Negros and Mageendanao, 1781 (image courtesy of the National Library of Australia, Map Ra 29 v.2, Plate 129)

Galves also gave Dalrymple: … a letter to his Brother at Manila desiring him to deliver to me several plans he had left there; … but the suspicions of my intentions … made the Spaniards apprehensive of involving themselves in difficulties, by any liberal communication, and thereby the Publick are for ever deprived of these Plans, as I have reason to believe they are now all lost.(14)

One member of the Cuddalore’s crew is known only by name, and for his abilities as a maritime artist. In Jolo, Simon Hammar drew three large, detailed views of ‘Sooloo’(15), and in October, 1761 he produced a view of Zamboanga with the name ‘Samboangan’ in an ornate chinoiserie cartouche. This view shows the mountains behind Zamboanga, palm trees along the coast, the native town with houses built on stilts, the jetty, and the impressive presidio (fort) flying a flag with the Spanish royal coat of arms.

The original manuscript sketch is held in the United Kingdom’s National Archives in Kew. Although Dalrymple did not publish Hammar’s views of Sulu, that of Zamboanga was included as the last and largest of the nine Views of Negros and Mageendanao which he published in 1781, and which were subsequently re-issued by the Admiralty’s Hydrographic Office as chart no. 965. Although the original drawing is not signed, the published view specifies that it was made by ‘S. Hammer’ (sic) on ‘Cuddalore Oct.r 1761’. The manuscript has been embellished with the addition of ten sailing ships and rowing boats in the foreground, including the twomasted schooner Cuddalore at bottom-left. The author thanks Carlos Madrid for providing the information on the draft sketch maps of Guam and Rota in the Archivo del Museo Naval and on the Santa Rosa Reef.

Selected Bibliography Andrew S. Cook, Alexander Dalrymple (1767-1808), Hydrographer to the East India Company and to the Admiralty as Publisher: A Catalogue of Books and Charts, doctoral thesis, University of St. Andrews, 1993. Howard T. Fry, Alexander Dalrymple and the Expansion of British Trade, The Royal Commonwealth Society Imperial Studies No. XXIX, Frank Cass and Company Limited, London, 1970.


A view of ‘Samboangan’ by Simon Hammar, Cuddalore, 1761 (image courtesy of the U.K. National Archives, ADM 344/1459) Notes and References 1.

Prof. Fry op cit refers to the Cuddalore as a snow (a small, fast, two-masted ship with an extra trysail mast), but this is incorrect. The Cuddalore was built in Bombay in 1752 as a schooner; contemporary images show her as a schooner, not a snow; and Dalrymple always referred to his ship as the ‘Schooner Cuddalore’.


In 1758-59 Captain William Wilson in the East Indiaman Pitt had travelled from India to Macao by taking a route south of the Equator (via Batavia, the Moluccas and northwestern New Guinea), and then northwards to the east and north of the Philippines. This became known as the Eastern Passage (aka Pitt’s Passage) and was used increasingly by East Indiamen to avoid the dangers of the China Sea.


Mindanao had been reached in a gale on 19 January 1761, and the following day the East Indiaman Griffin ran aground on the ‘Griffin Rocks’, a reef north of Jolo. The men were rescued, but the ship and cargo were abandoned. The wreck was rediscovered, explored and excavated in 1985-99 by a team from the National Museum of the Philippines led by Franck Goddio and Gabriel S. Casal.


Alexander Dalrymple, General Introduction to a Collection of Plans of Ports, &c. in the Indian Navigation, London, 1783.


William Lytle Schurz, The Manila Galleon, E.P. Dutton & Company, New York, 1939.


The ‘sandbank’ may have been the Santa Rosa Reef, located about 25 nautical miles south-southwest of Guam, on which the patache Concepción nearly grounded in 1696.


Alexander Dalrymple, Plan of the Marianes Islands Guahan and Rota from a Spanish MS., May 31st, 1796; Cook op cit No. B809 and Library of Congress call no. G1059.D23 1768 Vault Vol. 2 Class 15-16, chart 57.


María Baudot Monroy, ‘Lampón, puerto alternativo a Cavite para el Galeón de Manila’, in Vegueta: Anuario de la Facultad de Geografía e Historia, Universidad de Las Palmas Gran Canaria, 2020.


The original pencil and coloured pen-and-ink manuscript Mapa Del Puerto De Lampon is in the Howe map collection in the Library of Congress:

10. Andrew S. Cook, ‘Alexander Dalrymple’s A Collection of Plans of Ports in the East Indies (1774-1775): A Preliminary Examination’, in Imago Mundi, Volume 33 Issue 1, 1981. 11. Manuel Correa, Descripcion segura y verdadera, en forma de derrotero de las costas, puertos, islas, y baxos, con las fondas y señales desde el puerto ô ensenada de Mariveles, hasta mas allá del Cabo de Engaño; Juntamente con la de las islas de Babuyanes. 12. Antonio Perez Gil, Derrota del Puerto de Cavite al Embocadero de San Bernardino, y de este al de Cavite. 13. See Cook op cit Nos. A31 to A33; copies are held in the Uppsala University Library in Sweden. 14. Dalrymple, General Introduction, op cit. Dalrymple blamed the suspicions of the authorities in Manila on the English apostate and naturalised Spaniard Nicholas Norton; see the author’s article ‘Nicholas Norton Nicols and his maps of Mindanao’, in The Murillo Bulletin, Issue No. 12, November 2021. 15. One of these, signed ‘Simon Hammar’, is in the author’s collection; see ‘A View of the Island of Sooloo 1761’, in The Murillo Bulletin, Issue No. 10, November 2020. The other two are in the United Kingdom National Archives in Kew: ‘A View of Sooloo’ (ADM 344/1461) and ‘Sooloo’ (ADM 344/1463). 55

PHIMCOS Board of Trustees 2022 Mariano Cacho, Jr. Honorary Chairman Emeritus

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