The Menton Times - Volume II, No. 7

NEWS OPINION

Menton Hosts the 89th Edition of the Lemon Festival

By Catarina Vita, Staff Writer

From Feb. 11 to 26, our once-deserted “lemon town” became packed with tourists from all over the world to attend Menton’s renowned Fête du Citron. Composed of parades (called corsos) from the train station to Place St. Roch, endless lemon-themed souvenirs and even 30-euro NFTs on sale, Menton’s Lemon Festival brought over 250,000 people to the small town. To Menton’s economy and tourism, this annualfestivity is crucial.

The Campus Hosts the Exhibition for the OneYear Anniversary of the Full-Scale Invasion of Ukraine

By Anna Hazolyshyn, Staff Writer

The 89th edition of the Fête du Citron was themed rock and opera, with the mascot being John Lemon — a pun for John Lennon, the famous member of the Beatles and rock singer. The majestic lemon structures at Jardin Biovès all resemble rock and opera singers, and every Thursday during the festival, a parade stopped the city and displayed even more lemon-made structures and rock and opera music.

SEE PAGE 4

On Monday morning, February 20th, 2023, as the first students stumbled onto the premises of the campus, the seating area near the main entrance was transformed into the open-air exhibition space for the Unissued Diplomas project. The posters, pictures

Student Strike Shuts Campus

By Colette Yamashita Holcomb, English Section Editor

As the sun rose over campus on Tuesday morning, dozens of students were already hard at work assembling a “blocus,” or blockade, using dumpsters, metal gates and wooden pallets embellished with various signage at the school gates. Organized by the campus student union and an open-access general assembly Monday, the blockade drew students across language tracks, nationalities and grades to band together, blocking campus access in alliance with national strikes on pension reform.

SEE PAGE 2

Are We Desensitized to the Environmental Crisis?

By Ghazal Khalife, Guest Writer

As everyone returned from a long vacation looking forward to starting the new year, students were slightly apprehensive about the 18-hour-long intensive course named “Ecological Literacy.” The school had sent an email containing three required readings for this course, each explaining a different angle of the environmental crisis, whether the associated inequalities, the economic challenges posed by it or

and symbolic diplomas were put up there a day earlier by a group of four Ukrainian students on our campus — Elyse Demkiw, Daniel Guzman, Yevheniia Yefymova and myself, Anna Hazolyshyn. The exhibition organized on the Menton campus was only

its devastating repercussions on our survival. A common attitude towards the course was that of nonchalance, not towards the question of climate change itself but rather regarding the need to study such a widely explored and “redundant” topic. As a student who insisted on attending each one of these long — at times triggering — lectures, I have noticed that perhaps this course links to a greater overarching theme.

SEE PAGE 7

one part of a more global student-led initiative of the same name, held in 45+ universities worldwide, SEE PAGE 15

Student Strike Shuts Campus

By Colette Yamashita Holcomb, English Section Editor

of strikes and widespread public opposition, especially from labor unions. The campus protest was

As the sun rose over campus on Tuesday morning, dozens of students were already hard at work assembling a “blocus,” or blockade, using dumpsters, metal gates and wooden pallets embellished with various signage at the school gates. Organized by the campus student union and an open-access general assembly Monday, the blockade drew students across language tracks, nationalities and grades to band together, blocking campus access in alliance with national strikes on pension reform.

French President Emmanuel Macron has continued his plans to raise the legal retirement age from 62 to 64, despite months

also motivated by struggles with the Sciences Po administration — including absent teachers for established classes, registration and scheduling issues, and the lack of English-speaking staff, not to mention the controversial seven and a half percent tuition increase for the 2023-2024 academic year.

Shortly after the blockade began on Tuesday morning, campus director Yasmina Touaibia informed students that the campus was closing due to the demonstration. All classes were moved to a Zoom format or rescheduled. Touaibia’s announcement came before many students had even learned of the demonstration.

That night, another general assembly was organized to decide whether to organize a blockade the following day. In a private and narrow vote, Sciences Pistes determined that another filtered blockade — where essential workers could pass through — would occur. Yet, when students attempted to blockade the campus on Wednesday morning, they faced private security hired by Sciences Po Paris to guard the entrance. Municipal police also quickly arrived to remove the publicly-owned dumpsters and railings used by students. Students then formed a human barrier and continued to display various signs and posters advocating for their causes.

In a general assembly attended by over 130 students that afternoon, Camille Lebègue, Elisa Finocchiaro and Lucie Charbonneau were elected as representatives to communicate with the administration, other student unions, police, media and oth-

er organizations that may arise.

Following the blockades at the Menton, Nancy and Paris campuses, the Sciences Po Paris administration sent an email to students on all campuses announcing the closure of the Paris campus on March 8 and condemning the blockades.

“The right to participate in public demonstrations is a matter of individual freedom. It is regrettable, however, that certain students have chosen as an alternative means of expression to block access to our university, which should remain a place of teaching, debate and discussion, fundamental to the democratic process,” read the official administrative statement.

On Wednesday, the administration continued their efforts to denounce and delegitimize student action, singling out the Menton campus for continuing the blockade, which, according to administrators, was aimed at “preventing access to the campus, thus denying other students access to on-campus teaching and resources” in light of the approaching exams. They also asserted that the Menton student organizers were claiming to represent the entire campus with their actions — an allegation the student union strongly contested. This statement further demonstrated the administration’s failure to comprehend the actual situation on campus: that Wednesday, those wishing to enter the campus could do so freely, as a peaceful student sit-out replaced the blockade.

Nevertheless, this statement echoed some of the points brought by the students opposing the blockade.

The movement became more widely recognized throughout the blockades and spread discussion within the student body and beyond at other campuses. Not all students favored the blockades — some opposed the idea of a protest entirely.

In contrast, others advocated a filtered blockade or sit-ins. The student union stated that the intention had always been a filtered blockade, but Touaibia’s closure of campus Tuesday prevented the plan.

Beyond differences in opinions on the pension reform, a key point of opposition to the blockades was that they obstructed

access to campus resources, including the internet and study spaces.

Furthermore, they prevent employees from being able to work — such as library workers and custodial staff whose salaries depend on their physical presence. To address this, the student union committed to compensating for any wages lost due to the protest through a collective fund.

Notably, the movement has been primarily dominated by French track 1As. Some English track 1As argued that it felt like the French track’s fight and that they were not informed of the initial blockades. However, there were confirmed texts in the English track group chat that informed students of the actions taking place throughout the week. While the first two general assemblies were conduct-

ed primarily in French, the third assembly had a dedicated translator, and all participants were encouraged to speak in English.

Other students also decided to join the protests happening in Nice throughout the week instead of coming to the campus or participating in the blockade.

At the time of writing, there is no public plan to blockade again, but there is an uptick in security on campus with increased bag searches and ID checks.

Menton Hosts the 89th Edition of the Lemon Festival

By Catarina Vita, Staff Writer

From Feb. 11 to 26, our once-deserted “lemon town” became packed with tourists from all over the world to attend Menton’s renowned Fête du Citron. Composed of parades (called corsos) from the train station to Place St. Roch, endless lemon-themed souvenirs and even 30-euro NFTs on sale, Menton’s Lemon Festival brought over 250,000 people to the small town. To Menton’s economy and tourism, this annualfestivity is crucial.

The 89th edition of the Fête du Citron was themed rock and opera, with the mascot being John Lem-

on — a pun for John Lennon, the famous member of the Beatles and rock singer. The majestic lemon structures at Jardin Biovès all resemble rock and opera singers, and every Thursday during the festival, a parade stopped the city and displayed even more lemon-made structures and rock and opera music. According to Marinella Giardina, the tourism assistant to the mayor of Menton, in an interview with France Bleu, “a rock lemon is a lemon filled with vitamins and bananas and invites you to bite into life with certainty.” With this statement, Giardina means that the 89th Fête du Citron and its symbolic lemon will not be bitter but sweet and inviting to par-

ticipate in.

It is no exaggeration that the weekly corsos during the Lemon Festival paralyzed Menton. Mayor Yves Juhel, speaking to France3 Provence-AlpesCôte-D’Azur, confirmed that over 100,000 people bought tickets to watch the festival. These presentations ended at 23:15, and since the trains back to other cities in the Côte D’Azur line end not long after 21:00, the Mayor encouraged bus networks to supplement train services.

In 1896, the first edition of the Fête du Citron began. Hotel workers suggested a parade to draw visitors to Menton during the wintertime. This idea attract-

ed not only high-profile visitors, such as Queen Victoria but the citizens of Menton as well. From 1896 to 1929, the parade continued, but without the famous citron as its main character. As 1929 approached, Menton led the production of lemons in the region, and hotel workers from Hotel Riviera organized a parade of citrus flowers and fruits throughout Menton. In 1934, the Fête du Citron became an annual tradition.

It is undeniable that the festival is crucial for the Mentonese economy. According to BFM Côte D’Azur, a local Italian shop and restaurant, Pasta Piemonte, which sells ravioli with Menton lemon filling, re-

ported selling eighty kilos of their delicacy. The shop owner also said that their orders are concentrated on corso days, especially because their location is close to Jardin Biovès, and hence close to the lemon-made statues. A local hotel was also reported to have a 100% occupancy rate during the Fête du Citron. Tutti Frutti, a Michelin-starred ice cream parlor, was closed in Menton since late October, and reopened due to the Lemon Festival, which has brought in massive queues.

Frank Devergranne, interviewed by France3 ProvenceAlpes-Côte-D’Azur as a member of the Menton’s hôteliers union, reported an approximate 50% growth in hotel performance. He also considered the economic concern for hotel workers in Menton during quar-

antine and winter time and how this year’s Fête du Citron was “a big gulp of oxygen” for their revenues. Small touristic trainlike cars circulate Menton during the day times of the Lemon Festival, which gives temporary driving

jobs to people in need. The promotion of dance, music and art for workers in the creative field is highlighted in the Lemon Festival, which makes the event a valuable opportunity for those working in the industry.

Considering the passion the Mentonese government and the Côte D’Azur has for the annual Fête du Citron, the theme for its 90th edition is already established: the Olympics from ancient history to the present. The year 2024 will also be when Paris hosts the Olympic games, which will only further bolster French tourism. Nonetheless, the surface area of Menton is a humble 14.05 kilometers squared, and harboring more than 250,000 people is challenging, especially with

its infinite staircases and narrow streets. For future events to come, the city is hopeful that the Mentonese government considers this factor and develops strategies to prevent the city from overcrowding. Obvious environmental factors come with the Fête du Citron, such as tourists polluting the streets and wasting food and material. As the Festival comes to an end, lemon peels and paper confetti are found scattered in the Basilica stairs and in the Mentonese narrow streets. To make this event even more prosperous for Menton itself and its citizens’ well-being, the government can deliberate strategies for the sustainability of the Lemon Festival.

Une France qui s’assèche, des scientifiques qui alertent, un gouvernement qui se dépêche

By Salomé Greffier, Staff Writer

« Sens-tu l’air du désert/ Te dessécher la peau/ Comme si l’on avait/ Laissé le four ouvert/ Et ce souffle brûlant/ Nous ôter le repos/ Pour venir nous donner/ Un avant-goût d’enfer ? » Laurence Hérault s’exprime en ces mots afin de décrire un phénomène observé à grande échelle par les sociétés depuis une cinquantaine d’années déjà : la sécheresse. Tandis que les populations subissent des épisodes sans qu’aucune goutte de pluie ne tombe du ciel, les scientifiques parlent d’avancée du désert et les pouvoirs publics tentent de proposer des alternatives économiques et sociales moins énergivores en eau. La sécheresse, fait désormais l’objet d’observations rigoureuses et constitue un enjeu majeur pour les États. En outre, le dernier rapport du GIEC publié en 2022 tire la sonnette d’alarme quant à la fréquence des périodes de sécheresse à travers le monde dans les années à venir. Ces dernières devraient devenir plus régulières, voire permanentes, impliquant une rem-

ise en question de la gestion de l’eau à l’échelle individuelle mais aussi collective, au regard des comportements agricoles principalement. Le groupe d’experts intergouvernemental place l’activité humaine comme responsable de ces phénomènes météorologiques extrêmes. Par conséquent, seule une adaptation anthropique face à cet enjeu climatique (mais aussi socio-économique, politique et qui atteint plus généralement la santé publique) permettrait d’inverser, ou du moins de ralentir, le processus en cours.

Pour le moment, les baromètres français affichent un record historique inquiétant. En effet, à la date du 21 février 2023, les météorologues cochent la case d’un 31ème jour sans pluie sur le sol de l’hexagone. Or, en plein milieu de l’hiver, l’eau des pluies devrait remplir les nappes phréatiques afin de répondre aux besoins des mois d’été. Février se termine donc avec un déficit de précipitations de 75 %. En d’autres termes, la situation actuelle est celle que l’on chiffre, en temps normal, autour de la mi-avril voire de mai.

Les réserves souterraines en eau se trouvent par conséquent à des niveaux particulièrement bas alors que la saison estivale de 2022 avait

déjà puisé plus d’or bleu que la nature pouvait apporter. Dans le même temps, il ne faut pas omettre les inégalités territoriales en matière d’exposition à la sécheresse. Ainsi, les scientifiques décrivent un phénomène plus fort dans des régions comme l’Occitanie, la région PACA ou encore la Corse. De manière plus générale, une analyse du quotidien La Tribune de Genève avance qu’en temps normal, Nice enregistre plus de 800 mm de pluie par an. Entre février 2022 et la première quinzaine de février 2023, seuls 285 mm de précipitations se sont abattus sur la ville, soit 500 bons millimètres de moins que d’ordinaire !” Une situation qui devrait nous préoccuper en tant que (nouveaux) habitants de la région en perspective du retour de l’été.

Ce constat posé par la communauté scientifique et l’observation empirique obligent les pouvoirs publics français à agir en prévention des épisodes de sécheresse. Ainsi, lors du Salon de l’agriculture 2023 le président de la République, Emmanuel Macron, s’exprime en ces termes « On sait qu’on sera confronté à des problèmes de raréfaction d’eau : plutôt que de s’organiser sous la contrainte, on doit planifier tout ça ». Un appel à la sobriété soutenu par son ministre de la Transition écologique, Christophe Béchu. Ce dernier a demandé aux préfets des sept grands bassins du territoire, le 27 février dernier, d’anticiper

les pénuries et de contraindre dès à présent les particuliers et entreprises à travers des arrêtés. Le gouvernement lance alors un « plan sécheresse » pour se préparer aux difficultés à venir.

Ce projet public a tout d’abord pour vocation d’adapter l’agriculture. En effet, si le chef de l’État choisit un moment comme le Salon de l’agriculture pour exprimer ses inquiétudes, c’est avant tout pour toucher une frange de la population directement concernée par la sécheresse. L’agriculture représente en France 45 % de la consommation d’eau, chiffre qui s’élève jusqu’à 80 % au cœur de l’été. Celle-ci repose sur un modèle d’irrigation trop consommateur par rapport aux ressources disponibles. Par conséquent, il est demandé aux agriculteurs d’employer la méthode du goutte à goutte ou de se procurer des outils optimisant l’usage de l’eau. Néanmoins, la mise en place de ces moyens revêt un coût économique parfois trop important pour les exploitants qui doivent en priorité répondre à des demandes de rendements et générer des bénéfices pour maintenir leurs entreprises. L’État, pour pallier à ces inégalités, a débloqué des fonds à hauteur de 20 millions d’euros pour la « protection contre la sécheresse » à destination de toutes les exploitations en espérant que ce budget soit utilisé pour lutter contre les aléas climatiques et non à des fins économiques. De plus, l’idée d’installer des

compteurs capables de recenser la consommation en eau des agriculteurs est envisagée par les pouvoirs publics de la métropole.

Le « plan sécheresse » se déploie également en intervenant sur les failles du réseau d’eau. Ancien, sous dimensionné et parfois mal entretenu, le système d’alimentation se doit d’être rénové pour limiter les fuites en eau potable. Chaque année, c’est en effet 20 % en moyenne d’eau potable qui s’échappent des tuyaux à cause de l’obsolescence du réseau. Ensuite, l’État a pour objectif d’accélérer le déploiement de la réutilisation des eaux usées traitées. En bout de classement européen, la France recycle seulement 1 % de ses eaux à l’heure actuelle notamment à cause d’une réglementation sanitaire stricte en vigueur. On cherche dès lors à remplacer l’eau potable nécessaire au fonctionnement et à l’entretien des stations d’épuration par de l’eau recyclée et étendre progressivement cette pratique à des usages industriels et agricoles. Enfin, la conscience écologique mariée à des intérêts socio-économiques mobilise de plus en plus les citoyens. Les Français semblent prêter davantage attention à leur consommation d’eau et soutiennent des projets tels que l’utilisation de l’eau recyclée ou de compteurs « intelligents ». La tendance à la sobriété individuelle apparaît nécessaire pour les spécialistes mais insuffisante. L’appel des experts insiste davantage sur un changement collectif des usages de l’eau et des mentalités à l’échelle globale. Il n’en demeure pas moins que le levier de l’action individuelle est une goutte d’eau essentielle à, espérons-le, un recul du désert dans les prochaines années.

Are We Desensitized to the Environmental Crisis?

By Ghazal Khalife, Guest Writer

As everyone returned from a long vacation looking forward to starting the new year, students were slightly apprehensive about the 18-hour-long intensive course named “Ecological Literacy.” The school had sent an email containing three required readings for this course, each explaining a different angle of the environmental crisis, whether the associated inequalities, the economic challenges posed by it or its devastating repercussions on our survival. A common attitude towards the course was that of nonchalance, not towards the question of climate change itself but rather regarding the need to study such a widely explored and “redundant” topic. As a student who insisted on attending each one of these long — at times triggering — lectures, I have noticed that perhaps this course links to a greater overarching theme, desensitization towards the climate crisis as a whole, maybe we know the facts and we know the repercussions but just cannot bring ourselves to do anything about it?

The course’s main professor, Nathan Marom, was able to harness students’ interest, especially impressive considering the long hours of class in the early morning. Students posed questions, interact ed with the teacher and

shared their own opinions on factors that exacerbated this existential problem and hindered a solution. The class followed a thematic structure alternating from a purely scientific approach to a historical account of the environmentalist movement and, finally, an overview of the economic and hence political undertones of the fight against climate change. These approaches highlighted the multidimensionality of this issue. Among the debates in class that caused the most controversy is the idea around the individual’s role in combating climate change as opposed to government and industry agents. What all students shared, however, was a strong opinion on the crisis, either strongly in favor of radical, systemic changes or in favor of free-market reforms and such. Everyone knows about the environment’s problems, to differing extents, but not everyone shares the same passionate engagement.

In my opinion, the course itself did not introduce any powerful revelations, as SciencesPo students we have more than likely been exposed to different kinds of pollution and economic policies to target climate change. Nonetheless, the courses serve as a reminder — especially to those of us prioritizing political goals and economic growth — that beyond all the immediate dangers of diplomatic

conflict, power imbalances and economic competition are the imminent dangers of global warming, pollution and the depletion of natural resources.

Domino Morris, a former environmental sciences international baccalaureate student, pointed out that the course was interesting and largely coherent in the way it presented the topic.

All in all, the need behind taking this course and the general attitude towards it coincide as telltale signs of general desensitization towards this pressing topic. Whether on social media or TV, outlets are saturated with content on the crisis. For the average citizen, this could cause a monetary shock or sense of disappointment but not necessarily an impetus for change.

Human Rights Deteriorate in Tunisia Under President Kais Saied

By Peyton Dashiell, Staff Writer

Tunisian President Kais Saied provoked controversy in late February and early March after a series of inflammatory anti-migrant statements and increasingly authoritarian political actions. On Feb. 25, Saied released a public declaration calling for the expulsion of all illegal migrants in Tunisia. In the document, he blamed sub-Saharan African migrants for increased crime and violence. He alleged a “criminal plot” to change Tunisia’s racial demographics, mirroring the “Great Replacement” theory discussed by white supremacists in Europe and North America. In recent weeks, arbitrary detentions have surged in Tunisia. Saied aims to stifle dissent and opposition by imprisoning dozens of media figures,

businesspeople, and political opposition members — particularly those connected to the Ennahda Party and National Salvation Front coalition — on tenuous security-related charges.

Saied’s anti-immigrant rhetoric has gravely endangered sub-Saharan Africans living in Tunisia, emboldening racist attacks both in-person and online. Ange Seri Soka, president of an Ivorian advocacy organization in Tunisia, has stated that some of the 5,000 Ivorians in Tunisia have been driven out of their homes and forced to sleep in rural olive groves. The Ivory Coast, Mali and Gabon have cooperated with the Tunisian government to voluntarily repatriate 1,300 citizens who wish to return home. Tunisian universities have also begun offering a virtual

class option for those fearing racist attacks.

Already grappling with a political crisis and economic downturn, Tunisians have begun to protest in the streets against Saied’s actions but face suppression from local authorities. Citing a plot against state security forces, Tunis officials denied protest permits to the National Salvation Front and threatened organizers with legal action. However, this did not halt demonstration plans. On Feb. 25, around 1,000 Tunisians gathered in Tunis to protest Saied’s racist attack on migrants. Additionally, the National Salvation Front and the Tunisian Labor Union (UGTT) mobilized approximately 3,000 supporters in Tunis to condemn Saied’s authoritarian measures and governmental failures, particularly

the targeting of unions, arbitrary detentions, and general economic impoverishment. They specifically called for the release of Anis Kaabi, a UGTT official detained since February for participation in strikes. While protesters were met with verbal threats from police, the demonstrations were not stopped by force.

Unfortunately, the current developments follow a concerning pattern of human rights violations under Saied’s leadership. Prior to recent events, Saied has come under fire for violating freedom of speech, targeting opposition and using military courts to jail his political enemies through opaque sham trials. Leading the country once hailed as the only democracy in the Arab world, Saied enacted a successful self-coup in July 2021, suspending the

parliament and dismissing Prime Minister Hichem Mechichi from his post to seize almost absolute power. Throughout the past two years, Saied has continued to consolidate his rule. In July 2022, Saied initiated a referendum on a new constitution to replace the document enacted in 2014. The new constitutional draft expanded presidential power drastically weakened the judicial branch and threatened the secular nature of the government by characterizing Tunisia as an Islamic country.

Many criticized the constitution drafting process for lack of transparency and non-inclusion of civil society groups and non-governmental organizations. While the constitution passed with nearly 95 percent of votes, a mere 30 percent of eligible voters appeared at the polls –groups like the Free Constitutional Party explicitly boycotted the election to avoid legitimizing Saied’s power grab, while other individuals failed to vote due to apathy and a lack of faith in the democratic process.

While Saied’s government defended his recent remarks, with Interior Minister Taoufik Charfeddine calling accusations of racism “unjustified” and saying Tunisia equally applies the law to all who violate it, Saied has responded to public outcry by offering several protections for migrants and assuring that Tunisia is “proud to be African.” He relaxed visa policies for migrants, extending visa-free stays from three months to six months, and will allow mi-

grants who overstay their visas to leave the country without paying fines. Additionally, a medical and psychological hotline has been set up for migrants to receive assistance and report violations of their rights.

However, the damage of Saied’s rhetoric has been done, and the outcry against Saied’s racist sentiments has extended far beyond Tunisia’s borders – many multinational bodies and civil society organizations have denounced the repressive measures of his regime. On March 7, Agence FrancePresse reported that the World Bank plans to halt cooperation with Tunisia on its Country Partnership Framework due to Saied’s “racially motivated harassment and even violence.” Additionally, the African Union condemned Saied’s “radicalized hate speech” and postponed the “Pan-African Network Conference on Fighting Illicit Financial Flows in Africa,” which was scheduled to take place in Tunis from March 15 to 17.

Saied’s racist remarks represent a common tactic among unpopular politicians to distract from their failing policies — utilizing nationalism to unite their citizens against an “other” rather than their government. However, the public response to his statement shows that most Tunisians have not taken the bait. Amnesty International stands with the Tunisian people in calling for an end to Kais Saied’s racism, arbitrary detentions and authoritarian seizure of power.

Crime and Punishment: U.S. and France

By Julien Zeman, Staff Writer

Punishment has existed since the birth of humankind, and though its application has evolved over time, from unregulated bloody revenge feuds to complex criminal prisons, its existence continues to maintain a pivotal role in the conduct and organization of modern societies. Today, legal scholars generally define punishment as “the imposition of something that is intended to be both burdensome and reprobative, on a supposed offender for a supposed crime, by a person or body who claims the authority to do so.”

Although many countries have designed written legal documents, such as the U.S. Constitution and France’s Fifth Republic Constitution, restricting the state from utilizing cruel and inhumane forms of punishment, reservations regarding the efficacy of contemporary punishment have been voiced as high incarceration, and recidivism rates persist. In 2021, for instance, the U.S. incarceration rate reached 639 for every 100,000 people, possessing the highest rate globally. France’s incarceration rate for the same year was 106 for every 100,000 people. Further, according to the most recent and complete data collected, the U.S. recidivism rate on a two-year follow-up was 60 percent in 2005, while in France, the rate for the same follow-up period was 40 percent just one year pri-

or. Though high incarceration rates are important considerations in gauging societal failure, this article will focus on recidivism as it provides a more concrete measure of the failure of current punishment principles governing the criminal correctional system.

Recidivism, more generally referred to as repeat offending, is a pervasive issue that continues to trouble both academics and the general populace alike, and though the issue is of no less importance in France, there exists a strikingly large statistical disparity of 20 percent between the two countries. By comparing these two countries, we can attempt to identify the elements which have led the U.S. to have a higher prevalence of recidivism. Once these elements are identified, it may become possible to tackle the more difficult task of isolating possible solutions that may reverse the high recidivism rates that seemingly plague contemporary modern criminal justice systems.

In order to uncover solutions to such a complex issue, it is first necessary to analyze and compare each country’s punishment philosophy. Unsurprisingly, there is a common consensus among France and the U.S. that those who inflict injury upon other members of a community should be punished. However, consensus diverges concerning the justification for punishment and, thus, how it should be implemented. Theories justifying punishment fluctuate

with time, and it is, therefore, pertinent to understand what these theories are to comprehend how they impact the prison systems, or other forms of punishment, in their historical and societal contexts.

For the purpose of this article, there are generally two different theories of punishment most frequently advocated for: utilitarianism and retributivism.

Utilitarianism revolves around the principle of deterrence — one should only be punished if it provides the future societal utility of reducing crime.

Utilitarians believe humans are rational beings and will avoid criminal activity if they believe the punishment will outweigh the benefits of committing a criminal act. For instance, a perceived utility of punishment under this theory is the avoidance of private vengeance-based feuds. It is important to note that there exist several sub-theories of utilitarianism, and the forms of deterrence that are stressed vary from general deterrence to the less common theory of rehabilitation utilitarianism, also known as reform utilitarianism. Whereas general deterrence adherents defend punishment on the grounds that it teaches a lesson that

dissuades others from committing similar crimes, reform utilitarianists “prefer to use the correctional system to reform the wrongdoer rather than to secure compliance through the fear… of punishment.”

In stark contrast, retributivists’ basic principle is that

different subforms of retributivism.

French punishment theory pivots more firmly around utilitarianism as it emphasizes the mitigation of the harmful effects of crime. While those working in the U.S. criminal correctional system claim to preach and

punishment is justified when it is deserved. Retributivists believe that humans possess free will. Therefore, if an individual freely chooses to violate society’s rules, it is morally justifiable that they be punished. The severity of such punishment should be proportional to the harm they caused. Retributivists are not concerned with whether or not others will be deterred from committing crimes or reform. Though, again, here it is important to stress that within the retributivist theoretical frame of punishment, there is nuance among the

apply utilitarian practices, a plethora of evidence suggests that, in practice, a retributivist form of punishment is more typically employed. The example of capital punishment can be used to illustrate this fact. Whereas France has abolished and prohibited the use of capital punishment, the US continues to utilize it in six states.

In a comprehensive document debunking capital punishment myths, Amnesty International emphasizes, “Evidence from around the world has shown that the

death penalty has no unique deterrent effect on crime. Many people have argued that abolishing the death penalty leads to higher crime rates, but studies in the USA and Canada…do not back this up.” Thus, capital punishment more closely serves to fulfill a retributivist approach to punishment. If it were true that the American justice system promoted a strictly utilitarian theory of punishment, the death penalty would, like France, be abolished in all states. Furthermore, the US Department of Justice (DOJ) Office of Justice Programs itself admits that “Sending an individual convicted of a crime to prison isn’t a very effective way to deter crime,” reasoning that “Prisons actually may have the opposite effect: Inmates learn more effective crime strategies from each other, and time spent in prison may desensitize many to the threat of future imprisonment.” Yet, in spite of this admission, an New York University School of Law report suggested nearly 40 percent of the U.S. prison population is behind bars with no compelling public safety reason, illustrating that the U.S. correctional justice system promotes retributivism.

More than just failing to deter crime, the U.S. retributivist philosophy of punishment may actually encourage recidivism. Though factors such as wage, neighborhood and education do contribute to the susceptibility of an ex-convict to recidivate, this is only exacerbated by the application of a retributivist prison culture that emphasizes punitive measures rather than rehabilitation.

Research has affirmed that increasing funding for rehabilitation in the criminal justice system correlatively reduces the propensity for an inmate to recidivate. In 2009, the French Act of 1987 relating to the public prison service was amended to grant inmates the right to “obtain identity papers, to vote, to get married or register in civil unions, and to obtain public assistance funds while incarcerated,” all of which reduce the criminogenic nature of prisons and further eases inmates’ transitions into society.

In comparison, the American justice system is far more restrictive when it comes to issuing prisoner’s rights that will ease their reintegration into society — a difference that manifests itself in the higher rates of recidivism in the U.S. Furthermore, according to the American Psychological Association, “a combination of strict sentencing guidelines, budget shortfalls and a punitive philosophy of corrections has made today’s (U.S.) prisons much more unpleasant — and much less likely to rehabilitate their inhabitants…,” a fact that is made abundantly clear when investigating U.S. correctional prisons’ disturbingly common and harsh use

of isolation. The U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics found that on any given day in 201112, approximately 7.1 percent (approximately 11,200 inmates) of all inmates may be subjected to solitary confinement. This figure does not even take into account people held in solitary confinement within jails, military facilities, immigration detention centers or juvenile justice facilities.

Being subjected to extended periods of solitary isolation has been proven to have significant detrimental effects on inmates’ mental health, as demonstrated by the fact that just over 50 percent of jail and prison inmates suffered from serious “psychological distress.” Christopher Wildeman, a professor of policy analysis and management at Cornell University, asserts that “Being placed in solitary confinement substantially increases the risk of committing more crimes after getting released from prison, and may decrease the probability of employment.” Wildemen found that solitary confinement increased the risk of reconviction within three years by as much as 15 percent. Despite correctional officers justifying the use of solitary confinement on grounds of protecting the inmates and staff, the U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics reported that, based on their empirical findings, “prisons with higher rates of restrictive housing (also known as solitary confinement) had higher levels of facility disorder….” The term “facility disorder” accounts for fighting within the facility, inmate-officer trust, inmates’ level of concern about being assaulted, reports of inmates yielding weapons, gang activity in the facility and more.

Thus, in addition to negatively impacting recidivist rates, solitary also doesn’t achieve its intended goal.

Though France does utilize solitary confinement as a mode of punishment, its use is far less routinized. A City University of New York research paper examining the French prison system observed that “The pervasive use of isolation in American prisons is disturbing to French correctional officials.” This does not that the French correctional system is without its share of problems. It is readily apparent that a 40 percent recidivist rate suggests a flawed law enforcement approach. Yet, while France has demonstrated a willingness to take concrete steps to mitigate recidivism by applying reform utilitarianism, little progress has been made in the US.

The question that subsequently emerges is thus, what can be done to reduce recidivism? The simple solution is to emphasize rehabilitation over punishment. Research has demonstrated that improving mental health care, establishing educational programs and providing released prisoners with the necessary skills and connections to be successful in the work environment can significantly lower recidivism.

For instance, inmates who participate in educational programs are 43 percentless likely to recidivate, while inmates who are provided the proper support to acquire valuable work skills and are given a job while incarcerated are 24 percent less likely to recidivate. Shifting prisons from punitive to rehabilitative institutions is, of course, easier said than done.

A complete shift in national punishment philosophy is not an easy endeavor. However, as an American Civil Liberties Union research study observed, there is already a general inclination to reform the U.S. justice system given that “71 percent of Americans agree that incarceration is often counterproductive to public safety, since ‘sending someone to prison for a long sentence increases the chances that he or she will commit another crime when they get out because prison doesn’t do a good job of rehabilitating problems...”’ Conceding that the US populace is ready to make such a change, why has it not occurred? Though there have been efforts in the U.S. to reform prisons into rehabilitative institutions, such instances where concrete change was implemented are scarce. Essential to the reduction of recidivism is considering prison reform indivisible from broader criminal justice reform. Seriously reconciling the presently dominant principles that govern the way punishment is exacted is the first step to abating criminogenic institutions.

How Russians Are Using Cyber Warfare against Ukraine

By Isabella Hehl Dalla Zuanna, Staff Writer

The use of cyber warfare in the Ukraine War is both underreported and of unprecedented magnitude. As Ukraine has been a cyber battlefield since the beginning of the Russo-Ukrainian War on Feb. 20, 2014, the amount of cyberattacks dramatically increased since the Russian invasion on Feb. 24, 2022. Yet, their efficiency and severity have been called into question recently, as it seems that in the last year, Russian cyber attacks have become less effective. However, especially following the Ukrainian cyber response, it cannot be questioned that this war has become the first hybrid war in history — taking place on the ground and online.

Internationally, there is little common knowledge about the Russo-Ukrainian War before the invasion of 2022 and about the role of cyber attacks in this conflict. In fact, these have been some of the most vicious and disruptive cyberattacks seen in the world. The first malignant onslaught in 2014 targeted the Ukrainian central election commission. This was the first presidential election after Ukraine’s revolution for independence from Russia, and as a result of Russian interference, far-right candidate Dmytro Yarosh

won by an overwhelming margin. The purpose was to support the Russian narrative that Ukraine was secretly controlled by neo-Nazis.When the Russian media broadcasted the news of Yarosh’s win, the Russian public only saw the narrative propagated

ment agencies and national financial organizations were attacked. As a result, terabytes of information were lost and another blackout ensued. The state’s entire financial plan for the year was wiped. As an escalation of 2015’s attack and as an attempt to cause physical harm, Sand-

crypted documents. However, even if they paid the ransom, they would not retrieve their data, as the goal was not necessarily to make money but to damage IT systems. This worm later spread across the border, and impacted companies all over the world, such as Maersk, FedEx, Mondalez and Merck. As a result, thousands of shipments across the world were disrupted, and billions of dollars were lost.

by their government despite Ukrainian hacking accusations.

In 2015, Sandworm, a notorious group of Russian hackers, took over Russia’s cyberwarfare attacks in Ukraine, targeting their media, power grid, and government agencies. This was the first time in history that hackers triggered a blackout, during which they destroyed hundreds of computers, turned off the backup power supply, and even bombarded government agencies with fake phone calls to worsen the chaos. While this blackout only lasted six hours, it had a clear goal: to terrorize Ukrainians. Sandworm continued its attacks, and in 2016, it led to the Kiev power plant hack, in which govern-

worm disabled safety systems in this transmission so that when Ukrainian operators came to turn the power back on, there would be a current overload that would cause explosions and injuries. Fortunately, a small mistake in Sandworm’s attack prevented this from occurring.

In 2017, Sandworm’s infamous NotPetya attack unleashed the NotPetya malware, which contained a data-destroying piece of code. To execute this plan and spread the malware, Sandworm accessed civilian information through national institutions such as hospitals, and Ukrainians across the country received ransom threats that demanded money to retrieve their now en-

These attacks did not stop with the Russian escalation of the Ukraine War in 2022. Immediately before the Russian invasion in February, there was another cyber attack during which hundreds of computers were broken. Although it has not been confirmed if this was because of Sandworm, it can be assumed that the goal was to disrupt communication before the Russian military began their invasion. Arguably, cyber-attacks have contributed to the war in two main ways since 2022: decreasing communication and trust. At the start, Russia launched multiple relatively effective cyberattacks against Ukraine, targeting the country’s ability to communicate. However, the impact of these attacks dimmed, and seems to make little difference now. Furthermore, on both sides, each government has taken national civil action to take down each other’s websites,

spreading misinformation and decreasing civilian trust in their governments.

Perhaps, the reason why recent attacks have had less of an impact can be attributed to two main reasons: Russian brutality and incompetence, which seemingly have prevented Moscow from properly leveraging acquired cyber intelligence, and secondly, the resilience of the Ukrainian state and cyber-infrastructure, developed as a result of years of vicious Russian cyber attacks. Overall, it seems as though cyber warfare seems to be much more effective and resonant in periods of mild peace rather than full-scale war or other active military campaigns. Furthermore, Russia seems to be struggling with how to effectively launch such attacks and has instead benefited much more from non-cyber intelligence, such as human agents, imagery and signal intercepts.

Ukraine has responded with its own version of cyber tactics through social media, where it uses Instagram, Snapchat, Twitter, TikTok, Facebook and more to rally international support, which may have helped garner sanctions against Russia. These have also been accompanied by strong Ukrainian encouragement to boycott Russia, which has resulted in certain Russian athletes being forbidden from participating in certain international competitions. Even companies such as Apple ceased the export of their products to sale channels in Russia. While such methods are not significant enough to impact Vladimir Putin, it certainly influences Russian citizens, which is also highly important.

Moreover, Ukraine invested

in its own use of cyber warfare and established its own IT army on day three of the Russian invasion. Only several days after its creation, it already consisted of over 277,000 volunteers, many of whom were underground hackers who had been implored by Ukraine to put their skills to good use. Ukraine used its IT army to cause chaos and disturbance in Russia by giving it tasks to implement certain campaigns. For example, task number one stated that “we encourage you to use any vectors of cyber and DDoS (distributed denial-of-service) attacks on these resources,” naming resources that were business corporations such as Gazprom, banks such as Sberbank, and state organizations such as Moscow State Services. These tasks were often translated into English to encourage hackers from all over the world to participate in this digital warfare effort. This was a highly unusual form of hostility raising a lot of insecurity in other countries and the cyber world: if a hacker from a country outside of Ukraine, for example, Germany, were to be found hacking a Russian company, would Russia see it as an act of aggression by that country? However, even with these doubts, thousands of international hackers volunteered and participated to complete new tasks that were posted every several hours, already from the beginning of the invasion.

The goal of this mission was to cause as much chaos and inconvenience as possible for Russia. While taking websites offline will not change the war, it will help garner a public international image that is anti-Russia and will force Russia to undertake additional efforts, money and energy

to fight on the digital front. Last September, Ukraine’s IT army even collaborated with Anonymous, a decentralized hacktivist collective known for its cyberattacks against multiple governments, government agencies and the Church of Scientology, to hack Russia, showing how international the digital war effort has become. Other hacktivist groups that have volunteered to participate in the Russo-Ukrainian War are notably AgainstTheWest, BlackHawks, GhostSec and RaidForums Admin on the pro-Ukraine side, and Free Civilian, The Red Bandits and Gamaredon on the pro-Russian side. Overall, most volunteer hacktivists have joined the Ukrainian effort, showing the effectiveness of their media campaigns and cyber warfare methods.

Concerning the Ukrainian use of cyber warfare to destabilize and hinder Russia, Ukrainian SciencesPiste Anna Hazolyshyn explained, “We have to use every possible way to protect and defend ourselves, and cyber security is just one of the aspects of that. And although to some people it may seem unnecessary, ultimately it contributes to our victory.” She went on to explain that the Russian cyber-attacks taking place since 2014, while perhaps serious, have had less impact on Ukrainian morale than is often assumed:

“Russia was really trying to use these fear tactics to spread chaos and feelings of fear, but luckily Ukrainians became good at filtering the information and to not get emotional and fearful of hypothetical threats that were never proven to be true. The fact that even I, as a general citizen and a person who reads the news, the fact that I don’t remember the threats

(of 2016’s Kiev’s power grid attack) being of such significance also tells us that they weren’t successful.”

In conclusion, the first hybrid war shows previously unused forms of cyberattacks and targeted digital warfare in parallel to traditional military and nuclear efforts. While it cannot be questioned that these new cyber methods have had a great international impact, it still must be asserted that the latter is much more significant. Although cyber warfare plays a role in this conflict, it is only secondary and cannot unleash the same amount of death and destruction as armies, bullets and bombs. Nevertheless, Ukraine’s impressive digital developments could still continue to be a significant war effort, and if efficiently improved, could maybe even make a real difference against a digitally weak Russia. However, the most important contribution to the war is international support: Hazolyshyn stated that “many people in the West really don’t think that events happening in Ukraine and Georgia can affect them because it’s on the other side of the world.” However, Russia has been leading cyberattacks against Western countries as well, such as the U.S. and U.K. This war, therefore, involves us all. As stated by Hazolyshyn, “it is not just about Ukraine. It is about global security and democratic security.”

Politics of Art: Greece’s Quest to Reclaim its Parthenon

By Barna Sólyom, Guest Writer

Since its independence from the Ottoman Empire, Greece has been trying to regain its various historical artifacts from foreign powers that ruled over it. This struggle’s symbolic focus is the main building of Athens’ Acropolis, the Parthenon, specifically its decorative elements and pieces. These statues are up to 2,500 years old and were the fortress’ main sight until the early 19th century. The British Empire’s then-ambassador to Ottoman-controlled Greece was Thomas Bruce, more famously known as Lord Elgin, under whose con-

“

by his contemporaries, even in the United Kingdom, most famously by Lord Byron, who even wrote a passage dedicated to it in Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage (1812):

Lord Elgin’s action set an infamous precedent, as cultural vandalism --- when cultural treasures are illegally taken from one country to another, was named after him: elginism. His action, of course, was not the first of its kind; for thousands of years, it was a “common” practice during conflicts to pillage. Nor was it the last act of elginism.

Why are the marbles not back in Greece yet?

When Greece gained inde-

Cold is the heart, fair Greece, that looks on thee, Nor feels as lovers o’er the dust they loved; Dull is the eye that will not weep to see Thy walls defaced, thy mouldering shrines removed By British hands, which it had best behoved

To guard those relics ne’er to be restored. Curst be the hour when their isle they roved, And once again thy hapless bosom gored, And snatched thy shrinking Gods to northern climes abhorred!”

trol around half of the Parthenon was removed and transported to London, where he later sold the marbles to the British Museum. This action was already heavily criticized

pendence in 1832, the government immediately started campaigning to retrieve the artifacts, as the Acropolis is one of the most important symbols of the Greek national

identity. However, the historical circumstances did not allow Greece to have a large influence on the British Empire, which was in its prime, having the largest overseas empire the world has ever seen. After the two world wars, the balance of power shifted, and the United Kingdom lost a lot of its former might and hard power. However, this change in influence did not change the artifacts’ situation because the British Museum Act of 1963 prevented the institution from permanently removing objects from its collections. Thus, by U.K. law, the museum can not give back the marbles. The 1983 National Heritage Act also considers them national heritage, further strengthening the British side, whose argument assumes that the sculptures were purchased legally. Consequently, the ownership is lawfully under the museum’s for 200 years. However, Greece suggests that the sculptures are in the United Kingdom due to plunder and vandalism, as their seller basically took the statues and shipped them away, thereby denying the legality of the museum’s purchase. Greece also commonly refers to UNESCO’s multiple rulings against elginism and cultural

vandalism, such as the 1954 Hague Convention, the 1970 Convention, the 1972 Convention, and the 1995 UNIDROIT Convention. International pressure also mounts on the British Museum to return other objects, further strengthening the Greek argument, as other artifacts like the Benin Bronzes have been repatriated. With the Vatican returning three parts of the Parthenon to Greece last December, all eyes are on Britain to make a similar conciliatory move.

The debate is not solved yet; both sides defend their argument, not just on the museum level but even in higher political positions. In January, U.K. Prime Minister Rishi Sunak said the country is seeking a constructive solution. However, the government’s position has not changed on the topic, and Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis put the Parthenon’s reassembly as one of his primary goals for his re-election campaign this year. The Deutsche Welle reports that discussion between the two parties is open. Still, a sudden position change is unlikely — a short-term loan from the British Museum is the foreseeable solution.

The Campus Hosts the Exhibition for the One-Year Anniversary of the Full-Scale Invasion of Ukraine

By Anna Hazolyshyn, Staff Writer

On Monday morning, February 20th, 2023, as the first students stumbled onto the premises of the campus, the seating area near the main entrance was transformed into the open-air exhibition space for the Unissued Diplomas project. The posters, pictures and symbolic diplomas were put up there a day earlier by a group of four Ukrainian students on our campus — Elyse Demkiw, Daniel Guzman, Yevheniia Yefymova and myself, Anna Hazolyshyn. The exhibition organized on the Menton campus was only one part of a more global student-led initiative of the same name, held in 45+ universities worldwide, one of which was our sister campus,

Sciences Po Reims, intended to mark the tragic anniversary of the day Ukraine woke up to explosions of the full-scale Russian invasion.

The goal of the exhibition Unissued Diplomas was to remind the world about the ongoing war and the price Ukrainians pay daily in their fight for freedom. It tells the stories of 36 Ukrainian students, our peers: bright, passionate, with their hopes and dreams for the future, and whose lives were cut short by the unprovoked and unjustified war of Russia on Ukraine. First-year French track student Sofia Barolini says, “the exhibition does not just talk about the random people — those students could have been our classmates, our university friends, they were

our age, and it makes it (the exhibition) even more touching.” Another student who wished to remain anonymous confessed, with tears in their eyes, that one of the boys whose story was explored in the exhibition “looks just like my cousin. It gave me chills looking at this picture and thinking ‘it could have been him.’” Many more stories of the killed students, however, remain untold.

When the idea to host the exhibition on the campus was conceived, the intention right away was to appeal both to the rational and emotional sides of everyone in attendance. With that in mind, the project did not end on simply the exhibition; the movie screening preceded by the reception with the home-

made mlyntsi — the Ukrainian version of crêpes, usually served with various fillings — was organized to engage with people more through sharing more stories. One student commented on this variety of events: “I don’t think we get enough of the cultural events on this campus! As someone who is passionate about both politics and arts, this event was so precious and so important — it talked about the political in so many creative mediums: the exhibition, the movie, even the sale of mlyntsi for voluntary donations — it appealed to all of my senses and I think this is what made it so memorable for me.”

The screening of the documentary movie Putin’s Attack on Ukraine: Documenting War Crimes, which took place

on Wednesday, February 22nd, welcomed not only the students from the campus but also the local population of Menton, visitors from the region as well as some guests of honor from around the globe. In this 90-minute special investigation, the creators, Frontline PBS and the Associated Press, take the viewers inside Russia’s war on Ukraine and uncover harrowing evidence of potential war crimes. The documentary draws on the original footage, from interviews with different individuals in Ukraine and abroad, to the verified evidence obtained by the Associated Press, including hundreds of hours of surveillance camera videos and thousands of recordings of intercepted phone calls made by Russian soldiers in Ukraine. Mara Beteagu, a first-year English track student, believes that “the documentary was very good for two main reasons, one of those being how it discussed the legal proceedings that will come from the events in Ukraine. It portrayed the opinions of the legal specialists — both international, within ICC, as well as local, Ukrainian ones — and it was interesting to see the difference in their opinions, too.”

Documenting the war crimes is not only a case study on

how the war crimes are recorded and treated legally; the movie does not lack humanity, as it provides insights into the personal stories of the victims of this war, like a widow looking for the corps of her husband, who was taken hostage, tortured and shot by Russian soldiers, or the chilling story about the Butcha massacre by its only survivor. Bartolini points that out

that “the fact that it was this graphic was very pertinent to the documentary, and it added a lot to its impactfulness.” Contrary to the fears of the organizers, Bartolini, who also visited the screening, says, “I really appreciate the fact that they (the creators of the documentary) had the courage to show this violence; it is not always guaranteed in similar documentaries.” Be-

by saying: “this wasn’t just a documentary about war; it is personal and tells the stories and shows the feelings of the people that are living through it.”

Before the showing of the documentary, there was a trigger warning about the scenes of violence presented in the movie. Nevertheless, from the people that we spoke to, nobody seemed to have been fazed by that. Amandine Peuchet, a first-year English track student, confirms that she “somewhat expected this but at the same time you are never really prepared for it, ” and continues by noting

teagu echoes this view, too: “Movies depicting the situation in Ukraine should not be censored; everything has to be shown accurately, at the full scale. This is done not for the sake of the movie being dramatic; this - is the reality. It is as violent as you see it.”

There was one idea that kept reappearing in every conversation that we had with people about the exhibition and movie screening: for many, it personalized the war that Russia waged on Ukraine. On the one hand, many highlighted the importance of the event being initiated and organized specifically by the Ukrainian

students on campus. Magnus Essén, a first-year English track student, told us that “it [the event] allowed me to better understand the personal consequences of this war, and having you [the Ukrainian students] around really helped in gaining this personal perspective,” which allowed him to “imagine myself in your shoes, that this is what is happening in your home.” Beteagu also revealed that she was “tearing up from the very beginning of the movie screening,” referring to the Ukrainian students’ address to the audience. “Previously, my only interaction with Ukrainians was with the refugees that I was helping in Romania, but now I was seeing my friends set up this event, and hearing directly from them about how they have been affected by this war.”

Secondly, “this exhibition was a unique way of telling the stories of the people that you wouldn’t usually hear of otherwise, like the young students,” reflects Beteagu. Oftentimes, when learning history, we study it from the names and actions of the big generals, politicians, leaders and forget about the individual lives of the people buried in the common grave, or those unidentified — students like Danylo, who died from the missile strike on his house, as he was rescuing his father and

grandmother. The exhibition put the faces and the names on the young victims of this war, those “kids, who, just like us, had their own ambitions, but who were deprived of the lives they could have lived,” as Beteagu puts it.

Another no less important dimension of this cultural event was to keep a high level of awareness about the realities in Ukraine. Bartolini’s words about how “after leaving the amphitheater, everyone was thinking about what they just saw” and how the event “left a sense of deep understanding of what exactly is going on and the seriousness of the situation” suggest that the aim has been achieved. Ugnė Dvilevičiūtė, a first-year English track student from Lithuania, on the other hand, felt like “not everyone left as heavy-hearted as I did.” She suspects, however, that “people who have the geographical proximity, and the historical experience of being oppressed by the same enemy (Russia) are going to feel this deeper.”

Nevertheless, when asked whether they think such cultural events, and continued discussion about the events in Ukraine, are important for the campus, the answer was unanimous — yes. Dvilevičiūtė is convinced that “the war in Ukraine is such a big issue that nobody should be detached from it.” Bartolini, too, felt like “it is important to talk to people about this,” and, when looking up more information about the global Unissued Diplomas exhibition she was “shocked” to discover how “not that many universities in Europe hosted this exhibition” and that “it is sad that they did not take this opportunity to tell these stories of the Ukrainian students’ bravery.”

Beteagu emphasizes that “we should not get tired of this.” She believes that with more truth coming to the surface, it is becoming apparent that “this is not just about Ukraine, but also about Europe and the world in general.” —

The reception on campus, during which mlyntsi were being served, for the voluntary donation of the size that individuals deemed appropriate, raised EUR 274.4. These funds have been transferred to the Students for Students-Defenders initiative, the goal of which is to raise USD 10,000 to buy medical supplies and three camera drones (DJI Mavic 3) for the intelligence needs of students fighting on the frontline. On behalf of the Ukrainian students of the Menton campus and around the world, thank you everyone for your generous donations.

Qatar Bids for Manchester United

By Noor Ahmad, Staff Writer

Manchester United, the globally renowned English football club with over 140 years of history, the winner of 20 Premier League titles, 12 FA Cups, three Champions’ League titles, and the home to iconic players such as David Beckham and Cristiano Ronaldo, has become the center of takeover speculation in the last several weeks. Bought outright by the Glazer family in 2005 at an estimated price of £790 million and with an estimated debt of £660 million, the takeover elicited wide protests by fans, as much of the club’s earnings had to be diverted away from spending on the club to servicing the debt. Even a campaign known as “Love United, Hate Glazer” was started by its fans. From 2010 onwards, there was speculation of supporters groups such as the “Red Knights” coalescing to buy out the Glazer family, but the price sought by the Glazers was considered well beyond what they were prepared to pay. Instead, the Glazers

listed the club’s shares on the New York Stock Exchange, valuing the club at more than two billion dollars. Since then, their popularity with the club’s fans has remained strained. They decided in November 2022 to undertake a strategic review, which may include a partial or full sale of their remaining 70% share in the club. A soft deadline of Feb. 17, 2023, was set by the Glazer family’s merchant bank advisors.

Two bids for the club have materialized. One is from Sir Jim Ratcliffe, owner of INEOS Group, a British chemical company. The other, from Sheikh Jassim bin Hamad Al Thani, has elicited the most attention, as little is known about this member of the Qatari Royal Family. He is the eldest son of Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim Al Thani. The Qatari politician who goes by HBJ is the former head of the Qatar Investment Authority (QIA), foreign minister, and prime minister of Qatar. HBJ is reputedly worth $1.3 billion, according to Forbes Magazine. Yet, Sheikh Jassim’s bid is

likely to be an all-cash offer, valuing the club at $4.5 billion. This disparity between the potential bid and the net worth of his family’s patriarch has raised concerns among many that Sheikh Jassim is not the true bidder; it is suspected that the QIA, the State of Qatar’s Sovereign Wealth Fund, may be the source of the funds and that Sheikh Jassim is merely a figurehead.

In the past, Sheikh Jassim was nominated by the QIA to represent its interests at Credit Suisse, which appointed him to the Board of Directors in 2010. The separation of interests is important as the QIA already owns Paris Saint-Germain (PSG), which it acquired in 2011. UEFA rules stipulate that two clubs owned by the same owner cannot compete with one another in any of their competitions. These rules were introduced to protect competitive integrity. The risks include untoward financial benefits and distorted transfer activity among clubs with the same owners to the detriment of other clubs.

Beyond this, the owners of PSG have been the target of Javier Tebas, the president of La Liga, the Spanish football league. He contends that Qatari ownership has already caused financial distortions which have allowed PSG an unfair financial advantage in bidding for and retaining players that breach UEFA’s new cost controls that

place a limit on spending on player and coach wages, transfers, and agent fees to 70 percent of club revenues. These financial regulations that apply to all clubs in UEFA competitions were first introduced in 2010, with the aim of improving solvency and stability for clubs. The State of Qatar also owns Qatar Airways, its national airline, which is one of the main sponsors of PSG, providing a major source of revenue to the club in its spending. La Liga’s complaint stems from PSG’s spending, which made Kylian Mbappe reject a move to Real Madrid. Nasser Al-Khelaifi, the President of PSG, who is also a UEFA executive committee member and chairman of the European Club Association, has countered with his own criticisms of Spanish club Barcelona on raising funds and big money transfers.

Football, once dubbed the “beautiful game,” has become the epicenter of sports washing, a newly coined term that refers to ways in which countries invest in sports to promote their reputation and deflect attention from their less favorable activities. Qatar is not alone in this. Abu Dhabi owns Manchester City and has also been a sponsor of Real Madrid, and countries like Russia, Saudi Arabia and China are also considered active in this field. With football as a great interest of many people, it is an efficient conduit through media that allows

March Sports Recap

positive impressions to form, according to Michael Skey of the London School of Economics.

The truth behind the bid for Manchester United may eventually be unveiled by new legislation, for which a discussion paper, also known as “white paper,” has been floated by the British government in the last few weeks and described as the most radical overhaul of governance since 1863. Although it is not common practice for the government to regulate football, this is a new set of regulations being discussed in light of the potential for sports washing. The white paper envisages a new regulator that will focus on stronger due diligence and the sources of wealth of club owners. However, given the opacity with which linkages between state and individuals exist in the Middle East, it is more likely that we may never know. But one thing is clear, foreign ownership of football clubs and sports sponsorship have become another frontier of political influence through sports washing.

Athletics

Swedish pole vaulter Armand ‘Mondo’ Duplantis set a new world record at the All-Star Perche event in France. The Swede, only 23-years-old, broke the pole vault world record for the sixth time in his career. The record now stands at 6.22m.

By Hugo Lagergren, Staff Writer

Football

Sciences Po Menton’s Lions des Alpes cruised to a 16-1 victory over l’ESRA Côte D’Azur during their first home game of the season with impressive showings from all players. The dominant display has filled the team and its fans with a sense of hope for the upcoming MINICRIT: the inter-campus tournament, at which Menton has historically struggled in sports.

A feud between the BBC and Gary Lineker, ex-England striker and now the presenter of the BBC’s flagship sports program, Match of the Day, concerning the pundit’s use of social media, resulted in him being suspended from the program for three days. The suspension was in response to a comment Lineker made on Twitter in response to the government’s new Illegal Migration Bill, in which he compares the language used by the Home Secretary, Suella Braverman, to that used by the Nazis in the 1930s.

The move has caused national outrage, with much of the country turning on the BBC. Being a state-funded broadcaster, the BBC and its journalists are subject to a strict policy of impartiality when it comes to British politics. Many have cited the inconsistencies of this

policy, notably referencing the behavior of the BBC’s chairman, Richard Sharp, or the incendiary comments made by Lord Sugar, as proof that the BBC is pandering to the government.

After being knocked out of the Champions League by Bayern Munich after a humbling 2-0 defeat, PSG announced that one of their star players, Neymar Jr., would need surgery for an injury he sustained during a Ligue 1 game against Lille. The Brazilian will be out for the rest of the season.

The French Ligue 2 side, Annecy shocked French football fans by beating Marseille on penalties, putting them through to the semi-finals of the Coupe de France. Despite a late equalizer from Marseille to send the game into extra-time, Annecy maintained their cool and forced the game into a thrilling penalty shootout, which ended 7-6 after Leonardi Balerdi missed his penalty.

In the Premier League, Liverpool beat their arch-rivals Manchester United 7-0 at Anfield, strongly boosting their waning chances of a top four finish.

Rugby

After stumbling against

Ireland, the French were back to their winning ways as they put an end to Scotland’s hopeful quest for Six Nations glory and demolished a struggling English side. Ireland, however, remains top of the table and hopes to complete the Grand Slam for the first time since 2018. A point in their final match against England will secure this.

Formula 1

The reigning back-to-back World Champion Max Verstappen won the first race of the 2023 F1 season in Bahrain, beating his teammate, Checo Perez, by nearly 12 seconds. The win is Verstappen’s first career victory in Bahrain. On his debut with Aston Martin, Fernando Alonso, age 41, managed to secure his 99th podium finish. Ferrari will be disappointed with themselves as their car struggled to match the pace of the Red Bull and suffered from a number of mechanical issues.

Athletics

Swedish pole vaulter Armand ‘Mondo’ Duplantis set a new world record at the All-Star Perche event in France. The Swede, only 23-years-old, broke the pole vault world record for the sixth time in his career. The record now stands at 6.22m.

Menton’s Top Five Food Gems

By Angela Saab Saade, Staff Writer

As this academic year draws to a close and Menton becomes more and more boring to most of us, I find myself increasingly surprised by how much I have yet to discover about this town’s hidden gems.

The other day, I was aimlessly wandering around the streets of Menton — bored, uninspired and exhausted by the town’s familiarity. At some point, I saw a crowd of people waiting in line at one of the tiniest patisseries I have ever seen. A mother, persuading her child of a pastry he was not convinced of, said “I promise you, you are going to love it. It is moelleux, it is sweet, it has a unique taste and it is fulfilling.”

The patisserie took me by surprise. I had never seen it before, though I was sure to have crossed that street at least once a week. So, I decided to try out the pastry that the mother was so keen to make her child eat. I thought, why not? What do I have to lose other than 2.90 euros of my money? I purchased what is called a Fougasse Mentonnaise and it tasted above any other (non-chocolate) pastry I had ever tried before. What made it more special though, was that this fougasse, new to me in this town of monotonous familiarity, represents the untouched opportunities left for us to explore in Menton, especially for the uninspired 2As among us.

Moreover, I will share with you my top favorite places thus far in Menton that have not yet been swamped by the student body. We will go beyond the common places, like Café Italiano, Istanbul Kebab and Brioche Dorée. I sincerely hope at least one of the five places will be new to you and will provide you with an interesting setting to explore.

Top 5 — L’OPEN

Address: 11 Av. de Verdun, 06500 Menton

Pub, bar, café, restaurant — call it what you want, but this place is absolutely the perfect hub for a great dinner, a late cocktail or even brunch. The ambiance is lively, especially in the evening, and the staff is friendly. If you enjoy music while studying, I would encourage you to sit in their upper floor, which, similarly to Café Italiano, their customers usually avoid. Thus, it is great for those of us who like studying with background music in an empty space.

Top 4 — Mitron Bakery

Addresse: 8 Rue Pieta, 06500 Menton

There is no need to reiterate how much I appreciated the Fougasse from Mitron Bakery. A bonus to their yummy desserts is their small outdoor space in which you may get some work done. What I particularly like about Mitron is that they offer proper Mentonnese specialities, rather than regular pastries like other bakeries.

This specialization makes them distinct while also allowing us to try new flavors unique to this part of the world and precious to our limited time experiencing it.

Top 3

— Le Paradis de la Glace

Address: 59 Av. Robert Schumann, 06190 Roquebrune-Cap-Martin

Given my obsession with ice-cream, I think any glacerie is splendid, but my flatmates would have thrown me into the Mediterranean if I neglected to add this establishment. Le Paradis de la Glace’s name is an understatement to the quality of ice-cream sold. This better-than-paradise ice cream may be found just at the border between Menton and Cap-Martin Roquebrune. It is fresh, creamy and superior to the Menton ice cream shops that stud Rue St Michel. It may be a bit of a walk, but the high quality treats and friendly service make the journey worth it. Especially at this time of the year, the spring’s reappearing warm sun can soothe you as you enjoy their outdoor seating area and overlook the cerulean sea.

Top 2 — Sini 7 Rue des Marins, 06500 Menton

You have probably passed by this restaurant multiple times and thought, “oh, just another incredibly expensive restaurant in Menton.” Well, think again, because Sini’s is quite affordable and may

even be considered underpriced for the quality of the food they offer. You may enjoy multiple pieces of their fresh Corsican focaccia with different toppings, such as truffle, artichoke and Mozzarella, with an aperol spritz on a late afternoon or evening. Or, you can also just have the slices with no cocktail on a regular weekday for lunch. Either way, you can anticipate a pleasant experience of great food and chill ambiance, while not going broke!

Top 1 — Ideal Tacos

When I first came to France and saw taco restaurants, I was extremely disappointed to realize that a taco here is not what it is in most parts of the world. However, one restaurant in particular shifted my perception of the demonized French taco and allowed me to befriend it, maybe even love it, and that is Ideal Tacos. They offer scrumptious tacos and burgers and equally have vegan and vegetarian options. My personal favorite is the vegan taco with white sauce — absolutely one of the most fulfilling and flavorsome meals I have had. Complement it with some fries, mozzarella sticks or nachos and a side drink, and there you have it, the best fast food meal you could wish for. And, the staff is the absolute nicest!

Commitment to Elections and Constitution Waivers After Turkey Earthquake

By Yasmin, Abbasoy Staff writer

Amid Turkish President Erdoğan’s floundering through an economic crisis and the looming threat of an upcoming election, a calamitous pair of earthquakes have begun to resemble an extended Day of Reckoning for the Turkish President’s administration. The dire state of the Turkish government has led to mounting speculation on what measures it will resort to preserve its 20-year reign. Fears of the most desperate measures — a postponement of the elections scheduled for this coming May — were only invigorated by a statement from a former politician known for his intimate ties with the ruling party that seemed to be an attempt to judge the lay of the land indirectly.

With over 50,000 dead and the death toll still climbing, the catastrophe has quickly become Europe’s “worst natural disaster in a century,” according to the World Health Organization. Striking as the earthquakes did, late at night and in the middle of winter, necessitated a fast and efficient humanitarian response: one decidedly not delivered by the Turkish government. These adjectives do not describe

the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) of recent years, defined by increasing authoritarianism and layers of financial misconduct and cronyism. Unable to rise to the occasion, the government was subject to further merciless exposure of its shortcomings in governance by a population who felt thrown to the wind. The criticism was only strengthened by existing discontent with the state of affairs in Turkey, especially when certain shortcomings in the earthquake response were widely seen as a result of the festering wounds of the longtime misgovernance of the ruling party.

The immediate call for donations disseminated by the government-funded Disaster and Management Authority (AFAD) bred discontent in a population paying so-called “Earthquake Taxes” since a similarly devastating tremor in 1999. The perceived misuse of government funds refers to a familiar refrain: the government’s salient pattern of financial misconduct. Most recently, the opposition campaign demanding an explanation for the discreet sale of $128 million in reserves by the central bank resulted in one of the most popular political slogans of modern Turkish politics, What

happened to the $128 million, and succeeded in highlighting this established pattern of behavior. The people were willing to give the government very little grace.

The inability of the poorly funded AFAD to reach several affected provinces in the hours following the earthquake provoked further outrage among a populace habituated to the quintessential government defense, mobilized against all criticism: “We built roads!” The collapse in infrastructure, exemplified by photos of pitch-dark highways cracked open and crumbling like styrofoam, not to mention the airport runways split down the middle, rankled a party that had long prided itself on the modernization of the admittedly inferior infrastructure it inherited. Where AFAD could reach, efforts to stabilize survivors extracted from the rubble, in danger of freezing to death in below-zero temperatures, were hampered by structural damage to essential buildings such as public hospitals. The utter failure of government-funded buildings in withstanding the earthquake is yet another symptom of rampant cronyism, seeing that the meteoric rise of a group of government-supporting

companies dubbed the “Gang of Five” was precipitated by the endless amount of contracts handed to them.

The state of private residences was no different, with entire groups of buildings collapsing like rows of dominoes. Illegal and not-strictly-legal construction is rampant nationwide, including in the affected areas, where construction that did not follow official guidelines for earthquake-resistant design was the norm. In the days immediately following the earthquake, the government publicized its arrests of independent contractors responsible for specific buildings whose collapse led to the deaths of over 130 people in some cases. They were often caught trying to leave the country and so gleefully used by the government as sacrificial lambs to present to an increasingly angry population. This strategy was undercut as soon as the AKP’s proposed construction amnesty plan in the election year were brought to light. These amnesties, which strangely enough always correspond to election years, retroactively legalize illegal structures. They have been harshly criticized, as have been most government policies, as populist and shortsighted.

Turkish people channeled their fear, rage and despair into aiding the nationwide effort to support victims. Twitter, described by then-CEO Dick Costelo in 2013 as the “global town square,” became the site of many donation campaigns and charity drives. Hoping

to the affected areas and names of missing loved ones. Criticism of the government was, as always, omnipresent: photos of the controversial actions of the government were heavily circulated. Whether it be labeling tents sent by foreign countries with

too blatantly for the Turkish government’s comfort as they blocked access to the website for at least 12 hours only three days after the earthquake. Widely considered to be a move to curb criticism and provoke a tbacklash, the extreme measure gave

the rubble of their ruined building with his means, was arrested on charges of denigrating the state for a tweet reading simply, “Where is the state?” The new party line was echoed by the man himself, twotime President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who, in

to supplement insufficient search and rescue efforts, Twitter users shared the names of once-apartment buildings turned rubble under which they could hear people calling out, lists of necessary supplies

Turkish Red Crescent stickers or rejecting jackets with Efes Beverage Group logos due to the company’s production of alcoholic drinks, it was all on the app for all to see and judge. And people were judging,

way to the idea that the government was in a difficult situation. While the website was eventually unblocked, authorities came down hard on criticism: A lawyer, trying in vain to extract his family from

his increasingly aggressive speeches, resorted to describing detractors, most of which were victims of the earthquake, with increasingly creative insults.

At the end of February, he made a dramatic oneeighty with regard to the government response, using the opportunity presented by a speech in the heavily-affected Adıyaman to ask for “hellalik” (a religious acknowledgment that one owes nothing to the other, as all previous sins have been forgiven) from the people.

This alarming confluence of factors gave way to fears of a postponed election, with the ostensible goal of giving the apparatus time to recover from the failure in the earthquake response and bolster support for re-election.

On Feb. 13, merely a week after the earthquake, a former political adviser notable for his close connection to Erdoğan and other leading figures in the party released a statement that would occupy the public consciousness for weeks. Bülent Arınç, a founding member of the AKP who recently retired after 20 years in the political game in a variety of positions —most significantly as the head of the Presidential High Advisory Board —published a threepage document outlining his views on the upcoming elections on his Twitter account.

His statement, conveniently bolded for readability, called for unity and used religious language to rail against what he described as the inappropriate discussion of elections so soon after such a disaster: “Fear God, there are still bodies under the rubble. How is it possible to talk

about elections when you can’t talk about the electorate?” Reiterating that it would be best for the country to “be freed from the stress of elections as soon as possible,” he proposed two potential solutions: the first, amending the constitution, which only permits postponement in the extreme situation of war; and the second, a certain decision taken by the Supreme Court that allows the Supreme Election Council to determine that it would be impossible, due to lack of order or institutions, to hold elections at the planned date. Most alarming, however, was the justification for amending the constitution, long considered the unshakeable backbone of any democracy: “The constitution is not a spiritual document, it is a legal one.” From an increasingly Islamist party that has historically embodied a devil-may-care attitude regarding changes to the constitution, as the recent shift from a parliamentary system to a presidential one while extending executive powers illustrates, this read as a threat.

The response can best be summed up as overwhelming backlash. On Twitter, disabling replies to restrict criticism was rendered useless by the sheer amount of vitriol aimed at Arınç: the tweet has received 1,270 “favorites” and more than 12,000 “quote-retweet” comments, the overwhelming majority are negative. Days later, Arınç sat down for a live televized interview, affirming that “Perception should not override facts.” He also

stated that his statement was not an attempt to test the reaction of the public on behalf of anyone, and revealingly, that he believed that chaos would not break out if elections are not postponed, but rather if they are postponed in a way other than a constitutional amendment: a yet-unmentioned possibility. Opposition leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu commented that “The constitution is very clear, the election cannot be postponed. Running away from the election does no one any good.” In contrast, the government, surely aware of the massive scale of the opposition, took a reassuring tone: “The election is not postponed, the process is continuing as is. If the technical infrastructure is provided on time, the elections will take place on May 14th.”

On March 6, the Supreme Election Council was presented with a preliminary report on the status of electoral and other relevant institutions in the area, which concluded that there were no obstacles to an election being held at the previously fixed date. As for the prospect of a constitutional amendment, the ruling coalition does not have the required amount of votes to push through an amendment without the support of the opposition, which perhaps accounts for the sudden and outsized emphasis on inter-party collaboration observed in the statement. The past and present of the party do not inspire much confidence in their adherence to accepted procedure, however, and

the Turkish population is again left wondering about what exactly the party will do to secure their chances.

On March 10, Erdoğan signed an executive order for elections to go ahead on the previously decided date, May 14. Notably, the order was not for the previously scheduled elections to go ahead but for the 2018 general elections to be renewed. This has widely been interpreted as a method of sidestepping yet another constitutional problem — the fact that one person can only be elected to the role of President twice. Having tried to defend Erdoğan’s candidacy through a convoluted argument that involved the new presidential system acting as a reset, with each candidate treated as if he had never run before, the party has now set its sights on more concrete and thus more dangerous measures. This new development is completely in line with the rhetoric and strategy of the government with regard to the option of postponement, betraying deep-set values incompatible with constitutional democracy and confirming that the party is willing to do anything to cling to power. The wide-ranging aftereffects of the earthquake have heralded a new era of cutthroat politics for the government. As eyes turn once again to the High Electoral Council for a comment on the legality of this new decision, the upcoming election will not just be a choice between political parties but a vote on the foundations of the state itself.

British Teenager Who Joined ISIS Stripped of Citizenship

By Hugo Lagergren, Staff Writer

Shamima Begum, 23, lost her appeal against the British Government’s decision to strip her of her British citizenship. This judgment has reignited the debate surrounding the repatriation of foreign nationals who joined the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS).

On Feb. 22, the Special Immigration Appeals Commission (SIAC) ruled that the decision taken in 2019 by Sajid Javid, then Home Secretary, to strip Begum of her British citizenship was lawful. In a statement published by SIAC, the commission stated that despite “credible suspicion that she had been trafficked to Syria” for the sole purpose of being sexually exploited by ISIS militants, the decision remains at the discretion of the Home Secretary under United Kingdom law.

Begum left London with her two friends to join ISIS in 2015. She was only 15 and remained at the center of media attention since she was discovered in a Syrian refugee camp by

Times journalist Anthony Loyd in 2019. After making headlines as the “ISIS bride,” she implored with the British government to return. Yet , shortly after hearing her pleas, Javid made the decision to strip her of U.K. citizenship. Thus, Begum, who at the time was pregnant with her third child, was left to fend

their citizenship. Under the British Nationality Act of 1981, the power of citizen deprivation comes under the purview of the Home Secretary. Since 2010, the U.K. stripped over 250 nationals of their British citizenship, placing them second in the world forcitizen deprivation, behind Bahrain.

his nationality” asstatelessness can bar access to basic resources such as healthcare or education.

Downing Street has tried to argue that Begum is eligible for Pakistani citizenship. However, Pakistani officials have stated that she would not be accepted as a Pakistani citizen, with the Foreign Minister going as far as to suggest that she could face the death penalty should she arrive in Pakistan.

Furthermore, the Home Secretary’s apparent indifference toward the impact of online grooming and radicalization on young, disenchanted people has called many to reevaluate U.K.’s proclivity for citizenship strips.

for herself in Al-Hol camp in north-eastern Syria.

The commission’s ruling prompted many to reevaluate the U.K. government’s ability to strip people of

Under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, all human beings are entitled to nationality. Article 15 states that “no one shall be arbitrarily deprived of

Under British law, children aged 10 and above are deemed responsible for their actions (excluding Scotland as of 2019); this is considerably lower than most European countries. In the last decade, politicians and activists alike have begun questioning the benefits of having such a low age of responsibility, with some

believing the model, which was introduced by Labour in 1998, to be stagnant and outdated.

The decision, delivered by Sir Justice Jay, reveals a disconnect between the U.K. and its European neighbors in how to deal with the families of ISIS fighters who hold European citizenship. Where the U.K. has disowned its citizens, France, Germany, Denmark and Spain have repatriated families and brought them before the relevant judicial authority.

Begum, a self-proclaimed “Bethnal Green girl,” has been a polarizing figure in British society since her re-emergence in 2019. Since her first interview with Anthony Loyd, Begum has given numerous interviews in which she recounts her story. What has remained unclear from these media appearances is whether she feels remorse for her actions.

In an interview with Sky News, she said, “I think a lot of people should have sympathy towards me for everything I’ve been through,” which many people interpreted as teenage entitlement and impatience. In addition to this, in a series of interviews with the BBC, she seemed to be unaware of the magnitude of joining a terrorist group, which incurred the wrath of the public, especially from the Conservative camp.

Additionally, there is a very blatant attempt to “westernize” her appearance to

appeal to the British public. This reinvention has caused many to question the sincerity of her regret or whether she is manipulating public opinion to be allowed to return to the U.K.

Despite the severity of her actions, many have argued that she should be repatriated on the basis that her crimes came as a result of online grooming and radicalization for the purpose of sexual exploitation.

Sir Justice Jay, who delivered the verdict on Begum’s appeal, expressed his concern regarding the Home Secretary’s “apparent downplaying of the significance of radicalization and grooming in stating that what happened to Ms Begum is not unusual.” He noted that “the idea that Ms Begum could have conceived and organized all of this herself is not plausible.”

Indeed, the story of how and why she joined ISIS is one of an impressionable girl of Bengali heritage living in a society that she said did not accept her. “I didn’t feel British or Bengali. I didn’t feel Bengali because I didn’t want to be Bengali, and I didn’t feel British because I feel like I wasn’t able to be British, even though I wanted to be.”

In 2014, Begum turned to Islam after her best friend, Sharmeena Begum (no relation), converted. She claims that she converted to feel accepted by her friend. “I didn’t want them to give them a reason, to

like, exclude me from the group.”

In the same year, the Islamic State established their so-called “caliphate” after successfully capturing territory in northern Syria and Iraq. Their leader, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, was proclaimed caliph and “leader for Muslims everywhere.” The establishment of an ‘Islamic State’ in which Islamic law reigns supreme has long been a goal of jihadists. Thousands of jihadis converged on the “caliphate” At the height of its power, ISIS militants numbered around 30,000.

Today, we have come to know ISIS through its ultra-violent propaganda videos. However, according to Shiraz Maher, Director of the International Centre for the Study of Radicalization, only around eight to nine percent of their propaganda output was the sensationalized gruesome images that the public is familiar with. Many of the videos produced by ISIS’ depicted vibrant scenes where families and individuals could live prosperous lives.

Sharmeena Begum was the first out of the group to travel to ISIS-controlled territory. Very shortly after, she managed to convince her three friends to join her in the supposed “Islamic Utopia.” Shiraz Maher makes the point that the barrier to radicalization immediately becomes much lower when someone you know is involved. Additionally, Shamima Begum admitted that there were

others whom she was in contact with online who attempted to convince her to make the journey to Syria.

In February 2015, Begum and her two friends, Amira Abase and Kadiza Sultana, decided to embark on the treacherous journey to meet up with their friend ISIS territory. By 2019Begum’s two friends are presumed dead, and Sharmeena Begum is believed to be back with ISIS militants.

Very little is known about the four years that Shamima spent in Raqqa. Accusations have been made, notably including that she helped fabricate suicide belts for ISIS militants. However, she denied ever taking part in the terrorist group’s day-to-day operations.

Begum “does have some very big questions to answer,” says Andrew Loyd. Nonetheless, some serious allegation have been raised about the behavior of the U.K. government regarding its treatment of Begum and its pattern of nationality deprivation, with many citing skin color and religion as deciding factors.

Tim Farron, ex-leader of the Liberal Democrats, commented on the News Agents’ podcast, “I understand the anger at her, but that she has lost her passport — if she was white and she was called Sharon from Manchester, and she had done something like that, if wouldn’t even occur to the government to take the passport off someone who was obviously British.”

Vous Voulez Savoir Plus sur les Kurdes? C’est Par Ici

By Amalia Heide, Staff Writer

Lorsque la question des nations sans états indépendants est abordée, on pense souvent aux Palestiniens, aux Tibétains, aux Berbères. À cette liste des “opprimés des opprimés” , il faudrait rajouter les Kurdes , considérés comme étant, parmi les peuples sans État, le plus démographiquement nombreux dans la région du Moyen Orient. La distribution du peuple kurde dans différents États, et donc sous différents régimes politiques, nous amène à nous questionner sur l’évolution régionale du nationalisme kurde depuis sa naissance au début du XXe siècle. Faisons un récapitulatif historique.

Historiquement, les mouvements nationalistes kurdes ont tous revendiqué un État kurde indépendant, que ce soit pour le PKK en Turquie, le PYD en Syrie, ou les kurdes irakiens (GRK) et iraniens. Le sujet de la création d’un État Kurde indépendant avait été envisagé dans le traité de Sèvres en 1920 après la chute de l’empire ottoman mais n’avait pas connu suite du fait du refus du fraichement constitué Etat turc nationaliste à perdre des territoires ain-

si que du besoin du Royaume-Uni de contrôler rapidement la région, où l’on avait récemment découvert du pétrole. Se signa ainsi le traité de Lausanne en 1923 pour remplacer le traité de Sèvres. Celui-ci prévoit la création de l’État syrien sous le contrôle de la France et du Royaume de l’Irak sous contrôle du Royaume-Uni. Pas un mot sur le statut des Kurdes ne figure sur le traité.

dication indépendantiste à une revendication autonomiste, et à un changement de méthode qui implique en principe moins de violence. Néanmoins, cette évolution est à nuancer puisque le PKK est encore reconnu comme étant une organisation terroriste par beaucoup de pays tels que les Etats-Unis et l’Union Européenne. Les violences et les attentats ne sont pas disparus.

stitution de 2005 après la chute de Saddam Hussein. Le Kurdistan irakien est toujours là et constitue la forme la plus institutionnalisée et stable d’un État kurde après l’existence éphémère de la République kurde de Marhaba en Iran en 1946. En 2017, un référendum a été organisé dans cette région de l’Irak sur la question de l’indépendance qui a obtenu 92.73% de votes en faveur. Contrairement aux attentes, ce référendum a été une source importante de divisions. En effet, les mouvements kurdes ne sont pas unis et de nombreuses divisions persistent encore aujourd’hui.

Les kurdes se trouvent ainsi dispersés entre la Turquie, la Syrie, la Perse et l’Irak. Leur lutte pour la revendication qui s’ensuit s’est souvent traduite en mouvements politiques qui ont connu des répressions très violentes notamment de l’État Irakien avec le massacre de Halabja en 1988 avec des armes chimiques. En Turquie, les répressions contre le PKK ont même poussé ce dernier à évoluer sur sa position à la fin des années 90 et début 2000 pour passer d’une reven-

Le susdit massacre de Halabja en Irak a suscité un important émoi de la communauté internationale. Cette agitation a permis aux États Unis d’instrumentaliser la question des nationalismes kurdes dans le cadre de la première guerre du golfe en incitant ces derniers à la révolte afin de déstabiliser l’Irak. À la suite de cette guerre, les Kurdes en Irak ont pu établir une zone autonome qui a ensuite reconnu la pleine reconnaissance de l’État irakien dans la con-

Étonnamment, la question de l’autonomie ou l’indépendance est une source de désaccord important entre les mouvements nationalistes kurdes car certains ont changé leur position et leur angle de lutte. C’est le cas notamment en Turquie , où le parti politique kurde (PYD) fut créé en 2015 ayant pour objectif un Etat autonome démocratique, égalitaire, pacifique et écologiste dans le respect des frontières turques. Il s’agit d’un parti ayant des relations proches avec le PKK mais qui ne soutient pas publiquement leurs actions violentes. Cette nouvelle idéologie fut exportée au mouvement en Syrie. L’évolution dans ces

“Cet affaiblissement d’un sentiment d’appartenance commune kurde et donc les divergences de revendications expliquent pourquoi à présent nous devons parler des nationalismes et non d’un nationalisme kurde.”

revendications du mouvement kurde va totalement à l’encontre du nationalisme kurde en Irak, où le discours indépendantiste « pankurdiste » est certes en voie de disparition , mais où l’on cherche activement la mise en place d’un État-nation « kurdistanais irakien ». Cet affaiblissement d’un sentiment d’appartenance commune kurde et donc les divergences de revendications expliquent pourquoi à présent nous devons parler des nationalismes et non d’un nationalisme kurde.

En outre, les soutiens de puissances étrangères à certains mouvements kurdes ont participé à augmenter les tensions entre les différents mouvements qui ont parfois évolué jusque vers des luttes armées. C’est le cas de l’Irak

soutenant les kurdes iraniens et inversement l’Iran soutenant les kurdes irakien pendant la guerre de 1980-1988, ce qui fait que les deux groupes kurdes s’affrontent à plusieurs reprises. Pour mettre un exemple plus récent, le jeu d’alliance dans la région fit que, lors des révoltes contre Bachar-Al Assad en Syrie, le GRK (les kurdes d’Irak) étaient soutenus par la Turquie tandis que la Turquie était du côté de l’opposition syrienne. Au contraire , le PYD (groupe kurde de Syrie) soutenait (au moins au début) le

régime syrien. Comme le PYD et le PKK sont proches idéologiquement et que le régime turc et les Kurdes de Turquie ne s’entendent pas très bien, à la fin, nous voyons que le PYD et le PKK s’opposent dans ce jeu d’alliances. C’est hallucinant de voir l’impact que les intérêts des puissances extérieures peuvent avoir sur des mouvements qui étaient à l’origine extrêmement proches.

Mais cette discordance et tensions entre mouvements kurdes est à nuancer. Même s’il existe des

divergences et même des conflits d’intérêts, il existe encore une certaine solidarité kurde transfrontalière qui fait preuve de l’existence encore latente d’une identification commune. Un exemple est la prise en charge de réfugiés lorsque se produisent des persécutions de la part des Etats. Celui-ci est le cas à présent avec les jeunes kurdes iraniens, victimes des répressions actuelles de la part de l’Etat Iranien suite au mouvement social, qui fuient et sont accueillis par le Kurdistan irakien.

“C’est hallucinant de voir l’impact que les intérêts des puissances extérieures peuvent avoir sur des mouvements qui étaient à l’origine extrêmement proches.”