The Menton Times - Volume II, No. 1

SEPTEMBER 2022

VOLUME II, NO. 1

FEATURE

OPINION

From Protesting a Match to Antisemitism Accusations: How Did a Student Initiative Cause Such Regional Controversy?

NEWS

Police Shoot Undocumented Individual in Nice: The Killing of Omar Elkhouli

By Saoirse Aherne, Staff Writer

On the night of June 14, 2022, Italian police flagged a refrigerated van carrying five undocumented individuals near Ventimiglia.

The French police were notified and attempted to stop the vehicle at a checkpoint near Sospel. The vehicle, driven by two smugglers, did not stop, causing French border police (PAF) to pick up the

chase. The van passed another police checkpoint and again refused to obey orders to stop.

At this time, four bullets were fired at the moving vehicle.

The van made it to Nice, where it was abandoned by the drivers, leaving the five passengers locked in the refrigerated compartment.

When police arrived and opened the van, one of

the men, Omar Elkhouli, was discovered shot in the back of the head.

According to another passenger, “Police officers were kicking (Elkhouli) to see if he reacted… It took them 15 minutes to take care of him.” Elkhouli was eventually taken to hospital, where he died due to injuries on June 15, 2022.

SEE PAGE 2

By Ghazal Khalife, Staff Writer It is no secret that the OGC Nice vs. Maccabi Tel Aviv football match caused considerable controversy on our campus and in the region, but how did a solidarity protest lead to threats of halting the subsidized cafeteria project in Menton?

SEE PAGE 12

CULTURE

Eats With Angela: A Comparative Analysis of Menton Grocery Stores

By Angela Saab Saade, Staff Writer Whether one opts for preplanned deliberate and habitual grocery shopping or resorts to the New Asian store for midnight ramen with a side of crisps and candy, the heavy burden of walking to the store, picking up items, waiting in line, paying and returning home certainly resonates with all of us.

SEE PAGE 34

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The Menton Times

SEPTEMBER 2022

Police Shoot Undocumented Individual in Nice: The Killing of Omar Elkhouli

By Saoirse Aherne, Staff Writer In response to this, Nice procureur Xavier Bonhomme announced on Twitter that two inquiries had been launched: the first to track down the alleged smugglers for not complying with police and facilitating the entry and circulation of aliens in irregular situations into France, and the second into the officer who fired his weapon at the van.

attempting to enter France from Italy. A comprehensive MediaPart investigation into

would call him for news of their mother.”

Based on accounts from his

Elkhouli established that he had been living without papers in Paris for 13 years.

Elkhouli was highly involved in his community and reg-

friends acquired through the Mediapart investigation, Elkhouli felt he had no chance of obtaining a residence permit in France. One

The inquiry into homicide was referred to l'Inspection Générale de la Police National (IGPN), as is customary in cases involving the use of arms by a police officer.

Following the death of Elkhouli, the Mayor of Nice, Christian Estrosi, released a statement on Twitter in which he proclaimed, “Of course, I deplore the injuries caused… but they are the result of a criminal act that had to be stopped for the safety of our police and gendarmes and to avoid other tragedies.”

The entirety of this statement can be found on Twitter @ cestrosi.

Who was Omar Elkhouli?

Omar Elkhouli was 35-yearsold and originally from Egypt.

Contrary to early reporting on this case, he was not a migrant

One of Elkhouli’s friends has been trying and failing to get an appointment with a French prefecture to renew a residence permit for three years ularly visited two elderly neighbors. Ibrahim, a friend of Elkhouli, described to MediaPart how “[Elkhouli] even had the keys to the apartment of one of them and her kids

of Elkhouli’s friends has been trying and failing to get an appointment with a French prefecture to renew a residence permit for three years, despite having more than 40 payslips

from years of registered work.

Elkhouli worked construction without a contract and thus had no way to prove he had been living and working in France for over a decade. His only chance of obtaining a residence permit was by acquiring fake documents from Italy and appealing to the Italian prefecture.

Elkhouli is not the only undocumented French resident who had to resort to obtaining bogus papers.

Many migrants, unable to legally prove their eligibility for residence permits, seek out fake documents to support their residency requests. These false supporting documents are often acquired in Italy.

Elkhouli was pursuing a residence permit to visit Egypt.

Having spent thirteen years working and living in France, he wanted to see his friends and family again.

Elkhouli went to Italy some days prior to June 14, 2022.

He acquired false documents and an appointment with the Italian prefecture. At the

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time of his departure from Italy, Elkhouli’s request for a residence permit was being processed. He had planned to leave Italy on June 14, 2022, as he had to return to work. However, on the 14th, he discovered that there were no train routes that would be able to get him to Paris from Ventimiglia. MediaPart reported that Elkhouli was approached by a smuggler who offered to help him cross into France in the back of a refrigerated van. Elkhouli was informed that he would need to pay 50 euros to the man who approached him with this offer and 200 euros more to the men driving the van across the border.

The Night of the Incident At 00:05, Elkhouli and four other undocumented persons departed from Ventimiglia in the back of a refrigerated truck. After 15 minutes, Italian police began to pursue the vehicle, and the drivers accelerated to evade law enforcement, despite protestation from the passengers. French border police were notified of its presence as the van crossed into French territory.

Yet, the van refused to stop at two police checkpoints, the first in Sospel and the second in Cantaron.

According to police accounts, the vehicle accelerated in their direction at this second checkpoint, prompting one officer to fire his weapon four times. One bullet pierced the front of the van at the level of the headlights, while a second bullet hit above the rear tire and entered the refrigerator compartment. Elkhouli was shot in the back of the head by this bullet. One of the other passengers stated in an interview with MediaPart, “we banged on the dividing wall screaming that one of us had a head injury, but [the smugglers] kept accelerating.”

station in only his boxers; no new clothes were provided for him. MediaPart reported that the police interrogated these men, some of whom were in shock, for hours without giving them water or food. After the interrogation, the men were placed in a detention center and ordered to leave French territory.

The vehicle arrived in Nice at about 2 a.m., at which point the smugglers left the vehicle and fled the scene. Elkhouli and another passenger were brought to the hospital while the police took the other men to the police station. The sec-

The other passengers were allowed to leave the detention center on June 20, 2022, with the help of Zia Oloumi, a Nice lawyer. He fought to have them released due to their particular vulnerability and physiological state after witnessing the death of Elkhouli.

man, who police allege was driving a stolen vehicle and refusing to obey an order to stop. A video circulating on social media shows an officer firing his gun towards the car’s windshield as it backs away from him.

On the same day, a 22-yearold woman was fatally shot

One bullet pierced the front of the van at the level of the headlights, while a second bullet hit above the rear tire and entered the refrigerator compartment. Elkhouli was shot in the back of the head by this bullet.

After being released, two of the men launched a complaint against the police officer who fired his weapon at the refrigerated vehicle.

When MediaPart reported on this case in July, both official inquiries into this situation were open. The Menton Times contacted numerous journalists and a local activist group to ask for updates on this case, but currently, no new information is available.

An uptake in Police Violence

ond man brought to the hospital had his clothes taken and, upon being discharged, was brought to the police

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The shooting of Omar Elkhouli is just one of a string of recent cases of police violence in France. On Sept. 7, another fatal shooting occurred in Nice. The victim was a 24-year-old Tunisian

by Police in Rennes during an anti-drug operation.

A report from the IGPN published in 2021 found that the frequency of officers “firing at vehicles in motion” has increased from an average of 119.2 instances annually from 2012-2016 to an average of 165.8 from 2017-2021. This is a statistically significant increase of approximately 39% from 2012 to 2016.

According to Christian Mouhanna, a researcher from France’s National Center for Scientific Research and an expert on police issues, legal changes made in 2017 are to blame for the recent increase in police violence. After a series of terror attacks between 2015 and 2016, French laws concerning when police officers can shoot their weapons changed from strictly in cases of self-defense to “in cases of absolute necessity and in a strictly proportionate manner.” Mouhanna asserts that many police have interpreted this statute to mean a vehicle can be shot at if refusing to comply with orders.

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The Menton Times

SEPTEMBER 2022

Mentonese Students Buckle Their Seatbelts for Integration Week

By Lise Writer

Thorsen,

Staff

The first week of university is one of the most memorable and significant events in a student's academic evolution. This year, Integration Week turned the page to a new chapter for 180 students of the Mentonese Sciences Po campus. In the “Ville de Citrons,” located on the shores of the French Riviera, Integration Week promised exhilarating events planned by our very own Bureau des Étudiants Integration Week Committee. Upon one’s first-ever moments in the sun-kissed “Pearl of France,” feelings of budding excitement bubble to the surface. This year’s incoming 1As proved high-spirited in the daunting face of friendship-building, and many confessed their eagerness to embark on their journey into the Mentonese mode de vie.

Yasmina Touaibia, who greeted students warmly with her contagious smile. Once gathered in the grand amphitheater for the official opening

Upon one’s first-ever moments in the sun-kissed “Pearl of France,” feelings of budding excitement bubble to the surface.

On Aug. 22, 2022, the beating of drums and Mentonese chants echoed throughout Rue Longue. This commotion originated from the “hype session,” in which our beloved campus mascot, Loulou, hyped us for the Bureau des Étudiants’ opening ceremony. The Menton campus was also welcomed back by Monsieur le Maire, Yves Juhel, and Madame la Directrice,

ceremony, the student body was awestruck by the Menton cheerleading team’s smashing performance. Shortly after, our two Integration Week hosts, 2As Riwa Hassan and Louai Allani, welcomed the Ummah to the Menaverse.

This clever wordplay, combining “MENA” and “metaverse,” signaled to the audience that Menton would enter a stage of metamorphosis this aca-

demic year. Through what Allani expressed as adding a “pinch of digitalization to the Mediterranean,” the audience was thrilled to be introduced to the “revolutionary invention” of the “Pass Ummah,” designed with meticulous care by the Committee. The “Pass Ummah” was the personalized QR code that allowed students who bought Integration Week packages to access the planned events.

It served as the high-tech alternative to the wristbands that former Integration Week committees opted for.

Hassan and Allani soon began reminiscing about the wonders of Menton and dedicated a special shoutout to José’s cat, baptized ‘Cat-Dafi’

by the student body the previous year. The Bureau President, Samy Bennouna, and Bureau Vice President, Lenora Dsouza, soon took the floor and offered insight into the tireless behind-the-scenes work carried out by the Committee’s executive team during the preceding summer.

After a well-deserved round of applause for the Committee team, the Bureau des Arts blessed our ears with soothing live tunes from the music club.

Committee member, Viola Luraschi, reflected on the most rewarding aspects of her experience in integration week. She cheerfully explained that the 1As had fully embraced the Menton spir-

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it with open arms and that she could not be more proud of how well all the events had panned out. However, she did affirm that there is a stark contrast between living the full-fledged experience of Integration Week and organizing the events. Another Committee member, Isabel Cronin, elaborated further by explaining that logistical issues cropped up but were tackled with solidarity and resilience. She was impressed by “how quickly the team could adapt and continue.” Clearly, the Committee’s strenuous efforts to churn out a successful week were not in vain. It was evident that both the first and second-years dearly appreciated the time the Bureau put into crafting the orientation events.

Highlights from Integration Week include the Kebab lunch, which managed to feed our ravenous Sciences Pistes, the Consent talks held diligently by the Feminist Union on an annual basis, and the UEFA Conference League Nice match, which pleased our football enthusiasts. The drinking apparathon served the purpose of filling rooms with laughter, and the ‘ice’

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was, without a doubt, broken among peers. However, the success of this event did not infringe upon the following “Le Festival Plage” party, which was deemed one of the “best Bureau des Étudiants parties ever” by a fellow 2A. Even the city-wide scavenger hunt united students in their mutual exploration of their new home.

On the final day of integration week, Environnementon led a hike on Nietzsche’s Path in Èze-sur-Mer; the subsequent beach day in Cap d’Ail was a fitting post-hike activity. The Nice bar hopping night similarly reflected our potential to bring Menton outside of Menton. The jam session was a massive hit as the Bureau des Arts musicians displayed their talent on stage during a Sablettes sunset.

Building up to the final party, “à la mentonnaise,” Integration Week would not be complete without a sweaty Soundproof party. In collaboration

with the Babel association, the Committee pooled their creative juices to host a soirée themed upon the “six deadly sins” — 21st-century edition.

Soundproof quickly devolved into a fiery sauna. As such, a Sablettes after-party was in order. Later that night, an anonymous source noted that hookup culture had decreased significantly compared to last year, and rumor has it that the student body has become interested in forming more

Many students claimed to have come down with “Freshers Flu,” and some complained that their social battery was utterly drained.

profound and connections.

meaningful

Nonetheless, by the end of a very tiresome week for us all, many students claimed to have come down with “Freshers Flu,” and some complained that their social battery was utterly drained.

Understandably, following stressful days of accommodating new routines, symptoms of homesickness invariably started to kick in.

Fortunately, the I-Homes night provided an ideal supportive outlet for 1As seeking expert 2A guidance.

It seems fair to suggest that after a fruitful integration week, we all wear our Menaverse shirts with pride. To borrow the Directrice’s words, “notre communauté est riche et continue à s’enrichir.” Indeed, every year, Menton witnesses new 1As blossom while 2As continue to flourish. We can only hope that after having welcomed the new academic year with open arms, we have succeeded in setting the standards high for next year’s Integration Week.

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SEPTEMBER 2022

The World Turn Its Head Towards Sciences Po During Integration Week Protests Editor’s note: Objectivity is of paramount importance to The Menton Times. As such, the September 2022 issue of the publication features a variety of stances that students took amid the controversial Integration Week boycott.

By Layla Hammouda and Peyton Dashiell, Staff Writers Sciences Pistes everything.

politicize

This truism held up during Integration Week when the Bureau des Élèves included the opportunity to attend the OGC Nice vs. Maccabi Tel Aviv club football game. This match would soon become the source of vivid tension.

Such discontent first materialized in the simple and relatively silent boycott of the event by many students but then took another turn with the explicit expression of dissatisfaction by Sciences Palestine, a campus organization dedicated to Palestinian political activism and cultural affairs.

According to Sciences Palestine, this match “normalized the occupation of the Palestinian territories and the persistence of an apartheid regime,” acknowledging the recent bombings of the Gaza Strip and the increased expansion of settlements in the West Bank, which were cited as the leading causes of the protest.

Initial plans called for a peaceful demonstration outside the OGC Nice stadium during the Aug. 25, 2022 game, but protest organizers soon faced

As news of the protest spread across the Riviera, it was met with largely negative reactions from the university administration and local govern-

[The protest] was met with largely negative reactions from the university administration and local government unprecedented roadblocks.

After the president of Sciences Palestine spoke to media representatives, the event was thrown into the heart of a controversy far beyond the walls of the Menton campus.

ment. According to Sciences Palestine, the Sciences Po administration threatened consequences toward any organization that chose to partake in the protest. Furthermore, the administration

criticized the illegality of the demonstration since it was not declared to the town hall.

The mayor of Menton, Yves Juhel, announced that financial support and permits that allow student associations to use city establishments for Sciences Po students would be jeopardized if the protest occurred.

The outcry was also not limited to local government and administration — the original protest was canceled amid student safety concerns when both OGC Nice supporters and Menton residents threatened Sciences Pistes protesters with bodily harm. The bureau advised Sciences Po students attending the match to hide any affiliation with Sciences Po and avoid political statements in their clothing. News of the protest even reached Israel — Sports5, a prominent Israeli sports media outlet, published an article briefly summarizing the controversy, outlining the plans of the original protest, the subsequent security threats, and the condemnation of the match by officials in the Nice municipality.

In social media statements, Sciences Palestine claimed a double standard in their treat-

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targeted a protest organized against the Israeli bombardment of Gaza. Darmanin pushed the Paris police chief to ban the rally due to “serious disturbances to the public order” that occurred after

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Remembrance Alliance’s definition of antisemitism: “Holding Jews collectively responsible for the actions of the State of Israel.”

UEJF President Ellie Carter said, “The UEJF’s statement

“manifester est un droit dont vous devriez être le garant” (protesting is a right that must be guaranteed).

ment by Sciences Po, citing past unauthorized demonstrations, such as a January 2022 protest against far-right politician Eric Zemmour, that have occurred with no roadblocks or negative attention from the Sciences Po administration. Because of this, Sciences Palestine claimed that the protest in solidarity with Palestine was uniquely targeted.

As a State Party to the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, freedom of assembly is guaranteed under French law without restriction, except for stipulations governing the protection of national security, public safety, public health, disturbances to the public order, or infringement upon the rights of others.

However, protests in France have faced opposition in re-

The bureau advised Sciences Po students attending the match to hide any affiliation with Sciences Po.

They also raised a question regarding the ethics of free speech limitations at universities — should the Sciences Po administration have the authority to directly or indirectly restrict student protests?

cent years, particularly in cases concerning the protection of public order, a clause many see as too broad to enforce and naturally leading to government overreach.

In May 2021, French interior minister, Gerard Darmanin,

Palestinian solidarity protests in 2014. Additionally, the president of the Association France-Palestine Solidarité, Bertrand Heilbronn, was arrested in Paris after he announced plans to organize a peaceful rally. This move was condemned by activists and politicians, with French Parliament member Elsa Faucillon tweeting that “manifester est un droit dont vous devriez être le garant” (protesting is a right that must be guaranteed). Given this history, the governmental challenges to the protest were not entirely unexpected.

Additionally, the Sciences Palestine protest controversy was not limited to off-campus organizations. In response to Sciences Palestine’s plans, the Sciences Po Menton chapter of the Union des Etudiants Juifs released a statement condemning the protest against the Israeli government at the match.

While Maccabi Tel Aviv is based in Israel, it was established in 1906, before Israel’s birth, and its players originate from across the world.

The team is associated with Judaism — the team logo includes the Star of David. The UEJF’s statement, taking into account the Jewish roots of Maccabi Tel Aviv, argued that the protest would match the International Holocaust

is the product of a lot of time and consideration on the part of all three of our board members. I hope we have conveyed that, although we absolutely encourage the right of Sciences Palestine to engage in demonstrations and protests, we also urge participants to continue to think critically about the context, messages, and ultimate goals of their actions, ensuring that the distinction is made between a person who is Jewish, a person who is Israeli, and the Israeli State itself.”

Despite the initial challenges, Sciences Palestine protested in Nice on Sept. 3, 2022, in collaboration with the Association France Palestine Solidarité. Sciences Palestine labeled the protest “a victory over censorship” and pledged to continue future activism even in the face of challenges.

Whether or not one agrees with the original protest, witnessing this level of engagement amid such a divergence of ideas remains a valuable opportunity to deconstruct one’s most entrenched certainties. Seizing such opportunities is an integral part of the Sciences Po experience, where one works to carefully forge informed stances while also learning to defend them efficiently and relentless

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SEPTEMBER 2022

Populism Is Shaping the Italian Upcoming Elections

By Maeva Sole Alagna, Staff Writer If you were to walk down any main Italian lane this September, you would feel overwhelmed by the high-impact street advertising and billboard displays. It is not the upcoming Milan fashion week that has induced this promotional frenzy –– it is the general political snap election of Sept. 25, 2022.

Following the resignation of Prime Minister Mario Draghi in July, which plunged the country into a severe political crisis, Italians are called to vote for a new parliament and are now undergoing a ferocious electoral campaign.

The right-wing coalition, starring Giorgia Meloni’s post-fascist Brothers of Italy party, Matteo Salvini’s anti-immigrant League and Silvio Berlusconi’s Forza Italia, is predicted to attain 46% of the vote.

The left, led by the Democratic Party (PD), is forecasted to win 28.5% of the vote, while the populist Five Star Movement (M5S) — which seems to reject any coalition — could reach up to 13%.

Pollsters foresee Meloni’s triumph, representing a turning point in Italian history: the first post-war far-right government and its first female prime minister.

But how have we come to this point? Since the breakdown

of the former party system in the early 1990s, electoral support for populist parties has constantly been increasing. These movements now transcend any distinction between right and left extremes of the political spectrum and agree on the idea that its leaders alone represent “the people” in their struggle against the “elite establishment.”

The aggregate votes for populists increased from 30% in the general election of 1994 to almost 70% in 2018. No other major Western European democracy has witnessed such rising support for populists.

Party leaders have built their campaigns by responding to people’s collective sentiments of anti-institutionalism, anti-factionalism and distrust towards politics and society. Moreover, populist candidates continue to benefit from massive online electoral advertising — pricey but profitable.

By gathering data for individual parties over the last month, the magnitude of the phenomenon can be quantified. Matteo Salvini’s party spent 51 thousand euros in thirty days between Instagram and Facebook; Meloni followed with a social media expenditure of 40 thousand euros. Silvio Berlusconi — 86 years old, face frozen by cosmetic surgery, more than 2,500 court appearances in 106 trials, including tax fraud, abuse of office, bribery, corruption of police officers, judges and politicians,

collusion, defamation, extortion, false accounting, mafia, money laundering, underage prostitution influence and embezzlement — has made his newest appearance on TikTok, wooing young voters.

Freeing a campaign spot for the senator of Forza Italia, a candidate for the upcoming elections, promising an income and pension for Italian housewives, further degenerates Italian politics. Forza Italia’s electoral video — which looks more like a two-and-ahalf-minute teleshopping of household devices — shows the nominee next to two women, one pretending to vacuum, the other ironing as she hides a soccer ball under her vest to look pregnant.

Italy prepares to welcome the Brothers of Italy as the winning party, which has gained consent by using the motto “God, homeland and family,” a slogan that the fascists employed in the 1930s. This mot-

to logically excludes whoever does not identify as Christian, whoever was not born on Italian soil and whoever does not recognize the traditional value of family.

This raises the question: when does populism become a threat to democracy? It does when it targets a particular social group. To serve “the people,” populist parties must first define everything that does not fall under this category, thus excluding vulnerable and marginalized populations, such as religious or ethnic minorities and immigrants.

What can be done to counter the effects of populism? Vote!

Vote for politicians and parties who make credible promises, do not simply want to shut down criticism or view their opponents as their enemies, and are committed to the democratic rules of the game.

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The French Visa Process Proves To Be Unequal for Sciences Pistes

By Catarina Writer

Vita, Staff

The blue of the Mediterranean peeking out of the classroom window, the strong yet nurturing smell of lemonade and kebabs, and the endless stairs unite the diverse students from Sciences Po. In the buzz of “where are you from?” and “where do you live?” since integration week, there is only one question left unanswered in every small talk session: “how did you get here?” On the rare occasion that this question gets explicitly asked, the usual responses range from five-hour train rides to two overnight plane trips. However, modes of transport do not adequately characterize how students really got here: bureaucracy, immigration, and, of course, visas.

From Morocco to the United States, it is known that being an international student requires not only unique academic recognition and unforgettable letters of recommendation but patience and the means to navigate the bureaucracy of French immigration. Students have distinct experiences due to their origins and nationalities in the visa-clinching process. Three 1As from Australia, South Africa and Indonesia have agreed to talk anonymously about their immigration processes.

When I asked the Australian student about their visa process, I heard sighs and saw an expression of distress.

“Basically, I’m a Finnish citizen, so I shouldn’t have needed to get a visa in the first place. However, because my European passport has expired, I had to apply to get a visa in France.”

They submitted their visa application three months before integration week, and their Australian passport was sent away with it. Yet, two weeks before they left for Menton, the visa was nowhere to be found. During these few days of disorder and stress, 300 euros were dedicated exclusively to the visa office.

“I went through all this trouble to apply for a visa, and I couldn’t even get it at the end.”

“I had no choice but to cancel my visa application, so I could at least retrieve back my Australian passport before I leave.” After reacquiring their passport, they crossed the world from Perth, Australia, to Paris, France, to renew their European passport.

“I went through all this trouble to apply for a visa, and I couldn’t even get it at the end.”

This friend and colleague, who went through the grueling Sciences Po admissions process, had an experience that highlights the notoriously unsatisfactory French immigration and bureaucratic processes. Thankfully, they are here now, but undergoing this stressful process and hav-

ing 300 euros of expenses causes study-abroad-related trauma.

An Indonesian English track 1A had similar horror stories during their visa quest.

They forwarded me a four-page document with all the elements required to obtain a French visa. The items ranged from proof of proficiency in the French language to a CV and a motivational letter. On the first page of four, the guiding document warns, “Missing document = incomplete file = high risk of visa refusal and lengthen the visa issuance process.” One WiFi glitch while submitting the visa application or one misinterpretation of the directions in the guide would be practically synonymous with the annulment of your studies at Sciences Po. On the South African side, the immigration process was less demanding. Our interviewee, an English track 1A, described the privilege of being a South African and a Belgian citizen.

“I was born in Belgium, but I’ve lived in South Africa my whole life, so my identity is enough to get to Europe at any point.”

As our conversation progressed, we reflected upon how the spiraling labyrinth of becoming an international student in France is cut in half by having a European Union-approved document.

Amidst my friend’s many no-

table reflections on this matter, one direct quote struck me the most: “That’s actually a really big problem because if I only had a South African identity, I probably wouldn’t be here right now.”

My friend’s comments raised a relevant point about how privilege is not limited solely to economic resources or education. In the French visa process, certain identities are advantaged over others.

Sciences Po’s Menton’s diversity imbues the city with rich stories and unprecedented experiences. Besides undergoing the science piste admissions process and graduating high school with excellence — which is hard enough for a teenager — the French immigration process also needed to be confronted. For some of us, losing the battle with the visa office resulted in a denial letter; this one, not from Sciences Po, but the French government. Hopefully, raising awareness about the disparity among nationalities during the visa process will end this unequal treatment.

Only then can the responses to the question “how did you get here?” merely refer to means of transportation.

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SEPTEMBER 2022

Queen Elizabeth II Dies Leaving the World To Mourn, Marvel or Celebrate

By Leo Gerza, Staff Writer

“The Queen died peacefully at Balmoral this afternoon.”

On Thursday, the 8 of Sept.

2022, this message rippled throughout the world as we learned of Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II’s death, marking not only the culmination of the longest reigning monarch in British history but also reminding us of the unique role she served for 70 years.

In many ways, the Queen came to represent a constant in a rapidly changing world.

She brought duty and service to her role and provided resolve throughout decades of domestic political and economic turmoil, which signified Britain’s ever-declining global importance.

Beyond the island’s coastline, the Queen also observed an exodus of former colonial states as they claimed independence and oversaw the continuation of the Commonwealth, a moderated alternative to British subjugation.

The endurance of the Queen’s reign also meant the persistence of the monarchical institution and, with that, the memory of colonial times for many of the citizens living in former colonies.

The Queen’s death will resonate differently with every-

one in the diverse Menton community: there will be those who could not care less; some will no doubt have been struck by sadness; others may have been in awe at the significance of her reign; and, of course, many will be reminded of the pain and suffering upon which the British monarchy’s power and global prominence were built.

Thus, this article will strive to reflect on the Queen’s reign by celebrating Her Majesty’s role in becoming a fundamental aspect of British identity and exploring the facets of her reign within the Commonwealth and on the international stage.

Domestically, it is difficult to imagine a more definitive and iconic figure than the Queen.

She modernized the relationship between monarch and subject, and her apolitical existence raised a reassuring curtain around a nation increasingly fraught with polarizing politics. Her connection with and affection toward the public began before her ascension to the throne. Her 1940 Wartime Broadcast instilled comfort in the nation’s young children who were forced to leave their families for the countryside.

“We know, everyone of us, that in the end all will be well; for God will care for us

and give us victory and peace. And when peace comes, remember it will be for us, the children of today, to make the world of tomorrow a better and happier place.”

Auxiliary Territorial Services (ATS), endearing her to the nation and demonstrating that, even though her life could not be more different from that of the ordinary citizen, she was prepared to bridge the connection between monarch and subject.

The Queen, Wartime Broadcast 1940

This rapprochement between monarch and subject manifested itself in the first-ever televised coronation – during the Queen’s accession to the crown – but also in times when it seemed that contro-

She hinted toward her future decades of duty by staying in England during WWII and serving as a mechanic in the

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versy had taken the monarchy to the brink of redundancy.

During the calamity following Princess Diana’s death in 1997, the Queen broke protocol by making an exceedingly rare address to the nation.

Her message underscored how deeply she understood the grief of the people mourning the loss of perhaps the only royal figure more popular than herself.

“We have all been trying in our different ways to cope. It is not easy to express a sense of loss since the initial shock is often succeeded by a mixture of other feelings: disbelief, incomprehension, anger - and concern for those who remain.

We have all felt those emotions in these last few days. So what I say to you now, as your Queen and as a grandmother, I say from my heart.”

The Queen’s message to the nation following Princess Diana’s death in 1997.

Even though many will point out that such examples are normal human instincts for empathy, it is crucial to recognize how such actions departed from the Victorian custom of existing as far removed from the public as possible.

Despite all her faults, the Queen provided Britain with continuity during a period when it experienced immense social, economic and political change. Her absolute sense of duty supplied motherly refuge in moments of critical uncertainty for Britain. Her address to the nation amidst the COVID-19 pandemic exemplified how, to some, she

became a source of hope and connection in times when reality demanded distance.

“We should take comfort that while we may have more still to endure, better days will return: we will be with our friends again; we will be with our families again; we will meet again.”

The Queen, address to the nation during the COVID-19 pandemic 2020.

Internationally, the Queen aided Britain in maintaining an outsized relevance in international relations. Though Britain’s share of global trade and economic power has waned, its clout on the international stage remains fairly high. According to the Washington Post, soft power and the power of attraction have been vital boosts for British foreign policy. After all, many American presidents have claimed that their most treasured memory in office was the opportunity to meet the Queen of England. Former Prime Minister David Cameron even attributed his warm relationship with President Obama to the successes of the Queen during their state visit in 2011.

“The Queen and the Royal Family have been pivotal in maintaining the nation’s relevance.”

Brand Finance, 2020 Global Soft Power Index.

Departing from the Queen’s impact within Britain, examining the bloodstains of colonialism that trail her death is vital. In many countries

whose history intertwines with Britain’s, reluctance to mourn the Queen demonstrates the complexity and pain that her legacy – colonialism – leaves behind.

After all, the capacity of the Queen’s death to engulf so much attention is partially owed to the vast areas of the world that colonialism and the British Empire impacted.

It is also true that the tragedies of colonialism were not events overseen exclusively by the Queen’s predecessors.

The Queen herself supervised a government that acted brutally and immorally at the tail end of its lifespan as an empire.

Several months after her ascension to the throne, British authorities in Kenya responded to the Mau Mau rebellion by means of torture and assault. It is estimated that by 1956 up to 150,000 Kenyans were held in detainment camps aiming to forcefully reform its internees to the views of the government and “abandon their nationalist aspirations.” According to the New York Times, this event “led to the establishment of a vast system of detention camps and the torture, rape, castration and killing of tens of thousands of people.”

“It’s her dual status as the face of colonialism, but also a symbol of decolonization that defines how she is perceived in many former British African colonies.”

Moses Ochonu, professor of African studies at Vanderbilt University to NPR. For many people, the Queen was also the face of the Brit-

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ish Empire’s pilferage: many of the monarchy’s jewels were not returned to their homelands, such as the Kohi-Nor or Cullinan diamonds, belonging originally to India and South Africa, respectively. To this end, separating the individual from the institution and its history seems impossible.

Yet, as leader of the Commonwealth, the Queen oversaw 17 former colonies become independent. Today, the Commonwealth includes a third of the world’s population, a fifth of its territorial mass and a third of its waters. The Queen worked tirelessly to maintain the Commonwealth and modernize its values. Her success has materialized in the membership of new states such as Mozambique in 2005 and Gabon and Togo in 2022, former Portuguese and French colonies, respectively. In the same way that it is possible to consider the Queen’s legacy tied to British colonialism, it is also possible to acknowledge the vast decolonization that her reign oversaw.

Ultimately, the Queen’s refusal to apologize explicitly for the traumas of colonialism, even as the world turns the lamp toward the darkness of colonialism, means that her death should not absolve her of her failures. It is deservedly so that her legacy of service to Britain will forever be wrapped together with the pain of colonialism and the British Empire. However, it is still worth taking a moment to awe at the endurance of her reign and the sense of duty that she brought to her role.

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The Menton Times

SEPTEMBER 2022

From Protesting a Match to Antisemitism Accusations: How Did a Student Initiative Cause Such Regional Controversy?

Editor’s note: Objectivity is of paramount importance to The Menton Times. As such, the September 2022 issue of the publication features a variety of stances that students took amid the controversial Integration Week boycott.

By Ghazal Khalife, Staff Writer It is no secret that the OGC Nice vs. Maccabi Tel Aviv football match caused considerable controversy on our campus and in the region, but how did a solidarity protest lead to threats of halting the subsidized cafeteria project in Menton?

This issue started when the Bureau des Élèves announced that OGC Nice would play against Maccabi Tel Aviv, the football match scheduled during Integration Week. The bureau clearly stated that the organization of this sporting event does not reflect a political stand, highlighting the student organization’s “apolitical” nature. The bureau endorsed “any (student) association wishing to express an opinion.”

Sciences Palestine immediately responded with a call to boycott the match and began organizing a protest in solidarity with the Palestinian people.

Sciences Palestine’s prompt call to action sparked a heated debate on the “Rising 1As” group chat. Many Sciences Pistes supported the protest, while others dismissed it as

unjustified and inappropriate. However, the boycott was warranted. The match was a mere few weeks after the Is-

raeli state bombed Gaza, killing 49 Palestinians and injuring 80, among them children and students. When asked why she wanted to organize the protest, the Co-president

of Sciences Palestine, who asked to remain anonymous, responded:

“Three weeks after Israeli bombardments ravaged Gaza once again, leaving its population on the brink of total despair, I just did not think it was right for people to attend a match where a team from the country that orchestrated the attacks was playing without knowing at all what was going on. Our plan was not to make attendees accountable or condemn the Israeli team... We did not want people to forget the atrocities that are being committed by the command of the state where the football team belonged. We wanted to take this opportunity to raise awareness and educate people about a situation that needs our urgent attention.”

In light of our campus’ impressive diversity, it is no surprise that this protest elicited a wide range of reactions ranging from enthusiasm to harsh criticism. The dividing issue was whether a football match could be considered an apolitical event. Be-

Opinion

SEPTEMBER 2022

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I think it is quite clear that the target we are criticizing is a State and, most importantly, a specific and ongoing colonial project.”

The backlash against the protest escalated into threats to shut down the project to open a cafeteria on our campus, which is not only an excessive reaction but also a reflection of the limits to freedom of expression and assembly. The protest was, in effect, abandoned, yet the controversy remained, and the hypocrisy behind the mayor’s logic was exposed. How could an apolitical project such as building a cafeteria be used to pressure students to stop a protest? cause Maccabi Tel Aviv was founded in 1906, before the establishment of the Israeli state, many argued that the football club has no formal ties to the nation. However, the aforementioned reason is insufficient to fully isolate the football team from Israel’s regime and depoliticize it, especially considering that it has strong historical and political links to the mainstream Zionist movement. Maccabi athletic organization was founded in Eastern Europe by Zionists before the first Jewish settlements were estab-

demonstrating the match may not have been an effective means of showing solidarity with Palestine. The protest could easily be misunderstood as condemning the attendees and the players on both teams or associating them with a preconceived political stance.

This misconception became widespread when Nice’s mayor, Christian Estrosi, accused the organizers of the protest of antisemitism. Mr. Estrosi called for the prohibition of this protest claiming in a

The protest could easily be misunderstood as condemning the attendees and the players on both teams or associating them with a preconceived political stance. lished in Palestine. However, in modern-day Israel, the Maccabi football team is still politicized because it has the power to evoke strong nationalist and regional sentiments.

Regardless of whether one is critical of Israel’s actions,

tweet that “anti-zionism often hides antisemitism.” Contrary to what Mr. Estrosi believes, anti-Zionism does not have to coincide with antisemitism; protesting a Zionist state’s actions does not mean protesting against the Jewish people.

Antisemitism is an issue of utmost significance, and the term should not be thrown around to slander someone.

Fortunately, many influential voices in the region still persist in their Palestinian activism. Another protest was declared in partnership with

I think it is quite clear that the target we are criticizing is a State and, most importantly, a specific and ongoing colonial project.

None of the comments made by the organizer implied antisemitic sentiment but rather a condemnation of the Israeli state’s aggressive policies towards a downtrodden people.

Comments like this show how polarizing the Israeli-Palestinian conflict can be and how quickly extreme claims can be made in the face of such a complex and sensitive topic.

The co-president of Sciences Palestine responded to these accusations, saying: “I think they (accusations of antisemitism) are completely unfounded and strategically utilized to discredit any attempt by Palestinian solidarity organizations to expose the truth…

the Association France Palestine Solidrité Saturday, Sept.

3rd, after a relatively recent Amnesty International report (March 2022) explored the various elements of apartheid and human rights violations committed by Israel. This protest emphasized the sincere Palestinian spirit: a spirit of pride, unity and infinite resistance.

The football match-protest controversy proved to be expository of regional representatives’ divisive and antagonizing tone. On a more positive note, it also highlighted the robust spirit of debate in our SciencesPo campus and the vibrant engagement in social and political affairs in the French Riviera.

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The Menton Times

SEPTEMBER 2022

Menton’s Branch of UEJF de France Issues a Statement Condemning Integration Week’s Football Match Protest

Editor’s note: Objectivity is of paramount importance to The Menton Times. As such, the September 2022 issue of the publication features a variety of stances that students took amid the controversial Integration Week boycott.

By Ellie Carter, Gayle Krest and Azra Ersevik, UEJF Guest Writers In light of the recent controversy surrounding the OGC Nice vs. Maccabi Tel Aviv football game, the UEJF of SciencesPo Campus de Menton offers the following statement: It is crucial to differentiate between a person who is Jewish, a person who is Israeli, and the Israeli State itself. A person who is Jewish may live anywhere on earth. A person who is Israeli has Israeli citizenship and may or may not be Jewish. These two identities are not synonymous. The Israeli State acts as an independent entity and does not represent the global Jewish community nor the wishes of every Israeli citizen.

Maccabi Tel Aviv is a football team that was founded in 1906, predating the modern state of Israel. It is a Jewish team – its logo featuring the

Jewish Star of David – and players hail from a variety of countries. Their owner is Mitchell Goldhar, a Canadian businessman and the son of a Polish Holocaust survivor.

The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance cites blaming Jews as a group for the responsibility of individuals, holding Jews collectively responsible for the actions of the State of Israel, and denying the right of Jewish self determination as three elements of their definition of antisemitism.

The individuals at this match are not representatives of nor accountable for the State of Israel and as such, should not be held responsible for the actions of the Israeli government. We condemn protesting the State of Israel at the match due to the ethnicity, religion, or nationality of the players. We would like to emphasize the right of Jews and Israelis to live, travel, and play football in peace without

being asked to bear responsibility for the actions of the State of Israel.

exercise their right to protest, with the ultimate telos of peace.

Moreover, the UEFA Europa Conference League is an international football competition organized by the Union of European Football Associations. Both OGC Nice and Maccabi Tel Aviv are competing in the qualifying rounds for the UECL this year. Neither OGC Nice nor any other team in the league has control over who they are assigned to play, as participants in each qualifying round are determined by each team’s placement in their domestic leagues. As such, protests and demands directed at OGC Nice are incorrectly placed, as they have no control over who they play.

Finally, we have seen an abundance of inflammatory and hateful comments on Sciences Palestine’s posts related to the planned (and now canceled) protest. These are comments which we do not condone, nor are they written on our behalf.

We encourage thoughtful protest and support freedom of speech. However, we call for care, mindfulness, clarity, and cohesiveness of thoughts and goals from students who

On behalf of the UEJF, CARTER Ellie, President KREST Gayle, Secretary General ERSEVIK Azra, Treasurer

Opinion

SEPTEMBER 2022

À la lumière de la récente polémique autour du match de football OGC Nice vs Maccabi Tel Aviv, l’UEJF de SciencesPo Campus de Menton propose le communiqué suivant : Avant tout, il est crucial de faire la différence entre une personne qui est juive, une personne qui est israélienne et l’État israélien lui-même.

Une personne qui est juive peut vivre n’importe où dans le monde. Une personne qui est israélienne à la citoyenneté israélienne et peut ou non être juive. Ces deux identités ne sont pas synonymes.

L’État israélien agit comme une entité indépendante et ne représente pas la communauté juive mondiale ni les souhaits de chaque citoyen israélien.

Le Maccabi Tel Aviv est une équipe de football fondée en 1906, antérieure à l’État moderne d’Israël. C’est une équipe juive – son logo représente l’étoile de David – et les

joueurs viennent de divers pays. Leur propriétaire est Mitchell Goldhar, un homme d’affaires Canadien et le fils d’un survivant polonais de l’Holocauste.

souligner le droit des Juifs et des Israéliens à vivre, voyager et jouer au football en paix sans qu’on leur demande d’assumer la responsabilité des actions de l’État d’Israël.

L’ Alliance internationale pour la mémoire de l’Holocauste cite le fait de blâmer les Juifs en tant que groupe pour la responsabilité des individus, de tenir les Juifs collectivement responsables des actions de l’État d’Israël et de nier le droit à l’autodétermination des Juifs comme trois éléments de leur définition de l’antisémitisme.

De plus, l’UEFA Europa Conference League est une compétition internationale de football organisée par l’Union des associations européennes de football. L’OGC Nice et le Maccabi Tel Aviv participent tous deux aux tours de qualification de l’UECL cette année. Ni l’OGC Nice ni aucune autre équipe de la ligue ne choisissent contre qui elles vont jouer. En effet, les participants à chaque tour de qualification sont déterminés par le placement de chaque équipe dans leurs ligues nationales. En tant que telles, les protestations et les demandes adressées à l’OGC Nice sont placées de manière incorrecte, car les équipes n’ont aucun contrôle sur qui elles jouent.

Les personnes présentes à ce match ne sont ni des représentants ni responsables de l’État d’Israël et, en tant que telles, ne devraient pas être tenues responsables des actions du gouvernement israélien. Nous condamnons les protestations contre l’État d’Israël lors du match en raison de l’ethnie, de la religion ou de la nationalité des joueurs. Nous voudrions

Nous encourageons les man-

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ifestations réfléchies et soutenons la liberté d’expression.

Cependant, nous appelons à la prudence, à la pleine conscience, à la clarté et à la cohérence des pensées et des objectifs des étudiants qui exercent leur droit de manifester, avec le telos ultime de la paix.

Enfin, nous avons vu une abondance de commentaires incendiaires et haineux sur les messages de Sciences Palestine liés à la manifestation prévue (et maintenant annulée). Ce sont des commentaires que nous ne tolérons pas, et ils ne sont pas écrits en notre nom.

Au Nom de l’UEJF CARTER Ellie, Présidente KREST Gayle, Secrétaire Générale ERSEVIK Azra, Trésorière

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The Menton Times

SEPTEMBER 2022

Feeling Like a Fraud?

Imposter Syndrome Runs Rampant at Sciences Po

By Sarina Soleymani, Staff Writer Let’s dive into what now feels like the far past, the days before we first stepped foot into this building, prior to entering this town where the sun burns brightly on our heads and the beach is always in sight. Let’s take a few steps back — before the airport, trains, days of packing, and, for some, the dreadful visa process and frenzied struggle for housing. Let’s return to the days when we were all passionate, wide-eyed high-schoolers with worries and heaps of dreams — filled with stress about assignments and exams, but most of all: university applications.

Each of us, no matter our origin, social class or passions, has one thing in common: the sleepless nights and coffee-fueled essays that formed our application to Sciences Po —an application that, luckily for us, was approved by admissions.

Now fast-forward. You are here amid all the other once wide-eyed high-schoolersturned university students, surrounded by fascinating individuals with varying insights and what seems to be a never-ending stream of knowledge of global events.

I initially felt thrilled by the multitude of stimulating conversations I saw myself having for the next two years.

Our “Myths and Stereotypes

in the Mediterranean” lecture during Integration Week satisfied my anticipation. This lecture not only had two captivating and knowledgeable professors but also students from diverse backgrounds with ranging observations, who would stand up to share them with the class, creating dialogue like I never had before. However, it was not long until this excitement turned almost into a fear, which had me shaking and reciting my lines before I stood up to speak. This emotion quickly highlighted the double-sided coin of Sciences Po — the cheerfulness that accompanies these vibrant exchanges and the feeling that my opinions are neither intelligent nor worthy of expression.

During the first week of classes, I only felt this feeling grow stronger. Ironically, though I started to warm up to this environment, I became increasingly insecure. One day that struck me was Sept. 5, 2022, the Rentrée Solennelle. This is the day when we dress up, take pictures with our friends, and get ready to greet Sciences Po Director Mathias Vicherat. It is also the day we suffer through the same redundant and stereotypical speeches about how we are the “best of the best” and deserve our place in this selective university. After long minutes of feeling disillusioned by Sciences Po’s ego and undeserving of re-

ceiving these compliments, it was time for the valedictorian Lilou-Ornella D’Inca’s speech. Here, we finally got a different narrative as she shared her struggles during her first semester concerning what she referred to as

all of this was simply a case of imposter syndrome, an affliction that runs deep enough in the institution to be the topic of our opening ceremony, I vowed to explore more.

Firstly, I find it crucial to address the elitism of Sciences

The feeling that I do not belong and would soon get exposed as a fraud who cheated the application system. “imposter syndrome.” It was then that I felt myself finally exhale, relax and realize that I am not alone. At this moment, I pinpointed the feeling that had been eating me up for the past few days: The feeling that I do not belong and would soon get exposed as a fraud who cheated the application system. Knowing that

Po, the title of this institution, especially in France, and its contribution to imposter syndrome. As students of Sciences Po, we are often referred to as “l’élite de la nation,” not only by people outside this university but also by the university itself. This expression puts unrealistic expectations and pressure on the students

Opinion

SEPTEMBER 2022

to outperform the rest of the nation. Indeed, we have an incredible advantage being here due to the opportunities we are given, but as expressed by a friend of mine: “I don’t feel like the elite.”

I started having conversations with the student body to unpack this phenomenon further. A common sentiment among Sciences Pistes is that “[they] feel like [they] don’t belong here.” This refrain was so widespread that it suggests a universal feeling of alienation. This outcome shocked me. How is it possible that in a place referred to as our “Ummah Mentonniya,” where diversity is celebrated, and inclusivity is central, many students feel as though they do not belong?

Of course, each person has a unique reason for feeling imposter syndrome, but through my conversations, I found some general patterns. Firstly, students who struggle with the language of their track feel less intelligent than they are because they find it difficult to

express themselves accurately. As declared by an anonymous 1A in English track, “I feel like I have to work harder than my peers.” An anonymous 1A French track brought up varying family backgrounds as a reason for imposter syndrome, stating, “we come from sometimes less rich environments.”

Through further dialogue, I learned about a more personal characteristic of imposter

this feeling is not Menton-exclusive but rather a global Sciences Po issue.

What can we learn from this?

Firstly, we are not alone, and these feelings of doubt are normal as we have entered an unfamiliar environment.

Indeed it is more challenging for some than others. However, we all have some control over this feeling through our mindset. Imposter syndrome

Firstly, students who struggle with the language of their track feel less intelligent than they are because they find it difficult to express themselves accurately syndrome, which stems from comparing yourself to others, primarily academically, and through this comparison, feeling insecure in your abilities. “The problem is that everyone seems so secure and confident,” said another Sciences Piste. This sentiment was corroborated by a Reims student who admitted that class discussions often seem “performative,” making it “intimidating to speak.”

This finding suggests that

depends on self-doubt and the impression of estrangement.

Therefore, the remedy combines confidence in our abilities and a supportive community, both of which are within our control. Confidence takes time, care, and work, but the first step is to recognize that we are all here to learn and expect that we do not have all the answers. As expressed in another conversation with an English track 1A, “we all have something to bring even if

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we aren’t sure what it is yet.”

Likewise, we should not be afraid to share our thoughts as there must be something worthwhile in them; doing so is also the most effective way through which we can improve. The same student also conveyed how having a supportive community helped her overcome her self-doubt and legitimized her position at Sciences Po. I think this is what Yasmina Touaibia referred to in our welcome speech when she spoke of the “Ummah Mentonniya,” a place where Sciences Pistes learn through each other, express their worries and uplift one another. A place where one is not judged by how well they express themselves in a language they are unfamiliar with or their background. A place where it is not how much knowledge you have that matters but your passion and willingness to listen. After all, if we all feel as though we do not belong, then maybe, in our own complicated way, we all do.

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The Menton Times

SEPTEMBER 2022

Climate Change, Pakistan, and the Case for Reparations

By Noor Ahmad, Staff Writer Pakistan has witnessed months of heavy monsoon rains and severe flooding. An estimated third of the country is now underwater; over 1,300 people have died, while 33 million people have been directly affected. The last time Pakistan experienced similar flooding was in 2010, when millions of acres of cropland were destroyed alongside the lives and livelihoods of over 20 million people. Back then, the Secretary General of the UN, Ban Ki-moon, said that the scale of flooding Pakistan had endured was greater than anything he had witnessed before, with 400,000 cusecs of water making their way down the Indus.

This time, however, 700,000 cusecs of water are expected, highlighting the extent of the emergency.

In their 2021 report, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change said that the environmental crisis intensifies the water cycle, resulting in more extreme rainfall and flooding. This explains the unprecedented

downpour that enveloped Pakistan from mid-June to late August, with parts of the country receiving 500%700% of their usual August monsoon rain.

Although climate change is the likely cause of heavy rainfall, it is notable that Pakistan produces less than 1% of global greenhouse gas emissions. Despite that, due to its geography, Pakistan is particularly vulnerable to the effects of climate change; the Global Climate Risk Index ranks Pakistan as the eighth most affected country by climate change-related extreme weather events. In contrast, more developed countries in the northern hemisphere – who were the

first to industrialize and therefore have produced the greater share of greenhouse gas emissions – have only been mildly affected by such extreme weather events.

The global south has faced the more severe impacts of climate change, although it bears less responsibility.

reparations from abroad.

Pakistan has to rehabilitate around 15% of its population and requires funds it does not have. And although countries such as Canada and the US have provided donations – $5 million and $30 million, respectively – this is not enough, especially because the total damage exceeds $10

The [International Monetary] fund released $1.1 billion as a part of a larger assistance package to Pakistan as of Aug. 29, 2022, but with the proviso that it undertakes a reduction in its budgetary outlays There is a case to be made that Pakistan and other developing countries facing climate change should receive

billion, and that Pakistan is facing its most severe cost-ofliving crisis. After he visited Pakistan on Saturday, Sept.

10, Antonio Guterres, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, urged members of the international community to provide massive financial support to Pakistan.

Guterres suggested a debt restructuring, which would involve writing off a portion of Pakistan’s debt owed or lengthening its repayment period. This would allow Pakistan to have breathing

Opinion

SEPTEMBER 2022

room to rebuild its economy.

However, the traditional “lender of last resort,” the International Monetary Fund, does not follow this logic. The fund released $1.1 billion as a part of a larger assistance package to Pakistan as of Aug. 29, 2022, but with the proviso

adequate safeguards against flooding. Moreover, unsatisfactory disaster management and surveillance mechanisms are likely to have worsened this outcome.

Pakistan’s government must now focus on preventative strategies such as building

Overpopulation and poor building regulations have led to riverside housing developments that lack adequate safeguards against flooding that it undertakes a reduction in its budgetary outlays. Now is hardly the time to cut social assistance expenditure, just when it is needed the most.

Beyond climate change, many internal failures within Pakistan have contributed to this catastrophe.

Overpopulation and poor building regulations have led to riverside housing developments that lack

resilient infrastructure since these disasters are now reoccurring.

Only $50 million of Pakistan’s budget this year has been allocated to its Climate Change Ministry, which is insufficient. This results from a significant portion of its budgetary expenditure being diverted to defense, given the country’s hybrid civilmilitary dyarchical system.

Interestingly, Pakistan is one

of the most water-stressed countries in the world, yet it cannot adequately harvest rainwater because of a lack of dams. Undoubtedly, better governance and allocation of funds could have mitigated the tragedy to some extent.

Climate change is upon us: extreme heat, floods and melting glaciers, all seen in the space of this summer in Pakistan. Developed western nations are responsible for countering the consequences of global warming caused by their industrialization and ongoing polluting activities.

There is a need to enact the climate change agenda,

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as espoused by the United Nations Climate Change Conferences, and accelerate the move to net zero emissions. At the same time, assistance must be given to southern countries facing the effects for which they bear less responsibility. Debt forgiveness, financial aid and expertise are now required.

But of course, this does not absolve developing countries of their responsibility. There is a need for better governance and redirection of finances on social development and infrastructure rather than militarization.

There is a need to enact the climate change agenda, as espoused by the United Nations Climate Change Conferences

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The Menton Times

SEPTEMBER 2022

Frosh Survey: Meet The Newest Generation of Sciences Pistes

By Colette Yamashita Holcomb, English Section Editor Amidst heatwaves, lost luggage crises and seas of tourists, the Class of 2025 has arrived in Menton. Each student brings unique personal stories and aspirations. Despite being composed of over 34 different nationalities, the incoming class shares the challenging experience of navigating high school and college admissions during a pandemic — and, of course, the trauma of the French banking system.

Sciences Po, 113 responded to a Menton Times survey about their backgrounds, beliefs, lifestyles and career goals.

The survey explored topics

As first years assimilated through Integration Week at

The Class of 2025 is the largest in Sciences Po Menton’s history, yet it is still predom-

ranging from nationality to political ideology to alcohol consumption.

(Due to rounding, reported statistics may not total 100 percent exactly).

Demographics

inantly female. Among respondents to the survey, roughly 71.7% identify as female, 27.4% as male and 0.9% as nonbinary.

With nearly 25% of students from more than one nationality and the majority speaking more than three languages, the demographics of this year’s new class serve as further confirmation of the Menton campus’ diversity.

As in years past, over 60% of students come from outside France; 33.6% are of Middle Eastern and North African heritage.

However, the class is not as diverse in its socioeconomic background as in its nationalities. When asked to describe their socioeconomic level, 67.3% reported theirs as middle, 16.8% reported theirs as high, 9.7% as low and 6.2% did not respond.

Religion & Politics Survey results show that the incoming class is primarily secular; 47.8% reported that religion has no role in their life. However, 25.7% consider themselves somewhat religious,

Feature

SEPTEMBER 2022

13.3% very religious and 9.7% moderately religious.

Politically, students tend to lean left — 58.9% declared their political persuasion as left compared to 17.9% reporting center, 7.1% extreme left and 5.1% right.

bia tied for second, involving 8% of dual degree students each. The program with University College London makes up roughly 4% of dual degree students.

Beyond Menton The incoming class appears

The Path to Sciences to be primarily in agreement Po regarding life beyond MenFor nearly 95% of respondents, Sciences Po was their first choice. Only 8.8% of students have family members who are alumni of Sciences Po. 21% of students are in one of the seven offered dual degree programs — programs where students attend Sciences Po and a partner university and graduate with two Bachelor’s degrees. 76% of dual degree students will attend Columbia University in the City of New York after their first two years, making it the most popular program.

Programs with the University of California Berkeley and the University of British Colum-

ton. The majority of students, 75.2%, plan to complete their master’s program through Sciences Po, likely thanks to the guaranteed admission.

Unsurprisingly, many students, roughly 43%, plan to work in government after graduation. Other popular choices included non-governmental organizations (23%), law (9.7%), business (8.8%), academia (4.4%) and journalism (3.5%). The remainder stated they were still. undecided

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The Menton Times

SEPTEMBER 2022

These Six Environmental Developments Will Help Your Climate Anxiety

By Lara Prakash and Titouan Huber, Environnementon Guest Writers

Clean energy projects surge after Biden approves new climate bill.

Since U.S. President Joe Biden signed the Inflation Reduction Act, a climate bill, this past August, large corpora-

tions have announced projects that promote sustainability.

The bill provides financial incentives to companies that make their products more sustainable and accessible. In accordance with the act, Toyota will invest in a $2.5 billion electrical car parts factory. First Solar, a large solar

manufacturing company, has pledged to build a factory in the United States. These initiatives will take a few years to come into fruition, and political leaders still want to “accelerate America’s transition away from fossil fuels and to reduce dependence on foreign suppliers, especially those in China.” As such, Biden aims to work on transmission projects in the meantime. These initiatives will be necessary for getting solar and wind power to states that want clean energy.

With big corporations and political figures collaborating, slow but steady progress will be made in creating a more eco-friendly future for America.

This summer, Solar power helped the European Union avoid €29 billion in gas imports.

In the European Union, 12.2% of the electricity generated this summer was from solar power, the highest amount ever produced by this alternative power source. Natural-gas burning plants would have cost the EU approximately 29 billion euros, substantiating the claim that solar is beneficial for the environment and cost-effective. According to the think tank Ember, solar usage increased by 28% this summer compared to last

year. The Netherlands and Germany were the two countries that used the most solar energy: 23% and 19% of the countries’ electricity expenditure, respectively.

Between the rising gas prices and the increase in power costs due to the war between Russia and Ukraine, solar is greatly impacting the environment and helping citizens save money.

Love coffee pods but hate the waste? This Swiss company has invented a green alternative.

People all over the world say that drinking coffee is a central part of their morning routine. Many make their daily cup of coffee at home using single-serving coffee pods. Most coffee machines use aluminum and plastic pods, contributing to immense quantities of environmental waste. Migros, a Swiss company, has launched “Coffee Balls,” which are climate-friendly, dissolvable coffee grinds that will replace capsules.

These coffee balls, known as Coffee-B, will work in a specific machine called the “Globe.” This innovative approach to making coffee may seem simple, but it will have a significant impact on the amount of waste produced if the majority of people using aluminum or plastic coffee pods make the transition.

Feature

SEPTEMBER 2022

Marseille dévoile le premier ferry au monde n’émettant aucune particule polluante

Google Maps veut faire économiser du carburant aux automobilistes français

Lundi 5 Septembre, un engin très particulier à été dévoilé à Marseille: un ferry n’émettant aucune particule polluante! Cette première mondiale a vu le jour dans le but de faire face aux enjeux de protection de l’environnement, dans une ville où les habitants se plaignent souvent des résidus de pollution liés aux émissions des multiples ferrys circulant dans les eaux.

Avec ce ferry, renommé le Piana, vous pouvez oublier la fumée noire et l’odeur de souffre des ferrys classiques qui détruisent l’environnement, Équipé d’un filtre à particules, unique au monde, il limite la pollution de l’air et de l’eau : une très belle avancée technologique. Et, cerise sur le gâteau, cette innovation révolutionnaire a lieu dans notre belle région.

Depuis mercredi 7 Septembre, l’outil Google Maps a lancé une nouvelle fonctionnalité qui va réjouir de nombreuses personnes.

Il est désormais possible de demander à l’application GPS un itinéraire “bis” pour se déplacer, permettant de faire des économies et de rejeter moins de CO2.

Ces itinéraires, parfois plus longs de quelques minutes, seront le plus économe en essence possible, permettant de faire d’une pierre deux coups en réduisant notre empreinte carbone et en soulageant notre portefeuille.

L’algorithme se base ainsi sur de nombreux facteurs comme la vitesse autorisée, les embouteillages, les côtes et les descentes ou encore le nombre de feux rouges.

Testé depuis l’an dernier en Amérique du Nord et en Allemagne, la fonctionnalité aurait entraîné une réduction de plus de 500 000 tonnes d’émissions de CO2, soit l’équivalent de 100 000 voitures à moteur thermique retirées de la circulation.

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À Toulouse, 6 millions de litres d’eau récupérés dans une piscine pour arroser parcs et jardins Présenté comme le bassin le plus grand d’Europe avec ses 150 mètres de long et 50 mètres de large, la piscine Alfred-Nakache, construite dans les années 1930 à Toulouse, va servir d’exemple du changement que les “nouvelles” problématiques environnementales nous imposent.

En effet, là où chaque année, en Septembre, la tradition voulait que le bassin soit vidangé, et où des millions de litres d’eau étaient gaspillés, une révolution s’amorce. Ces 6 millions de litres sont, cette année (et, on l’espère, pour les prochaines à venir), récupérés pour arroser les parcs et jardins de la ville, une grande première qui s’est mise en place dans le contexte de la sécheresse dont fait preuve le pays. Grâce à l’évaporation naturelle du chlore au contact de l’air, cette eau est totalement saine et va permettre de soulager de nombreux arbres victimes de la sécheresse. À l’avenir, la ville de Toulouse (et d’autres, on l’espère) renouvellera l’expérience et étendra son champ d’action à d’autres bassins.

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The Menton Times

SEPTEMBER 2022

New Year and New Plans for the Mediterranean Model United Nations: What Should We Expect?

By Georgia McKerracher, MEDMUN Guest Writer Well, it's becoming more than clear that the summer break is officially over. Despite the straggling remains of tourist crowds traipsing through the streets of Menton, ice creams in hand, Menton's Sciences Pistes are starting to smell the beginnings of a new academic year. Readings are already stacking up, various looming assessment deadlines are being discernibly placed in calendars, and the once-toasty temperature feels as though it may be beginning to drop at Sablettes.

However, with the onset of this fresh new year, Menton's student organizations are beginning to get their acts together. The Mediterranean Model United Nations is no exception — not only have interviews been conducted, but the board is coordinating two major events to be hosted in Menton this year. MEDMUN's President and Vice-President, Inès Jabri and Maria Azadian, respectively, have been unequivocally toiling away to put together a schedule and a plan so that you, dear Sciences Pistes, can get excited about

the newest SPMUN and MEDMUN conferences of 2022 and 2023.

Now, ‘what is the difference between these two conferences? You may well be asking yourself. Fortunately, Jabri and Azadian took the time to let us

all in on this information.

SPMUN is a conference that “caters to people with interests in all regions of the world,” Azadian states. It offers an opportunity for all Sciences Pistes with passions “from the Americas to East Asia” to come together and get to know one another.

A pivotal part of this conference will be drawing inspiration from our fellow students'

passion, learning from one another's experiences, and considering what it means to be a globally-engaged citizen in an ever-changing socio-political environment.

The theme for this year's SPMUN on the Menton campus

is “Reconstruction and Redirection: Imagining a Post-Crisis World.” Intrigued by the decisions behind the choice of such a compelling theme, I quizzed Azadian about some of the thought processes that underpinned the MEDMUN board's final choice. “We had many discussions about the theme for this year's conference,” she said, “[and] we no-

ticed that the discussion often centers around the ‘why' and the ‘how' of conflicts today.”

While deliberation about the current crises — the crippling consequences of climate change and the ongoing public health crises, to name a couple — were all taken into consideration, Jabri and Azadian considered how these everyday topics and questions “miss a part of the bigger picture.” “With the geopolitical, economic, environmental, political, social and judicial thematics,” Jabri says, “participants will get a multifaceted perspective of today's global issues.” Instead, people need to think more openly of the disturbingly daunting question that humanity should be asking itself now: “how can we rebuild (our) world?”

Under the umbrella of such a moving theme, SPMUN will bring together Sciences Pistes from all six of the Menton Campus' neighbors — a unique opportunity for the Mentonese to get to know some of their otherwise distanced peers (and in some cases, rekindle a few close connections to other students from across campuses originally made in Reims last year).

Moreover, for the first time in its history, the SPMUN confer-

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ence will be trilingual — with committees discussing global issues in English and French and now in Spanish.

MEDMUN also focuses on the Middle Eastern and Northern African regions, allowing for dialogue with delegates who either come specifically for the conference's unique regional focus or who simply enjoy the opportunity to meet a few new faces and enhance their understanding of diverse worldviews and opinions. Jabri eagerly states that MEDMUN expects over 400 students from all over the globe to arrive in Menton, allowing for the “accomplishment of a year of teamwork,” which she reflects will “make our little city shine.”

Regardless of some key differences in the content explored by the conferences, both will undoubtedly offer their participants a diverse number of unique and exhilarating opportunities. As Azadian puts it, “each conference, at the end of the day, creates its community of people passionate about debate and diplomacy.” Jabri

further elaborates, saying that “having two MUN conferences on the Menton campus is an incredible opportunity” for all students to benefit from “not only… the intellectual aspect of these experiences, debating topical subjects in different committees,” but also to “share their culture, knowledge and advice.” Despite its poeticism,

Jabri's firm belief that “diversity and multiculturalism become the backbone of these events” rings true for all participants.

Heads of Crisis, David Ederberg and Riwa Hassan, are also cooking up a storm. Ederberg emphasized his excitement at seeing “students from all campuses… use their different backgrounds and perspectives” to come to meaningful and insightful conclusions in their respective “captivating crisis” committees.

Both conferences will offer Sciences Pistes some of the most fantastic opportunities to meet new and exciting people from France

and the world. Menton's upcoming MUNs create incredible opportunities to “learn about international relations,” and “expand network[s] and lifelong friendships,” according to Azadian However, aside from the cerebral rewards of conference participation, “debating with a stunning view of the Mediterranean right outside your window is not such a bad thing either!”

Jabri correctly puts it when she states, “Get ready for the first intercampus event of the year, located on the beautiful Riviera, where you will have the opportunity to debate, create memories [and] share your experience!”

SPMUN will be held in Menton from the 11th to 13th of November, 2022, and MEDMUN will be held from the 31st of March to 2nd of April, 2023.

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The Menton Times

SEPTEMBER 2022

7shuma Fronteras: A Reflection on a Ceuta Parcours Civique

By Bianca Carrera Espriu, Guest Writer What did your Parcours Civique entail?

I did my Parcours Civique in Ceuta, a Spanish enclave in Northern Morocco. There, I served as a border violence reporter for the NGO “No Name Kitchen” (NNK), which operates in different hotspots of the European border system, but mainly in the Balkans. As a border violence reporter, I worked hand in hand with my colleagues at the legal pole, getting to know and leaving a written record of the violations of human rights that people on the move — essentially unaccompanied minors of Moroccan nationality — reported to us. This entailed not only physical abuse but, what is more present in Ceuta, institutional and psychological abuse. Reporting and leaving a written record of these events allowed other poles of the NGO to build their legal cases against the incompetent authorities and raise awareness through social media and the press.

Outside of my reporter work, I was just another NNK volunteer. As such, I had to help with general tasks like assisting unaccompanied minors living on the streets. Currently, there might be around 50

unaccompanied minors — all of whom are of Moroccan nationality — living without shelter. Although the local authorities deny it, these children are ignored, stigmatized and neglected. The NNK tries to provide necessary relief to these minors with emotional support and with material supplies like blankets, food, clothes and hygiene products.

As part of my work as a border violence reporter, I also

to go too far to have an impact and to help people in need.

Often, in your country, city or neighborhood, there might be places where you can help, and you might be more useful there than in Greece, for example,” made me think. I wondered if there were places in Spain where people find themselves in a situation of desperate need where I can be useful?” It turned out that there were, and the situation

“I wondered if there were places in Spain where people find themselves in a situation of desperate need where I can be useful?” It turned out that there were, and the situation was worse than I could have ever imagined.” had the chance to write about this concrete situation for the international news platform ‘Al Jazeera,’ which can be found here.

Why did you choose this Parcours Civique?

I chose this Parcours Civique for two main reasons: the location and the role.

I chose the location because of a series of words that stuck with me during my first Parcours Civique orientation.

The 2A facilitator’s words, “sometimes, you do not have

was worse than I could have ever imagined.

There are different border points in Spain, but the ones where human rights abuses occur without impunity and with the complicity of the governmental authorities are Ceuta, Melilla and Canarias.

I headed to Ceuta because No Name Kitchen was operating there. I also went there because, in May 2021, nearly 12,000 people crossed into Ceuta. This was a direct response to Moroccan authorities turning a blind eye to illegal crossings as relations between Morocco and Spain

deteriorated. About 1,500 of them were minors. While some were pushed back illegally, others remained stuck in the Spanish enclave without any assistance from local authorities.

This leads to explaining why I also chose the role. No Name Kitchen is one of the few NGOs with an extensive and well-established reporting pole, which helps make this information available to the general public. For me, this task is fundamental because what is not told is not known and hence, not remembered. As a freelance writer, I thought this was the best way I could contribute, which is what I did.

Bonus track reason: Something important that No Name Kitchen does that not many NGOs provide is accommodation. Unfortunately, many of these organizations have turned solidarity into a business and volunteering into voluntourism. No Name Kitchen is an NGO, not a business, and thus provides volunteers with accommodation — a flat for all volunteers — and a little stipend for standard food supplies. Without NNK’s support, I would not have had the resources to afford it — given the little to no aid from Sciences Po.

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Did you have trouble finding your Parcours Civique?

I heard about the NGO from a friend who had previously volunteered with them. She recommended it to me, and from there I directly contacted No Name Kitchen via their website. Once you do, they start the application process, which is easy and straight-forward.

I remember starting it during December, and it took a maximum of a couple of weeks until I had my place confirmed.

Sciences Po’s admin did not help in the process, but I also did not ask for it.

Was your Parcours Civique paid or unpaid?

Unpaid — it was a volunteering job. Even so, I was lucky to be assisted by the NGO regarding accommodation and a small food stipend.

Did you get a lot out of your Parcours Civique?

It has been one of the most enriching experiences I have had in my life and a turning point in my professional career.

Had I not gone, I would never have realized up to what point my country’s hands are covered in blood and shame.

Sadly enough, as a Spaniard, you never hear anything in the news about these border cities, and even less if it comes to the local administration’s abuses. This has made me realize how important it is to expose what is happening in my country.

that we often ignore. It has taught me to be even more critical of authority. It has made me go through uncomfortable situations that have strengthened me and, most importantly, given me the chance to meet some of the strongest, bravest, most determined, honorable, fun and beautiful people. I left Ceuta with many more friends. I can only wish the best in their endeavors and remain at their As someone already starting full disposal for anything I a professional path in jour- can help with nalism and as a Middle East virtually. politics student, I thought my professional future would Daiman maakum drari! turn to the Eastern part of the region. I still would like to experience that. However, being in Ceuta and looking at the direct results of Spanish diplomatic performance with Morocco and Algeria, I have realized that it might be more beneficial to cover this reality first, as it hits close to home and where coverage is sorely needed.

Professional topics aside, this experience has filled me both emotionally and personally. It has made me more aware of realities

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If you could offer one piece of Parcours Civique advice to a 1A, what would it be?

I would advise them to look at their local surroundings and contexts and find out how they can be more helpful. Of course, it is not harmful to choose to volunteer abroad however, sometimes doing it in your country makes you far more connected with the cause, closer to the situation that you are dealing with, and feeling better because you know the impact that you have had. At least, this has been my case.

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The Menton Times

SEPTEMBER 2022

For Posterity’s Sake: A Reflection on a UNESCO Parcours Civique

By Samy Bennouna, Guest Writer What did your Parcours Civique entail?

I interned at the permanent delegation of Morocco to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).

My internship allowed me to understand the functioning of this UN body from an internal perspective, and I was pleasantly surprised to see how active the organization was. I had the opportunity to participate in many conferences within the headquarters of UNESCO — Fontenoy — aiming not only at protecting heritage but also at promoting cultural, scientific, and educational cooperation. I was able to participate in drafting

several reports on conferences such as “Strengthening the Fight against Illicit Trafficking of Cultural Property,” the “Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission,” the “Man and Biosphere Program,” and the “Transforming Education Pre-Summit.”

I also had the pleasure of meeting three other interns — including a doctoral student at Sciences Po Paris — and we learned how to divide the tasks more efficiently while collaborating in the report-writing process. We also had the opportunity to meet and exchange ideas with various other people with backgrounds and influence on the fight for humanitarian and social causes, such as Corrado Catesi, Coordinator of the International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL) Works of Art Unit, and Ernesto Ottone, Assistant Director General for Culture at UNESCO. Through this internship, I approached this organization from multiple perspectives, all of which have been equally enriching. It turns out that the Moroccan delegation was elected to the presiden-

cy of the Intangible Heritage Committee of UNESCO for the year 2022, a coincidence that allowed me to participate in the organization of an international symposium on the universal scope of the prehistoric heritage of Morocco in the presence of the Minister of Culture, Youth and Communication of the Kingdom, Mr. Mehdi Bensaid, as well as the Moroccan Ambassador to France, Mr. Mohamed Benchaaboun.

Why did you choose this Parcours Civique?

The value of intangible cultural heritage lies not only in the cultural event itself but also in the richness of the skills and knowledge it coveys from generation to generation. This knowledge transfer has a certain economic and social value for all actors within a country and is equally indispensable regardless of the territory’s economic development level. To this end, I wanted to join the Permanent delegation of Morocco to UNESCO for a month-long internship headed by His Excellency Ambassador Samir Addahre.

Did you have trouble finding your Parcours Civique?

It took me approximately one month to find it, and I contacted the Moroccan delegation by mail to apply and send my motivation letter.

Was your Parcours Civique paid or unpaid?

My civic course was a monthlong, and I was not paid as UNESCO is an international organization.

Did you get a lot out of your Parcours Civique?

Despite the short duration of the internship, I had the impression that I had been handy to the delegation because of my involvement in all sectors. Perhaps my utility was derived from the particularly hectic June schedule for the delegation this year. My only regret is not having been able to organize a training workshop on the importance of intangible heritage in schools in Morocco since it was not logistically possible to arrange.

If you could offer one piece of Parcours Civique advice to a 1A, what would it be?

If I could offer one piece of advice to the 1As, it would be to optimize the small amount of time you have to do internships. Get involved in activities you are interested in while ensuring that these pastimes add value to your academic and professional projects.

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Do Not Fear the Emotional Toll: A Reflection on a Children’s Cancer Center Parcours Civique

By Riwa Hassan, Guest Writer What did your Parcours Civique entail?

My civic engagement took place at the Children’s Cancer Center in Lebanon, where I mainly interned in public relations and external affairs. Once a week, I acted as a friend and a support system for children undergoing chemotherapy.

Why did you choose this Parcours Civique?

My best friend passed away from brain cancer when I was in middle school. Her vigorous fight inspired me never to waste time. I always felt like I wanted to reward her, so I wrote paragraphs about her, mentioned her in most of my conversations, and always remembered her. I felt as though my Parcours Civique would be the perfect opportunity to honor her life. The children’s cancer patients I worked with never ceased to fill my heart with happiness and hope.

Did you have trouble finding your Parcours Civique?

Did you get a lot out of your Parcours Civique?

In Lebanon, we have a civil society directory called “Daleel Madani” which I used to find my Parcours Civique. As such, I selected and applied to my internship on my own.

Even before applying, I already had NGOs in mind.

I benefited a lot from my Parcours Civique because I not only experienced field work and helped my community, but I was also introduced to a new field in my major at Sciences Po, Politics and Government. This helped me expand my career vision and my master’s program choices.

Was your Parcours Civique paid or unpaid?

My Parcours Civique was unpaid.

If you could offer one piece of Parcours Civique advice to a 1A, what would it be?

Do not overwhelm yourself; always prioritize thinking of the people you are helping before what you get from your work. Do not fear the emotional toll of doing certain jobs because once you start working, you will put your emotions aside.

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The Menton Times

SEPTEMBER 2022

La Volonté d’Aider et d’Interagir: Une Réflexion sur un Parcours Civique à la Croix-Rouge Monégasque

By Lilou-Ornella D'Inca, Guest Writer

entre autres — englobent toutes les valeurs qui me paraissent essentielles pour approcher un thème compliqué comme l’immigration avec un œil impartial et dépourvu de militantisme, bien qu’emphatique. Cette organisation permet d’être au contact direct avec les migrants et de compléter des activités très variées avec des tranches d’âge différentes, ce qui m’a tout de suite semblé une opportunité unique pour mon développement en tant que citoyenne responsable.

What did your Parcours Civique entail?

J’ai effectué mon Parcours Civique auprès de la Croix-Rouge Monégasque, principalement au pôle Migration de la Section Humanitaire Internationale de cette organisation. Mon rôle consistait principalement à créer des activités pour les migrants se trouvant dans le centre pour mineurs non accompagnés (MNA) de Menton. Par conséquent, j’ai été impliquée dans la mise en œuvre d’ateliers éducatifs et ludiques, spécifiquement pensés et élaborés pour cette catégorie d’âge. J’ai également pris part à la préparation et la distribution de repas, et au tri et à la mise à disposition de vêtements au centre Caritas à Vintimille. Enfin, mon rôle couvrait aussi d’autres responsabilités, telles que l’aide donnée aux infirmiers lors des permanences sanitaires au centre pour MNA, et la gestion de tâches administratives (comptes-rendus, communications par courriel, etc.) au siège de la Croix-Rouge à Monaco même.

Did you have trouble finding your Parcours Civique?

Why did you choose this Parcours Civique?

Mon intérêt pour la Croix-Rouge Monégasque est né de la volonté d’aider et d’interagir avec des migrants et des communautés vulnérables dans la région, ayant été té-

moin des obstacles non seulement physiques mais aussi sociaux, auxquels ces personnes sont confrontées chaque jour à la frontière franco-italienne. Les principes de la Croix-Rouge Monégasque — la neutralité, l’impartialité, et l’humanité

Je suis rentrée à connaissance de la Croix-Rouge Monégasque à travers le forum organisé par Sciences Po lors de la semaine d’intégration, où des représentants de cette association avaient été invités. Le programme de Sciences Po m’a donc beaucoup aidée pour trouver mon Parcours Civique, d’autant plus que l’administration m’a fourni le contact direct avec une des responsables de la Croix-Rouge Monégasque.

Cependant, ce contact a été envoyé assez tard dans l’année (30 mars), alors que ma lettre d’engagement avait

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déjà été écrite et que ma recherche de stage avait déjà commencé ; afin d’obtenir un stage dans les temps requis, il est convenable de contacter la Croix-Rouge déjà pendant le premier semestre, sans attendre de recevoir les contacts envoyés par l’administration. J’ai obtenu mon stage seulement début mai, car — étant encore mineure — les autorisations parentales à obtenir et les démarches à effectuer sont assez laborieuses. Il est bon de noter que j’ai essuyé de nombreux refus de la part d’autres organisations en raison de mon jeune âge, et il m’a fallu patienter plusieurs semaines avant de recevoir une réponse définitive de la part de la Croix-Rouge.

Mon conseil pour les étudiants mineurs est de commencer la recherche de possibles organisations dès le début de l’année.

Was your Parcours Civique paid or unpaid?

Le stage n’a pas été rémunéré.

Did you get a lot out of your Parcours Civique?

Mon Parcours Civique a été une expérience incroyablement enrichissante à plusieurs niveaux. Tout d’abord, j’ai rencontré des migrants provenant de nombreux pays d’Afrique et — la plupart d’entre eux étant disposés à raconter leur histoire, leurs rêves et espoirs et leurs impressions sur leurs conditions de vie en Europe — j’ai pu réellement comprendre les raisons qui poussent certaines populations à quitter leur pays natal et leurs familles, ainsi que la différence entre leurs attentes et la réalité de leur expérience en Italie ou en France.

Ces connaissances sont non seulement d’une grande valeur pour mon bagage humain et culturel, mais elles me permettent également d’analyser les pays étudiés à Sciences Po avec de nouvelles clés d’interprétation.

En outre, j’ai beaucoup apprécié les valeurs transmises par le Parcours Civique, des valeurs indispensables dans la société : l’aide directe à la personne, la responsabilité sociale et collective, l’assiduité et la rigueur nécessaires pour s’engager dans un travail à temps plein. Je pense que ces principes sont une constante dans tous les stages de 1e année, mais ils ont été particulièrement significatifs à la Croix-Rouge, où chaque stagiaire est poussé à prendre des initiatives et à réfléchir sur les valeurs du volontariat à travers les comptes-rendus rédigés après chaque activité.

Je considère donc que le programme de Sciences Po est une expérience instructive et très intéressante grâce à laquelle il est possible d’explorer un secteur qui nous passionne ou que l’on désire découvrir, et qui permet d’acquérir de nouveaux enseignements et valeurs.

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“Ces connaissances sont non seulement d’une grande valeur pour mon bagage humain et culturel, mais elles me permettent également d’analyser les pays étudiés à Sciences Po avec de nouvelles clés d’interprétation. “ If you could offer one piece of Parcours Civique advice to a 1A, what would it be?

Essayez de trouver un organisme qui vous offre l’opportunité d’être au contact direct avec la communauté de votre choix. Bien que j’aie beaucoup apprécié mon temps au bureau de la Croix-Rouge pour la partie administrative du stage, c’est sur le terrain que j’ai le plus appris et que j’ai pu sortir de ma zone de confort. N’ayez pas peur de vous engager concrètement, même dans des secteurs dans lesquels vous manquez encore d’expérience ! Et, bien évidemment, n’hésitez pas à me contacter si vous avez des questions relatives à la Croix-Rouge, à votre lettre d’engagement, ou à tout autre doute !

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The Menton Times

SEPTEMBER 2022

Sciences Po Menton Becomes a Millennium Fellowship Campus

By Magdalena Offenbeck, Managing Editor For the first time in the history of Sciences Po Menton, a group of students was awarded the Millennium Fellowship, a United Nations Academic Impact (UNAI) and Millennium Campus Network

initiative to help young leaders achieve their sustainable impact goals. With our project Tabadol, we aim to facilitate a linguistic and cultural exchange between Sciences Po and Palestinian university students.

Millennium Fellows are university undergraduates

selected based on their leadership in sustainable development-related projects that advance their communities’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). As Millennium Fellows, we will participate in a semester-long leadership development program to improve our student orga-

nizing, partnership building and community impact skills.

During the semester, we will continue to develop our project, expanding Tabadol to allow more students in Menton to be paired with a Palestinian exchange buddy and partake in virtual events such as panels and discussions.

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After two rounds of applications and additional interviews for the two campus directors, Ellie Carter and I, Sciences Po Menton was among the 8% of applications accepted to the Millennium Fellowship Class of 2022. With a group of 12 students, we will meet throughout the first semester to work on the SDGs, UNAI and improve our leadership skills. With 75% of Millennium Fellowship alumni working in social impact professions after graduation, the program is a stepping stone toward a future social impact career. Additionally, it allows Fellows to meet peers from around the world. 200 campuses in 37 nations are participating this year and will be connected through networking sessions and the weekly webinars Millennium Fellows are invited to join.

Here are co-campus director Ellie Carter’s thoughts on the program: “Tabadol is the Arabic word for equal exchange of ideas.

As such, this program is not just an opportunity for individual language growth but also an opportunity to foster connections and conversations that may not have been possible otherwise. We believe that education is a powerful tool for coexistence and empowerment, which is why we are thrilled to be working

“We believe that education is a powerful tool for coexistence and empowerment, which is why we are thrilled to be working toward advancing this SDG and creating chances to learn for students both in Palestine and here at Sciences Po.” -Ellie Carter

toward advancing this SDG and creating chances to learn for students both in Palestine and here at Sciences Po.” At the MENA Sciences Po branch, the Palestinian Question is widely discussed on and off campus. We learn about the region in many of our classes.

We have taken courses on politics, sociology and the history of the Middle East, but many of us are not Middle Eastern, and even fewer are Palestinian.

A large part of the student body’s interest in the region was only sparked by reports and books. The first-hand exchange with locals is an essential first step towards understanding a society and culture on a more interpersonal level. While our diverse student body already creates a vibrant platform for cultural exchange, students in Menton often lack direct experience with the region and obtain a superficial academic understanding. Tabadol aims to create a link between open-minded students who seek to learn each other’s languages and discover different cultures.

Palestine is isolated from the international community, yet it is a frequently mentioned issue in our field of study.

Likewise, many Palestinian students are interested in Europe, its cultures, languages and politics. Building a network between students at Sciences Po Menton and the Palestinian student community will create a platform for mutual understanding and allow students to experience parts of the world that they have often only experienced in a theoretical and academic framework.

So far, Tabadol has successfully connected many students in Menton and Palestine. Many have told us

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that they were able to form strong connections through weekly meetings with their exchange buddies and even continued over the summer when the official exchange period had long ended. Students do not only participate to improve their Arabic — many students are already fluent or native Arabic speakers. The project is equally an opportunity to meet new people and learn about Palestinian culture while sharing your own and teaching your language The Millennium Fellows have completed their first sessions, discussing the meaning of social impact and potential individual contributions to attaining the SDGs. However, sign-ups for Tabadol remain open, allowing new students to become part of the exchange whenever they desire.

“Sciences Po Menton was among the 8% of applications accepted to the Millennium Fellowship Class of 2022. “

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The Menton Times

SEPTEMBER 2022

The 2022 Qatar World Cup Has a Dark Side

By Arian Akrami, Staff Writer The sheer joy that usually accompanies the World Cup approach has been tainted this year. Qatar, the next World Cup site, continues to raise human rights concerns. Evidence of labor exploitation and poor working conditions in unbearable heat has led to accusations of modern slavery. These tensions have been ever-present since the controversial decision by the International Federation of Football Associations (FIFA) in 2010 to award Russia and Qatar the 2018 and 2022 World Cups, among corruption allegations.

According to Amnesty International, around 2 million migrant workers (mainly from Africa and Asia) have

been employed to construct roads, metros and eight remarkable stadiums. More will be hired for the security, hospitality and transport industries during the event itself.

Labor importation is understandable given Qatar’s meager population of 2.8 million and the world’s 5th highest GDP per capita ($84,510 according to the International Monetary Fund). The lack of pre-existing stadiums and infrastructure in a nation that has almost no significant sporting history or need for public transport further justifies the necessity for foreign workers.

However, the issue comes with the “Kafala” or “sponsorship” system, which binds foreign workers to a local sponsor, or “Kafeel,” which

is often their employer. A similar system is employed by all Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries — Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the UAE, as well as by Jordan and Lebanon.

At face value, this does not appear to pose any particular problems, and it is essential to note that some of the issues within the Kafala system in Qatar have seen improvements during the last two years, the efficacy of which will be later examined. But these organizations cleverly fall into the category of interior ministries as opposed to labor ministries, meaning that labor laws cease to apply to migrant workers. Consequently, laborers lack the right to join unions or freely enter the labor dispute process.

While these sponsors provide

“housing,” it is more akin to overcrowded dormitories, posing a particular risk during the pandemic.

Furthermore, workers require the explicit permission of their sponsor to leave their job, or even the country, since the “Kafeel” reserves the right to invalidate residency status without reason. Not adhering to these terms spells potential imprisonment or deportation. Employers regularly confiscate passports, visas and phones to enforce this. Such terms are often stipulated in contracts written in languages the migrants do not speak.

Qatari employment is also rife with “debt traps.” This means that recruitment fees, which host countries require from sponsors, are handed down to

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SEPTEMBER 2022 workers who, before recruitment, cannot afford the fees.

As a result, they are obliged to take out loans which indebt them to their Kafeel.

According to the Guardian, there have been 6,750 migrant deaths in the 12 years since Qatar was awarded the right to host the World Cup. Many of those deaths are traced to subjecting workers to continual labor for up to ten hours a day in summer temperatures of 113 degrees Fahrenheit (45 degrees Celsius) or more.

Could the World Cup be perceived as a force for good in the Middle East, a region that has never hosted the tournament? U.S. Soccer spokesman Neil Buethe argues that “Qatar has made more progress with respect to human rights in the last four years than it has in the last four decades because it is hosting the World Cup.” While, to some extent, this is true, the lives of so many innocent workers are not a justifiable means to the ends of fundamental labor rights. Kuwait and Qatar have gone as far as imprisoning female workers under “Zina” laws (an Islamic legal term referring to unlawful sexual intercourse) concerned with extra-marital sex, even in the case of rape.

Why do migrant workers accept this work? Simply put, the pay is higher than in their country of origin. According to the World Bank, remittance payments help combat poverty in lower-income nations. While some countries like Kenya and Indonesia have prevented workers from emigrating to GCC nations. This can often have an adverse effect since workers with no alternatives will seek human smuggling gangs as a means of achieving what they

perceive to be superior employment opportunities in the Middle East.

Qatar has managed to implement some reform following global condemnation.

Last spring, new regulations were adopted that banned work outdoors between 10 a.m. and 3 p.m. from June to mid-September. In August 2020, Qatar revoked the rule requiring employers’ consent to switch jobs and implemented a monthly minimum wage of 1000 Qatari riyals ($274).

However, many workers still experience delays, harassment, threats, imprisonment and even deportation during the job-switching process. A Qatari government spokesperson claimed that the reforms had “transformed” the labor market, contributing to over 78,000 successful job transfers in the final quarter of 2020. The delays were supposedly due to the sudden high volume of transfer requests.

More recently, the BBC reported that on Aug. 14, 2022, 60 workers protested, reportedly having not been paid for seven months. An unconfirmed number of protestors were instantaneously detained and deported. The Qatari government confirmed this event, which insists that they had been detained for “breaching public security laws.”

Concerns about discrimination are not limited to the workers. Homosexuality remains illegal in Qatar, incurring up to three years in prison, and a possibility of the death penalty for Muslims under Sharia law, although there are no known cases of the application of the latter. The Qatari government does not recognize same-sex marriage nor permit campaigning for LGBTQ+ rights.

On Dec. 8, 2020, Qatar announced that rainbow flags would be allowed in stadiums at the 2022 World Cup

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in line with FIFA regulations.

The World Cup Chief Executive Nasser Al-Khater stated, “when it comes to the rainbow flags in the stadiums, FIFA have their own guidelines, they have their rules and regulations, whatever they may be, we will respect them.” Nevertheless, in May 2022, some hotels on FIFA’s official list of recommended accommodations forbade room reservations for homosexual couples. Others agreed to host homosexual couples if they agreed to hide their relationship publicly. FIFA has since pledged to remind Qatar of its obligations to ensure a tolerant welcome to all fans.

In an interview in Germany on May 20, 2022, the Emir of Qatar, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, stated that the LGBTQ+ visitors would be welcomed to the 2022 World Cup but that they need to respect the nation’s culture.

Foreseeable issues such as these put into perspective the ignorance of FIFA to award the 2018 and 2022 World Cups to Russia and Qatar, respectively. Perhaps it is time for the Middle East to finally host the World Cup; however, this would have been better suited to a nation with at least some of the infrastructure necessary for an event of such scale. FIFA also missed a golden opportunity to transform the region for the better by holding Qatar to stringent human rights standards. Spectators should not carry guilt for this iteration of the World Cup. They have a right to enjoy the world’s greatest sporting spectacle. However, FIFA bears a responsibility to have sufficient foresight in matters of ethical conduct when awarding such a monumental event.

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The Menton Times

Eats With Angela: A Comparative Analysis of Menton Grocery Stores

By Angela Saab Saade, Staff Writer Sciences Po Menton is a diverse campus. Its students are unique. We all have distinguished characters and varied interests. We all carry our own historical package and view the world differently. However, if there is one certain commonality among all students, it is our need to buy groceries. Whether one opts for pre-planned deliberate and habitual grocery shopping or resorts to the New Asian store for midnight ramen with a side of crisps and candy, the heavy burden of walking to the store, picking up items, waiting in line, paying and returning home certainly resonates with all of us.

Throughout my time in Menton, I have had quite an adventurous relationship with grocery shopping. I have tried shopping at Ventimiglia’s infamous Lidl, the several branches of U-Express and Carrefour City respectively, Aldi, Picard (big mistake), the multiple Casino stores around Menton, the local Italian shops, the farmers markets and the New Asian Store. I can safely say that almost every time I purchase an item from any of these establishments, I (sometimes, regrettably) run into at least one Sciences Piste. Despite these numerous grocery store run-ins, it appears to me that students on campus are not

well-informed about the purchasing choices they make.

How well do you really know your grocery stores? Aside from the obvious advantage of going to Carrefour at night, as it is the only store in Menton that stays open after 7:30 p.m., there are perks that I bet you have never heard of that will inevitably revolutionize your shopping experience.

Research has shown that financial stress has contributed to the failure of students at university. I do not want you to fail. For that reason, I took the time to visit the following

stores in Menton: Aldi, U-Express and Carrefour. Based on my data collection and thorough comparative analysis, I hope to provide you with information that will save you from financial distress and pave the way for your success at Sciences Po.

Tip #1: Eat, plan, then shop.

If you felt personally targeted when I mentioned buying ramen, crisps and candy for dinner, this tip is especially for you. To first, save up on cash and, second, spare yourself continuous trips to the store, plan a grocery list.

Make sure you eat and are full prior to writing your list and shopping, or else you may find yourself hungrily shoving items into your cart that you would soon enough regret purchasing. It could also help to set a budget for your-

self before going to the store.

Then, in the market, prioritize your purchases by paying for the more essential items first and letting go of anything unnecessary once you have reached your budget. Indeed, do not deprive yourself

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of the food you need and/or want to buy! I am not encouraging any form of restrictive behavior. However, set a realistic budget and ask yourself the necessary questions before shopping for groceries. If you properly economize, you will save enough for your next trip, be it to nearby Italy or faraway Jordan.

Tip #2: Always opt for store-branded items.

In Carrefour, look for the Carrefour logo; in U-Express, look for the letter U; either way, purchasing items branded by their respective stores rather than branded goods is a wiser choice. Not only are they much cheaper, but they also usually do not differ in quality.

Tip #3: Only go to Carrefour for corn and jam If on a regular afternoon, I spot you in Carrefour instead of U-Express, I will be very disappointed. Fruits, vegetables, yogurt, cheese, dairy-alternatives, raw goods, and any other product you can conceivably ingest is cheaper and of comparative quality at U-Express.

However, one specific deal always found at Carrefour, but never at U-Express, is their package of three 285 grams cans of corn. If you are like me and pass through days of corn obsession wherein you decide to have corn for lunch, dinner, savory snack and

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dessert, then this information would undoubtedly be useful to you. Even if you purchase and consume corn within the realm of normal human consumption, then this could be of benefit to you as well.

Another advantage of Carrefour is its fair selection of jam. Figuratively, you can pay between 1.12 and 1.75 euros for a jar of jam from either Carrefour or U-Express.

However, the latter’s jar has 335 grams of jam, while the former has 370 grams. While that may seem like a minor difference, it is worth noting that Carrefour has much more ‘exotic’ jam flavors and a greater variety in comparison to U-Express. So, if you happen to want a jar of jam and you are already purchasing all your items at U-Express, then go ahead and buy one. But, if you are intentionally walking to the store for jam-stocking, then definitely enjoy a broader and cheaper selection from Carrefour. The last advantage of Carrefour is that it sometimes has unique deals, such as a bag of potatoes, a punnet of cherry tomatoes or 250 grams of mushrooms for one euro. However, aside from those specific deals,

corn and jam, Carrefour is not the most financially-friendly grocery store.

Tip #4: Always U-Express U-Express is also more vegan-friendly! It has its own branded milks which include oat milk, almond milk, soy milk, among others, all of which are far cheaper than those offered in Carrefour since Carrefour only has ‘bio brands’ that are unnecessarily more expensive. Also, while both arguably have great deals for a large selection of canned goods, U-Express offers an even greater variety of canned food (for example, ‘Paëlla Royale’ and ‘Chili con carne’). The latter store equally has better deals for glass-canned goods. But, U-Express is not just better for canned food. Egg-lovers benefit too! U-Express has an exceptional deal that my roommates avail themselves of on a biweekly basis — a crate of 30 eggs for only 3.99 euros.

Tip #5: Shop on Thursday with the U-Express loyalty card U-Express and Carrefour have loyalty cards you can acquire at the cashier for free

in a few minutes. However, the advantages of the U-Express card outweigh that of Carrefour’s. Other than the usual function of store loyalty cards, which allow customers to collect points, the U-Express membership grants you access to some offers and discounts that other customers are denied. Those are especially visible on Thursdays. In case you have not noticed yet, every Thursday, U-Express is abuzz with customers filling up their carts before their fellow card-holding counterparts purchase all the great deals. So, next time you want to go grocery shopping on a Wednesday afternoon, give it a few more hours and go to U-Express the day after.

Tip #6: Just walk to Aldi, man.

Now that we have established that U-Express is objectively better than Carrefour in almost all ways, allow me to introduce you to the world of Aldi, Menton. Herbes de provence for 0,44 euros (unreal deal), an avocado for 0,99 euros, three frozen margarita pizzas for under three euros, one kilogram of bananas for 0,99 euros (1.65 euros everywhere else), two kilograms of pears for 2.99 euros, one kilogram of tomatoes for 1.69 euros, 500 grams of quick oats for 0.95 (exceptional deal), two 200 gram slabs of tofu for 2.59 euros … is this grocery store paradise? Indeed, it is. Aldi has far cheaper and better produce than the other stores. The price-quality ratio of fruits and vegetables in Aldi exceeds those of local markets, Carrefour, and U-Express. So, while Aldi (two branches in Menton, located in 80 Avenue des Alliés and 563 Avenue de Saint Romain, respectively) may be further away from some of you, it is certainly worth the extra walk, especially if you

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want to stock up on fruits, vegetables, spices, sauces, animal-based products, as well as vegan alternatives (which are, unfortunately, quite rare in other supermarkets in France). Make sure to check their catalogs online first for their weekly deals!

If you still want to buy your groceries at Carrefour, go ahead. I personally love that store, especially for late-night snacks. But, keep in mind that with one shopping trip after the other, your credit card is being further exhausted, the numbers in your account are declining, and your leisure opportunities are diminishing. At the end of the day, however, your choices depend on your circumstances. For some of us, time is a more valuable resource than money. In that case, surely spend more money at your nearest store instead of taking the trek to Aldi. For others, life is an adventure; thus, taking the train to Ventimiglia to shop in Lidl seems like a great way to plan a simultaneous trip to Fujiyama for 15-euro open-sushi. Grocery shopping, just as cooking, is a subjective experience. It requires an open mind and an open heart. Thus, try different stores and look for what suits you best. For example, I have realized through exploring the local store directly next to Carrefour that I can quickly purchase 100 grams of almonds for 0.50 euros from a compassionate small family business. There’s a different sentiment that one gets from every purchase they make and from every provider they choose to patronize.

Nonetheless, if you were looking for simple and effective ways to reduce your financial spending, I hope this article has supplied you with the resources to help you reach your goal!

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The Menton Times

SEPTEMBER 2022

Turkey Is Waging War on Syrian Heritage

By Emilia K., Staff Writer Behind the curtain of seemingly increasing stability in Syria, out of the eye of Western press and politics, a deplorable crime is being committed against Syrian nationals: the expropriation of their heritage. Syrian heritage is one of the oldest and richest, providing invaluable insight into our past, with some of the best-preserved sites in the Middle East dating back thousands of years. Syria was the birthplace of sedentarization and agriculture; the first complex societies, writing systems and sciences emerged there. However, for several years, Syrian heritage has suffered immeasurable damages under various factions of the Syrian National Army (formerly known as the ‘Free Syrian Army’). Funded, trained and supplied by Turkey, which has established de-facto control over areas in Northern Syria, these armed opposition groups have looted and bulldozed numerous essential heritage sites.

“A deplorable crime is being committed against Syrian nationals” The theft of integral parts of Syrian history is happening against the backdrop of increasing Turkification of the self-proclaimed “safe zones.”

This Turkification includes renaming geography and landmarks (the Saraya square in Afrin is now the Erdoğan Square), the introduction of Turkish in the school curric-

ulums and the ethnic cleansing of a sizable Kurdish population. Heritage represents an indispensable component of the construction of group identity, and the loss thereof has a grave impact on the ability of Syrians to reonstruct their national identity after a traumatic war that has sown great divisions in the nation.

Lying roughly 40km northwest of Aleppo, the archaeological site dates back over 3000 years and bears importance on ancient trade routes between Egypt, Palestine and Anatolia. An airstrike by the Turkish air forces in 2018 eradicated half of the temple structure. However, more recently, Turkish-backed forces have looted both the site and the storage of the arBy 2020, the Syrian Obser- chaeological mission, despite vatory for Human Rights repeated warnings by Unithad reported activity at more ed Nations organizations. than 25 archaeological sites, The temple of ‘Ayn Dāra is a number which has been only one of many decimatcontinually increasing over ed sites. There have been the last two years. ‘Ayn Dāra reports of excavations near represents the most promi- the Nabi Huri fortress, an nent victim of the numerous important site on the ancient attacks on Syrian heritage.​ trade route from Antioch to This temple was a unique the Euphrates, containing a monument with rich sculp- 100-meter diameter Roman tural decoration, dating to the theater. Furthermore, the 14th/13th century BCE, and Sheikh Hamid shrine and the — ironically — built by the archaeological shrine of Abat that time, conquered large dulrahman, both holy sites parts of northern Syria. for Yazidi Kurds, have been desecrated by excavations.

Turkey’s role in this is significant: Stolen artifacts have been reported smuggled and sold in Turkey, and Ankara funds the heavy machinery and advanced equipment available to the armed groups. However, beyond the material damage, the loss of Syrian heritage in the Turkish-occupied regions presents an even greater danger to the Syrian identity, particularly to its Kurdish inhabitants.

The United Nations reported the displacement of over 150,000 Kurdish residents of Afrin by the Turkish invasion and subsequent prohibition to return, instead promoting Arab settlements.

The remaining Kurdish population has been subject to the expropriation of property, harassment and arbitrary arrests by Syrian National Army factions.

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Other reports describe the widespread hewing of olive groves, which often represent a source of firewood in cold winters and the sole source of income for the families to whom they belong. While some of the olive trees were burned systematically, others were uprooted and smuggled to sell in Turkish markets.

State Islamism reveals itself in the 1,472 clerics and 5,686 religious teachers that Diyanet — the government’s directorate of religious affairs — has hired among Syrians to spread Turkey’s political interpretation of Islam among the local population, including anti-Kurdish and anti-Gülenist sentiments.”

Few conflicts have grown as protracted as the Syrian one. The war has displaced 13 million Syrians since its 2011 outbreak, of which 3.6 million have fled to neighboring Turkey. In 2016, Turkey launched its first military intervention to counteract the Islamic State and the organization of Kurdish groups in Northern Syria.

Since then, it has established effective control over an area of almost 9000 square kilometers, referred to as safe zones. These areas are under Turkish military rule and connected to the Turkish infrastructure.

“Turkey has been setting up institutions that mirror Turkish structures and practices, creating favorable conditions for private (Turkish) investment and encouraging refugee return.”

In a 2019 policy brief analysis, Engin Yüksel and Erwin van Veen identified that “Turkey has been setting up institutions that mirror Turkish structures and practices, creating favorable conditions for private (Turkish) investment and encouraging refugee return. These institutions also reflect Turkey’s own brand of national Islamism. Nationalism manifests itself in the introduction of the Turkish language in the primary school curricula in the area.

While establishing these safe zones is primarily interpreted as serving the relocation of the large refugee population in Turkey, the broader context of the occupation offers a different perspective.

President Erdoğan’s neo-Ottoman sentiments towards a regional Turkish hegemony are no secret. Before Turkish incursions, the “conquest” Surah of the Quran rang from mosques, and in 2012 he proclaimed, “Inshallah, we will go to Damascus soon to hug our brothers. That day is close. Inshallah, we will read el-Fatiha at the tomb of Salahuddin and pray at the Emevi mosque...”

The more control Turkey gains over educational and

religious institutions, the stronger its ability to shift the narrative in favor of Turkish expansionism. to, a prerequisite to sustained peace. While Western powers continue to support peace-restoration efforts in Syria, their closest ally is diminishing the pros-

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pects of their project. How can the North Atlantic Treaty Organization continue its pledges of support to Ukrainian sovereignty while one of its members exhibits such blatant disrespect to the very notion of such?

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The Menton Times

SEPTEMBER 2022

South Korea: A Colorful Nation of Contrasts

By Colin Lim, Staff Writer K-pop, kimchi and Samsung likely come to mind when one thinks of this small country of 52 million in East Asia. Similar in size to Iceland and Indiana, the Republic of Korea is perpetually dwarfed by its larger neighbors — China, Japan and Russia — and its hostile and secretive, estranged northern brother.

I recently traveled to the country of my heritage to rediscover the nation my family had left over half a century ago.

Then, it was an impoverished, war-torn country whose citizens faced both repression and tremendous economic growth under a series of military dictators. It was a country that, amid its post-1945 recovery from Japanese colonization, was forcefully and arbitrarily divided by outside forces with little understanding of the peninsula or its people. Today, however, as a result of the relentless development pursued after the Korean War armistice, signed in 1953, South Korea is among the most developed nations in the world and produces countless cultural exports, including K-pop, K-dramas and K-beauty.

In traveling to Korea, I hoped to reconnect with my heritage and acquaint myself with the country beyond the borders of its shining megacity capital.

Across Eurasia The twelve-hour flight from Warsaw to Incheon was uneventful, although the circuitous flight path that avoided Ukrainian, Russian and

North Korean airspace was a poignant reminder that not everyone has the privilege of living in a peaceful country.

Although I had visited South Korea before, I was still mesmerized by the endless subdivisions of plain, identical twenty-story concrete apartment buildings that dominate the skyline as I arrived at my grandfather’s apartment on the outskirts of Seoul. For lunch, we had Korean barbecue — something every visitor must experience. Seeing the ajumma (an archetypal middle-aged woman) swiftly and expertly cooking strips of samgyeopsal (pork belly) on the table’s built-in grill made me truly feel like I had arrived in Korea. The refreshing bowl of naengmyeon (icy Pyongyang-style noodle soup) that accompanied the meat provided respite from the heat and humidity.

Seoul Seoul is built for efficiency, and yet, it is a city of unique contrasts. It manages to blend tradition and modernity almost seamlessly. Centuries-old Buddhist temples and royal palaces abut glass skyscrapers and congested city streets. Citizens demon-

strate against their government when they are dissatisfied, while, 30 kilometers to the north, doing the exact same would consign three generations of one’s family to a lifetime of hard labor at a Soviet-style gulag. Advertisements featuring K-pop singers with flawless makeup and surgically perfected facial features overlook Seoulites as they métro-boulot-dodo and while farmers tend to their rice paddies just beyond the city limits.

The Seoul metropolitan area houses 25 million residents — half the country’s population — and is one of the most densely populated cities in the world. It inundates the senses. Even as a repeat visitor, I was overwhelmed by the city’s cleanliness and efficiency, given its size. The low violent crime rates allow neighborhoods to buzz with people at all hours of the day and night. One could spend a lifetime in Seoul and still not have explored every one of its neighborhoods in depth.

Sokcho: Seaside Sleepiness As a non-resident, I could not buy a ticket to Sokcho

online. I showed up at the bus terminal in Seoul, clueless yet unfazed, and managed to purchase a ticket. An hour later, I was on a luxurious coach bound for Sokcho, a city on the northeastern coast of South Korea. Upon arrival, I wandered around the central market — a massive seafood and produce hub with dozens of varieties of live fish, handmade kimchi and dalgona, the saccharine toffee-like snack introduced to the outside world by “Squid Game.” I ended the day by enjoying grilled seafood and sikhye, a refreshing beverage made from rice and pine nuts, as I overlooked the sea. The pace of life was slower than Seoul’s, but it was nearly impossible to escape the urban hustle and bustle.

The next day, I boarded a bus bound for Seoraksan National Park, which houses Sinheungsa, a large seventh-century Buddhist temple complex, and congregations of jagged granite peaks that jut defiantly toward the sky. The lush mountainsides and perilous vertical drops provide the perfect scenery for the 10-meter-tall bronze Buddha statue and the colorful wooden temple buildings with intricately painted eaves. When I entered the temple, it felt as if time had stopped; the only audible sounds were chirping birds, bowing Buddha-followers and streaming spring water from the temple’s granite fountain. A stone lion guards the bridge over the parched riverbed below as the unrelenting sun beats down on visitors.

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SEPTEMBER 2022 Busan, Boseong, Jeonju: A Southern Adventure After a few days back in my home-base and the country’s transportation hub, Seoul, I boarded a high-speed train to Busan. Nestled in the southeastern corner of the peninsula, Busan is only 50 kilometers from Japan’s Tsushima Island. After a swift two-anda-half-hour journey, I visited Haeundae Beach. It was a typical sandy beach, replete with families, high-rise resort hotels and palm trees. I did not linger for too long since I had gone to Korea to experience Korean culture, not Miami Beach. In pursuit of this, I headed to Jagalchi Market, the largest seafood market in the country. The utilitarian five-story building with fluorescent lighting is full of live and dried seafood, along with dozens of restaurants that prepare seafood however the customer desires. I was in a less adventurous mood, so I settled for some hearty pork bone broth soup, the regional specialty.

The next day, I boarded a bus bound for Boseong, a small village along the rocky southwestern part of the peninsula.

The bus exited the freeway and sped down charming country roads lined with rice paddies. The roads grew narrower and the towns smaller.

Four hours after departing the seaside metropolis of Busan, I arrived at my accommodation and prepared for the next day’s journey.

Boseong is renowned for its green tea; its mild climate and location along the coast supposedly create distinct aromas in the tea leaves. The green tea fields did not disappoint; dozens of rows of lime-emerald green tea tree terraces line the hillside, teeming with city-dwelling weekenders hunting for the perfect selfie spot.

After having some green tea ice cream and extremely bitter tea leaves, I headed to Jeonju — a city where the authentic Korea is still proudly on display. I slept in a hanok (traditional home) in the Jeonju Hanok village — a massive collection of minimalist yet elegant wooden homes with curved roofs and handmade paper windows.

The juxtaposition of the traditional houses and the modern city surrounding it are quintessentially Korean.

U.S. Army Yongsan Garrison and the DMZ: A Country Divided One of the most impactful parts of my visit to South Korea was my trip to the U.S. Army’s Yongsan Garrison.

The two-square kilometer facility in central Seoul served as the headquarters of the Imperial Japanese Army from 1910 to 1945. Subsequently, it housed the U.S. Army until 2018, when the American base migrated to a site outside of Seoul. Despite the garrison not being active anymore, the barbed wire and threatening signs stating “U.S. government property, no trespassing” have still not disappeared.

A small residential part of the army base was open to the public. It was bizarre to see people so eager to pose for photos inside a former military base that had been off-limits to everyday Koreans for seven decades. Blackhawk Village’s rows of two-story brick townhouses, parks and a Little League baseball field enclosed by a chain-link fence were somewhat reminiscent of an American suburb.

A few days later, I visited the Odusan Unification Observatory, located at the confluence of the Han and Imjin Rivers to the northwest of Seoul. Being

only 2.1 kilometers from one of the most secretive countries in the world was a surreal experience. South Koreans used binoculars to catch glimpses of their brethren in the north, separated by a forgotten proxy war. Visitors took selfies on their Samsung phones and sipped on iced Americanos while gazing at the North Korean farm workers who would never be able to experience the capitalist, consumerist lifestyle of the south.

As students in Menton, we cross borders regularly — be it from France to Italy or France to Monaco. But it will be decades, if not an eternity before the people of the Korean Peninsula will be able to cross the Demilitarized Zone that strangles their homeland with the same sort of relative ease and convenience. The duration of the separation — over 70 years — and the extreme disparity in development between the two countries make a German-style reunification ever less likely.

Final Thoughts This trip was a sort of homecoming that was not truly a homecoming. At times, I felt at home in a country I had only visited twice before; after all, the cuisine and the traditions — and to some extent, the language — were the ones I had grown up with in cosmopolitan California. But, being told by Koreans that I am a foreigner and repeatedly experiencing people in Europe telling me that I am not really American leaves me in an uncomfortable position. Those who are part of a diasporic community are perpetual foreigners in their birth countries and ancestral lands. My mediocre Korean language skills, combined with the general dearth of English proficiency in Korea, frequently

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impeded communication and often elicited confused looks from locals.

It took some time for me to adjust to the Korean “ppalli-ppalli” (quickly-quickly) lifestyle — a far cry from the azuréen lifestyle that blends the French “joie de vivre” and Italian “dolce far niente” philosophies. The ppalli-ppalli growth mindset caused the country to develop at a breakneck pace under military dictator Park Chung-hee’s series of five-year plans in the 1960s and 1970s. However, this same attitude, combined with a deeply ingrained Confucian hierarchy, creates the conditions for acute inequality — where the upper class lives in posh Gangnam apartments and the less well-off struggle to make ends meet.

Intense academic pressure, long working hours, and dominance of the economy and government by too-bigto-fail conglomerates (chaebols) — including Samsung, LG, and Hyundai — contribute to South Korea having the highest suicide rate in the first-world. These societal dynamics were portrayed in “Parasite” (2019) and “Squid Game” (2021), and while people have a tendency to romanticize other cultures, they often fail to recognize that nowhere is perfect.

The tremendous growth South Korea has experienced is incredible, and I genuinely enjoyed spending three weeks there earlier this summer. I appreciated being able to reconnect with my heritage and experiencing what several provinces had to offer. I highly recommend it to those who wish to visit Korea—you will enjoy this gem of a country.

Don’t be afraid to go beyond your comfort zone, especially with food, learn some of the history before visiting and have an open mind!

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The Menton Times

You Need To Read Dostoevsky’s “The Idiot”

By Margherita Cordellini, Staff Writer If ethics, political philosophy and hermeneutics entice you Only a limited selection of books boasts a resemblance to encyclopedias. Those authors who manage to find the hidden connections between fields that rarely go hand in hand offer original lenses through which readers can process and interpret reality.

Several 19th-century Russian writers’ works belong to this group; among them, we can find Dostoevsky’s “The Idiot.”

A labyrinthine net of characters emerges from the book’s pages; their vices, virtues and contradictions carry questions ranging from Epicureanism to existentialism, from normative political philosophy to Biblical hermeneutics.

The distinction between main and secondary characters is often blurred in this framework. The only exception is Prince Myshkin, also known as “the Idiot.”

The Prince: a man who does not belong to mankind It is hard to describe the character of Prince Myshkin without utilizing the words employed by Dostoevsky in a letter written on May 27, 1869, in which he referred to him as a “positively beautiful person.” He fully embodies the principles of compassion, altruism, empathy and honesty. After years of illness-induced exile in the idyllic Swiss alpine landscape, the Prince returns to his motherland,

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Russia. From the second the Prince set foot in Saint Petersburg, he unwittingly disrupts the ordinary unfolding of events, surrounding himself with disarray and grief like a plague-spreader. By guiding the reader through the extremely diverse vicissitudes,

suggests that prince Myshkin is the allegory of Christ. The Prince’s story thus shows the disastrous consequences that would occur, according to Dostoevsky, if Christ should restumble upon Earth.

However, other elements in the novel also hint at an irreverent social critique.

Terestchenko’s pessimistic statement can be analyzed

Dostoevsky convinces us that this is the only possible result that could arise from the collision between an inhumanly good person and a 19th-century society characterized by a hypocritical social hierarchy and merciless taboos. By gathering intraand extra-text clues, philosopher Michel Terestchenko,

through different hermeneutical levels. Firstly, from a teleological perspective, one could argue that the writer aimed to depict how human flaws are necessary for coexistence in society; that the paradoxical presence of only one human being freed by such flaws would degenerate into collective madness.

Dostoevsky mainly confers the role of critic of modernity to the most unsuitable character: Lebedev — a drunkard who embodies the discrepancy between intellectual depth and virtue. Lebedev denounces the social consequences of the still young capitalist system by giving a modern interpretation of John’s Apocalypse, which predicts the extinction of the “sources of life.” He provocatively affirms that railways are what will bring life on Earth to its end. In the beginning, this unreasonable sentence seems to fit with the other aspects of his nonsensical personality. However, in later pages, the symbolic meaning of his thought is unpacked --- railways indicate industrial development that amplify hecticness and noise in society. With the development of transportation, human beings are constantly dissatisfied with the place in which they find themselves at any given moment.

Lebedev or modernity understood by a depraved theologian:

The gasping search for happiness distances people from the “only true happiness,” which would be spiritual peace and consciousness. As in Tolstoj’s “Anna Karenina,” the Epicurean understanding of happiness as the product of a complete withdrawal from society reemerges, but this

Culture

SEPTEMBER 2022 time it is entrenched in the modern infiltration of capitalism (the base) that penetrates collective and individual values and habits (the superstructure). These are the capitalistic ruins that would hypothetically kill Christ upon his resurrection: schizophrenic modernity filled with spiritual taboos and greedy egoism. Forty-four years after Lebedev was written into “The Idiot,” Charles Peguy also denounced the subordination of all “spiritual powers” to a single material one: money. However, Dostoevsky crafts the eccentric drunkard’s personality to offer a metacritique that warns us to be skeptical of modernity’s enemies. In fact, despite having identified modernity’s flaws, Lebedev falls into them more than anybody else, freeing himself, thanks to self-deception, of any moral compass. The conclusion seems to be, once again, of a pessimistic nature, suggesting that immunity to the economy’s moral backlashes does not exist and that, instead, one can merely choose whether to adapt consciously or unconsciously to the status quo.

Hippolyte and the cruelty of waiting “The Idiot” would sound outrageous to the ears of any past or present conservative. The first part of the book is soaked in a denunciation of the death penalty, which then lingers in later developments of the story. During Prince Myshkin’s first encounter with some members of the Russian bourgeoisie, he firmly condemns the death penalty by affirming that the executioner commits a more serious crime than the murderer.

A person sentenced to death has, in fact, a double conviction: not only will she soon

disappear, but she is also aware of that in advance. According to the Prince, physical pain cannot compare to the tremendous torment that the waiting and certainty of death entails. One can find this same reasoning in Franz Kafka’s novel “The Trial,” where Joseph K. is suspected of an unknown crime and awaits a trial that never takes place.

Eventually he dies after having been deprived of his life for what seemed to be an eternity. In Dostoevsky’s book, the inhumane burden of the wait is embodied by Hippolyte, an 18-year-old boy in the final stage of tuberculosis. He attempts to escape his sentence by accelerating it with a gun, but he fails because of inattention or survival instinct. His desperation is not met by compassion but by disdain and mockery, which highlight the intolerant posture that Russian 19th-century society had towards public manifestations of grief. This is, however, not necessarily relegated to the context in which Dostoevsky was writing. As Elnathan John wrote in “The Africa Report” last March, the intersection of death and sorrow has little public space in the West today, silenced by the numerous taboos surrounding it.

The only person who comprehends the complexity of Hyppolite’s sorrow is, of course, the Prince. The latter, by virtue of his inadequate and radical thoughts (concerning capital punishment, for example), manages to reach realms of empathy unimaginable and unwanted to the other characters. In this case, the idiot is bound to suffer inaction: even a man freed from mankind is powerless in front of an inhumane conviction imposed on a human life.

Ani: Armenia’s Long Lost Capital

By Viola Luraschi, Staff Writer

Ani’s early days

Ani’s days as the capital of the Bagratid Armenian kingdom were numbered from the start. However, its advantageous location between the Black and the Caspian Seas, its many religious buildings and its sophisticated fortifications were able to secure it the title of capital from 961 to 1045. After the Bagrationi dynasty ruled Ani, the Byzantines took over from 1045 to 1064. The earliest ruins were found by archaeologist Mark Gioloany in 1955, dating back to the 5th century; at the time, Ani was a strategic fortress on a hilltop under the control of the Armenian Kamsarakan dynasty. Size, power and wealth made the city an important trading hub, leading

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to a growth in cultural capital, so much so that it became the site of the royal mausoleum of the Bagratuni kings. The city saw days of prosperity under the reign of King Gagik I that lasted from 989 to 1020, during which it was one of the largest existing cities with a population greater than 100,000.

The Armenian nation found a part of its identity in Christianity, which was adopted as the state’s religion in 300 AD. Its presence is reflected in the ruins of Ani, where historians and archaeologists excavated as many as 50 churches, 33 cave chapels and 20 chapels.

Scholars have argued that its gothic style later influenced the early Romanesque and Gothic designs found in many European cathedrals.

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Ani’s downfall

Being a center of cultural exchange and economic prosperity, Ani received much attention from its neighboring states. Over the years, the 85 hectares on which Ani stands were home to numerous languages and civilizations (23), including Armenian, Greek, Turkish, Arabic, Georgian and Persian. Ani’s downfall began in 1064 when it surrendered to Persian control during Seljuk Sultan Alparslan’s 25day siege, which slaughtered much of the city’s population.

Not long after, the Seljuks sold Ani to a Muslim Kurdish dynasty, the Shaddadids.

Under the Shaddadids, the people of Ani saw an attempt at reconciliation. However, the populace appealed to the Christian Kingdom of Georgia, which was able to capture the city a total of five times between 1124 and 1209. The first three times, Ani was recaptured by the Shaddadids.

However, when it was taken in 1199 by Queen Tamar of Georgia, it was placed in the tight grip of generals Zakare and Ivane, who established control under a new dynasty: the Zakarids.

During the reign of the Zakarids, Ani saw prosperity once more through further fortifications and an increase in religious buildings. While the Mongols failed to gain control of the city in 1226, they were successful in 1236 when they massacred a large portion of the population. By the 14th century, however, Ani was under the reign of a succession of Turkish dynasties.

“Size, power and wealth made the city an important trading hub, leading to a growth in cultural capital”

SEPTEMBER 2022 Through the years of Turkish rule, the Jalayirids and the Kara Koyunlu were the only two dynasties that made Ani their capital. The 1319 earthquake further destabilized the city by reducing the infrastructure to shambles. When the capital finally transferred to Yerevan, Ani lost most of its wealth and power. The city joined the Ottoman Empire in 1579 under the rule of the Safavids; by then, only a tiny fraction of the town remained inside the walls, and by 1735, the last monks left the monastery in the Virgin’s Fortress or Kizkalesi. Ani was left abandoned.

Modern day Ani

Few make their way to what was once the great city of Ani. In the second half of the 20th century, tourists stayed away from the geopolitical fault line on which Ani stood; the land between North Atlantic Treaty Organization member Turkey and Soviet-controlled Armenia. For many Armenians, Ani is yet another reminder of what the Turkish took from them.

I made my way to Ani in July of 2022. Upon arrival, the old city walls are the first thing you see — colossal walls made of large boulders, big enough to make anyone feel small.

Aside from my family and me, there were only two other tourists and a few locals. Ani lacks attention and restoration; once beautiful churches are now being covered in weeds, the affreschi on the walls have been scratched and written on and a few pieces of wood pretend to prevent the remaining structures from collapsing. Once a city of cultural exchange and economic prosperity, Ani is now a place of loss and mourning for the Armenian nation and a strategic advantage for the Turkish. If you ever manage to explore Ani, I suggest you visit during the last light of day, when the sun shines a little more orange, bringing out the reds and yellows of the lo-

“Ani is yet another reminder of what the Turkish took from them”

cal basalt stone.

For many Armenians, Ani is yet another reminder of what the Turkish took from them.

I made my way to Ani in July of 2022. Upon arrival, the old city walls are the first thing you see — colossal walls made of large boulders, big enough to make anyone feel small.

Aside from my family and me, there were only two other tourists and a few locals. Ani lacks attention and restoration; once beautiful churches are now being covered in weeds, the affreschi on the walls have been scratched and written on and a few pieces of wood pretend to prevent the remaining structures from collapsing. Once a city of cultural exchange and economic prosperity, Ani is now a place of loss and mourning for the Armenian nation and a strategic advantage for the Turkish. If you ever manage to explore Ani, I suggest you visit during the last light of day, when the sun shines a little more orange, bringing out the reds and yellows of the local basalt stone.

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What Can We Expect From Al-Qaeda Now?

By Isabella Writer

Hehl, Staff

Since Joe Biden, President of the United States, authorized the deployment of two Hellfire missiles by an unmanned drone on July 31, 2022 in Kabul, killing al-Qaeda’s leader Ayman al-Zawahiri, the terrorist group’s future seems uncertain. While jihadist movements are known for easily replacing their emirs, bin Laden’s death in 2011 had already caused the organization to suffer structural fragmentation and it could now completely deteriorate if al-Zawahiri is not replaced with an equally charismatic and respected jihadist. Furthermore, the event resulted in tension between Afghanistan and the United States, with both sides claiming that the other violated the Doha Agreement – terms which stipulated that American military presence would gradually come to an end in Afghanistan if the Taliban follows its commitments, such as not harboring terrorist figures – and caused further insecurity for the locals in the surrounding area.

that often showed disloyalty and insubordination. The success of the Islamic State in its violent and cruel dominion over Iraq and Syria, especially in 2014 and 2015, overshadowed al-Zawahiri’s reputation. However, he had been bin Laden’s physician and right-hand man for years before 2011; thus he still commanded a certain degree of authority and respect from

However, even his admirers conceded that

est rival in the Islamist movement. For al-Qaeda to survive and return to its original reputation of strength and terror, the next emir must already be known among the followers and jihadists and show great magnetism and ability to unify the fragmented group.

He lacked the charisma for which bin Laden had been The often unspoken conknown. sequences of firing the two

Hellfire missiles concern the inhabitants of Shirpur, the neighborhood in central Kabul where al-Zawahiri was residing. Syed Agha, an unemployed schoolteacher who sells vegetables from a cart, stated, “We have had so many years of war, and things were just beginning to settle down.

The conflict is past, and no one should have the right to violate our sovereignty.

An attack like this could badly affect our future.”

Al-Zawahiri became the emir of al-Qaeda his followers, reminding them after bin Laden was of when al-Qaeda was at its killed in a U.S. raid, peak strength. His videotaped however, by that point, the group was fractured and his followers were not as loyal to him as they had been to bin Laden. In the following years, al-Zawahiri attempted to lead far-reaching terrorist groups

Egyptian-centric operation called Egyptian Islamic Jihad he had led, making al-Qaeda even more globally powerful.

tirades against the U.S. had helped him assume a significant role in molding al-Qaeda to become as ambitious and deadly as it had been during the 9/11 attacks. When joining the terrorist group, he merged it with the extreme

During al-Zawahiri’s leadership, no terrorist attack took place comparable to the scale of bin Laden’s time. As a result, al-Qaeda began to lose its control over some of its territories, most notably in greater Syria. The jihadist group fragmented into different strands, creating ISIS, which later became its great-

A year after the Taliban seized power of Afghanistan, the country is on the threshold of economic collapse, as Kabul’s alarmed civilians responded to the killing helplessly and bitterly. 29-year-old Ezatullah explained, “I wish we had this power to defend our country. The people can’t show any reaction or anger because they cannot say what they want to and they have economic problems.” This sense of vulnerability seems common among the inhabitants of Shirpur. According to the Washington Post, a man named Abdul Wali “changing

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money on a sidewalk” told the paper, “I heard Joe Biden did it. This means Afghanistan still belongs to America. They can do whatever they want. If they can do a drone strike in the city, it means they are still in charge.”

Indeed, the relationship between the Taliban and the United States has become even more complicated since July 31, 2022, as both claim that the other violated the terms of the Doha Agreement, which was signed in February of 2020 as the U.S. left Afghanistan. American officials claim that senior members of the Haqqani

Taliban knew about al-Zawahiri’s presence in Shirpur and attempted to conceal his whereabouts, a direct violation of the Doha Agreement.

Al-Qaeda’s utilization of Afghanistan as a safe haven broke the terms of the peace deal, to the detriment of the Afghan people, who are often the victims of these domestic and foreign policies. Antony Blinken, the U.S. Secretary of

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State, stated that “By hosting and sheltering the leader of al-Qaeda in Kabul, the Taliban grossly violated the Doha Agreement and repeated assurances to the world that they would not allow Afghan territory to be used by terrorists to threaten the security of other countries.”

stated that the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan “strongly condemns this attack on any pretext and calls it a clear violation of international principles and th Doha Agreement.”

This highly controversial missile strike has even been theorized by some, such as thehighly influential Jordanian Arabic daily newspaper Ad-Dustour, to have been organized by al-Qaeda itself and that perhaps its own members were responsible for leaking information concerning the whereabouts of al-Zawahiri.

UN intelligence recently published a report revealing that al-Qaeda not only saw Afghanistan as a safe haven but even enjoyed freedom under the rule of the Taliban, Ad-Dustour even claimed

that “the terrorist organiza-

as al-Zawahiri was found to be freely communicating with others. Now that the emir was proven to be in Kabul, the Taliban’s commitment to upholding their end of the Doha Agreement is further called into question by American and international authorities.

However, the Taliban also vehemently opposed the drone attacks, as Zabihullah Muhajid, the Taliban spokesman,

tion’s title is division and the intrigues within it contributed to the killing of its terrorist leaders.”

Arguably, the breaches within the dead emir’s protection network allowed for the circumstances in which the jihadist leader could be executed.

It is difficult to substantiate these claims as interpretations differ based on the geographical location of the source. While the West prefers to consider the U.S. as solely responsible for what they perceive to be an almost heroic act of perseverance and revenge against its enemies, Middle Eastern perspectives often question if American intelligence agents were really capable of attaining information about al-Zuwahiri’s whereabouts without help from within the jihadist group. Either way, the longterm consequences of this event are severe and will be far-reaching.

Al-Zawahiri’s execution revealed the fragile structure of the group, as withdrawals from al-Qaeda followed immediately after his death.

Hassan Abu Haniyeh and Muhammad Abu Rumman, two Jordanian scholars specializing in terrorism, explained that although such jihadist groups are often not majorly impacted by the assassination of their leaders

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due to their capability to rapidly rebuild ranks, al-Zawahiri’s death may have particularly strong repercussions.

This is because other influential terrorist leaders, such as Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, Saeed al Shehri, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, Nasser al-Wuhayshi and Osama bin Laden, had already been assassinated, leaving the jihadist group unable to withstand another emir assasination. Due to the general timing and overall context of this death, an already weakened

Al-Qaeda is now experiencing a leadership crisis, a rebellion of its branches, unprecedented levels of disengagement, a decline in geographical spread and a general discord.

The leadership crisis arguably represents a worrisome turning point in this organization which was originally founded on harmony between bin Laden and al-Zawahiri’s visions.

As the central leadership of this group is in a period of decline within Afghanistan, the regional branches are experiencing severe division. In the past years, al-Qaeda has expanded its ethnic and tribal alliances with jihadists such as Nusrat al-Islam. However, without al-Zawahiri, his jihadi fame and impressive theoretical capacity, these alliances could potentially collapse.

Especially compared to ISIS, which has clear strategic and theoretical aims, al-Qaeda now faces a crisis of vision.

As a result, the young Islamist extremists, looking for a straightforward intellectual, political and ideological system, would rather join

ISIS than al-Qaeda. Hence, there is significant reason to assume that al-Qaeda will suffer short-term and experience waves of disintegration and fragmentation until the new emir either dooms or revives the group.

However, others argue that al-Zawahiri’s assassination has been overplayed in the media and that this will impact his group minimally. An anonymous former member of al-Qaeda, who then joined the Islamic State, said, “I’m sure Biden will try to make it sound as if it’s something big, but actually it’s not significant for us at all. Ayman al-Zawahiri became the emir after bin Laden and is now a shaheed [martyr]. And that’s it for us. The significant question will be: Who will become the new leader now?”

Indeed, some point out that the leader was almost invisible in recent years, and that the act of replacing him is not as momentous as many claim.

Currently, no obvious successor who holds great respect and name recognition within the Islamist world exists.

However, the core and affiliates of the jihadist group in countries in northern Africa and Yemen, who have waged war for decades, will most likely put forward a leader who has been battle-tested and who will perhaps possess even more charisma than al-Zawahiri. America’s tireless campaign against al-Qaeda through targeted assassinations has resulted in a lack of experienced leaders within the group.

Some experts have claimed

that a likely candidate for the role could be former Egyptian special forces lieutenant-colonel Saif al-Adel, one of the remaining members of al-Qaeda’s old guard. Arguably, his greatest rival in emirhood could be a leader of The Guardians of Religion Organization — a Syrian hard-line Islamist group — Abu Abd al-Karim al-Masri.

Either successor will surely benefit from the current decline of ISIS, which has become weaker and less inspiring since its loss of the caliphate.

However, the competition between the two will still continue as long as the Islamic State retains its remaining land and popularity.

Even in bin Laden’s days, al-Qaeda faced the problem of some of its branches swearing fealty to the emir just to pivot and pursue their own goals and ideology. Thus the new leader will need to ensure the unity of the organization. Perhaps he will be able to achieve this by attempting to organize a high-profile terrorist attack against the West to gain attention and boost his stature. However, the tough U.S. counter-terrorism network forces terrorist leaders to remain on the move to avoid discovery and execution constantly. Indeed, the relationship between the future emir and the Taliban movement will be key, as it could allow al-Qaeda to rebuild its base in Afghanistan and recruit more members. Due to the decreasing counter-terrorism efforts in Africa, al-Qaeda’s regional strands in Mali, Somalia and North Africa will likely solidi-

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fy. As a result of the closure of political tracks in the Middle East, southern Sahara, North Africa, the Sahel and Southeast Asia, all of which are suffering from economic crises, al-Qaeda could exploitatively rebuild and solidify its roots in these areas amid these fiscal calamities.

Although the Islamic State remains more radical and attractive to new jihadists, new leadership in al-Qaeda arguably allows it to adapt and take advantage of cooperation opportunities due to a common enemy. While al-Zawahiri’s death was a curse for al-Qaeda, perhaps it was also a blessing, as a new emir could rebuild al-Qaeda’s reputation and end the era of division.

With the emergence of an international jihadi agreement about international opportunities, rising cross-border terrorism and multipolarity, new opportunities crop up for global jihadism.

Whoever emerges, what is certain is that he will preside at a turning point in the overall jihadi movement.

Will he irreparably fragment al-Qaeda, leading it to its dissolution, or will he unify and strengthen it, making the group more dangerous and threatening than ever before?

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Une Ligne Dans Le Sable: Le Nouveau Consulat Au Sahara Occidental

By Colin Lim, Staff Writer La simple mention du Sahara occidental suffit souvent à provoquer des débats historiques passionnés et des débats sur l’autodétermination et la décolonisation.

Désigné par l’Organisation des Nations Unies comme un territoire non autonome, le Sahara occidental est un territoire contesté du nord-ouest de l’Afrique entouré par l’Atlantique, la Mauritanie, l’Algérie et le Maroc, ce dernier administrant la majorité du territoire. Plus grand que le Royaume-Uni mais n’abritant qu’un peu plus d’un demi-million d’habitants, c’est un territoire peu peuplé qui a provoqué de nombreux conflits au cours du dernier demi-siècle.

Habité à l’origine par le peuple sahraoui, le Sahara occidental a été occupé par l’Espagne de 1884 à 1975, d’abord en tant que protectorat puis en tant que province. Dans le cadre de sa mission de décolonisation d’après-guerre, l’ONU

a adopté des résolutions faisant pression sur l’Espagne franquiste, entre autres régimes coloniaux, pour qu’elle renonce à ses revendications sur les territoires coloniaux.

L’Espagne a accédé à cette pression et la Marche verte, une procession soutenue par le gouvernement Marocain de 350,000 Marocains dans le territoire occupé par l’Espagne, a établi la présence du Maroc et son intention de s’affirmer dans ce domaine.

La Mauritanie a renoncé à ses revendications sur le territoire peu de temps après, reconnaissant à la place la souveraineté du Front Polisario — la République Arabe Sahraouie Démocratique (RASD) autoproclamée — sur le territoire. À ce moment-là, le Maroc contrôlait déjà une partie importante du territoire et une guerre d’usure de 16 ans s’ensuivit. Le Maroc contrôle actuellement 80 % du Sahara occidental, y compris la grande majorité du littoral, et la RASD maintient son siège à Tindouf,

en Algérie, en conséquence.

Lorsque la République du Tchad a annoncé le 7 Septembre 2022 qu’elle prévoyait d’ouvrir un consulat à Dakhla, une ville située à 500 kilomètres au sud de la frontière marocaine reconnue par l’ONU, elle a rejoint la liste croissante des États qui reconnaissent le terrain comme territoire Marocain.

Vingt pays ont actuellement des missions diplomatiques à Laâyoune et Dakhla, dont la Jordanie, Bahreïn, les Émirats Arabes Unis et la Côte d’Ivoire. Plus particulièrement—et peut-être le plus controversé — les États-Unis ont reconnu la souveraineté du Maroc sur le territoire fin 2020 en échange de la normalisation des relations du royaume avec Israël dans les accords d’Abraham.

La décision du gouvernement tchadien pourrait être perçue comme une réponse à la décision du gouvernement tunisien d’accueillir Brahim Ghali, le chef de la

RASD, qui a entraîné la rupture diplomatique maroco-tunisienne une semaine auparavant. Étant donné que le Tchad entretient déjà des relations diplomatiques avec le Maroc par le biais de son ambassade à Rabat, l’action essentiellement symbolique mais toujours conséquente de consacrer des ressources à un consulat dans une ville périphérique et plutôt isolée est une autre étape vers la reconnaissance internationale de la situation actuelle.

La question persistante sans réponse de savoir si le peuple sahraoui recevra un jour l’autonomie au sein de l’état Marocain ou l’indépendance pure et simple, ou si le Maroc continuera à revendiquer fortement le Sahara occidental, est un autre rappel de l’impact du colonialisme des siècles passés sur le monde d’aujourd’hui.

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Urban Development Booms on Egypt’s North Coast

By Joudi Arafa, Staff Writer It is no surprise that pristine coasts along the Egyptian Mediterranean have undergone thorough urban transformations in recent years. It serves not only as a source of attraction for domestic and international tourists but for investors as well. The development runs precisely across Alexandria, Marsa Matrouh and the newest city of El

20,000 people. Residents will be able to expect a tourism development area and a vast array of retail options. The conceptual plan is looking to incorporate industries such as logistics, agriculture, regional trade, tourism and education in hopes of attracting new investments to the fledgling coastal city. El Alamein even features skyscrapers in its layout, some of which are already completed and wel-

Until recently, Egypt relied on archaeological-centric tourism; nowadays, it is profiting far more from leisure attractions Alamein. The longstanding interest in coastal tourism in Egypt proves to be transformational in the tourism sector. Until recently, Egypt relied on archaeological-centric tourism; nowadays, it is profiting far more from leisure attractions. In two decades, the number of visitors in the coastal region grew by an astonishing 76%. This boom can be explained by the expansion of the hotel and housing industries through furious infrastructural and architectural activity.

In 2014, Egypt approved a reallocation of 2.4 million square meters of public-owned land to the New Urban Communities Authority (NUCA) to proceed with the construction of a new city in the North Coast area — El Alamein. The first phase of the project aims to house

coming tourists and residents alike. Not only is all of this urban development along the North Coast bringing forth unprecedented revenues, but

it is also creating employment opportunities for the growing youth population of Egypt. Serving as the most famous summer destination spot for Egyptians, the property market in the area has widened, and competition to attain a coveted seaside property, whether it be a multistory sea-view villa or a humble one-bedroom studio, has tensed. “Sahel,” as Egyptians call it, has set an image for itself as a hub for summer relaxation and family reunification.

After years of saving, it is not uncommon for someone to hastily purchase a Sahel property that is either still under construction or a finished unit. They know that the return on their investment i worth the cash and

that it is a destination to look forward to visiting when leaving their bustling hometowns of Cairo, Alexandria or Port Saïd. The urban distribution of the North Coast comes in the form of compounds or, more precisely, neighborhoods separated by a highway. Amwaj, Marassi, Mountain View, Golf Porto Marina, and Hacienda are just a few of the desirable development projects that can be found in Sahel. Each compound has its unique attractions — gated communities, sailing, spas, and playgrounds — to be enjoyed by residents. Lauded for its clear waters and dream houses, the North Coast has gained immense popularity from Egyptian citizens and throughout the Arab world

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Israel Cracks Down on West Bank Accessibility

By Ghazal Khalife, Staff Writer Israel has issued a new set of regulations, to be taken into effect next month, that would impose further limits on foreigners’ entry into the West Bank. The restriction stirring up the most controversy is the new obligation to formally declare a romantic relationship with a Palestinian to be granted access into the area.

Other seemingly arbitrary regulations, such as quotas on visas given to students and lecturers, also perplexed commentators.

The original draft of this set of protocols, published by the Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT), stipulated that foreigners who start a serious romantic relationship with Palestinian residents of the West Bank must inform the authorities “within 30 days of the start of this relation-

ship.” However, following criticism and condemnation from human rights activists, Palestinian legal experts and many leading figures in the international community, Israel released a revised 90page document that omitted this clause.

“Not only is this process intensely bureaucratic and time-consuming, but permits are also subject to arbitrary refusals.”

The revised version states that foreigners who wish to live with their spouses in the Judea and Samaria area, the biblical name for the West Bank, must apply for a visiting permit 45 days before their trip. The document also cements the ban on giving residency status to them, leaving many families under the constant stress of being denied entry and legal status.

According to Part four of the revised document, “Spousal

permits will be issued for a maximum term of one year each time.” Furthermore, the total period that any visitor can stay in the West Bank is 27 months (including visa extensions), after which a “cooling off” period is required. If visitors wish to re-enter the area, they must start a new application process. Not only is this process intensely bureaucratic and time-consuming, but permits are also subject to arbitrary refusals. Ultimately, the COGAT official decides whether or not the permit is approved, as seen in Clause 10: “the authorized COGAT official is the authority who decides whether to deny a foreigner entry into the Judea and Samaria area.” “there is no solid legal basis for Israel’s past restrictions on movement or these new regulations”

In addition to the public backlash against the initial draft of new protocols, Israeli human rights activists in Hamoked, Center For the Defense of the Individual, and Palestinian activists quickly denounced the protocols’ international law violations and started challenging them in court.

Jessica Montell, director of Hamoked, explains that these policies are manifestations of a “belligerent occupation.”

Even the American ambassador, Tom Tide, expressed his strong disappointment over the new restrictions and declared having engaged in negotiations with Israel to revise the regulations. Nonetheless, COGAT’s changes and further to the original rules remain largely superficial since only the contentious quotas on lecturers allowed entry and the declaration of a love-interest were removed.

According to the United Nations and Palestinian legal experts, there is no solid legal

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basis for Israel’s past restrictions on movement or these new regulations. Israel, however, derives license to enact its restrictive policies from the Interim Peace Accords of the 1990s and “security concerns.” Furthermore, with Israel controlling most entrances to the West Bank with heavily militarized checkpoints and frequent Israeli Defense Force inspections, these regulations are likely to be reinforced strictly.

The document specifies that any application for a permit needs to be accompanied by a deposit of up to 20,050 dollars that can be confiscated in the case of a breach of the permit’s conditions.

These measures reaffirm the Israeli state’s insistence on following tough restrictions and consolidating years of aggressive military occupation.

Perhaps the most apparent consequences of these regulations on individuals’ private lives are the tolls they take on existing family ties and the immense obstacles they create for Palestinians who want to marry people of other nationalities. The new regulations raise the question of why Israel would enforce such exhaustive measures on the partners of Palestinians.

An aim could be to put pressure on Palestinian civil life isolate Palestinian citizens of the West Bank from the outside world. Palestinians living in the West Bank are already struggling with heavy restrictions on autonomy under a convoluted and opaque system. From long lines at checkpoints to limitations on working hours, everyday life for Palestinians in the West Bank is only getting more difficult.

“The new regulations raise the question of why Israel would en-

force such exhaustive measures on the partners of Palestinians.”

These new protocols also regulate business and academic activities; thus, businessmen, professors, and students are impacted. The process for obtaining a permit is often costly and time-consuming as applications need to be started at least two months in advance, and applicants must fit an extensive set of criteria and undergo detailed background checks by COGAT officials before being let into the West Bank. Restrictions on the entry of goods and skilled labor cause Palestinian businesses to struggle to expand and modernize.

Bassim Khoury, CEO of Pharmacare, comments, “having to obtain a confirmation a month ahead will make it impossible for many foreign partners we have to be part of the business. The immediate effect is that we will have a harder time developing our business.” Lecturers and students must also satisfy COGAT’s list of academic credentials, age and medical insurance conditions. An especially troubling limitation for undergraduate students holding the visiting permit makes it “forbidden to seek employment in the Area.” Mariya Gabriel, head of the European Commission for research and culture, criticized these measures saying, “With Israel itself benefiting greatly from Erasmus, the Commission considers that it should facilitate and not hinder access of students to Palestinian universities.”

“These regulations directly serve settlers as they pose obstacles to all corners of Palestinian life and make the dream of a prosperous Palestinian state ever more elusive.”

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Moreover, these restrictions do not apply to Israeli settlers, further emphasizing the apartheid policies in the occupied territories. These regulations directly serve settlers as they pose obstacles to all corners of Palestinian life and make the dream of a prosperous Palestinian state ever more elusive. Although, in reality, the prospect of a two-state solution has already been abandoned by many Palestinians who fear more evictions, fewer rights and continuing aggression.

Donald’s Trump loss in the 2020 U.S. elections. Annexing the West Bank and finally uniting the Israeli state has been the conclusive goal for many Israeli politicians, most notably former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. This final policy will subject the area to Israeli rather than international law. Israel is heading in this direction even though it violates international conduct and may be reprimanded, especially because Joe Biden has not yet given Israel the green light.

“further emphasizing the apartheid policies in the occupied territories”

“This is part of Israel’s plan to formally annex the region”

These new protocols perfectly conform to Israel’s 55-year policy toward occupied Palestinians, anchoring decades of discrimination and oppression.

Annexation or military occupation — these words serve merely as semantics for Palestinians having to face ever-deteriorating living conditions amidst an Arab and international community that is increasingly desensitized to their suffering. A quote from one of my Palestinian friends summarizes the situation rather powerfully: “They want to prevent us from spreading our culture and practicing our identity because only then will they reach their full victory.” When observing the general trend in Israeli policy in the West Bank, the new regulations and how they infringe on Palestinians’ right to privacy and freedom of movement make it seem as though it is highly unlikely for any tangible improvements to take place even in the face of international criticism, leaving Palestinians wondering how much more they still have to withstand.

“anchoring decades of discrimination and oppression.”

To understand the reasoning behind Israel’s policy in this highly contested area, it is crucial to analyze how these new regulations fit within the larger scheme of events since the Israeli occupation of the West Bank following the Six-Day War of 1967. Since then, Israel has pursued a consistent policy of sponsoring settlements and institutionalizing discrimination against Palestinians. As a result, lasting peace in the West Bank seems almost impossible. Arbitrary arrests forced evictions and bureaucratic restrictions on movement, among other manifestations of de facto annexation, make life in the West Bank turbulent. This is part of Israel’s plan to formally annex the region, a plan hindered by the COVID-19 pandemic and

“They want to prevent us from spreading our culture and practicing our identity because only then will they reach their full victory.”