The Menton Times - Volume II, No. 5

Interviewing Iranian Actress and Activist Golshifteh Farahani

By Sarina Soleymani, Staff Writer

As the new year approached, each of us partook in our own plans, spent time with friends or family, ate 12 grapes or sat under the table and celebrated what is supposed to be a new beginning. We shared the same yearly thirst for change which is indeed never quenched, at least not for most. Yet, a group of people who did immediately experience this shift was the Iranian population. On Jan. 1,

2023, six of the most influential Iranian figures created a coalition group against the Islamic Republic, an important display of solidarity with the revolution. Among them includes one exiled and noteworthy actress who refuses to stay silent and continues to shed light on the events happening in our homeland. I was given the chance to speak to Golshifteh Farahani, an individual I grew up watching, hearing about and admiring for her courage, intellect and heart.

From “About Elly” to “Paterson,” Golshifteh Farahani has earned her place as a leading Iranian actress. In 2008, she was exiled from the country due to her refusal to wear the hijab during the premiere of her film “Body of Lies,” directed by Ridley Scott. Preceding the current movement in Iran, Farahani expressed that she did not publicly articulate her political opinions, which oppose the Islamic Republic.

SEE PAGE 7

OPINION

Harvey Weinstein and French MeToo Movement

By Peyton Dashiell, Staff Writer

Following weeks of heavy and emotional testimony from over 40 defendants, American film mogul Harvey Weinstein was convicted of one count of rape and two counts of sexual assault in the case that spearheaded the 2017 MeToo movement. Weinstein’s accusers, including actresses Gwyneth Paltrow, Selma Hayek and Rose McGowan, have alleged that Weinstein used his power and connections in the entertainment industry over several decades to rape and coerce women into sex. If his victims chose to pursue justice, they were met with threats

of an industry blacklist and a ruined career. While the phrase “MeToo” was coined in 2007 by activist Tarana Burke, the current MeToo movement began in 2017, when actress Alyssa Milano asked women who had been sexually assaulted to spread the phrase on social media to illustrate the gravity and frequency of the issue. The movement led to millions of social media users sharing their stories of rape and sexual assault, several high profile terminations of alleged abusers in business, entertainment and politics, and a reignited cultural and legal conversation surrounding SEE

First Death of the Year: Migrant Found Charred Atop Train in Menton

By Lara-Nour Walton, Editor-In-Chief

What was his name — the suspected migrant found charred atop a train at Menton’s Garavan station? Where was he from? These questions remain unanswered by French and Italian authorities. Yet, the man’s intended destination was clear. Like so many other asylum seekers, he sought a better life somewhere beyond the French side of the Franco-Italian border.

The John Doe’s body emerged from the glow of an electrical fire at approximate-

ly 18:00 on Jan. 9, 2023. Train services were suspended for three hours as French first responders attempted to identify the victim. Agence France Presse reports that considering the chosen transit method, the man was likely an African asylum-seeker from Ventimiglia.

SEE PAGE 4

Central Mediterranean Sea Rescue Sparks Heated Debate in European Union

By Sophia Rottman, Section Editor

Although various member countries tried to strengthen their borders, the number of migrants to the European Union increased by 68 percent in 2022 — the largest yearly increase since 2016. The major migration paths to Europe are through the Eastern Land Border, the Western Balkans, the Eastern Mediterranean, the Central Mediterranean, the Western Mediterranean and the Western African

route. While the Western Balkans route records the highest number of entries to the European Union, the Central Mediterranean passage continues to take the most lives. The journey was fatal for 2,000 people in 2022, not including any unrecorded deaths.

At the beginning of November 2022, France and Italy were at odds over an NGO-operated rescue ship, the Ocean Viking. Closest to the Italian shoreline, the Ocean Viking originally asked for a safe port in Ita-

ly. The Italian government would not relent, and the vessel, NGO staff and 234

ly to help, France allowed the boat to dock in Toulon. French Interior Minister Gerald Darmanin called Italy’s behavior “incomprehensible” and that it “lacked humanity.”

migrants spent weeks at sea in the Mediterranean. The French government argued that Italy was responsible for offering a safe port according to international maritime law. Realizing Italy was unlike-

For Italy, the Ocean Viking was just one part of what the government sees as a much larger problem: increasing migration at a rate disproportionate to other Central Mediterranean countries. From January

“November 2022, France and Italy were at odds over an NGOoperated rescue ship, the Ocean Viking.”

to mid-December 2022, Italy received 102,000 migrants through the Central Mediterranean, a drastic increase from 67,000 in 2021. Italy’s Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani said the country wants “an agreement to establish on the basis of population, how migrants with a right to asylum are relocated to various countries.” However, Italy is not the only European Mediterranean country turning away migrants rescued at sea.

In September 2022, Malta’s Rescue Coordination Centre (RCC) sent a merchant vessel that had rescued 23 migrants in the country’s search and rescue zone to Egypt. The Shimanami Queen was 159 nautical miles from Malta and 146 from Italy. Egypt was 760 nautical miles away. The RCC of Malta ordered merchant vessels near the endangered migrants at sea to stick to their planned route or await further instruction — a practice that Sea-Watch, Alarm Phone, Mediterranea Saving Humans and Doctors

Without Borders argue the country frequently uses to prevent migrant arrivals.

On June 22, 2022, eighteen European Union countries and three others announced their agreement upon the Voluntary Soli-

darity Mechanism, a provisional response to migration in the Mediterranean member states. Based on GDP and population, the mechanism would reallocate asylum seekers to a new member state after registration in the country of initial arrival. Countries that would not accept reallocation would provide financial or border control support. France and Italy signed while non-signatories include Poland, Denmark and Sweden. Within five months, the new agreement would be threatened.

Following the diplomatic stand-off over the Ocean Viking, in mid-November, France increased its border control with Italy. The country announced it would send 500 more of-

lished an Action Plan on the Central Mediterranean, proposing 20 reforms to mediate the troublesome Central Mediterranean migration route. Various NGOs have criticized the plan for merely repeating past mistakes.

Catherine Woollard, the director of the European Council on Refugees and Exiles, said that the plan “focus[es] on the responsibilities of the non-European states on the other side of the Med[iterranean]” and that the “first priority for Europe should be agreements within Europe.”

lating their duty to rescue in international law.

“The Union border agency Frontex informs Libya’s coast guard of migrant boats using GPS data, enabling their return of 23,000 migrants to Libya in 2022.”

ficers to ten Franco-Italian border crossing points and was withdrawing from the solidarity mechanism, reneging on its offer to take in 3,000 migrants from Italy. Around the same time, a joint statement from Greece, Malta, Cyprus and Italy called for the solidarity mechanism to transition from voluntary to mandatory status.

On Nov. 21, 2022, the European Commission pub-

At the end of 2022, the Italian government issued a new decree addressing civil sea rescue. Under the decree, if rescue ships do not immediately leave the search and rescue zone after their first rescue and move to their assigned safe port without delay, they will suffer harsh consequences, including fines of up to 50,000 Euros and vessel confiscation. Additionally, the Italian government had already begun assigning farther locations as safe ports to decrease rescue ships’ time in the rescue zone. Sea-Watch argues that if a captain does not try to rescue other people in danger, they are vio-

The Union border agency Frontex informs Libya’s coast guard of migrant boats using GPS data, enabling their return of 23,000 migrants to Libya in 2022. Human Rights Watch warns that Europe is “complicit in the abuse” of people in Libyan camps and Doctors Without Borders asserts that Libya does not meet the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees’ guidelines of a safe port. Doctors Without Borders has publicly requested a European state Mediterranean search and rescue system and a better migrant distribution mechanism in the European Union.

Largescale migration to Europe through the Central Mediterranean is unlikely to stop anytime soon. Without reform to Mediterranean rescue systems and a united stance in the European Union on how to alleviate member states unequally pressured by increasing migrant arrivals, prolonged and unnecessary suffering at sea is likely to continue.

“Based on GDP and population, the mechanism would reallocate asylum seekers to a new member state after registration in the country of initial arrival.”

First Death of the Year: Migrant Found Charred Atop Train in Menton

By Lara-Nour Walton, Editor-In-Chief

What was his name — the suspected migrant found charred atop a train at Menton’s Garavan station? Where was he from? These questions remain unanswered by French and Italian authorities. Yet, the man’s intended destination was clear. Like so many other asylum seekers, he sought a better life somewhere beyond the French side of the Franco-Italian border.

The John Doe’s body emerged from the glow of an electrical fire at approximately 18:00 on Jan. 9, 2023. Train services were suspended for three hours as French first responders attempted to identify the victim. Agence France Presse reports that considering the chosen transit method, the man was likely an African asylum-seeker from Ventimiglia. An InfoMigrants article about the incident corroborates this presumption: “Francophone African migrants who arrive in Italy via the Mediterranean… often have connections and family and sometimes better job prospects over the border because of their knowledge of French.”

Desperate times, desperate measures

The suspected migrant’s death comes on the heels of tightening Franco-Italian

border controls following a diplomatic row between the two countries. Tension skyrocketed in early November when a migrant rescue ship, the Ocean Viking, was refused safe port on the Italian coast and deferred to Toulon, France. The boat, run by humanitarian organization SOS

law, were Italy’s responsibility. But, Giorgia Meloni does not care for decorum. The right-wing Italian Prime Minister, who ascended to power at the end of October, pledged to close off Italy to the vast majority of migrants and requested that other coastal countries accept rescue boats.

Ahmed Safi was hit by two cars on the A10 motorway as he attempted to traverse into France. He was only laid to rest after his body was dragged by a lorry to a tollbooth 500 meters away. Now that border controls have intensified, Italian newspaper, Il Messaggero, predicts that Ventimiglia’s migrants will be forced to resort to even more dangerous means of entering France. Transportation atop trains is only one of the many high-risk methods they may turn to.

Safi and the John Doe are far from the only victims of what The Roya-Citizen Association calls the “murderous border.” Director of the Ventimiglia branch of Caritas, Christian Papini, estimates that at least 33 people have died in Franco-Italian crossings since 2015, while Nice-based lawyer Mireille Damiano puts the number at 50.

Mediterranee, had been carrying 234 migrants since late October and filed 43 unsuccessful docking pleas with the Italian government before rerouting to France.

After authorizing the Ocean Viking’s port in Toulon, the French government denounced Italy for its refusal to accept the ship. Paris asserted that because the vessel had been in Italian water for an extended period, the migrants, under maritime

In a move described by Italy as “disproportionate” and “aggressive,” French authorities responded by effectively sealing the Franco-Italian frontier and withdrawing from the European Union’s Voluntary Solidarity Mechanism, introduced in June 2022.

Murderous Border

Clandestine Franco-Italian crossings have always been perilous and potentially deadly. On Nov. 7, 2022, 19-year-old Afghan refugee

First death of the year

The John Doe’s death grimly kicks off yet another year on the Franco-Italian frontier — his scorched body marks the first migrant fatality of 2023. It appears that Italy’s new unforgiving asylum seeker policy and France’s progressively stringent border controls are not inhibitors enough. Migrants, chasing ever-elusive livelihoods, will pursue cross-border journeys at any cost.

It Is Good To Go Home

By Saoirse Aherne, Staff Writer

Sometime in mid October, I started to experience a feeling I cannot quite explain. It struck me first while I was walking home from a night out along a narrow and quiet cobblestone street in Menton. It was a full-body feeling, a longing to experience the same quiet and softness of night, but on a street right by the house in which I grew up. I pictured myself there, trudging through slush, watching snowflakes catch in the staggered beams of street lamps. I was not remembering any night in particular – I had walked this path more times than I could count– I was simply remembering being in that place.

Throughout my first year, I had barely missed home, and now I was aching to walk along streets so familiar to my feet that I could not get lost if I tried, streets so full of memories that they blurred into one comforting blanket of belonging; I wanted to be wrapped up in that certainty again.

By December I was desperately excited to return home. I am from a place that feels even smaller than it is. Gray and run down, it wilts in the glow of Menton’s beauty. But I love it for that. Peterborough,

Ontario is unassuming and humble in such a way that I want to wrap my arms around it, either to protect it, or maybe in sympathy.

Once I arrived home, I spent an embarrassing amount of time at the one local bar frequented by young people. On my first night there I met: six girls from my high school, two girls from my soccer team, a girl I know from community theater, two girls I went to daycare with, a girl who lives on my street and my ex-boyfriend’s ex-girlfriend. Perhaps this is the case with every small town, but it is truly impossible to go anywhere in Peterborough without seeing someone you know. Some people hate it; when I lived there I certainly did. But now, I find it thrilling. I feel like my whole life is bottled up in “The Social” bar on a Friday night. I adore overly intense drunken reunions with people from the past,

shouting over terrible music about school, jobs, growing up.

Every time I go out, I meet a new set of friends that I forgot I missed. It reminds me of how many wonderful people I have had the pleasure to know, and it warms my heart to see them remember me as well. I feel like I fit right into a hole that was made for me, in this tapestry of hometown individuals. Peterborough used to trap me in a suffocating network of relationships, but now that I have left, settling back into this cradle is relieving and safe. I do not have to question whether these people like me or whether I will know them in 10 or 20 years. We don’t have to be close, but we will always be bound by the place in which we grew up. They are as inherent to me as Monaghan Road, Jackson’s Park, the London Street Bridge or Little Lake.

When I walk around Peterborough, every setting sparks a flood of memories. It is so much deeper than concrete and bricks, a place more complex than anywhere in the world to me. I peel away layers and layers of life as I walk to and from my house; shockingly, so little has changed since I was a child. People and places — seeing how impermanent these things can be has made home so special.

I do not regret leaving Peterborough for a second. I remember how desperately I wanted to get out, and in fact, almost all of my friends have left to study across the province. But I am glad I now see so much beauty in a town I used to resent. My friends and I have talked a lot about this in the past few weeks; leaving has made us all certain of our attachment to home.

In Menton, life is in flux; we sentence ourselves to make wonderful friends only to disperse across the globe after two short years. I have spent my 2A feeling random. I loved that novel feeling in the first year, but it gets tiring. Now, rejuvenated by my time at home, feeling so perfectly known and so unwaveringly attached to my town and its people, I am ready to be untethered again.

Harvey Weinstein and the French MeToo Movement

By Peyton Dashiell, Staff Writer

Following weeks of heavy and emotional testimony from over 40 defendants, American film mogul Harvey Weinstein was convicted of one count of rape and two counts of sexual assault in the case that spearheaded the 2017 MeToo movement. Weinstein’s accusers, including actresses Gwyneth Paltrow, Selma Hayek and Rose McGowan, have alleged that Weinstein used his power and connections in the entertainment industry over several decades to rape and coerce women into sex. If his victims chose to pursue justice, they were met with threats of an industry blacklist and a ruined career.

While the phrase “MeToo” was coined in 2007 by activist Tarana Burke, the current MeToo movement began in 2017, when actress Alyssa Milano asked women who had been sexually assaulted to spread the phrase on social media to illustrate the gravity and frequency of the issue.

The movement led to millions of social media users sharing their stories of rape and sexual assault, several high profile terminations of alleged abusers in business, entertainment and politics, and a reignited cultural and legal conversation surrounding

sexual assault, consent and coercion. Legally, the movement led to a ban on non-disclosure agreements in several states — Weinstein’s assistant could not speak out for decades due to a hush contract. In Congress, Representative Jackie Speier introduced the Member and Employee Training and Oversight on Congress Act (METOO Act) to change the way the federal government handles sexual harassment and assault reports.

MeToo quickly spread globally through social media, and in France, Twitter users began to use the hashtags MoiAussi, NousToutes, and Balancetonporc. The former two are an equivalent to the English MeToo, and the latter a controversial call for women to publicly name their abusers.

As more French social media users engaged in the movement and shared their stories, controversy followed — with even some women in the French entertainment industry condemning the movement. In the newspaper Le Monde, 100 women led by actress Catherine Deneuve signed an open letter denouncing MeToo, characterizing it as a puritan American export with no relevance to the

French tradition. While French social media users continued to share their stories, the movement failed to gain significant momentum for several years.

However, MeToo was propelled in France in 2019 after public accusations were made by actors Adele Hanael and Valentine

MeToo in France compared to the United States? And has the movement been effective in either country? Many attribute the cold reception of MeToo in France to a culture that often separates personal transgressions from professional life. An anonymous 2A theorized that this variance comes from differing attitudes in France towards gender roles – “in France, it’s often expected for a man to pursue a woman until the woman directly objects, and it is considered less inappropriate to make advances even in contexts like the workplace.”

Monnier against director Roman Polanski and several others. For the first time since the advent of the French movement, significant professional consequences were brought against an industry professional accused of rape. Polanski’s new film, “An Officer and A Spy,” halted promotion, and the ARP director’s guild began the process of suspending Polanski. This year, the Cesar Awards, scheduled for February 24 in Paris, will ban any actors or film industry workers who have committed sexual violence out of respect for the victims.

But what explains the relatively delayed spread of

While the relative outrage in the United States over MeToo may lead one to think that the movement experienced wide success, many abusers still hold high status. Men like Harvey Weinstein, Bill Cosby and R Kelly have been almost universally denounced for their crimes. Yet, confessed rapists like, most-followed Instagram user globally Cristiano Ronaldo have enjoyed new heights of fame and shirked responsibility for sexual assault offenses that they explicitly admit to. Weinstein’s conviction and sentencing may be a watershed moment in a new era of accountability, but there is still much work to be done to remove abusers from positions of power and success.

“In the newspaper Le Monde, 100 women led by actress Catherine Deneuve signed an open letter denouncing MeToo, characterizing it as a Americanpuritanexport with no relevance to the French tradition.”

Interviewing Iranian Actress and Activist Golshifteh Farahani

By Sarina Soleymani, Staff Writer

As the new year approached, each of us partook in our own plans, spent time with friends or family, ate 12 grapes or sat under the table and celebrated what is supposed to be a new beginning. We shared the same yearly thirst for change which is indeed never quenched, at least not for most. Yet, a group of people who did immediately experience this shift was the Iranian population. On Jan. 1, 2023, six of the most influential Iranian figures created a coalition group against the Islamic Republic, an important display of solidarity with the revolution. Among them includes one exiled and

noteworthy actress who refuses to stay silent and continues to shed light on the events happening in our homeland. I was given the chance to speak to Golshifteh Farahani, an individual I grew up watching, hearing about and admiring for her courage, intellect and heart.

From “About Elly” to “Paterson,” Golshifteh Farahani has earned her place as a leading Iranian actress. In 2008, she was exiled from the country due to her refusal to wear the hijab during the premiere of her film “Body of Lies,” directed by Ridley Scott. Preceding the current movement in Iran, Farahani expressed that she did not publicly articulate her political opinions, which

oppose the Islamic Republic. Yet, after witnessing the fearlessness of the Iranians who protested the regime following the 2022 morality police killing of Mahsa Amini, the Iranian actress was inspired to use her freedom to amplify their words, predominantly through social media. As an exiled Iranian actress living in the West, Farahani has a unique voice, encompassing not only those who have lived in Iran but also those in the diaspora contending with survivor’s guilt. Additionally, being able to share her personal experiences of being harassed by the Iranian secret service, grappling with mixed public reactions to controversies and navigating industry secrets provides her with a unique perspective.

Therefore, allow me to share accounts of perhaps the most mesmerizing conversation I have ever had the pleasure of engaging in.

Soleymani: Considering your work in the film industry and your political activism, do you believe that film and politics are intertwined? If so, how do you believe that your role in film contributes to this, and when did you first become aware of this intersection?

Following a short pause, she replied.

Farahani: “Well, I think you must know. You are Iranian. Your life is very intertwined with politics without even wanting it to be. When you are born, you are born into a politics which you don’t even know about, but, you are part of. Same, as another Iranian, I was born and raised in Iran (...). The theocracy became part of our existence: wearing the hijab since you are six to go to school, not being able to sing, watching your parents have to fight for their existence, and so becoming part of that fight.”

This is a common phenomenon felt across the Iranian population, as my friends and family in Iran, myself included, have felt the burden of having an inherently political identity, both on the global and domestic

stage. Yet, somehow her explicit acknowledgment and voicing of said burden was particularly striking. Indeed, within this fight — as she explained to me — art becomes crucial, acting as political statements instead of merely creative outlets. Actions that may not be considered political elsewhere become political in the Iranian context. Farahani elaborated, “If you are a woman singing in Europe, you are just a woman singing, but in Iran, that act becomes a political act. I also realized that whatever we are and whatever we do as artists, whether we like it or not, becomes political, especially as women, because our existence is a position; we are opposing something when we are born.”

S: I have noticed that Iranian women are often presented in one of two ways: as pitiful/repressed beings in need of being saved by the West or as side characters whose sole purposes in life are to submit to religion or the male protagonist. Do you feel similarly, and do you believe that there is a discrepancy between how Iranian women are portrayed abroad and in Iranian media?

F: “The media, both ways, are always trying to make things black and white. They don’t like the middle way — the grayness of life. Especially the media in Iran, which is like propaganda, a staged media which is trying to show things that are absolutely

theater scenes. Not even so, because most theater scenes are honest when this one is not. The goal of the Islamic Republic is to portray Iran as very Islamic.”

However, she pointed out that they have lost this battle with the presence of social media as it allowed a window into the real Iran, the living habits of the younger generation and their true interests. In the same way, Iranian cinema, with the emergence of directors such as Kia Rostami, who have put a spotlight on the Iranian countryside to the Oscar-winning metropolitan wave, notably the works of Asghar Farhadi. “I think a reason that Iranian cinema became so popular is that it was one of the only representations of Iran with image and sound that actually wasn’t part of the media (...).” Her words indicated the irony that Iranian cinema contradicted messages that the media tried to push within their portrayals of mundane interactions of Iranian daily life, that “in Iran, we are not going around in camels; we listen to the same music.” The significance of Iranian cinema boils down to allowing Iran to be discussed outside of political tensions with other countries, sparking curiosity in our culture and almost humanizing the perception of the Iranian people, which in turn allows greater empathy to be given to our cause.

Farahani has several recollections of her time in Iran. One striking memory occurred when she was young — she used to shave her head and pretend to be a boy, a seemingly drastic act of rebellion that would allow her the simple pleasure of playing basketball. Once I broached this with her, she replied: “I think it is funny that you mention that because when you are

Iran, I was a normal teenager just breaking limits because only certain laws, I believe, have to be respected — only the laws that make sense and are logical.” She related this survival instinct to the bravery of young people today in Iran — those who take to the streets, who are ready to sacrifice their lives for the freedom of others, who dare to post on their social media, aware that doing so could be fatal. While admiring the courage of the modern youth, she notes, “as a teenager, life is something you can play with much more easily.

born in a very harsh climate, the only way to survive is to be brave. Because, in a harsh climate, say the North Pole or the Desert, where the environment is neither convenient nor normal, you need to have certain abilities to survive as a human or as an animal. Literally as an animal. You need to take risks because you cannot have food if you don’t take risks.

In the same way, in Iran, when you are born under a dictatorship, your existence depends on certain bravery. Otherwise, you somehow give in, and you rot in (fear). If you want to live the life you want, you must take risks, and those risks could be perceived as bravery, but for us, it is just how we survive. For me, I only realized they call me a rebel when I left Iran. In

I’m not sure how to explain it because I was at that age where I would play with my life, but now I would not do what I used to do.”

S: As somebody who works within the film industry, what insight could you offer regarding censorship in Iran?

F: “Censorship comes under the great umbrella of theocracy (...) it becomes a part of that law where you constantly have to become more creative to find ways to break it. The thing is that nothing in Iran will stop people from doing what they want to do — impossible is the only impossible that we can imagine,”

Farahani expanded that making something off-limits would only make us want to show it more. That rebellion is in Iranian

“she used to shave her head and pretend to be a boy, a seemingly drastic act of rebellion that would allow her the simple pleasure of playing basketball”

blood, giving examples of how Iranian cinema always found methods to break censorship. For instance, physical intimacy between couples is highly censored, and Farahani highlighted how instead of showing couples kissing on film, “in some movies you can see the man biting an apple and moving the apple to the woman and the woman biting the apple.” This was a reference to her own film, Boutique — a fact she left out during the interview. Nonetheless, Farahani also warned about the danger of breaking censorship rules, namely in reference to the deadly nature of recent protests.

S: Considering the high toll of censorship in Iran, how should the international community support them? Are they doing enough, and what more could they be doing?

F: “The international community came in very late, almost two months after hundreds of people were killed, arrested, tortured, raped…The great feminists of the world came very late, but of course, it is never too late, and they are always welcome. We have a very ingrained fear of foreign influence inside Iran because whenever they did something inside Iran, it was always a mess, and it was never for the benefit of the people, like the 1953 coup d’état against Mossadegh or even the Iranian Revolution. So the only thing the foreign community can do is outside of

Iran; they cannot interfere inside Iran, but they can ban Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, and they can ban all the people who crackdown on the people of Iran. Those people should be banned from the world and shouldn’t live so easily outside of Iran. We need to put as much pressure on the Islamic Republic — because now we find that Iran is being held hostage by the Islamic Republic. We need to squeeze them outside of Iran so they cannot do business and easily live in foreign countries. They have a lot of investments elsewhere; they took the country’s money outside of Iran. We need to find and ban (Islamic Republic officials’ funds), literally exile the people who have created hell in Iran to where they came from.”

ahani took off her hijab in 2008, she was confronted by reactions of disappointment, yet in 2022, Alidoosti was applauded. I told her I had only encountered Iran in a more contemporary context and, coming from bustling Tehran, I had more exposure to this open-minded side of Iran. I asked her if she believed whether my Iran is different from the one she left 15 years ago. “The main difference is that when I left, Generation Z was four, five, six and now they are 17, 18, 19 — teenagers and young adults.” She explained that this generation and the possibility that they can live in a free Iran is the motivating factor that inspires her to spread awareness and join the fight. Farahani also highlighted social media’s positive role, which mounts Iran on the global stage.

of work], artists such as Toomaj Salehi, who is close to facing execution. The tragedy is a humanitarian crisis but, because it is happening in the geopolitically complex region of the Middle East, it is not getting enough attention which makes us powerless when we do everything in our power.”

S: To perhaps end on a lighter note, do you have any film recommendations for the readers?

F: “Patience Stone.” Brilliantly following the story of a woman in Afghanistan who sets herself free, Farahani finds the story told in this film deserving to be heard and explains that she often follows the theme of women’s emancipation in her movies.

On Dec. 17, 2022, another Iranian actress, Taraneh Alidoosti, was arrested for courageously publishing herself on Instagram without wearing a hijab and publicly supporting the movement. Before her arrest and immediately following her post, Golshifteh Farahani also posted on Instagram supporting Alidoosti and expressing that she feels hopeful for Iran. Her hope is founded in the notion that when Far-

S: When it comes to such a turbulent political movement, what do you consider deserves the most attention and is there anything you would like to shed light on?

F: After a pause of reflection, she articulated, “Every part of it: the people in prisons, the people killed, raped, tortured, those who lost their eye [referencing Ghazal Ranjkesh—a girl from Bandar Abas of Iran was shot in the eye by security forces after coming home from four hours of class and nine hours

Golshifteh Farahani provided brilliant insight into not just our country’s history and the evolution of social mindsets but also the distinction between media, cinema and tools used by directors to escape censorship. She even taught me about some shared experiences within the Iranian identity. This exchange fuelled hope that humble, intelligent and empathetic figures like herself can guide and shape the narratives needed to ensure that our upcoming revolution will be successful.

“whenever they did something inside Iran, it was always a mess, and it was never for the benefit of the people”

Eats With Angela: The Struggle to Celebrate Food

By Angela Saab Saade, Staff Writer

“Eats with Angela” has always revolved around the joys of food. However, I would be a hypocrite if I did not address what is often masked regarding this subject. Kindly note that this article may be triggering for some readers; it unpacks heavy — albeit necessary — topics, namely unhealthy relationships with food and body image, diet culture, social media and mental health.

Long ago, I came across an advertisement on social media that championed a weight loss diet for the purpose of “looking beautiful” and “being happy.” It was unsurprising, as similar publicities constantly surround me, whether on social media or billboards, in Lebanon or in Europe. Body shaming and the pressure to look a certain way is certainly in the air, and it is suffocating. My first instinct was

had to lose weight to look beautiful nor follow advice from a patriarchal capitalist market that makes millions of dollars at the

to click on the ad and read through its content. Little did I know that I neither

expense of my ability to walk out of my home feeling comfortable in my own skin. Although this is only my personal experience, this scenario is not novel to the general public, especially not to the young female demographic.

While wanting to lose

weight or have our bodies look a particular way is not inherently negative, the means by which we choose to do so and the intentions of our doing are worth noting. Recent studies have shown that the eating disorder epidemic has been the second leading cause of deaths in the U.S. after opioid overdoses — one death every fifty-two minutes. Furthermore, according to Johns Hopkins research, 95 percent of people with eating disorders are between the ages of twelve and twenty-five. Unfortunately, the Covid-19 pandemic has ex-

acerbated these figures and data is significantly lacking in most parts of the rest of the world.

Furthermore, social media and its toxic editing tools to manipulate one’s physical appearance have helped foster unrealistic beauty standards, which much of the world has fallen victim to internalizing. This outcome is facilitated by the dominance of capitalism and widespread technology. Yet, some have attempted to re-instrumentalize social media in order to counter negative trends and re-conceptualize previous norms; for instance, the body positivity movement. Nonetheless, the overwhelming number and variety of advertisements revolving around body image, amongst other standards of beauty, reaffirm the wealth-oriented use of technology and vanquish our optimistic outlook.

Though, beauty standards and the normalization of body shaming differ across cultures. Specialists agree that “culture plays a significant role” in developing eating disorders, despite the precise reasons remaining unknown. For instance, in the Middle East

“an advertisement on social media that championed a weight loss diet for the purpose of “looking beautiful” and “being happy.”

and North Africa, little is known of eating disorders and myths are generally the dominant knowledge base; even worse, the region lacks resources for treatment. It has been stated that in the Arab World, the “thin ideal and the prevalence of obesity” have encouraged more eating disorder symptoms among the general public. Notwithstanding, the region has made recognizable progress in the provision of resources to help understand and deal with eating disorders. For instance, the Middle East Eating Disorder Association was established in 2009 to debunk societal myths and provide support for those struggling. Recoverly Ever

After is another organization that is based in Beirut, Lebanon and provides clinical-based therapy and a free questionnaire to help

identify whether or not you may have an eating disorder. In addition, a number of reports and articles have been published pertaining to the topic. More broadly, on social media, Instagram

accounts such as those of Dana Mercer Ricci and Nuras Recovery discuss their own journeys towards defeating their eating disorders, while Djemila Roukos and Colleen Intuitive Eating Dietitian provide psychological and science-based knowledge to educate their audiences.

Moreover, it is inevitable that when we go back home for the holidays, family members, friends and even strangers may comment on the way we look, especially when our physical appearance has changed. Our opportunity to catch a break may be transformed into a period of overwhelming stress, fear and anxiety. Such feedback is often offered by loved ones who do not intend to harm us. Nonetheless, the comment itself may trigger unfavorable emotions, thoughts and behaviors. In such moments, it is important to take a step back and pull yourself out of the situation in order to recall that those who judge you often feel insecure themselves and have been victims of judgment and invalidation in some way or another.

Therefore, as we share the glee of eating, cooking and celebrating love through food, it is essential to remember that some may be struggling to celebrate with us. It is with this token that I hope we may be kind to one another and avoid unnecessary comments and judgments that hurt more than heal. And, if you are indeed struggling to celebrate, I hope you find the courage to reach out to someone, whether a friend, a colleague, someone you trust or a specialist, because you deserve to be nourished, to savor the art of food.

“Though, beauty standards and the normalization of body shaming differ across cultures. Specialists agree that “culture plays a significant role” in developing eating disorders, despite the precise reasons remaining unknown.”

Supermaketmania: Shiny Plastic and Constructed Personalities

By Margherita Cordellini, Staff Writer

The day is about to end and you do not feel like going home yet. You just got off from work or from a study session in the library and you need a mediator to soften the shift from an uncomfortable wooden chair to bed. It ought to be something that rewards you for having pulled through a seemingly endless day but also something that does not spoil you because you did nothing special, only your job. As you mechanically pass masses of other tired workers and students, your peripheral vision catches sight of a flower-shaped neon sign that rises above a promising banner: “20% sale on selected products.”

You know what you will encounter if you walk through the door: a maze of shining, perfectly ordered and rigorously partitioned aisles, which, albeit rarely changing, always disclose new mysteries.

You immediately find yourself in the food department, contemplating a myriad of colors, shapes and textures which are supposed to be only accessories, only the casings of what you really want, but

that inexplicably signify something more. Filling up your shopping cart with bright yellow, noisy crisps packages and promising images printed on orange juice cartons is not only a temporary solution to a harsh monotonous day but a repetitive choice through which you, and many others, find meaning and reinvent yourself.

The contemporary modalities of purchasing fully embrace capitalistic values. The most evident among them is, perhaps, individualism. The heterogeneity of products and brands combined with targeted advertising suggests that there is space for everyone’s identity and invites each person to select products according to a certain congruence. You can choose to be a sporty person — and even become one — if you buy protein bars instead of biscuits. You can appear emancipated from your European background and emanate international vibes if, according to your shopping basket and your kitchen shelves, you are passionate about oatmeal and peanut butter. What this means is that supermarkets are purchasing spaces in which people

seek not only to nourish but also to define themselves.

In his book “Simulations and Simulacra,” the postmodernist philosopher Jean Baudrillard understands commodities sold in supermarkets as hypercommodities; to our eyes they do not exist as objects but as an intricate net of symbols delivered by advertisements, media and consumerist culture. Baudrillard would thus affirm that we are so bombarded by images of what, for example, an apple signifies (synonym of a healthy lifestyle, dietary restrictions and self-discipline) that apples cannot be said to exist anymore, having been replaced by an ensemble of culturally and socially manufactured images tied to them. It might appear as an abstruse theory, but it shapes the way we process information more often than we think. Consider this passage from Sally Rooney’s novel “Beautiful World Where Are You”: “On his way out of the shop, in front of the fresh fruit display, he paused. Alice was standing there looking at apples, lifting the apples one after another and examining them for defects.”

An English-speaking extra-terrestrial deprived of any cultural or social background to whom somebody just explained what supermarkets are and what purpose they serve, would probably infer from this excerpt that Alice is so fond of apples that she wants to make sure to savor them fully or that she seeks the best bang for her buck. This is the most logical conclusion to draw knowing that supermarkets are places where people buy products according to their desires, needs and budgetary constraints. Yet, I highly doubt that this would be the first intuition of a person whose socialization took place in a 21st-century capitalist country and who has been sufficiently exposed to consumerist culture and digital spaces. These last two elements promote a fixation with certain gendered images of the body that privilege slim silhouettes for girls and toned ones for boys. Therefore, it would be impossible not to contemplate the possibility that Alice might be affected by this schizophrenia around somatic features, “healthy” lifestyles and normative Instagram posts studding selfcare pages. In our eyes, Alice, culturally and socially influenced, is examining apples to become

“Baudrillard understands commodities sold in supermarkets as hypercommodities”

“ your peripheral vision catches sight of a flower-shaped neon sign that rises above a promising banner: “20% sale on selected products.”

a certain kind of person. Hence, in Baudrillard’s words, hypercommodities are made to test ourselves. The self-service dimension characterizing supermarkets gives us the illusory impression of agency and control, whereas, in reality, a supermarket is a space of manipulation of man by products.

This conversion from real to hyperreal does not only apply to alimentary products but to the totality of advertised items. However, the food compartment of supermarkets is a particularly interesting case study. Unlike other essential products, e.g. clothes, food is, when sold, often invisible to our eyes, being wrapped by layers of packaging. The blue plastic of Oreos and the thick milk cartons sprinkled with representations of smiling cows are supposed to be mere containers whose relevance is insignificant

compared to the contents. Yet, research has shown the incredible influence that these have on consumers purchasing choices. As Schifferstein and others pointed out in their work “Influence of package design on the dynamics of multisensory and emotional food experience,” today the products’ encasement is intended to be a decisive factor. Nowadays, they explain, countless brands offer strikingly similar products: targeting the tastes of the consumers is not enough for companies. It is necessary to make the item stand out from the analogous others; the features of the wrapping material are, together with other elements such as competitive price setting, essential to this. Their research was built on the premise that, while choosing which packed food to purchase, consumers’ sensory experience is vital. Through empirical experiments, they

unsurprisingly found that, if people are put in front of a supermarket shelf full of identical products of different brands the most important sense is sight. Betina Piqueras-Fiszman and Charles Spence specify that among all the visible elements characterizing a packed product (size and shape of the container, the magnitude of opening, etc...), color is one of the most decisive factors. This was proved while conducting an experiment on potato chips. Participants were asked to taste and identify the flavor of crisps served from a package whose color corresponds to another variety of potato chips — salt and vinegar chips were served from a blue package (commonly corresponding to cheese and onion crisps) and not a green one. According to the results, the majority of participants were fooled by the wrong color association and failed to recognize the right fla-

vor profile, despite having uncompromised taste buds and being familiar with the crisp brand’s various flavors. The power of colors is so strong that it made it impossible for a significant part of the test group to identify the taste that they knew well. Therefore, what is it that we are really buying? The food product or the shiny plastic packages that unconsciously attract us? The answer probably lies somewhere at the intersection between these two elements.

Due to psychological biases, cultural and social influences, we are never buying only food when we go grocery shopping. Attracted by the aesthetics of a supposedly irrelevant casing and eager to build a desired version of ourselves, our experiences in supermarkets are far more complex than we deem and deserve to be further inquired into.

Le Football, Source de Miracles Pour l’Argentine?

By Amalia Heide, Staff Writer

Argentine: un pays brisé, divisé entre anti-Kirchneristes, anti-Macristes, anti-libéraux, anti-caste politique, anti-IMF... en général toujours anti. Un pays plongé dans une forte crise économique, politique et sociale.

Argentins : toujours insatisfaits du présent, toujours pessimistes quant à l’avenir.

Aucun homme politique, aucun événement historique, aucun ennemi commun, aucune lutte sociale, aucune célébration collective n’a réussi au cours des dernières décennies à unir ce peuple, plein de ressentiment et vide d’espoir. Même le conflit sur la souveraineté des Malouines entre l’Argentine et l’Angleterre ne fait pas l’unanimité ou ne suscite pas de passion profonde parmi les citoyens.

Mais en sept matches et en l’espace d’un mois, l’équipe nationale de football argentine semble avoir réalisé l’impossible. Je ne parle pas de la victoire de la Coupe du monde, mais de ses conséquences : plus de 5 millions de personnes sont sorties dans la rue pour fêter la victoire. Même les leaders politiques les plus charismatiques de l’histoire de l’Argentine n’ont pas réussi ce que l’équipe

dirigée par Messi a réussi : imprégner l’âme de près de 46 millions d’Argentins de la fierté d’appartenir à la nation argentine. Pauvres,

atteindre nos objectifs, pouvons-nous apporter ce nouveau sentiment d’unité dans l’arène politique ? J’ai des doutes à ce sujet. C’est

référence commun, une source de joie et de réconfort, et pourra donc contribuer à désamorcer les tensions, mais de là à les éliminer, c’est une autre affaire.

riches, hommes, femmes, citoyens de gauche, citoyens de droite célébrant et scandant en chœur le même slogan. Il a déjà été décrété que c’est la plus grande fête de l’histoire de l’Argentine. Et pour une fois, il n’y a pas un parti politique impliqué, il n’y a pas de principes idéologiques en jeu. Désormais, puisque nous avons été témoins qu’en équipe, nous pouvons

précisément cette absence d’arrière-plan idéologique qui a permis cette union fraternelle. Le fossé politique est si profond dans notre pays que je doute fort que cela nous permette de réduire de manière durable nos conflits politiques internes, nos différences idéologiques, notre aversion mutuelle. Il est évident que le fait d’être champions du monde restera un point de

D’autre part, on peut se demander si ces célébrations ne montrent que le meilleur côté du peuple argentin. Ces célébrations, qui en théorie semblent très poétiques, romantiques, libératrices, ont fini par révéler en pratique notre penchant presque morbide pour le débordement, la sauvagerie et la destruction. Personnes blessées et tuées en tombant de ponts, de monuments ou de biens publics. Au lendemain de la caravane de l’équipe nationale argentine, les alentours de l’obélisque, l’emblème de Buenos Aires, étaient pitoyables. Les feux de signalisation, les panneaux indiquant le nom des rues, les stations de bus... tous détruits. Avec quel budget tout serat-il réparé ? Sans parler des ordures dans les rues que d’autres devront ramasser.

Après tout, comme l’a dit un joueur de l’équipe nationale, ce n’est que du football. Mais espérons que le football permettra de réaliser le miracle d’une véritable unité. C’est mon seul souhait.

Morocco’s World Cup Success Sends the Globe a Powerful Statement

By Colin Lim, Staff Writer

“Avec nos lions!” triumphantly proclaimed the destination displays of the Casablanca buses. Although the Atlas Lions had lost the World Cup semifinals to France a week earlier, the feeling of triumph was palpable under the balmy December sun. As traffic flowed along the wide boulevards of Morocco’s financial hub, adorned with red and green flags, the national team was eagerly welcomed home 80 kilometers away in Rabat. Riding in an open-top bus, conspicuously emblazoned with the national rallying cry, “Dima Maghrib,” the players were greeted by thousands of jubilant fans who recognized and ap-

preciated the magnitude of their accomplishment.

The fact that Morocco’s national football team had even made it to this point was an impressive feat. Their unprecedented success rallied Morocco, the Moroccan diaspora, and Muslim communities of disparate origins worldwide behind a single team. As the first Arab or African country to advance to the semifinals, Morocco managed, at long last, to break the glass ceiling that had been so inviolably reserved for European and South American teams, the traditional strongholds of professional football. The players, whose feline moniker dates back to an extinct species that used to roam the mountains of North Africa, carry an

array of passports, as the 26-person lineup includes only 12 players born on Moroccan soil and others born in France, Spain, the Netherlands, Belgium and Canada.

As the Moroccan team advanced through the World Cup, defeating Belgium, Canada, Spain, and Portugal, they captivated their audience and the world with several iconic images. Photographs that went viral displayed players’ jubilee — even embracing and kissing their mothers, à la Achraf Hakimi. Several photos of Moroccan players and staff united in prayer on the field, all facing the qibla and publicly affirming their faith, gained momentum among Muslim communities globally. The

visibility of their devotion in the face of anti-Muslim sentiment in their European birth countries offered a source of inspiration and empowerment.

The success of the Moroccan team at the 2022 FIFA World Cup has disrupted the traditional balance of football. It has shown how the unassuming underdogs can, with the right combination of teamwork, persistence and a steadfast, strong-willed, bald-headed coach — Walid Regragui, nicknamed “avocado head”— attain new heights. The Atlas Lions will showcase their improvements at the next World Cup in North America, potentially contributing even more to the diversification of successful football teams.

January Sports Recap

By Hugo Lagergren, Staff Writer

« Les COP sont un peu Sports Recap

Football

The January player transfer window has now closed. Some teams splashed the cash, while some were more restrained in their approach and waiting for the summer window to do most of their serious business. Perhaps the most significant news to come out of the January window was Cristiano Ronaldo’s move to Saudi Arabia’s Al Nassr FC following his departure from Manchester United, where he had a falling out with several management figures, including manager Erik Ten Haag.

Ronaldo has signed for two and a half years, extending his playing career until June 2025. The contract is reportedly worth a whopping 150 million USD per season. Ronaldo returned to the field as Al Nassr lost 4-5 to Lionel Messi’s Paris Saint-Germain (PSG), reuniting

him with his old rival. The Telegraph described the match as “the sordid final chapter of our era’s greatest football rivalry.”

Questions have been asked of Chelsea FC and their possible violation of Fédération Internationale de Football Association’s (FIFA) Financial Fair Play regulation. Since U.S. billionaire Todd Boehly acquired the team last May, Chelsea have spent nearly half a million GBP on transfers. FIFA caps club spending at 105m GBP per season, and Chelsea have spent over four times that amount in the last six months. However, transfer fees are spread across the length of their contract. Chelsea recently signed Ukraine’s Mykhailo Mudryk for an eight-anda-half-year contract and a hefty price of 88.5 million GBP, with other contracts ranging from five to six years.

Arsenal have continued their impressive run at the top of the Premier League table by beating Manchester United 3-2 after a scintillating performance by

Bukayo Saka. Fans are increasingly confident that this season will end their 19-year wait for a Premier League title.

RC Lens closed the gap to current league leaders PSG by three points as PSG lost 1-0 to Rennes. OGC Nice are looking for a replacement for veteran Dante, who is likely to retire at the end of the season. Nice, who have had a poor start to the season, are looking to bolster their team in hopes of stronger performance.

Formula 1

Teams have started to announce the launch dates to showcase their cars for the 2023 season, with Red Bull being the first to launch their car on the third of February. The rest of the launches will follow in the next fortnight.

Steve Nielsen has been appointed as Sporting Director of the Fédération Internationale de l’Automobile. This job switch from a high-ranking Formula 1 job requires him to oversee race-control

operations, which have been at the heart of recent controversies, including during Max Verstappen’s first title-winning season.

Boxing

Youtuber/boxer/rapper KSI announced his ambition for Misfits Boxing, his promotional company, and their partnership with DAZN boxing to become a serious fighting arena. KSI defeated Faze Temperrr only a minute into the first round, after which he spoke passionately about his event’s potential to compete with major fighting institutions such as the Ultimate Fighting Championship. His fight reportedly accumulated an impressive 300,000 pay-per-view buys.

Rugby

With the Six Nations tournament approaching, England Rugby fans will have been relieved to hear that Captain Owen Farrell has been cleared to play. He was handed a four-match ban after a high tackle during a league match against Gloucester.

Will Iraq’s New Government Bring About Change?

By Noor Ahmad, Staff Writer

The new Iraqi government, headed by Mohammed Shia’ al-Sudani, was formed in October 2022 and put an end to over a year of political deadlock. The impasse arose as the major bloc of parliamentary seats was won by supporters of Shiite Muslim cleric Muqtada al-Sadr (the Sadrists). They sought to challenge the status quo of the Shia Coordination Framework, a coalition of Shiite organizations representing vested interests, including those led by former Prime Minister Nouri Al Maliki. In fact, al-Sudani is a close associate of Nouri Al-Maliki, who many associate with corruption and mismanagement, and served in his cabinet when he joined national politics in 2010.

The Sadrists, on the other hand, draw their strength from the youth and professional classes – many of them are either unemployed or in insecure forms of employment. Former administrations failed the Sadrist base by not meeting their fundamental needs. In fact, recent data shows that 41 million Iraqis lack access to potable water or electricity, and many feel disillusioned with a corrupt and ineffective political system. The popular demand for an end to corruption manifested itself in an October 2019 protest, known as the Thawrat Tishreen (the October Revolution). Yet, these tensions have persisted, with the Sadrists using opportunities at times to side with the govern-

ment and stabilize the system and at others to destabilize it. When al-Sudani was first nominated as prime minister, the militant wing of the Sadrists, Saray al-Salam, occupied the Green Zone in Baghdad and stormed parliament.

Al-Sudani ascended to the premiership against this contentious background, and vowed to root out corruption following longstanding abuse of power. He appears to have had some success –he established The Supreme Anti-Corruption Commission to support the Ministry of Interior in pursuing large scale and high-profile corruption cases; retrieved around $125 million of the stolen tax funds in late November; and rid the government of around 900 compromised officials after six weeks in office. Al-Sudani also outlined ambitious goals of significantly increasing the number of public sector jobs, in an attempt to mirror al-Maliki, who created over 600,000 jobs during his time in office.

While Sudani seems to have admirable objectives for the country, these ideas are not novel, nor are they realistic. His desire to expand public sector jobs is idealistic given that over 60 percent of Iraq’s population is under 25-yearsold, and that around 700,000 people already enter the job market annually, a two thirds increase compared to the Al-Maliki era. The state is already burdened with over-employment and unscrupulous officials create fictitious employees to extract their wag-

es from the government.

Moreover, the commission to fight corruption established by al-Sudani is only one in a lineage of those established by his predecessors, for example, Mustafa al-Kadhimi, the former Prime Minister accused of embezzling 2.5 billion tax dollars from Iraqi state coffers, in what is regarded as Iraq’s “heist of the century”, established the Supreme Anti-Corruption Committee. The anti-corruption bodies preceding al-Sudani have been merely symbolic, providing the administrations with much-needed le-

a state-financed company to manage government projects, and this is run by an affiliate of the pro-Iran militant group Hashd al-Shaabi. Many believe that the Hashd al-Shaabi want to win contracts in the oil and gas sector, as well as in housing construction. To add credence to this, al-Sudani’s first major overseas visit after securing the premiership was to Iran, where he sought to assuage concerns of the Iranian government on bilateral issues, including security and economic cooperation. The Shia Coordination Framework, which helped elect al-Sudani, is also backed by Iran.

gitimacy and sometimes used to attack political opponents of the government. Given al-Sudani’s reliance on the political elite to prop up his government, there is nothing stopping him from following in their footsteps.

Al-Sudani and his government are not only supported by the political elite in Iraq but also by foreign actors. His government set up

Al-Sudani must work quickly to win over the millions of Sadr supporters. This is not just a race to stabilize the economic system, but also a political contest as the Sadrists vie to displace the pro-Iran influence with a Shiite domestic equivalent. The Sadrists have become a major political force over the last decade, doubling their share of parliamentary elections from 2014 to 2018. However, their 2021 choice to break the status quo and ally with Sunni and Kurdish groups to form a government spelled their political downfall. It was their unwillingness to compromise with the Shia Coordinate Framework that ultimately upset their plans. Undoubtedly, they will try again if al-Sudani fails to implement his plans for reforming the state.

Is Netanyahu’s Supreme Court Proposal Reform or Regime Change?

By Magdalena Offenbeck, Managing Editor

Only weeks after its inauguration, Israel’s rightwing government under returning Prime Minister

ers took to the streets of Tel Aviv to demonstrate against what many consider a step to dismantle Israeli democracy. However, the controversy reflects a tale as old as democracy

than the number required to form a coalition government. After that four-year period, any newly elected coalition could re-legislate the statute, making it immune to further judicial

Benjamin Netanyahu has set out to severely curtail the powers of the Israeli Supreme Court. The current legislative proposal by Justice Minister Yariv Lavin will revoke the influential Israeli Supreme Court’s veto rights on government legislation and regulation, and place the judicial appointment panel under government control. This has sent shockwaves through Israeli society which, as the countless failed coalitions in the last years have shown, is already deeply divided. On Jan. 14, 80,000 protest-

itself: the intrinsic tension between the counter-majoritarian mechanism of judicial review and the will of popularly elected representatives.

Under the reform proposal, government bills could be struck down by the Supreme Court with only a majority of 80 percent of judges in a panel of 15. Even if the Court reaches this supermajority, the Knesset could re-legislate the bill for a period of four years with a simple majority of just 61 Knesset members — a figure lower

review. Additionally, the government could appoint seven of the 11 members to the judicial appointment panel. This would de facto end any possibility of independent judicial review.

Israel’s Supreme Court is known for its wide powers and active role in reviewing government legislation. It has historically taken a liberal stance on controversial issues such as Israeli citizenship and settlements in the West Bank and offered an effective counter mechanism to the ongoing shift to right-

wing party dominance in the country. However, its mandate and legitimacy are far from unequivocal. Israel’s 1948 Declaration of Independence mandated the drafting of a national constitution; but this was never fulfilled. Instead, the Basic Law, 14 laws adopted since 1958, has served as a growing body of constitutionalism in Israel. Judicial review was only progressively constitutionalized. In 1995, famous ex-Chief Justice Aharon Barak fundamentally altered the balance of power by asserting in the landmark case “United Mizrahi Bank v. Migdal” that the lack of a constitution did not prevent constitutional supremacy. Instead, laws considered fundamental Basic Law enjoy the status

of legal supremacy, and the Israeli Supreme Court has the power to adjudicate on the conformity of legislation within this hierarchy of norms. The Court has since used this power to apply controversial principles such as “reasonableness,” whereby it can invalidate government legislation if it finds it unreasonable.

Barak has called the proposal “the beginning of the end of the modern state of Israel,” outlining that it would leave citizens defenseless against the abuse of their rights. In a lengthy televised interview shortly after the proposal’s announcement, Barak warned of a possible tyranny of the majority and emphasized the importance of a thick conception of democratic principles, including minority rights protection. His comments were met with severe criticism by Justice Minister Lavin, who, like Netanyahu himself, portrays the measure as essential to restore democracy. The coalition government has continuously portrayed the Supreme Court as an instrument of the left and illegitimate due to its power to trump the will of democratically elected lawmakers. In a Jan. 16 Tweet, Netanyahu stressed that his government will not be “deterred by the attacks of the left and the media.” In recent years, the rise of left-wing governments has seemed like a sheer impossibility and cleavages between the left

and the right have deepened on all social issues. This is accompanied by an increasing personalization of political power whereby anti- and pro-Netanyahu have become synonyms

for left and right-wing political orientations. To the current government coalition, the Supreme Court is a tool the left uses to exert the influence it has lost in democratic elections.

The politicization of the Court by the Israeli right is reflected in the stark divide in public opinion. In a recent survey by The Israel Democracy Institute, 54% of participants “agreed that the Supreme Court should have the power to strike down laws passed in the Knesset which conflict with the Basic Laws of the State of Israel.”

This view was held by 76% of secular Israelis, while only 15% of Haredi Israelis agreed with the statement. Party alignment shows similar divides. Among the most prominent left-wing parties, 85% of survey participants expressed their support for the Court. Netanyahu’s more religious political base opposed the Court’s prerogative by no less than 95%.

At the core of the issue lies a question of demo-

cratic legitimacy that has preoccupied constitutionalists since the idea of judicial review was first conceived. Proponents of the Supreme Court, such as Aharon Barak, highlight the essentiality of Constitutional Courts in providing a counter-majoritarian mechanism in societies, especially those as deeply divided as Israel’s. The country’s multiparty system of proportional representation with low thresholds to enter the Knesset has always allowed for diverse representation. Nevertheless, it has also made it possible for right-wing coalitions to overpower minorities in the government. It has been the role of the Supreme Court to assess the conformity of these coalitions’ actions with basic rights and freedoms.

Yet, the proposal is hailed by many as a return to true democracy. Reform proponents believe the Court has an overly powerful role in politics as it inherently lacks democratic legitimacy, allowing judges to

tablishing principles such as “reasonableness” that can be subject to broad application and interpretation. An opinion column by David M. Weinberg, vice president of the Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security, reflects these beliefs. He sarcastically outlines that “‘Reasonableness’ is authoritarian jargon that allows High Court justices to elastically apply their own sensibilities to socially re-engineer Israeli society in their enlightened image.” These contradictory perspectives leave little room for compromise and conciliation.

push an agenda that is not necessarily representative of the right-wing political majority in the country. Those considering democracy as the mere fulfillment of the will of the voting majority have long seen the Court’s powers as undemocratic by nature. Due to its lack of clearly enumerated constitutional powers, the judiciary has been able to take on an increasingly active and powerful role, es-

The dismantling of the Supreme Court is by far not the only issue in Israeli politics that has seen extreme division and polarization, but to many, it is the most fundamental one yet. Should Netanyahu’s coalition succeed and pass the bill by March as announced, the political power balance is set to change drastically. Many fear that the Supreme Court’s dismantling will unravel the already limited liberal influence in Israeli politics and install a tyranny of the majority. To others, it is the return of true democracy. Whatever perspective one takes, Israel is a special case. Few democracies are forced to accommodate social diversity to this degree. Should the Knesset move forward with its proposal, it remains to be seen how the state’s diverse actors will reconcile their differences within a system that uniquely caters to a political majority that does not mirror the heterogeneity of Israeli society.

“the controversy reflects a tale as old as democracy itself: the intrinsic tension between the counter-majoritarian mechanism of judicial review and the will of popularly elected repre- sentatives.”

“... the beginning of the end of the modern state of Isra- el,” outlining that it would leave citizens defenseless against the abuse of their rights.”

What Ekrem Imamoğlu’s unjust imprisonment reveals about Erdoğan’s plans for Turkey

By Ecesu Basara, Section Editor

“Şeytan tüyü,” a Turkish proverb that translates literally to “feather of the devil,” is used to refer to persons who are thought to have an easy time winning the acceptance and love of others.

If you are familiar with the name Ekrem Imamoğlu, you are aware of his undeniable possession of this special “feather.” Businessman and skilled communicator, he made his fortune in construction before entering politics. Member of the Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (CHP), a secular and leftist party founded by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk,

Ekrem Imamoğlu knows how to seduce beyond his political affiliation; he appeals to the Kemalist and nationalist electorate but also the Kurds, which is surprising given the current dynamics of Turkish politics, which tend to isolate and divide different ethnic and religious groups.

Despite his active participation in the construction sector, which he inherited from his family, Imamoğlu first appeared to be relatively obscure to the general public. However, his reputation and career took off in 2019. In one of its most humiliating defeats, he beat Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (AKP), the conservative party in power since 2002, to win the Istanbul municipal elections with the help of CHP leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu. Growing censorship and the outlawing of oppositional parties have been hallmarks of the AKP’s administration. In light of this, the election of Imamoğlu presented itself as a beacon of hope for many Turks who do not identify with the ideology of Erdoğan, and for the first time in almost 20 years, it made them feel like their voices had been heard.

These two political figures may seem irreconcilable to one another, but they share many uncanny traits that

show Imamoğlu’s potential as a future Turkish leader and justify Erdoğan’s desire to hinder Imamoğ-

tween the two figures further demonstrate Imamoğlu’s capability to be a leader as powerful as Erdoğan in the coming years and the voice of the long-silenced.

lu’s candidacy in the upcoming 2023 presidential elections. First, it is noteworthy to mention that Imamoğlu and Erdoğan both originate from the Black Sea region of Turkey, an area that has historically played a crucial role in Turkish politics. Also, both Erdoğan and Imamoğlu have served as mayor of Istanbul — Erdoğan from 1994 to 1998, and Imamoglu since 2019. In addition, both Imamoğlu and Erdoğan cherish religion and publicly express their devotion, despite the fact that Imamoğlu’s discourse on religion is substantially more inclusive of Islamic minorities and non-Muslim groups in Turkey while Erdoğan opts for an idealized global Sunni vision of Islam. The similarities be-

Undoubtedly, Erdoğan is aware of this reality, and in an effort to maintain his position as ruler for a few more years, takes care to minimize Imamoğlu’s exposure to the Turkish people.

Even after winning Istanbul’s mayoral elections in March, Imamoğlu’s victory was short-lived — the vote was quickly annulled on the grounds that it was fraudulent and pushed to a date three months later. When he won for the second time, he used the term “fools” to describe election

officials who had canceled the vote on unjust grounds. AKP officials viewed this as an insult to the Turkish administration and a defamation court case against Imamoğlu was opened immediately in June 2019. The court announced its

“he appeals to the Kemalist and nationalist electorate but also the Kurds”

“Growing censorship and the outlawing of partiesoppositional have been hallmarks of the AKP’s administration. ”

“When he won for the second time, he used the term “fools” to describe election officials who had canceled the vote on unjust grounds.”

decision in mid-December 2022 and Imamoğlu was sentenced to two years, seven months and 15 days in prison in addition to a political ban. He has decided to appeal this decision, so the sentence is currently suspended.

What is most shocking about this brutal verdict is that the Minister of Internal Affairs, Süleyman Soylu, called Imamoğlu a “fool” before Imamoğlu had said it. Soylu escaped legal action or even mild consequences. Imamoğlu used this in his defense, but the court ruled that he had not meant the term “fool” in the same way that Soylu had.

In his defense he also included that, in Turkey, the word “fool” is usually not

regarded as an insult, but the Court had an answer for this as well. It determined, based on the manner the word “fool” was

see that this case, particularly given its timing (five months before the presidential elections), is politically motivated.

the em-

used in the sentence and the emphasis given to it, that Imamoğlu had meant for it to mean “dumb and idiotic.”

In short, the Court found that, when two people say the same word, the one who says it first should not get called out, whereas the other is condemned to prison and a political ban. It does not take long to

Decided by a judge who has photos with AKP leaders and who demonstrated clear bias, this courtroom drama features ludicrous defenses and aggressive demands from the prosecution. Erdoğan’s fear of losing his position as president has once again undermined the integrity of Turkey’s justice system and further eroded the democratic norms that the

nation previously upheld strongly and proudly. Erdoğan has demonstrated yet again that he is willing to do whatever it takes to get reelected in May 2023.

“It determined, based on the manner the word “fool” was used in the sentence and

phasis given to it, that Imamoğlu had meant for it to mean “dumb and idiotic.”