AN EXHIBITION OF TANG, SONG AND GORYEO CELADON SUBLIME CELADON by MAYUYAMA & CO., LTD.

3RD TO 12TH NOVEMBER 2023

MAYUYAMA & CO., LTD.

凡例： - 展覧会タイトルに於いては、中国の慣習に則り青磁の「磁」を「瓷」としたが、本文及び論文に於いては、日本で主に用いられている「磁」のままとした。 Notes - The second Chinese character (kanji ) in the Japanese exhibition title (瓷) follows Chinese use for this term, while the captions and essays follow the Japanese usage of the homonymous character (磁). - Two different kilns and their wares have homonymous names in Pinyin. To differentiate between these two kilns, the relevant Chinese characters (kanji ) have been appended to their appearance in English captions and, as required, in the Mori essay. Ex. Yuezhou (越州) and Yuezhou (岳州).

ごあいさつ本展は、中国陶磁史の大きな潮流の一つである、中唐から北宋にかけての青磁の隆盛に焦点を当て、加えて高麗青磁も視野に入れ中国の青磁との対比を行うことにより、中国の作例で足りない部分を補足し、より深く青磁を理解しようというものです。中唐に始まる近世への胎動は、その勢いを加速させながら北宋末までエネルギーの上昇を続けることとなります。この、時代が変革するエネルギーは、文化芸術を変容させ、やがては至高の高みへと押し上げていきました。そういった中、やきものにおいてそれが最も多く流入したのが青磁でした。とくに北宋後期の汝窯の作品は、士大夫の精神と美意識を具現化していると云え、中国陶磁史上最も抽象性の高いやきものとなっています。器物でありながら書画の要素を多分に含んでいるため、器物的な鑑賞法に偏重すると、その本質を捉えきれない場合があります。蘇軾の書に観られる、伝統的正統性を踏まえた上で形状に囚われず、内面の充実と精神の発露に重きをおいた芸術的態度は、当時の知識層に通底する価値感であると云え、そのような理念の基、高度に造り込まれたものが汝窯青磁でした。越州窯に代表される中唐から五代十国の青磁は、おもに黄緑色系の萌黄色のような釉調で、青を基調とする釉調のものは極めて少なく、北宋後期に汝窯で天青色の青磁が焼成されるまでは、越州窯系の黄緑色に加え耀州窯系のオリーブグリーンの釉調のものが大半でした。そうした中、本展に出展される太平丁丑（977 年）銘の天青色を呈した越州窯刻花蓮弁文洗は、希少かつ示唆に富む作例であると云えます。本展では、そのような細やかな色調の違いにも着目し出展作品を選定しました。残念ながらその希少性ゆえ汝窯は出陳できませんでしたが、それ以外は極力よい作例を観て頂こうと心掛けました。青磁に焦点を絞った展示ではございますが、最終的には、中唐から北宋へと続く近世への胎動を、青磁を通して感じとって頂けたらと思っております。

令和五年十一月繭山龍泉堂

略年表

804 空海入唐

中

唐

晩

唐

代

十

827

- 874 越州窯秘色青磁、法門寺に献納される

900

丹

唐

契

800

盛

ウイグル及び遊牧民国家

- 755 安史の乱起こる 756 - 760『茶経』この頃に記される - 763 安史の乱終わる

- 897 黄巣の大乱起こる

呉越国

907 918

五

916

国

936

960 978

979 北宋中華統一 -

1000

1004 澶淵の盟 —

北

汝窯天青釉青磁の焼造が開始される

高

1100

北宋官窯この頃か？

遼

宋

神宗6 在位 1067〜1085 哲宗7 在位 1085〜1100 徽宗8 在位 1100〜1125

麗

— 1123 宋使、徐兢、高麗を訪れ、翌年『宣和奉使高麗図経』なす 1126 靖康の変 — 1127 高宗、南京で即位高宗1 在位 1127〜1162 1142 — - 1138 正式に臨安を都とする紹興の和議

孝宗2 在位 1162〜1189

1125

1165 — 隆興の和議

金 1200

南

宋 1234

元 1300

1115

Message This exhibition aims to provide a deeper understanding of celadon, a ware type that represents one of the main trends in Chinese ceramic history. The exhibition focuses on the preeminent period of celadon production in China, from the Mid Tang through the Northern Song, with an added focus on Goryeo celadons from the Korean Peninsula. This selection of works will provide fascinating opportunities to compare Chinese and Goryeo celadons, with the Goryeo works also supplementing areas not covered in the Chinese works on display. The stirrings of change that began in the Mid Tang as China transitioned to what would become its pre-modern era continued to energetically strengthen and gather pace up until the late Northern Song. The energy generated by changes in the social structure transformed the arts and culture until they reached a transcendent pinnacle of elegance. Celadon was the ceramic form that most embodied those changes. In particular, the works produced by the Ru kilns in the late Northern Song can be seen as exemplifying the spirit and aesthetics of the scholar-bureaucrats of the period. And indeed, Ru ware is the most conceptually conceived form of ceramic produced across the history of Chinese ceramics. The fact that many of these works include multiple calligraphy and painting aspects, all while being fully vessels, suggests that relying solely on appreciating them as physical vessels denies a full understanding of their true nature. In essence, the Northern Song scholar-bureaucrat aesthetic approach, as seen in the caligraphy of Su Shi, worked from the basis of traditional orthodox views as it emphasized the evoking of a work’s inner completion and spirit, unfettered by the sole consideration of external form. Ru ware celadon stands as the highest artistic expression of that aesthetic. Mid Tang to Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms celadon, mainly from the Yuezhou kilns, is characterized by a pale greenish-yellow color, with but very few works

displaying a blue-tone base note. Until the late Northern Song when the Ru ware kilns attained a sky blue-colored celadon, most Chinese celadons were either the greenishyellow Yuezhou type, or the olive green glaze tone of the Yaozhou type. Among the works exhibited here, Yuezhou Celadon Basin with Incised Lotus Petal Design and “Taiping Dingchou” (太平丁丑, 977) Inscription is a rare and richly suggestive work that displays the sky blue coloration. Our selection of works for this exhibition focuses on these subtle differences in coloration. The rarity of Ru ware has precluded its inclusion here, but we have striven to present other fascinatingly powerful works for your viewing pleasure. While this display is specifically of celadon, in the end, we hope that through these celadon works you will gain a sense of the stirring of creative change that continued from the Mid Tang to the Northern Song, and on into China’s pre-modern era.

November 2023 Mayuyama & Co., Ltd.

Brief Chronology High Tang

Mid Tang

800

804 Kūkai enters Tang 827

Late Tang - 874 Yuezhou mise celadon dedicated at Famensi

900

- 897 Huang Chao Rebellion 907

918

Wuyue Kingdom 978

916

Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms

936

960 979 Northern Song unites China -

1000

1004 Chanyuan Treaty —

Liao

Northern Song Gor yeo 1100

Shenzong (6) r.1067-1085

Production of tianqing glaze celadon begun at the Ru kilns. Zhezong (7)

r.1085-1100

Huizong (8)

r.1100-1125

Surmised Northern Song imperial kilns established period 1126 Jingkang — 1123 Song envoy Xu Ying visits Goryeo and compiles Xuanhe Fengshi Gaoli Tujing in 1124 — Incident 1127 Gaozong enthroned as Southern Song emperor at Nanjing - 1138 Lin’an (Hangzhou) — 1142 Gaozong (1) r.1127-1162 Treaty of Shaoxing officially named capital

Xiaozong (2)

1200

Khitan

Uyghur and other Nomadic Peoples

- 755 An Lushan Rebellion begins 756 - ca. 760 Chajing written - 763 An Lushan Rebellion ends

r.1162-1189

1125

— 1165 Treaty of Longxing

Jin Southern Song 1234

Yuan 1300

1115

唐宋の青磁 Tang and Song Celadon

1. 青磁碗

越州窯

中唐（8 世紀後半）高 3.4 cm

口径 14.8 cm

高台径 6.4 cm

来歴

吳權（1910 〜1997年）旧蔵 .

吳蓮伯博物院 , 1968 〜 2023 年 .

CELADON BOWL

Yuezhou ( 越州 ) ware

Mid Tang (Latter half of the 8th century) H. 3.4 cm

Mouth Dia. 14.8 cm

Foot Dia. 6.4 cm

PROVENANCE

Wou Kiuan (1910 –1997) Collection.

Wou Lien-Pai Museum (1968 – 2023).

2. 青磁碗

越州窯

中唐（8 世紀後半〜 9 世紀前葉）高 4.0 cm

口径 14.8 cm

高台径 6.2 cm

来歴

富士美術館 .

CELADON BOWL

Yuezhou ( 越州 ) ware

Mid Tang (Latter half of the 8th century – first third of the 9th century) H. 4.0 cm

Mouth Dia. 14.8 cm

Foot Dia. 6.2 cm

PROVENANCE

Fuji Museum, Fujinomiya.

3. 青磁輪花碗

越州窯

中唐（8 世紀後半）高 4.1 cm

口径 15.6 cm

高台径 7.2 cm

来歴

佐藤雅彦（1925 〜1988年）旧蔵 . 出展

「中国美術展シリーズ 3 隋唐の美術」大阪市立美術館 , 1976 年, no.1-131. 所載

座右寶刊行會編『世界陶磁全集

第9巻

隋唐篇』河出書房, 1956 年, 図版 42 下.

座右寶刊行會編『世界陶磁全集第九巻〈隋唐篇〉』河出書房新社 , 1961年, 図版 42 下. 佐藤雅彦『中国陶磁史』平凡社 , 1978 年, 図版 131.

大阪市立美術館編『隋唐の美術』平凡社 , 1978 年, 挿図 38, p.180. 王亮鈞『黒釉茶盞裏的微光』國立故宮博物院 , 2023 年, p. 21 上 .

CELADON FOLIATE-RIM BOWL

Yuezhou ( 越州 ) ware

Mid Tang (Latter half of the 8th century) H. 4.1 cm

Mouth Dia. 15.6 cm

Foot Dia. 7.2 cm

PROVENANCE

Satō Masahiko (1925 –1988) Collection. EXHIBITED

Chūgoku Bijutsuten Shirīzu 3, Zui Tō no Bijutsu [Chinese Art Exhibition Series 3: The Art of Sui and Tang], Osaka City Museum of Fine Arts, Osaka, 1976, no. 1-131. LITERATURE

Zauhō Kankōkai (eds.), Zui Tō Hen [Sui-Tang], vol. 9 from the series Sekai Tōji Zenshū [Ceramic Art of the World], Kawade Shobo, 1956, pl. 42 lower.

Zauhō Kankōkai (eds.), Sui-Tang, vol. 9 from the series Collection of World's Ceramics, Kawade Shobo Shinsha, 1961, pl. 42 lower.

Satō Masahiko, Chūgoku Tōji Shi [History of

Chinese Porcelain],

Heibonsha, 1978, pl. 131.

Osaka City Museum of

Fine Art (eds.), Zui Tō no Bijutsu [Arts of the Sui and Tang], Heibonsha, 1978, fig. 38, p. 180. Wang Liang-jun, The

Elegance of Black-glazed Chazhou, National

Palace Museum, p. 21 upper.

4. 青磁劃花蓮葉文盤

越州窯

晩唐（9 世紀中葉）高 3.7 cm

口径 14.5 cm

来歴

Carl Kempe （1884 〜1967年）旧蔵 . 所載

Bo Gyllensvärd『Chinese Ceramics in the Carl Kempe Collection』Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964 年, 図版 36.

CELADON DISH WITH INCISED LOTUS LEAF DESIGN Yuezhou ( 越州 ) ware Late Tang (Middle third of the 9th century) H. 3.7 cm Mouth Dia. 14.5 cm PROVENANCE

Carl Kempe (1884 –1967) Collection. LITERATURE

Bo Gyllensvärd, Chinese Ceramics in the Carl Kempe Collection, Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964, pl. 36.

5. 青磁輪花盤

越州窯

晩唐（9 世紀〜 10 世紀初頭）高 3.0 cm

口径 15.9 cm

CELADON FOLIATE-RIM DISH Late Tang (9th century – early 10th century) H. 3.0 cm

Mouth Dia. 15.9 cm

Yuezhou ( 越州 ) ware

6. 青磁輪花盤

越州窯

晩唐（9 世紀後半〜 10 世紀初頭）高 4.0 cm 来歴

口径 14.3 cm

Isaac Newton（〜1982年）旧蔵 .

Bluett & Sons Ltd., ロンドン, 1961年 . Ray Thompson 旧蔵 .

所載『Far Eastern Ceramic Bulletin Vol. Ⅹ Nos.3-4 (Serial

No. 40)』Far Eastern Ceramic Group, 1958 年, 図版 177, p. ⅩⅩⅩⅥ.

CELADON FOLIATE-RIM DISH Yuezhou ( 越州 ) ware Late Tang (Latter half of the 9th century – early 10th century) H. 4.0 cm

Mouth Dia. 14.3 cm

PROVENANCE

Isaac Newton (d. 1982) Collection.

Bluett & Sons Ltd., London, 1961. Ray Thompson Collection.

Far Eastern Ceramic Bulletin Vol. Ⅹ Nos. 3-4 (Serial No. 40), Far Eastern Ceramic Group, 1958, pl. 177,

LITERATURE

p. ⅩⅩⅩⅥ.

7. 青磁輪花盤

越州窯

晩唐（9 世紀後半〜 10 世紀初頭）高 3.6 cm 来歴

口径 14.2 cm

William B. Jaffe（1904 〜1972年）旧蔵 .

Evelyn Annenberg Jaffe Hall（1911〜 2005年）旧蔵 , 1961 年以前 .

CELADON FOLIATE-RIM DISH Yuezhou ( 越州 ) ware Late Tang (Latter half of the 9th century – early 10th century) H. 3.6 cm

Mouth Dia. 14.2 cm

PROVENANCE

William B. Jaffe (1904 – 1972) Collection.

Evelyn Annenberg Jaffe Hall (1911 – 2005) Collection, before 1961.

8. 青磁盒子

越州窯

晩唐（9 世紀〜 10 世紀初頭）高 4.8 cm 来歴

径 8.6 cm

John Sparks Ltd., ロンドン.

出展「Settimo Centenario di Marco Polo, Mostra D’arte Cinese」 , Cotta di Venezia, 1954 年, no. 395.

所載『Settimo Centenario di Marco Polo, Mostra D’arte Cinese Catalogo』 , Alfieri Editore Venezia, 1954 年, p. 117, no. 395.

CELADON BOX AND COVER Yuezhou ( 越州 ) ware Late Tang (9th century – early 10th century) H. 4.8 cm

Dia. 8.6 cm

PROVENANCE EXHIBITED

John Sparks Ltd., London.

Settimo Centenario di Marco Polo, Mostra

D’arte Cinese [Exhibition of Chinese Art], Cotta di Venezia [City of Venice], 1954, no. 395.

LITERATURE

Settimo Centenario di Marco Polo, Mostra

D’arte Cinese Catalogo [Exhibition Catalogue of Chinese Art], Alfieri Editore Venezia, 1954, p. 117, no. 395.

9. 青磁四足壺

越州窯

晩唐（9 世紀〜 10 世紀初頭）高 4.7 cm 来歴

幅 9.1 cm

Ip Yee 旧蔵 . Peter and Nancy Thompson 旧蔵 .

出展「From the Tang to the Qing Chinese Ceramics from circa 618–1850 AD from the Collection of Dr. and Mrs.

Peter Thompson」University of Hull Art Collection, キングストン・アポン・ハル, 1996 年 .

CELADON POT WITH FOUR LEGS Yuezhou ( 越州 ) ware Late Tang (9th century – early 10th century) H. 4.7 cm

W. 9.1 cm

PROVENANCE

Ip Yee Collection.

Peter and Nancy Thompson Collection.

EXHIBITED

From the Tang to the Qing Chinese Ceramics

from circa 618–1850 AD from the Collection of Dr. and Mrs. Peter Thompson, University of Hull Art Collection, Kingston upon Hull, 1996.

10. 青磁双耳壺

越州窯系

晩唐（9 世紀〜 10 世紀初頭）高 8.7 cm 来歴

幅 10.5 cm

G. F. Giaquili Ferrini 旧蔵 .

CELADON JAR WITH TWO LUGS Yuezhou ( 越州 ) type Late Tang (9th century – early 10th century) H. 8.7 cm

W. 10.5 cm

PROVENANCE

G. F. Giaquili Ferrini Collection.

11. 青磁広口壺

越州窯

晩唐（9 世紀〜 10 世紀初頭）高 10.9 cm

口径 15.7 cm

CELADON JAR WITH WIDE FLANGE MOUTH Yuezhou ( 越州 ) ware Late Tang (9th century – early 10th century) H. 10.9 cm

Mouth Dia. 15.7 cm

12. 青磁壺

越州窯系もしくは岳州窯

晩唐（9 世紀〜 10 世紀初頭）高 10.6 cm

胴径 14.2 cm

来歴

Isaac Newton（〜1982年）旧蔵 .

Bluett & Sons Ltd., ロンドン, 1961年 . 所載

『Far Eastern Ceramic Bulletin Vol. Ⅹ Nos. 3-4 (Serial No.40)』Far Eastern Ceramic Group, 1958 年, 図版 95, p. ⅩⅩⅠ.

CELADON JAR

Yuezhou ( 越州 ) type or Yuezhou ( 岳州 ) ware

Late Tang (9th century – early 10th century) H. 10.6 cm

Torso Dia. 14.2 cm

PROVENANCE

Isaac Newton (d. 1982) Collection. Bluett & Sons Ltd., London, 1961. LITERATURE

Far Eastern Ceramic Bulletin Vol. Ⅹ Nos. 3-4 (Serial No. 40), Far Eastern Ceramic Group, 1958, pl. 95, P. ⅩⅩⅠ.

13. 青磁盤

岳州窯

晩唐〜五代十国（9 世紀〜 10 世紀前半）高 3.7 cm

口径 16.1 cm

来歴

J. T. Tai（1911 〜1992年）旧蔵 .

CELADON DISH

Yuezhou ( 岳州 ) ware

Late Tang – Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period (9th century – first half of the 10th century) H. 3.7 cm

Mouth Dia. 16.1 cm

PROVENANCE

J. T. Tai (1911–1992) Collection.

14. 青磁輪花碗

岳州窯

五代十国（10 世紀前半）高 7.5 cm

口径 16.6 cm

来歴

Isaac Newton（〜1982年）旧蔵 .

Bluett & Sons Ltd., ロンドン, 1961年 .

Roger Pilkington（1928 〜1969年）旧蔵 . 所載

『Far Eastern Ceramic Bulletin Vol. Ⅹ Nos.3-4 (Serial No.40)』Far Eastern Ceramic Group, 1958 年, 図版 140, p. ⅩⅩⅩ.

CELADON FOLIATE-RIM BOWL

Yuezhou ( 岳州 ) ware

Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period (First half of the 10th century) H. 7.5 cm

Mouth Dia. 16.6 cm

PROVENANCE

Isaac Newton (d. 1982) Collection. Bluett & Sons Ltd., London, 1961.

Roger Pilkington (1928 –1969) Collection. LITERATURE

Far Eastern Ceramic Bulletin Vol. Ⅹ Nos. 3-4 (Serial No. 40), Far Eastern Ceramic Group, 1958, pl. 140, p. ⅩⅩⅩ.

15. 青磁劃花唐草文水盤

越州窯

五代十国〜北宋（10 世紀）高 5.2 cm

胴径 18.5 cm

来歴

C. T. Loo & Co., パリ . Carl Kempe （1884 〜1967年）旧蔵 . 出展

「Gammal Kinesisk Konst/Kiinan Vanhaa Taidetta」ヘルシンキ , 1956 年 . 所載

Bo Gyllensvärd『Gammal Kinesisk Konst/Kiinan Vanhaa Taidetta』Suomen Taideyhdistys, 1956 年, 図版 131. Bo Gyllensvärd『Chinese Ceramics in the Carl Kempe Collection』Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964 年, 図版 38.

ブ・ユリアンスヴァッド編 , 小山冨士夫 , ジョン・A・ポープ監修 , 佐藤雅彦翻訳監修『東洋陶磁大観全 12 巻第 9 巻ストックホルム東アジア博物館』講談社 , 1976 年, 図版 82.

Bo Gyllensvärd, 小山冨士夫『Oriental Ceramics. The World's Great Collections, vol. 8: Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities』講談社 , 1982 年, 図版 82.

CELADON WATER BASIN WITH INCISED SCROLL DESIGN Yuezhou ( 越州 ) ware Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period – Northern Song dynasty (10th century) H. 5.2 cm

Torso Dia. 18.5 cm

PROVENANCE

C. T. Loo & Co., Paris.

Carl Kempe (1884 –1967) Collection. EXHIBITED

Gammal Kinesisk Konst/Kiinan Vanhaa Taidetta [Ancient Chinese Art], Helsinki, 1956. LITERATURE

Bo Gyllensvärd, Gammal Kinesisk Konst/ Kiinan Vanhaa Taidetta [Ancient Chinese Art], Suomen Taideyhdistys, 1956, pl. 131.

Bo Gyllensvärd, Chinese Ceramics in

the Carl Kempe Collection, Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964, pl. 38.

Bo Gyllensvärd, Koyama Fujio and

John A. Pope, (Satō Masahiko, trans.), Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Stockholm, vol. 9 from the series

Oriental Ceramics the World’s Great Collections, Kodansha, 1976, pl. 82.

Bo Gyllensvärd, Koyama Fujio, Oriental

Ceramics. The World's Great Collections, vol. 8: Museum of Far Eastern

Antiquities, Kodansha, 1982, pl. 82.

16. 青磁刻花宝珠形水滴

越州窯系

五代十国（10 世紀）高 5.5 cm

胴径 8.5 cm

来歴

Carl Kempe （1884 〜1967年）旧蔵 . 所載

Bo Gyllensvärd『Chinese Ceramics in the Carl Kempe Collection』Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964 年, 図版 29.

CELADON SACRED JEWEL-SHAPED WATER DROPPER WITH CARVED DESIGN Yuezhou ( 越州 ) type Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period (10th century) H. 5.5 cm

Torso Dia. 8.5 cm

PROVENANCE

Carl Kempe (1884 –1967) Collection. LITERATURE

Bo Gyllensvärd, Chinese Ceramics in the Carl Kempe Collection, Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964, pl. 29.

17. 青磁刻花蓮弁文洗「太平丁丑」銘北宋

越州窯

太平興国 2 年（977 年）

高 3.7 cm

口径 10.3 cm

来歴

Carl Kempe （1884 〜1967年）旧蔵 . 出展

「Kinas Kunst i Svensk og Dansk eje」Kunstindustrimuseet, コペンハーゲン, 1950 年 . 所載

『Kinas Kunst i Svensk og Dansk eje』Kunstindustrimuseet, 1950 年, 図版 293.

Bo Gyllensvärd『Chinese Ceramics in the Carl Kempe Collection』Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964 年, 図版 49.

ブ・ユリアンスヴァッド編 , 小山冨士夫 , ジョン・A・ポープ監修 , 佐藤雅彦翻訳監修『東洋陶磁大観全 12 巻第 9 巻ストックホルム東アジア博物館』講談社 , 1976 年, 図版 129.

Bo Gyllensvärd, 小山冨士夫『Oriental Ceramics, The World's Great Collections, vol. 8: Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities』講談社 , 1982 年, 図版 129.

CELADON BASIN WITH CARVED LOTUS PETAL DESIGN “TAIPING DINGCHOU” ( 太平丁丑 ) INSCRIPTION Yuezhou ( 越州 ) ware Northern Song dynasty, 977 (Taiping Xingguo 2) H. 3.7 cm

Mouth Dia. 10.3 cm

PROVENANCE

Carl Kempe (1884 –1967) Collection. EXHIBITED

Kinas Kunst i Svensk og Dansk eje [Chinese Art in Swedish and Danish Collections], Kunstindustrimuseet, Copenhagen, 1950. LITERATURE

Kinas Kunst i Svensk og Dansk eje [Chinese Art in Swedish and Danish Collections], Kunstindustrimuseet, 1950, no. 293.

Bo Gyllensvärd, Chinese Ceramics in the Carl Kempe Collection, Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964, pl. 49.

Bo Gyllensvärd, Koyama Fujio and John A. Pope, (Satō Masahiko, trans.), Museum of

Far Eastern Antiquities, Stockholm, vol. 9 from the series Oriental Ceramics the World’s Great Collections, Kodansha, 1976, pl. 129.

Bo Gyllensvärd, Koyama Fujio, Oriental Ceramics. The World's Great Collections, vol. 8: Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Kodansha, 1982, pl. 129.

青磁陶片「太平戊寅」銘越州窯北宋太平興国3年（978年）大谷光瑞（1876〜1948年）旧蔵. Celadon Shard, inscribed “Taiping Wuyin” Yuezhou (越州) ware Northern Song, 978 (Taiping Xingguo 3) Ōtani Kōzui (1876–1948) Collection.

太平丁丑（977年）の次年度、太平戊寅（978年）（左ページ）より目跡の形状が楕円から細長い形状に変化し、以後、高台内目跡は細長いタイプが主流となるようである。 In 978 (Taiping Wuyin, see left page), the year after 977 (Taiping Dingchou), spur marks changed from an oval form to a long, narrow form. From then on, these long narrow spur marks in the foot interior became the dominant type.

18. 青磁碗

耀州窯系

北宋（10 世紀後葉）高 4.6 cm

口径 13.5 cm

来歴

井上恒一（1906 〜1965年）旧蔵 . 出展

「中國陶磁名寶展」五島美術館 , 1966 年 . 所載

長谷部楽爾「東窯といわれる青磁碗について」『MUSEUM』426 号, 1986 年, p. 29, 図版 3.

CELADON BOWL

Yaozhou type

Northern Song dynasty (Latter third of the 10th century) H. 4.6 cm

Mouth Dia. 13.5 cm

PROVENANCE

Inoue Tsuneichi (1906 –1965) Collection. EXHIBITED

Chūgoku Tōji Meihōten [Exhibition of the Great Works of Chinese Ceramics], The Gotoh Museum, Tokyo, 1966. LITERATURE

Hasebe Gakuji, “On the Celadon Bowl Called Dong Ware”, MUSEUM, vol. 426, 1986, p. 29, pl. 3.

19. 青磁碗

耀州窯系

北宋（10 世紀後葉）高 4.4 cm

口径 13.0 cm

来歴

1884 年（明治 17, 清・光緒 10）に箱書がなされる .

CELADON BOWL

Yaozhou type

Northern Song dynasty (Latter third of the 10th century) H. 4.4 cm

Mouth Dia. 13.0 cm

PROVENANCE

Box inscription dated 1884 (Meiji 17, Qing Guangxu 10).

20. 青磁碗

耀州窯系

北宋（10 世紀後葉）高 4.5 cm

口径 13.4 cm

来歴

Carl Kempe （1884 ～ 1967年）旧蔵 . 所載

Bo Gyllensvärd『Chinese Ceramics in the Carl Kempe Collection』Almqvist & Wiksell,1964 年, 図版 116.

CELADON BOWL

Yaozhou type

Northern Song dynasty (Latter third of the 10th century) H. 4.5 cm

Mouth Dia. 13.4 cm

PROVENANCE

Carl Kempe (1884 –1967) Collection. LITERATURE

Bo Gyllensvärd, Chinese Ceramics in the Carl Kempe Collection, Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964, pl. 116.

21. 青磁碗

耀州窯系

北宋（10 世紀後葉〜 11 世紀前半）高 4.9 cm

口径 14.3 cm

来歴

井上恒一（1906 〜1965年）旧蔵 . 出展

「中國宋元美術展」東京国立博物館 , 1961 年, no. 174. 「中國陶磁名寶展」五島美術館 , 1966 年 . 所載

長谷部楽爾「東窯といわれる青磁碗について」『MUSEUM』426 号, 1986 年, p. 28, 図版 2.

CELADON BOWL

Yaozhou type

Northern Song dynasty (Latter third of the 10th century – first half of the 11th century) H. 4.9 cm

Mouth Dia. 14.3 cm

PROVENANCE

Inoue Tsuneichi (1906 –1965) Collection. EXHIBITED

Chinese Arts of the Sung and Yüan Periods, Tokyo National Museum, Tokyo, 1961, no. 174.

Chūgoku Tōji Meihōten [Exhibition of the Great Works of Chinese Ceramics], The Gotoh Museum, Tokyo, 1966. LITERATURE

Hasebe Gakuji, “On the Celadon Bowl Called Dong Ware”, MUSEUM, vol. 426, 1986, p. 28, pl. 2.

22. 青磁輪花碗

一対

耀州窯系

北宋（10 世紀末 ~11 世紀前半）右：高 4.4 cm

口径 12.6 cm

左：高 4.4 cm

口径 12.5 cm

出展

（左）「中国陶磁シリーズー 5

耀州窯の青磁」大阪市立東洋陶磁美術館 , 1991年, no. 1.

「中国の陶磁」東京国立博物館 , 1994 年, no. 144.

「―中国中原に華ひらいた名窯―耀州窯展」山口県立萩美術館・浦上記念館 , 大阪市立東洋陶磁美術館 , 愛知県陶磁資料館 , 1997 〜1998 年, nos. 20, 21.

「中国陶磁

み

美を鑑るこころ」泉屋博古館分館 , 2006 年, no. 13.

PAIR OF CELADON FOLIATE-RIM BOWLS

Yaozhou type

Northern Song dynasty (Late 10th century – first half of the 11th century) R: H. 4.4 cm

Mouth Dia. 12.6 cm

L: H. 4.4 cm

Mouth Dia. 12.5 cm

EXHIBITED

(L) Chūgoku Tōji Shirīzu 5 [Chinese Art Exhibitions Series No. 5], Yōshūyō no Seiji [Yaozhou Ware Celadon], Osaka City Museum of Fine Arts, Osaka, 1991, no. 1.

Chinese Ceramics, Tokyo National Museum, Tokyo, 1994, no. 144.

The Masterpieces of Yaozhou Ware, Hagi Uragami Museum, Hagi, The Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka, Aichi Prefectural Ceramic Museum, Seto, 1997-1998, nos. 20, 21.

Chinese Ceramics - Enlightening through Beauty, Sen-oku Hakukokan, Tokyo, 2006, no. 13.

23. 青磁劃花花文輪花盤

越州窯系

北宋（11 世紀）高 4.4 cm

口径 13.7 cm

来歴

Carl Kempe （1884 ～ 1967年）旧蔵 . 出展

Kunst Industri Museet Kobenhavn, コペンハーゲン, 1950 年 . 所載

Bo Gyllensvärd『Chinese Ceramics in the Carl Kempe Collection』Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964 年, 図版 35.

CELADON FOLIATE-RIM DISH WITH INCISED FLORAL DESIGN Yuezhou ( 越州 ) type Northern Song dynasty (11th century) H. 4.4 cm

Mouth Dia. 13.7 cm

PROVENANCE

Carl Kempe (1884 –1967) Collection. EXHIBITED

Kunst Industri Museet Kobenhavn, Copenhagen, 1950. LITERATURE

Bo Gyllensvärd, Chinese Ceramics in the Carl Kempe Collection, Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964, pl. 35.

24. 青磁刻花鎬蓮弁文瓶

龍泉窯もしくは越州窯系

北宋（11 世紀）高 29.6 cm

胴径 15.0 cm

CELADON VASE WITH CARVED BLADE AND LOTUS PETAL DESIGN Longquan ware or Yuezhou ( 越州 ) type Northern Song dynasty (11th century) H. 29.6 cm

Torso Dia. 15.0 cm

25. 青磁四耳水注

越州窯系

北宋（11 世紀）高 7.7 cm

幅 11.6 cm

来歴

Rudolph Schaeffer（1886 〜1988年）旧蔵 .

Christie’s ニューヨーク, 1985 年 6月6日, lot 186.

CELADON WATER DROPPER WITH FOUR LUGS Yuezhou ( 越州 ) type Northern Song dynasty (11th century) H. 7.7 cm

W. 11.6 cm

PROVENANCE

Rudolph Schaeffer (1886 –1988) Collection. Christie’s New York, 6 June 1985, lot 186.

26. 青磁刻花牡丹文水注

越州窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀前葉）高 21.3 cm

幅 19.1 cm

CELADON EWER WITH CARVED PEONY DESIGN Yuezhou ( 越州 ) ware Northern Song dynasty (11th century – first third of the 12th century) H. 21.3 cm

W. 19.1 cm

27. 青磁瓜形双耳壺

耀州窯

北宋（10 世紀末〜 11 世紀）高 11.8 cm

幅 8.7 cm

出展

「中国古陶磁唐宋名陶展」日本橋白木屋 , 1964 年, no. 108. 「中國陶磁名寶展」五島美術館 , 1966 年 . 「中国陶磁シリーズー 5

耀州窯の青磁」大阪市立東洋陶磁美術館 , 1991年, no. 4.

「―中国中原に華ひらいた名窯―耀州窯展」山口県立萩美術館・浦上記念館 , 大阪市立東洋陶磁美術館 , 愛知県陶磁資料館 , 1997 〜1998 年, no. 71. 所載

繭山龍泉堂『龍泉集芳

第一集』便利堂 , 1976 年, 図版 357.

CELADON GOURD-SHAPED JAR WITH TWO LUGS Yaozhou ware Northern Song dynasty (Late 10th century – 11th century) H. 11.8 cm

W. 8.7 cm

EXHIBITED

Chūgoku Kotōji Tō Sō Meitōten [Ancient Chinese Ceramics Masterpieces of Tang and Song], Nihonbashi Shirokiya, Tokyo, 1964, no. 108.

Chūgoku Tōji Meihōten [Masterpieces of Chinese Ceramics], The Gotoh Museum, Tokyo, 1966.

Chūgoku Tōji Shirīzu 5 [Chinese Art Exhibitions Series No. 5], Yōshūyō no Seiji [Yaozhou Ware Celadon], Osaka City Museum of Fine Arts, Osaka, 1991, no. 4. The Masterpieces of Yaozhou Ware, Hagi Uragami Museum, Hagi, The Museum of

Oriental Ceramics, Osaka, Aichi Prefectural Ceramic Museum, Seto, 1997–1998, no. 71.

LITERATURE

Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Mayuyama Seventy Years Vol.Ⅰ, Benrido, 1976, pl. 357.

28. 青磁刻花牡丹文盤

耀州窯

北宋（11 世紀）高 4.6 cm

口径 18.8 cm

来歴

伝高麗古墳出土 .

文明商会, 京城（現ソウル）,1939 年 . 出展

「朝鮮工藝展覧会」日本橋高島屋 , 1939 年, no. 70. 所載

京城文明商会『朝鮮工藝展覧会図録』朝鮮工藝硏究會, 1939 年, no. 70.

朴徹『朝鮮工藝展覧会図録（復刻版）第 2 巻』東洋経済日報社 , 1984 年, no. 70.

CELADON DISH WITH CARVED PEONY DESIGN Yaozhou ware Northern Song dynasty (11th century) H. 4.6 cm

Mouth Dia. 18.8 cm

PROVENANCE

Reported to have been excavated from a Goryeo tumulus. Bunmei Shōkai, Gyeongseong (Seoul), 1939. EXHIBITED

Chōsen Kōgei Tenrankai [Korean Decorative Arts Exhibition], Nihonbashi Takashimaya, Tokyo, 1939, no. 70. LITERATURE

Keijō Bunmei Shōkai, Chōsen Kōgei Tenrankai Zuroku [Korean Decorative Arts Exhibition

Catalogue], Chōsen Kōgei Kenkyūkai, 1939, no. 70. Park Cheol, Chōsen Kōgei Tenrankai Zuroku

(Fukkokuban) Dai 2 Kan

[Korean Decorative Arts Exhibition Catalogue

(reproduction) vol. 2],

Toyo Keizai Nipposha, 1984, no. 70.

29. 青磁刻花花唐草蓮弁文水注

越州窯系（甌窯）

北宋（11 世紀後半〜 12 世紀前葉）高 15.0 cm

幅 19.3 cm

来歴

平野古陶軒 .

CELADON EWER WITH CARVED SCROLL AND LOTUS PETAL DESIGN Yuezhou ( 越州 ) type (Ou ware) Northern Song dynasties (Latter half of the 11th century – first third of the 12th century) H. 15.0 cm

W. 19.3 cm

PROVENANCE

Hirano Kotoken, Osaka.

30. 青磁刻花垂葉文有蓋瓶

龍泉窯

北宋末〜南宋初（11 世紀末〜 12 世紀前半）高 24.5 cm

胴径 13.8 cm

来歴

Gustaf Hilleström 旧蔵 . 出展

「Kina som Hobby, Gustaf Hilleström Samling」Far Eastern Museum of Antiquities, ストックホルム, 1968 年 . 所載

William Watson『Tang and Liao Ceramics』Thames and Hudson, 1984 年, p. 88, 図版 57.

CELADON JAR WITH CARVED VERTICAL LEAF DESIGN AND LID Longquan ware Late Northern Song – early Southern Song dynasties (Late 11th century – first half of the 12th century) H. 24.5 cm Torso Dia. 13.8 cm PROVENANCE

Gustaf Hilleström Collection. EXHIBITED

Kina som Hobby, Gustaf Hilleström Samling,

Far Eastern Museum of Antiquities, Stockholm, 1968.

LITERATURE

William Watson, Tang and Liao Ceramics,

Thames and Hudson, 1984, p. 88, pl. 57.

31. 青磁長頸有蓋瓶

龍泉窯

北宋末〜南宋（12 世紀）高 25.5 cm

胴径 12.6 cm

来歴

Carl Kempe （1884 ～ 1967年）旧蔵 . 所載

Bo Gyllensvärd『Chinese Ceramics in the Carl Kempe Collection』Almqvist & Wiksell,1964 年, 図版 64.

『Chinese Ceramics Treasures, Selection from the Ulricehamn East Asian Museum

including the Carl Kempe Collection』The Museum of Art and Far Eastern Antiquities, 2002 年, 図版 286.

CELADON LONG-NECKED VASE WITH LID Late Northern Song – Southern Song dynasties (12th century) H. 25.5 cm

Torso Dia. 12.6 cm

PROVENANCE

Carle Kempe (1884 –1967) Collection. LITERATURE

Bo Gyllensvärd, Chinese Ceramics in the Carl Kempe Collection, Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964, pl. 64.

Chinese Ceramics Treasures, Selection from

the Ulricehamn East Asian Museum including

the Carl Kempe Collection, The Museum of Art and Far Eastern Antiquities, 2002, pl. 286.

Longquan ware

32. 澱青釉盤

鈞窯系

北宋〜金（12 世紀）高 3.6 cm

口径 17.0 cm

来歴

Edward Addison Wrangram（1928 〜2009年）旧蔵 .

BLUISH-OPAQUE GLAZED DISH

Jun type

Northern Song – Jin dynasties (12th century) H. 3.6 cm

Mouth Dia. 17.0 cm

PROVENANCE

Edward Addison Wrangham (1928 – 2009) Collection.

33. 青磁洗

龍泉官窯もしくは官窯

南宋（12 〜 13 世紀）高 3.5 cm

口径 11.5 cm

来歴

Eskenazi, ロンドン. 繭山龍泉堂 , 1982 年. 出展

「中国陶磁

み

美を鑑るこころ」泉屋博古館分館 , 2006 年, no. 37.

CELADON BASIN

Longquan Guan ware or Guan ware

Southern Song dynasty (12th – 13th centuries) H. 3.5 cm

Mouth Dia. 11.5 cm

PROVENANCE

Eskenazi, London. Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Tokyo, 1982. EXHIBITED

Chinese Ceramics, Enlightening through Beauty, Sen-oku Hakukokan, Tokyo, 2006, no. 37.

34. 青磁下蕪形瓶

龍泉官窯もしくは官窯

南宋（12 〜 13 世紀）高 16.4 cm

胴径 10.7 cm

来歴

伝大谷光瑞（1876 〜1948年）旧蔵 .

CELADON VASE WITH LONG NECK AND PEAR-SHAPED BODY Longquan Guan ware or Guan ware Southern Song dynasty (12th – 13th centuries) H. 16.4 cm

Torso Dia. 10.7 cm

PROVENANCE

Traditionally said to be Ōtani Kōzui (1876 –1948) Collection.

35. 青磁管耳瓶

郊壇下官窯

南宋（12 〜 13 世紀）高 25.8 cm

胴径 16.2 cm

来歴

Mrs. Alfred Clark（〜1973年）旧蔵 .

Sotheby’s ロンドン, 1975 年 3 月 25 日 , lot 101. 繭山龍泉堂 , 1975 年 . 出展

「Ju and Kuan Wares」The Oriental Ceramic Society, 1952 年, no. 34. 「中国美術展シリーズ 4 宋元の美術」大阪市立美術館 , 1978 年, no. 1-23. 「東洋の陶磁」愛知県陶磁資料館 , 1979 年, no. 81. 「中国の陶磁」東京国立博物館 , 1994 年, no. 175.

「東洋陶磁名品展」愛知県立陶磁資料館 , 1994 年, no. 48.

「神品とよばれたやきもの宋磁」東武美術館 , 大阪市立東洋陶磁美術館 , 山口県立萩美術館・浦上記念館 , 1999 年, no. 58. み

「中国陶磁美を鑑るこころ」泉屋博古館分館 , 2006 年, no. 31.

「南宋の青磁」根津美術館 , 2010 年, no. 61.

「青磁のいまー受け継がれた技と美南宋から現代まで」東京国立近代美術館工芸館 , 兵庫陶芸美術館 , 静岡市美術館 , 山口県立萩美術館・浦上記念館 , 2014 〜2015 年 . 所載

「Ju and Kuan Wares Inperial Wares of the Sung Dynasty, Related Wares and Derivatives of Later Date」『Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic Society Vol 27 1951–1952, 1952– 1953』The Oriental Ceramic Society, 1954 年, 挿図 3-34.

G. St. G. M. Gompertz『Chinese Celadon Wares』Faber and Faber,1958 年, 図版 53. 小山冨士夫『陶器講座第 6 巻中国 II 宋』雄山閣出版 , 1971 年, 挿図 128. 繭山龍泉堂『龍泉集芳

第一集』便利堂 , 1976 年, 図版 466.

座右宝刊行会編『世界陶磁全集 12 宋』小学館 , 1977 年, 図版 71. 小山冨士夫『陶磁大系第三六巻青磁』平凡社 , 1978 年, 図版 16. 大阪市立美術館編『宋元の美術』平凡社 , 1980 年, 図版 8.

今井敦『中国の陶磁第四巻青磁』平凡社 , 1997 年, 図版 56.

矢部良明『中国陶磁の八千年乱世の峻厳美・泰平の優美』平凡社 , 1992 年, 図版 23. 矢部良明編『茶道具の世界 9 花入』淡交社 , 2000 年, p. 34.

Regina Krahl「Famous Brands and Counterfeits. Problems of Terminology and

Classification in Song Ceramics」『Song Ceramics. Art History, Archaeology and

Technology, Colloquies on Art & Archaeology in Asia, no. 22』, Percival David Foundation of Chinese Art, 2004 年, p. 72, 挿図 12.

CELADON VASE WITH CYLINDRICAL LUGS Jiaotanxia Guan ware Southern Song dynasty (12th – 13th centuries) H. 25.8 cm

Torso Dia. 16.2 cm

PROVENANCE

Mrs. Alfred Clark (d. 1973) Collection.

Sotheby’s London, 25 March 1975, lot 101. Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Tokyo, 1975. EXHIBITED

Ju and Kuan Wares, The Oriental Ceramic Society, London, 1952, no. 34.

Chūgoku Bijutsuten Shirīzu 4, Sō Gen no Bijutsu [Chinese Art Exhibition Series 4: The Art of Song and Yuan], Osaka City Museum of Fine Arts, Osaka, 1978, no. 1-23.

The Exhibition of Eastern Ceramics, Aichi Prefectural Ceramics Museum, Seto, 1979, no. 81. Chinese Ceramics, Tokyo National Museum, Tokyo, 1994, no. 175.

Tōyō Tōji Meihinten [Masterpieces of East Asian Ceramics], Aichi Prefectural Ceramic Museum, Seto, 1994, no. 48.

Song Ceramics, Tobu Museum of Art, Tokyo, The Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka, Hagi Uragami Museum, Hagi, 1999, no. 58.

Chinese Ceramics, Enlightening through Beauty, Sen-oku Hakukokan, Tokyo, 2006, no. 31. Heavenly Blue: Southern Song Celadons, Nezu Museum, Tokyo, 2010, no. 61.

Celadon Now: Techniques and Beauty Handed Down from Southern Song to Today, The

National Museum of Modern Art, Tokyo, The Museum of Ceramic Art, Hyogo, Shizuoka City Museum of Art, Shizuoka, Hagi Uragami Museum, Hagi, 2014–2015. LITERATURE

“Ju and Kuan, Wares Imperial Wares of the Sung Dynasty, Related Wares and Derivatives of Later Date,” Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic Society Vol 27 1951–1952, 1952–1953, The Oriental Ceramic Society, 1954, pl. 3-34.

G. St. G. M. Gompertz, Chinese Celadon Wares, Faber and Faber, 1958, pl. 53.

Koyama Fujio, ChūgokuⅡ, Sō [China II, Song] vol. 6 from the series Tōki Kōza [Lectures on Pottery] Yuzankaku Shuppan, 1971, pl. 128.

Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Mayuyama Seventy Years Vol.Ⅰ, Benrido, 1976, pl. 466. Hasebe Gakuji and the Zauhō Press (eds.), Sung Dynasty, vol. 12 from the series Ceramic Art of the World, Shogakukan, 1977, pl. 71.

Koyama Fujio, Seiji [Celadon], vol. 36 from the series Tōji Taikei [Great Lineage of Pottery], Heibonsha , 1978, pl. 16.

Osaka City Museum of Fine Art (eds.), Sō Gen no Bijutsu [Arts of the Song and Yuan], Heibonsha, 1980, pl. 8.

Imai Atsushi, Seiji [Celadon] vol. 4 from the series Chūgoku no Tōji [Chinese Ceramics]. Heibonsha, 1997, pl. 56.

Yabe Yoshiaki, Chūgoku Tōji no Hassennen: Ransei no Shungenbi Taihei no Yūbi [Eight Thousand Years of Chinese Ceramics], Heibonsha, 1992, pl. 23.

Yabe Yoshiaki (ed), Hanaire [Flower Vases] vol. 9 from the series Chadōgu no Sekai [The World of Tea Utensils], Tankosha, 2000, p. 34.

Regina Krahl, “Famous Brands and Counterfeits. Problems of Terminology and Classification in Song Ceramics,” Song Ceramics. Art History, Archaeology and Technology, no. 22 from

the series Colloquies on Art & Archaeology in Asia, Percival David Foundation of Chinese Art, 2004, p. 72, fig. 12.

高麗の青磁 Goryeo Celadon

36. 白磁碗高麗（11 世紀前半）高 6.4 cm

口径 16.1 cm

高台径 6.0 cm

WHITE PORCELAIN BOWL Goryeo dynasty (First half of the 11th century) H. 6.4 cm

Mouth Dia. 16.1 cm

Foot Dia. 6.0 cm

37. 青磁碗高麗（11 世紀）高 6.0 cm

口径 15.2 cm

高台径 5.5 cm

CELADON BOWL Goryeo dynasty (11th century) H. 6.0 cm

Mouth Dia. 15.2 cm

Foot Dia. 5.5 cm

38. 白磁碗高麗（11 世紀）高 5.5 cm

口径 15.3 cm

高台径 5.4 cm

WHITE PORCELAIN BOWL Goryeo dynasty (11th century) H. 5.5 cm

Mouth Dia. 15.3 cm

Foot Dia. 5.4 cm

39. 青磁碗高麗（11 世紀中葉）高 5.8 cm

口径 15.0 cm

高台径 5.0 cm

CELADON BOWL Goryeo dynasty (Middle third of the 11th century) H. 5.8 cm

Mouth Dia. 15.0 cm

Foot Dia. 5.0 cm

40. 青磁碗

高麗（12 世紀初頭）高 6.5 cm

口径 16.7 cm

CELADON BOWL Goryeo dynasty (Early 12th century) H. 6.5 cm

Mouth Dia. 16.7 cm

41. 青磁碗高麗（11 世紀後半）高 5.2 cm

口径 15.0 cm

高台径 4.1 cm

CELADON BOWL Goryeo dynasty (Latter half of the 11th century) H. 5.2 cm

Mouth Dia. 15.0 cm

Foot Dia. 4.1 cm

42. 青磁碗高麗（11 世紀末〜 12 世紀初頭）高 6.6 cm

口径 16.8 cm

CELADON BOWL Goryeo dynasty (Late 11th century – early 12th century) H. 6.6 cm

Mouth Dia. 16.8 cm

43. 青磁碗高麗（12 世紀前葉）高 5.5 cm

口径 16.2 cm

来歴

Roger Buckland Bluett（1925 〜2000年）旧蔵 . 出展

「Celadon Wares」The Oriental Ceramic Society, ロンドン, 1947 年, no. 154. 所載

『Celadon Wares』The Oriental Ceramic Society, 1948 年, p. 18, no. 154.

CELADON BOWL Goryeo dynasty (First third of the 12th century) H. 5.5 cm

Mouth Dia. 16.2 cm

PROVENANCE

Roger Buckland Bluett (1925 – 2000) Collection. EXHIBITED

Celadon Wares, The Oriental Ceramic Society, London, 1947, no. 154. LITERATURE

Celadon Wares, The Oriental Ceramic Society, 1948, p. 18, no. 154.

44. 青磁劃花牡丹文輪花鉢

高麗（11 世紀末）高 6.7 cm 来歴

口径 19.5 cm

後藤眞趣堂 .

CELADON FOLIATE-RIM BOWL WITH INCISED PEONY DESIGN Goryeo dynasty (Late 11th century) H. 6.7 cm

Mouth Dia. 19.5 cm

PROVENANCE

Goto Shinshudo, Tokyo.

45. 青磁劃花波文盃

高麗（12 世紀前葉）高 4.0 cm 来歴

口径 10.3 cm

Enid and Francis Brodie Lodge（1880 〜1967年）旧蔵 .

Sotheby’s ロンドン, 1980 年 12月16,17日, lot 584.

出展「Celadon Wares」The Oriental Ceramic Society, ロン

ドン, 1947 年, no. 147.

所載『Celadon Wares』The Oriental Ceramic Society,

1948 年, p. 17, pl. 147.

CELADON CUP WITH INCISED WAVE DESIGN Goryeo dynasty (First third of the 12th century) H. 4.0 cm

Mouth Dia. 10.3 cm

PROVENANCE

Enid and Francis Brodie Lodge (1880–1967)

Collection.

Sotheby’s London, 16–17 December 1980, lot 584. EXHIBITED

Celadon Wares, The Oriental Ceramic Society,

London, 1947, no. 147. LITERATURE

Celadon Wares, The Oriental Ceramic Society,

1948, p. 17, pl. 147.

46. 青磁輪花盤

高麗（12 世紀前葉）高 3.2 cm

口径 14.4 cm

CELADON FOLIATE-RIM DISH Goryeo dynasty (First third of the 12th century) H. 3.2 cm

Mouth Dia. 14.4 cm

47. 青磁輪花盤

高麗（12 世紀前葉）高 4.8 cm 来歴

口径 15.8 cm

1903 年以前、田中次郎（1873 〜1931年）開城（現ソウル）

にて入手.

對島鈆蔵（1868 年 ? 〜没年不祥）旧蔵 .

しばたじょうえ

1917 年（大正 6）9月2日に東京帝國大學人類學講師 , 柴田常恵に鑑定される（箱書による）.

CELADON FOLIATE-RIM DISH Goryeo dynasty (First third of the 12th century) H. 4.8 cm

Mouth Dia. 15.8 cm

PROVENANCE

Prior to 1903, acquired by Tanaka Jirō

(1873 -1931) in Gaeseong (Seoul).

Tsushima Shōzō (1868? -?) Collection.

Assessment by Shibata Jōe, lecturer in Anthropology,

Tokyo Imperial University, on 2 September 1917 (Taishō 6), according to box inscription.

48. 青磁洗

高麗（12 世紀前葉）高 3.6 cm

口径 12.3 cm

CELADON BASIN Goryeo dynasty (First third of the 12th century) H. 3.6 cm

Mouth Dia. 12.3 cm

100

49. 青磁洗

高麗（12 世紀前葉）高 1.8 cm 来歴

口径 10.1 cm

壺中居 .

CELADON BASIN Goryeo dynasty (First third of the 12th century) H. 1.8 cm

Mouth Dia. 10.1 cm

PROVENANCE

Kochukyo, Tokyo.

101

50. 青磁梅瓶高麗（11 世紀後半）高 26.5 cm

胴径 18.1 cm

CELADON MEIPING JAR Goryeo dynasty (Latter half of the 11th century) H. 26.5 cm

Torso Dia. 18.1 cm

102

103

51. 青磁三耳水注高麗（11 世紀後半）高 6.9 cm

幅 10.1 cm

CELADON WATER DROPPER WITH THREE LUGS Goryeo dynasty (Latter half of the 11th century) H. 6.9 cm

W. 10.1 cm

104

105

52. 青磁劃花唐草文水注高麗（11 世紀末〜 12 世紀初頭）高 15.4 cm

幅 20.7 cm

CELADON EWER WITH INCISED SCROLL DESIGN Goryeo dynasty (Late 11th century – early 12th century) H. 15.4 cm

W. 20.7 cm

106

107

53. 青磁碗高麗（12 世紀前葉）高 5.4 cm

口径 13.5 cm

CELADON BOWL Goryeo dynasty (First third of the 12th century) H. 5.4 cm

Mouth Dia. 13.5 cm

108

109

54. 青磁盤口瓶高麗（12 世紀前葉）高 23.4 cm

胴径 12.9 cm

CELADON JAR WITH FLAT RIM Goryeo dynasty (First third of the 12th century) H. 23.4 cm

Torso Dia. 12.9 cm

110

111

55. 青磁輪花盤高麗（12 世紀前葉）高 4.2 cm

口径 18.3 cm

CELADON FOLIATE-RIM DISH Goryeo dynasty (First third of the 12th century) H. 4.2 cm

Mouth Dia. 18.3 cm

112

113

56. 青磁輪花鉢高麗（12 世紀前葉）高 7.0 cm

口径 19.8 cm

CELADON FOLIATE-RIM BOWL Goryeo dynasty (First third of the 12th century) H. 7.0 cm

Mouth Dia. 19.8 cm

114

115

57. 青磁鎬蓮弁文鉢高麗（12 世紀前葉）高 8.0 cm

口径 17.5 cm

CELADON BOWL WITH BLADE AND LOTUS PETAL DESIGN Goryeo dynasty (First third of the 12th century) H. 8.0 cm

Mouth Dia. 17.5 cm

116

117

58. 白磁劃花洗高麗（12 世紀前葉）高 2.3 cm

口径 9.7 cm

WHITE PORCELAIN BASIN WITH INCISED DESIGN Goryeo dynasty (First third of the 12th century) H. 2.3 cm

Mouth Dia. 9.7 cm

118

119

59. 白磁劃花菊文鉢高麗（12 世紀中葉）高 7.9 cm

口径 18.2 cm

来歴

李青堂 .

繭山龍泉堂 , 1946 年. 出展

「日本陶磁協會秋季大會高麗陶磁名品展」東京美術倶楽部 , 1953 年, no. 94. 「日本陶磁協会創立三十周年記念名陶展」梅澤記念館 , 1976 年, no. 29. 所載

G. St. G. M. Gompertsz「Koryo White Porcelain」『Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic

Society Vol 27 1951–1952, 1952–1953』The Oriental Ceramic Society, 1954 年, pl. 4-c.

座右寶刊行會編『世界陶磁全集第 13 巻〈朝鮮上代･高麗篇〉』河出書房, 1955 年, 図版 129 上 .

座右寶刊行會編『世界陶磁全集第十三巻〈朝鮮上代･高麗篇〉』河出書房新社 , 1961 年, 図版 129 上 . G. St. G. M. Gompertsz『Korean Celadon』Faber and Faber, 1963 年, 図版 85B. 長谷部楽爾『陶器講座第 8 巻朝鮮 I 高麗』雄山閣出版 , 1971 年, 図版 91. 繭山龍泉堂『龍泉集芳

第一集』便利堂 , 1976 年, 図版 1172.

崔淳雨「高麗陶磁の編年」『世界陶磁全集 18 高麗』小学館 , 1978 年, 挿図 62, p. 151. 李秉昌編『韓国美術蒐選ー高麗青磁』東京大学出版会, 1978 年, no. 325.

120

121

WHITE PORCELAIN BOWL WITH INCISED CHRYSANTHEMUM DESIGN Goryeo dynasty (Middle third of the 12th century) H. 7.9 cm

Mouth Dia. 18.2 cm

PROVENANCE

RISEIDO, Osaka.

Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Tokyo, 1946. EXHIBITED

Nihon Tōji Kyōkai Shūkitaikai Kōrai Tōji Meihinten [The Japan Ceramic Society Main

Autumn Exhibition, Masterpieces of Goryeo Porcelain], Tokyo Art Club, Tokyo, 1953, no. 94. Nihon Tōji Kyōkai Sōritsu Sanjūshūnen Kinen Meitōten [Ceramic Masterpieces Exhibition Commemorating the 30th anniversary of the Founding of the Japan Ceramic Society], Umezawa Kinenkan, Tokyo, 1976, no. 29. LITERATURE

G. St. G. M. Gompertz, “Koryo White Porcelain,” Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic

Society Vol 27 1951–1952, 1952–1953, The Oriental Ceramic Society, 1954, pl. 4-c.

Zauhō Kankōkai (eds.), Chōsen Jōdai-Kōrai Hen [Korea Ancient Dynasties-Goryeo], vol.

13 from the series Sekai Tōji Zenshū [Ceramic Art of the World], Kawade Shobo, 1955, pl. 129 upper.

Zauhō Kankōkai (eds.), Chōsen Jōdai-Kōrai Hen [Korea Ancient Dynasties-Goryeo], vol. 13 from the series Collection of World's Cereamic, Kawade Shobo Shinsha, 1961, pl. 129 upper.

G. St. G. M. Gompertz, Korean Celadon, Faber and Faber, 1963, pl. 85B.

Hasebe Gakuji, ChōsenⅠ Kōrai [Korea I Goryeo] vol. 8 from the series Tōki Kōza [Lectures on Ceramics], Yuzankaku Shuppan, 1971, pl. 91.

Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Mayuyama Seventy Years Vol.Ⅰ, Benrido, 1976, pl. 1172. Choi Sunu, “Dating of Ceramics of Koryo Dynasty”, Kōrai, Vol. 8 from the series Ceramic Art of the World, Shogakukan, 1978, fig. 62, p. 151.

Rhee Byung-chang (ed.), Masterpieces of Korean Art Koryo Ceramics, University of Tokyo Press, 1978, no. 325.

122

123

60. 青磁鉢

高麗（12 世紀）高 10.4 cm

胴径 25.1 cm

CELADON BOWL Goryeo dynasty (12th century) H. 10.4 cm

Torso Dia. 25.1 cm

124

61. 青磁盃

高麗（12 世紀）高 5.8 cm

胴径 8.2 cm

CELADON CUP Goryeo dynasty (12th century) H. 5.8 cm

Torso Dia. 8.2 cm

125

62. 青磁印花碗

高麗（12 世紀）高 6.7 cm

口径 14.6 cm

CELADON BOWL WITH MOLDED DESIGN Goryeo dynasty (12th century) H. 6.7 cm

Mouth Dia. 14.6 cm

126

63. 青磁印花菊文輪花碗

高麗（12 世紀前葉）高 4.4 cm

口径 11.4 cm

CELADON FOLIATE-RIM BOWL WITH MOLDED CHRYSANTHEMUM DESIGN Goryeo dynasty (First third of the 12th century) H. 4.4 cm

Mouth Dia. 11.4 cm

127

64. 青磁劃花鸚鵡文輪花鉢

高麗（12 世紀前半）高 8.5 cm 来歴

口径 20.0 cm

Carl Kempe （1884 〜1967年）旧蔵 .

所載 Bo Gyllensvärd『Chinese Ceramics in the Carl Kempe

Collection』Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964 年, 図版 884.

CELADON FOLIATE-RIM BOWL WITH INCISED PARROT DESIGN Goryeo dynasty (First half of the 12th century) H. 8.5 cm PROVENANCE LITERATURE

Mouth Dia. 20.0 cm Carl Kempe (1884 –1967) Collection.

Bo Gyllensvärd, Chinese Ceramics in the Carl

Kempe Collection, Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964, pl. 884.

128

65. 青磁印花蓮唐子文鉢

高麗（12 世紀前半）高 7.7 cm 来歴

口径 19.0 cm

Carl Kempe （1884 〜1967年）旧蔵 .

出展「Koreansk Keramik」Museum of Far Eastern

Antiquities, ストックホルム, 1966 年, no. 40. 所載

Bo Gyllensvärd『Chinese Ceramics in the Carl Kempe

Collection』Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964 年, 図版 883.

CELADON BOWL WITH MOLDED LOTUS AND CHINESE CHILDREN DESIGN Goryeo dynasty (First half of the 12th century) H. 7.7 cm

Mouth Dia. 19.0 cm

PROVENANCE EXHIBITED

Carl Kempe (1884–1967) Collection.

Koreansk Keramik [Korean Ceramics], Museum

of Far Eastern Antiquities, Stockholm, 1966, no. 40. LITERATURE

Bo Gyllensvärd, Chinese Ceramics in the Carl

Kempe Collection, Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964, pl. 883.

129

66. 青磁印花蜀葵唐子文鉢高麗（12 世紀前半）高 7.9 cm

口径 21.8 cm

来歴

繭山龍泉堂 , 1948 年. 所載

繭山龍泉堂『龍泉集芳

第一集』便利堂 , 1976 年, 図版 1164.

李秉昌編『韓国美術蒐選ー高麗青磁』東京大学出版会, 1978 年, 図版 112.

CELADON BOWL WITH MOLDED HIBISCUS AND CHINESE CHILDREN DESIGN Goryeo dynasty (First half of the 12th century) H. 7.9 cm

Mouth Dia. 21.8 cm

PROVENANCE

Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Tokyo, 1948. LITERATURE

Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Mayuyama Seventy Years Vol.Ⅰ, Benrido, 1976, pl. 1164. Byung-chang Rhee, Masterpieces of Korean Art Koryo Ceramics, University of Tokyo Press, 1978, pl. 112.

130

131

67. 青磁瓜形水注

高麗（12 世紀）高 7.9 cm 来歴

幅 9.5 cm

Stephen D. Winkworth（1865 〜1938年）旧蔵 .

Sotheby’s, ロンドン, 1933 年 4月25日, lot 105（一部）.

Bluett & Sons, ロンドン, 1933 年 5月3日（Radcliffe 依頼により） Edward Copleston Radcliffe （1898 〜1967年）旧蔵

CELADON GOURD-SHAPED WATER DROPPER Goryeo dynasty (12th century) H. 7.9 cm

W. 9.5 cm

PROVENANCE

Stephen D. Winkworth (1865 –1938) Collection.

Sotheby’s, London, 25 April 1933, part of lot 105.

Bluett & Sons, London, 3 May 1933 (upon request from Radcliffe). Edward Copleston Radcliffe (1898 –1967) Collection.

132

68. 青磁陽刻劃花蓮唐草文瓢瓶

高麗（12 世紀後半）高 9.7 cm

胴径 6.5 cm

CELADON GOURD-SHAPED BOTTLE WITH CARVED AND INCISED LOTUS SCROLL DESIGN Goryeo dynasty (Latter half of the 12th century) H. 9.7 cm

Torso Dia. 6.5 cm

133

69. 青磁劃花菊文盃・青磁陽刻劃花波魚菊文盃台高麗（12 世紀前半）盃：

高 4.7 cm

口径 7.9 cm

盃台：高 2.8 cm

径 13.8 cm

来歴

繭山龍泉堂 , 1976 年. 出展

「高麗青磁への誘い」大阪市立東洋陶磁美術館 , 1992 年, no. 46.

「朝鮮陶磁シリーズー 20 珠玉の高麗陶磁小品展」大阪市立東洋陶磁美術館 , 1996 年, no. 28. 所載

（盃台）長谷部楽爾『陶磁大系第二九巻高麗の青磁』平凡社 , 1977 年, 図版 38.

CELADON CUP WITH INCISED CHRYSANTHEMUM DESIGN AND CELADON CUP STAND WITH CARVED AND INCISED WAVES, FISH AND CHRYSANTHEMUM DESIGN Goryeo dynasty (First half of the 12th century) Cup:

H. 4.7 cm

Cup stand:

Mouth Dia. 7.9 cm

H. 2.8 cm

Dia. 13.8 cm

PROVENANCE

Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Tokyo, 1976. EXHIBITED

An Introduction to Koryō Celadon, The Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka, 1992, no. 46. Gems of Koryo Ceramic Ware, Korean Ceramics Series 20, The Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka, 1996, no. 28. LITERATURE

[Cup stand] Hasebe Gakuji, Kōrai no Seiji [Goryeo celadon] vol. 29 from the series Tōji Taikei [Great Lineage of Pottery], Heibonsha, 1977, pl. 38.

134

135

136

137

70. 青磁劃花蓮唐草文梅瓶高麗（12 世紀）高 36.0 cm

胴径 21.6 cm

来歴

小杉惣市（1915 〜1984年）旧蔵 . 所載

繭山龍泉堂『龍泉集芳第一集』便利堂 , 1976 年, 図版 1113.

138

139

CELADON MEIPING JAR WITH INCISED LOTUS SCROLL DESIGN Goryeo dynasty (12th century) H. 36.0 cm

Torso Dia. 21.6 cm

PROVENANCE

Kosugi Sōichi (1915 –1984) Collection. LITERATURE

Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Mayuyama Seventy Years Vol.Ⅰ, Benrido, 1976, pl. 1113.

140

141

北宋時代後期の美意識－青磁と院体画板倉聖哲

中国絵画史において、素材として水墨画、主題として山水・花鳥画が中心的な役割を果たすようになったのは中唐・8 世紀以降であり、中唐、江南の知識人たちによる「溌墨」という絵画運動が契機となった。それは「唐宋変革」と呼ばれる社会全体の転換期と時期が重なっており、水墨で即興的に描く「溌墨」の手法はそれまでの絵画の概念を壊し、未完成性を内包した絵画の在り方を肯定し、その後の中国絵画の方向性が示された。唐時代において道釈・人物画の表現が高みに達したのに対して、五代・北宋という時代は後世の「規範」となる山水・花鳥画の様式が生み出された時代と言えよう。山水画では五代・南唐の董源（挿図 1）・巨然、北宋に入って李成・范寛・郭煕（挿図 2）らが輩出され、江南・華北の風土に基づきながら、多様な山水表現が生み出された。花鳥画においては五代・南唐の徐煕の粗放な筆使いによる水墨画、蜀の黄筌による鈎勒（輪郭線のある）の着色画が各々「徐氏体」「黄氏体」として定着した。その上、北宋後期に活躍した蘇軾・文同ら文人たちによる花卉雑画の流れが後世には文人画の大きな主流となっていく。その後、北宋末に登場した徽宗皇帝は、これらの展開をみな俯瞰することができる位置にあったのである。

北宋第八代皇帝、徽宗（挿図 3

在位 1100 ～ 1125

1082 ～ 1135）は自ら当代一流の書画家であり、茶を喫し、器物・音楽・庭園にも造詣が深く、その名は芸術を愛する「風流天子」という評価と早くから結び付いていた。その一方で、『水滸伝』などから政治に無能な遊び人像が強調され、好きな芸術にうつつを抜かして政治を疎かにし、北宋王朝を滅亡

143

挿図1 重要文化財「寒林重汀図」（伝）董源五代（10世紀）絹本墨画淡彩縦179.9 cm 横115.6 cm 黒川古文化研究所「世界美術大全集東洋編第５巻五代・北宋・遼・西夏」小学館, 1998年, p. 41より転載

挿図2 「早春図」郭煕北宋煕寧5年（1071）絹本墨画淡彩縦158.3 cm 横108.1 cm 台北・國立故宮博物院

144

に導いた亡国の皇帝という負のイメージも永く定着してきた。近年では、政治面について無関心であったのではなく、北宋時代の文治主義の中、四度宰相を務めた「公相」蔡京 (1047 ～ 1126) や宦官出身の「媼「隠相」梁師成（？～ 1126）ら側近と共に儀相」童貫（1054 ～ 1126）・式などの刷新を図り、新たな「劇場国家」を目指した為政者像が提示されており、文化・芸術面においては、様々なジャンルにおいて歴史を踏まえ新生面を示し、新たな展示施設、宣和殿を建設し、蒐集した書画文物を高級官僚や外交使節といった限られた人々のために展示するなど芸術を政治利用したことが明らかにされつつある。徽宗は第六代神宗（在位 1068 ～ 1085 1048 ～ 1085）の 11 番目の子供であり、第七代哲宗（在位 1085 ～ 1100 1077 ～ 1100）の弟に当たる。兄哲宗の早逝によって彼に皇帝の役回りが回ってきたが、即位以前から芸術への関心は強く、皇帝に即位したことで、様々な芸術が未曽有の規模で実現することができるようになったと見なすことができる。例えば、杭州の鳳凰山を模した艮嶽の造営には莫大な費用を投じて遠く南方より運河を使って運ばせた大岩や木を用いており（花石綱）、この庭園はその象徴とも言えよう。両宋で活躍した画院画家、李唐の「万壑松風図」（挿図 4 台北・國立故宮博物院 1124 年）は艮嶽の景を反映させたものと見る説がある。徽宗の命を受けて編まれた『宣和書譜』20 巻・『宣和画譜』20 巻・『重修宣和博古図』30 巻は、徽宗が築いた膨大な書・画・文物コレクションの内容を今に伝えてくれる。これらのコレクションに基づいて徽宗は新たな美を生み出すことを目指した。徽宗朝に高みに達したとされるのが徽宗の指導の下、完成の域に達した「宣和体」と呼ばれた院体画であり、「痩金体」（挿図 5）と称する装飾的な書体であり、「雨過天青」と称さ

挿図4 「万壑松風図」李唐北宋宣和6年（1124年）絹本着色縦188.7 cm 横139.8 cm 台北・國立故宮博物院

145

挿図3 「徽宗坐像」宋（12世紀）絹本着色縦188.2 cm 横106.7 cm 台北・國立故宮博物院

挿図5 「書牡丹詩帖」徽宗北宋（11〜12世紀）紙本墨書縦34.8 cm 横53.3 cm 台北・國立故宮博物院

れた青色を湛えた汝窯の青磁（挿図 6、7）であった。後世、いずれも徽宗の目指した美を象徴するものとされ、南宋・髙宗（在位

1127 ～ 1162 1107 ～ 1187）、金・章宗（在位 1189 ～ 1208 1168 ～ 1208）、元・文宗（在位 1329 ～ 1332 1304 ～ 1332）、明・宣徳帝（在位 1426 ～ 1435 1399 ～ 1435）、清・乾隆帝（在位 1735 ～

1796 1711 ～ 1799）といった芸術を愛好した歴代の皇帝たちにとって憧憬の対象となってきた。

汝窯では哲宗朝の頃から極めて上質の青磁を焼成したが、徽宗朝においては官窯的な役割を果たしたとされる。「雨過天青雲破処」は五代・後周の世宗柴栄（在位 954 ～ 959 921 ～ 959）が家臣に要求した青磁の色を示す言葉だが、後に汝窯青磁のそれを指すようになった。艶のある淡い青、淡い縹色、青よりも白くやや灰色を帯びているなどと記述されるが、雨上がりのしっとりと水気を

146

含んだ空の色を意味する「雨過天青」色はこの時期の汝窯青磁を形容するにふさわしい言葉として定着している。南宋・周煇『清波雑志』には「汝窯は宮中禁焼なり。内に瑪瑙末ありて油となす。唯だ御に供し，揀び退けてまさに出売を許す。近ごろ尤も得がたし」、つまり、汝窯は宮廷が命じて青磁を作らせた窯で、釉には瑪瑙の粉を入れた、とある。又、宮廷に納めるために厳しく選別され、適わなかったものは民間において売ることが許されたが、当時（南宋初）には既に非常に稀少な器であった、とも記されている。汝窯の実態は長らく不詳であったが、2000 年の清凉寺窯（河南省宝豊県）の発掘によって伝世汝窯と同種のものが見出され、大きく進んだ。但し、いまだ解決されていない問題も少なくない。それでも、世界に 70 点ほどしか伝存しない希少な伝世の作例と合わせ考えると、徽宗朝を中心に、工人たちの手によって究極の色が求められ、宮廷側で厳しく選別された様を想像することは難くない。杭州臨安城の南宋宮廷遺跡や皇后邸跡から汝窯青磁が複数出土しており、又、南宋官窯や南宋初期の越窯などが汝窯青磁の器種・造形を意識して生産されていることからも、後世において憧憬・規範となったことがわかる。

挿図6、7 「青磁盤」汝窯「甲」銘北宋（12世紀早期）高 3.2〜3.7 cm 口径 14.9 cm 高台径 10.8 cm 台北・國立故宮博物院

147

148

徽宗は、北宋時代の他の皇帝と異なり、自ら絵画を描くことを得意とし、画院（宮廷）画家に対して直接関与・指導したとされる。若い頃、宗室の王詵や小景画を得意とした趙令穣の下に出入りし、花鳥画は画院画家の崔白の門人で武臣の呉元瑜に学んだ。道教に熱中し、瑞祥を求めた徽宗が自ら詩・書・画・印した「宣和睿覧冊」は自分の治世に現れた瑞祥を絵画化した集大成であり、画史関連の文献にしばしば登場する代表作と見なすべきものだが、中国大陸に「瑞鶴図巻」（挿図 8 遼寧省博物館 1112 年）・「祥龍石図」（北京・故宮博物院）、米国に「五色鸚鵡図」（挿図 9

ボストン美術館）が

現存している。現存作品では、「搗練図巻」（挿図 10 ボストン美術館）は宮廷における年中行事を絵画化したものだが、その細緻な筆使いや彩色は伝称作品の中でも特に際立っている。日本では足利三代将軍義満（在職 1368 ～ 1394 1358 ～ 1408）の収集品である東山御物「桃鳩図」（東京・個人 1107 年）が早くから有名で、伝世の「唐絵」の頂点に君臨してきた。自ら筆を振るったとされるこれらの徽宗御画をめぐっては、本人がどのくらい関わったのかが問題とされたが、

149

むしろ、その多くは徽宗の指導の下、彼の趣味を具現化すべく、画院画家たちが競って制作していたという制作環境を想定すべきであろう。こうして生み出された多くの作品群は、彼自身が直接発した命令書「御筆手詔」のように、様々な機会に下賜されたと考えられる。南宋前期の館閣制度を記した南宋・陳騤『南宋館閣録』巻３「儲蔵」に掲載される内府所蔵の絵画リストには「御画十四軸」、続編の『南宋館閣続録』（1199 年）巻３「儲蔵」には「徽宗皇帝御画十四軸、徽宗皇帝御題画三十一軸・一冊」とあり、「御画十四軸」の中には既に「蝋梅山禽図」（台北・國立故宮博物院）・「芙蓉錦鶏図」（北京・故宮博物院）が含まれていた。北宋滅亡後、南宋髙宗以来、南宋宮廷は文物の収集に努めたが、この徽宗御画は北宋から南宋へと宮廷コレクションが継承されたことを示す重要なものと見なされた。花鳥画では「瑞鶴図巻」や「桃鳩図」・「蝋梅山禽図」・「芙蓉錦鶏図」などは唐時代の装飾性を意識した平面的な構図と北宋画院の「黄氏体」の系譜で追及した細緻な彩色描写の再

150

現性とを兼ねており、古今の絵画史の展開を踏まえた表現効果を湛えている。その意味で、人物画でも、唐時代の人物画家、張萱とされる図様に拠りながら彩色・文様や道具立てに北宋的な要素を加えた「搗練図巻」・「虢国夫人遊春図巻」（遼寧省博物館）、「唐十八学士図」図像の一部に拠りつつやはり器物などに北宋のものを描き込んだ「文会図」（台北・國立故宮博物院）なども同様の傾向を示したものと見なせよう。画院画家の作例でも、復古的な青緑山水画でありながら華北・江南で展開した山水の図様を取り込み、過去のそれとは異なる着色山水画である王季孟「千里江山図巻」（挿図 11 北京・故宮博物院 1113 年）や李唐「万壑松風図」（台北・國立故宮博物院 1124 年）など、過去（唐以前）と現在（北宋）の止揚という営為は徽宗御画に見えるものと共通したものである。崇寧３年（1104 ）に画学（宮廷絵画学校）を設置して画家を養成する（1110 年に廃止、画院に編入）、詩題によって画院画家たちを競作させるなど、画院改革を自ら推進した徽宗だが、徽宗の造形における狙いは画院画家たちにも理解さ

151

挿図11 「千里江山図巻（部分）」（伝）王希孟北宋政和3年（1113）絹本着色縦51.5 cm 横1191.5 cm 北京・故宮博物院「世界美術大全集東洋編5 五代・北宋・遼・西夏」小学館, 1998年, pp. 56-57より転載.

挿図12 「清明上河図巻（部分）」（伝）張擇端北宋（11世紀後半〜12世紀前半）絹本墨画淡彩縦24.8 cm 横528.7 cm 北京・故宮博物院「特別展北京故宮博物院200選」朝日新聞社, NHK, NHKプロモーション, 2012年, pp. 39-40より転載.

152

れ、個人の名を有する作品にも反映されていたことになろう。「千里江山図巻」の作者である王季孟は、この画巻を徽宗から下賜された蔡京の後跋には、当時 18 歳、画学出身の画院画家で、徽宗の薫陶を受けたことが記されている。又、現在では中国風俗画の最高傑作と称される張擇端「清明上河図」（挿図 12 北京・故宮博物院）も徽宗朝の作例。作者の張擇端は当時としては無名の画院画家だったとされるが、同時代の都汴京（開封）における清明節の風俗を、超絶技巧によって再現的に表している。ただし、この作品も単なる現実ではなく、理想的な景観を舞台として、それまでに獲得した風俗表現のイディオムの集大成と見るべきであり、徽宗朝画院という同時代性を看取することができる。

『宣和画譜』などの内容からして、徽宗皇帝が画院画家たちに求めたのは、造化の真を探求し、外物の本性を突きとめ、形似を超越した伝神に到達することであった。その方向性は蘇軾（挿図 13 1039 ～ 1112）らの提唱した文人画論と通じるものである。蘇軾の「鄢陵王主簿所画折枝

二首

其一」

には「画を論じるに形似を以てするは、見児童と隣す。詩を賦すに此の詩を必とするは、定めて詩を知る人にあらず。詩画本一律、天工と清新と」、つまり、画を論じて形にこだわるのは子供の見方と大差ない、詩を書いて

153

挿図13 「黄州寒食詩巻」蘇軾北宋元豊5年（1082）紙本墨書縦34.1 cm x 横189.0 cm 台北・國立故宮博物院

詩の形にこだわるのは詩を知らぬ者である、詩と画に必要なのはもともと一つで、天性の表現と清新な趣である、とある。詩と画は共に「形」よりも「意」「情」を重視すべきであると主張しているのだ。それを受けて、門人の晁補之（1053 ～ 1110）は詩画の関係を論じた際に「画は物外の形を写すも、物の形の改まざるを要する」、画とはモノの「形」を超えた「形」を描くものであるが、モノの「形」を写し損なってはならない、としており、金時代の王若虚（1174 ～ 1243）は、蘇軾は「形似」を超えたところに詩画の価値を見出そうとし、「形似」を完全に否定したのではなく「形似」のみに固執することを否定したに過ぎない、と解釈している。徽宗朝の作品と合わせ考えれば、徽宗の目指したことは職業的な画工の手による洗練され

154

た技巧の粋を示すものを前提としながら、それが文人士大夫らの美学に適ったものとして通用するように指導することであった。その意味で、「天青」を湛えた汝窯青磁の制作の背景にある美意識は同時代の画院画家たちに徽宗が求めたものと共通するものがあったと言うこともできよう。そして、北宋時代後期、ジャンルを超えて通底する、洗練された美意識は、その後、文人士大夫の美意識が主流となっていく流れの中で、作品を通じて継承され続けることになるのである。（いたくら

まさあき・東京大学東洋文化研究所）

155

Late Northern Song Aesthetics: Celadon and Imperial Academy Painting Itakura Masaaki

In China, Mid Tang (the 8th century) saw the rise of the ink painting medium and landscape and bird and flower themes that would dominate later Chinese painting. This development was triggered by the so-called splashed ink (溌墨, pomo), trend among the Jiangnan intelligentsia of Mid Tang. This artistic trend coincided with a transitional period in society overall, what came to be known as the Tang-Song transition. The splashed ink technique with its improvisational use of ink demolished previous painting concepts, aﬃrming a style of painting that incorporated a sense of the incomplete, which went on to set the direction for later Chinese painting. Religious figure imagery and figure painting reached considerable heights during the Tang dynasty. Benchmark landscape and bird and flower styles that would be taken up by all later generations were established during the Five Dynasties period and the Northern Song dynasty. In landscape painting, the Five Dynasties-Southern Tang produced Dong Yuan (fig. 1) and Juran, and the Northern Song saw the emergence of painters such as Li Cheng, Fan Kuan and Guo Xi (fig. 2). These painters worked from the basis of Jiangnan and northern China landscapes, while at the same time creating diverse painting styles. In bird and flower painting, the rough and unfettered brush style seen in the ink paintings of Xu Xi of the Five Dynasties-Southern Tang dynasty, and the full color paintings with visible outlines by Huang Quan of the Later

Fig. 1 ICP Wintry Trees by a Lake, Attributed to Dong Yuan Five Dynasties (10th century) Hanging scroll, ink and light color on silk H. 179.9 cm, W. 115.6 cm Kurokawa Institute of Ancient Cultures Photo: Godai, Hokusō, Ryō, Seika [Five Dynasties, Northern Song, Liao, Xixia] vol. 5 from the series New History of World Art Tōyo hen, Shogakukan, 1998, p. 41.

156

Fig. 2 Early Spring, by Guo Xi Northern Song (1071, Xining 5) Hanging scroll, ink and light color on silk H. 153.3 cm, W. 108.1 cm National Palace Museum, Taipei.

157

Shu dynasty, led respectively to what would become known as the “Xu style” and the “Huang style.” Su Shi, Wen Tong and other literati active in the late Northern Song produced plant and flower miscellaneous images, which became a major trend in later generations of literati painting. And then, Emperor Huizong appeared, capable of taking an overview approach to these various developments. The 8th emperor of the Northern Song dynasty, Huizong (fig. 3, 10821135, r. 1100 -1125) was one of the leading calligraphers and painters of his day.

He enjoyed drinking tea, and was well-versed in art, music and garden design. From early on his name was linked with evaluations calling him a “gracious emperor” who loved the arts. Conversely, the Shui hu zhuan (水滸伝) and other texts emphasized his image as a heedless dilettante unskilled at governing. It was this negative image as the emperor who ruined the country that became fixed, someone who became immersed in his beloved arts, neglecting governing. Fig. 3 Seated Portrait of Emperor Song Huizong Song dynasty (12th century) Hanging scroll, ink and color on silk H. 188.2, W. 106.7 cm National Palace Museum, Taipei.

In recent years, scholars have indicated that rather than being uninterested in government, Huizong played a central role in the government of his time. Amidst the Northern Songʼs governing by a law and reason system rather than a military strength system, Huizong planned the complete reform of rituals and other matters with Cai Jing (1047-1126), four times the leading government oﬃcial known by the title of "Gong Xiang" (公相), Tong Guan (1054-1126), the eunuch known by title “Ao Xiang” (媼相), and Liang Shicheng (? -1126), known as the "Yin Xiang" (隠相). They presented a ruler image who aimed for a new “theatrical politics.” In terms of culture and the arts, he created new forms based on history in various genres, constructing new display facilities, such as the Xuanhe dian (宣和殿). These actions indicate how the arts were being employed for political pur-

poses, with these facilities used to display the emperorʼs collection of calligraphy, paintings and antiques for high-ranking court oﬃcials and foreign envoys. Huizong was the 11th child of the 6th Northern Song emperor Shenzong (1048-1085, r. 1068-1085), and the younger brother of the 7th emperor Zhezong (1077-1100, r. 1085-1100). The early death of his older brother Zhezong meant that the role of emperor devolved onto Huizong. Deeply interested in the arts prior to his ascension to the throne, we can see how he was then able to realize various artistic pursuits on an unparalleled scale when he became emperor. An example of such pursuits can be seen in how he invested massive funds in the building of the Genyue modeled after Phoenix Mountain in Hangzhou. He used

158

the Huashigang fleet of canal boats to haul massive rocks and timber from the far south for this project. Li Tang (ca. 1050 -1130), an imperial academy painter active in both Northern and Southern Song dynasties, painted Wind in Pines Among a Myriad Valleys (fig. 4, 1124, National Palace Museum, Taipei), which one

theory today says reflects scenery in the Genyue. Three books commissioned by Huizong —the 20 -volume Xuanhe Shupu, the 20 -volume Xuanhe Huapu

and the 30 -volume Chongxiu Xuanhe bogutu —convey to us today the contents of the massive calligraphy, painting and antiques collection built by Huizong. Through this collection Huizong sought the creation of a new aesthetic. This new aesthetic can be seen in three art forms which reached their fruition under Huizongʼs direction and were a pinnacle achievement during his reign: the imperial academy painting style known as the Xuanhe style, the decorative calligraphy style called the

Fig. 4 Wind in Pines Among a Myriad Valleys, by Li Tang Northern Song (1124, Xuanhe 6) Hanging scroll, ink and color on silk H. 188.7 cm, W. 139.8 cm National Palace Museum, Taipei.

Shoujin style (fig. 5), and the celadon of the Ru kilns (figs. 6 and 7) whose blue coloration was likened to a clear blue sky after rain. These art forms -- which were all seen by later generations as symbolizing Huizongʼs

desired aesthetic -- became the subject of great longing for generations of art-loving emperors, from the Southern Song emperor Gaozong (1107-1187, r. 1127-1162), to the Jin emperor Zhangzong (1168-1208, r. 1189-1208), the Yuan

emperor Wenzong (1304-1332, r. 1329-1332), the Ming emperor Xuande (13991435, r. 1426 -1435), and the Qing emperor Qianlong (1711-1799, r. 1735-1796).

The Ru kilns had begun firing extremely high-quality celadon ca. Zhezongʼs reign, and then gradually assumed the role of oﬃcial imperial kiln during Huizongʼs reign. The Five Dynasties Later Zhou emperor Shizong, Chai Rong (921-959, r. 954-959) used the expression 雨過天青雲破処, literally, as if clouds clearing to revealing a blue sky after rain coloration, when he explained the color of celadon he sought to his household oﬃcial. This term later came to indicate the color of Ru ware celadon. It is recorded as having been a richly toned

159

Fig. 5 Poetry on Peonies, by Emperor Huizong Northern Song (11th – 12th centuries) Sheet in album format, ink on paper H. 34.8 cm, W. 53.3 cm National Palace Museum, Taipei.

pale blue, a faint blue, or a blue that is whiter, more ash gray in tone than ordinary blue. The term 雨過天青 blue sky after rain has passed, a term implying the color of the sky after rain has ended but the humid mist remains, then became fixed as the color that suitably expresses the Ru ware celadon of this period. In his Qingbo zazhi (清波雑志), Zhou Hui of the Southern Song stated, to paraphrase, Ru kilns produced wares solely for the imperial household, the imperial palace directed the Ru kilns to make celadon, and the glaze contained agate powder. Further, the wares to be used in the palaces were extremely carefully selected, and those which were not appropriate for such use could be sold to the public. However, at that time [early Southern Song], such works were extremely rare. The actual situation at the Ru ware kilns was long unknown, but excavations at the site of the Qingliangsi kilns (Baofeng county, Henan province) in 2000 discovered wares of the same type as extant Ru ware works, and thus our knowledge of the Ru kilns has been greatly enlarged. And yet, numerous unresolved issues still remain.

160

Even so, when this information is considered alongside the approximately 70 Ru ware works traditionally preserved worldwide, it is not hard to imagine the imperial palaceʼs strict selection process, particularly during Huizongʼs reign, as the kiln workers sought the ultimate color. Several examples of Ru ware celadon have been excavated from the site of the Southern Song palace at Linʼancheng, Hangzhou, and the residence of the empress. Further, given that the Southern Song imperial kilns and the early Southern Song Yue kilns produced their works in full awareness of the vessel types and shapes of the Ru ware celadons, we can see how Ru ware works became the benchmark standard and sought after wares in later generations. Unlike other Northern Song emperors, Huizong was himself a skilled painter, and is said to have directly worked with and guided the imperial academy painters (court painters). As a young man he interacted with the imperial family members Wang Shen and Zhao Lingrang, who specialized in small landscape paintings. He studied bird and flower painting under Wu Yuanyu, the minister of military aﬀairs who was a pupil of the imperial academy painter Cui Bai. Huizong was passionate about Daoism and sought out auspicious signs and symbols. His Xuanhe Ruilance, containing his own poetry, calligraphy, paintings and seals, is a grand pictorial compilation of auspicious events

Figs. 6, 7 Celadon Dish, Ru Ware, Character “Jia” inscription on verso Northern Song (Early 12th century) H. 3.2 – 2.7 cm, Mouth Dia. 14.9 cm, Foot Dia. 10.8 cm National Palace Museum, Taipei

161

Fig. 8 Cranes and Pavilion (detail), by Emperor Huizong Northern Song (1112, Zhenghe 2) Handscroll, ink and color on silk H. 51.0 cm, W. 138.2 cm Liaoning Provincial Museum Photo: ©CPC Photo.

Fig. 9 Five-colored Parakeet on a Blossoming Apricot Tree, Emperor Huizong Northern Song (Early 12th century) Handscroll, ink and color on silk H. 53.3 cm, W. 125.1 cm Maria Antoinette Evans Fund, Museum of Fine Arts Boston Photo: © 2023 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

162

and signs that appeared during his own period. This major work is frequently mentioned in literature related to the history of painting. There are three extant works from the compilation, namely Cranes and Pavilion (fig. 8, 1112, Liaoning Provincial Museum) and Auspicious Dragon Stone (The Palace Museum, Beijing) in China, and Five-Colored Parakeet on a Blossoming Apricot Tree (fig. 9, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston). Another

extant work, Court Ladies Preparing Newly Woven Silk (fig. 10, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston) is a pictorial rendering of an annual event in the imperial court. The intricately fine brushwork and colors make it particularly outstanding. In Japan, Peach Blossoms and Dove (1107, private collection, Tokyo) was part of the Higashiyama gyomotsu collection of

the 3rd Ashikaga shogun, Ashikaga Yoshimitsu (1358-1408, shogun: 1368-1394). This painting was famous from early in its history and is considered to be the finest traditionally preserved kara-e (Chinese painting). Questions remain regarding the degree to which Huizong himself was involved with these paintings said to be by his hand. It is likely that most of them were created under Huizongʼs direction and these works should be seen as the embodiment of his tastes. We should probably surmise that they were created in a production environment characterized by competitive production among the imperial academy painters. Most of these works created under such conditions could be considered to have been bestowed upon various diﬀerent occasions, in the same

163

fig. 10 Court Ladies Preparing Newly Woven Silk, Attributed to Emperor Huizong Northern Song (Early 12th century) Handscroll, ink and color on silk H. 37.7 cm, W. 466 cm Chinese and Japanese Special Fund, Museum of Fine Arts Boston Photo: © 2023 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

manner as his own “edicts from the emperor himself ” (yubi shouzhao, 御筆手詔). The paintings owned by the imperial court are listed in Chuzang volume 3 of the Nansong guangelu which recorded the early Southern Song court pavilion system written by Chen

Kui during the Southern Song. That list includes the entry “14 hanging scrolls by the emperor (御画十四軸).” The sequel edition, Nansong guangexulu (1199) Chuzang volume 3 states that there were 14 hanging scroll paintings by emperor Huizong (徽宗皇帝御画十四軸) and 31 hanging scrolls and one album of paintings titled by emperor Huizong

(徽宗皇帝御題画三十一軸・一冊). The 14 hanging scrolls by emperor Huizong include Chimonauthus and Birds (National Palace Museum, Taipei), and Lotus and Pheasant (The

Palace Museum, Beijing). After the fall of the Northern Song, the Southern Song court collected antiques from the reign of Southern Song emperor Gaozong onwards. The fact that the Southern Song imperial collection inherited these paintings by Huizong from the Northern Song imperial collection should be considered an important indication of the continuity of the imperial collections. In terms of bird and flower paintings, works such as Cranes and Pavilion, Peach Blossoms and Dove, Chimonauthus and Birds, and Lotus and Pheasant are filled with

164

expressive eﬀects based on past and present painting history, namely an awareness of the decorative planar compositions of the Tang dynasty combined with the realistic replication of delicately rendered colors and depiction, namely, the eﬀect sought by the Huang style of the Northern Song imperial painting academy. We can also see how this same trend occurred in figure painting. Relying on the iconography said to be that of the Tang figure painter Zhang Xuan, in terms of the color, design, and utensils and objects depicted, painters added Northern Song-like elements in such works as Court Ladies Preparing Newly Woven Silk and Lady Guo Guo’s Spring Outing (Liaoning Provincial Museum). Similarly Literary Gathering (National Palace Museum, Taipei) and other works rely on imagery from parts of The Tang Eighteen Scholars while adding in Northern Song utensils and artworks. Some imperial academy painters were producing older styles of blue-green landscape paintings that also incorporated landscape imagery developed in northern China and Jiangnan such as Wang Jimengʼs Thousand Miles Landscape (fig. 11, 1113, The Palace Museum, Beijing) and Li Tangʼs Wind in Pines Among a Myriad Valleys (1124, National Palace Museum, Taipei). These new

landscape paintings diﬀered from those of the past and we can see how their sublating of the past (pre-Tang) and the present (Northern Song) is similar to that seen in Huizongʼs paintings. Huizong himself advanced the reform of the imperial painting academy. In

165

Fig. 11 Thousand Miles Landscape (detail), Attributed to Wang Ximeng Northern Song (1113, Zhenghe 3) Handscroll, ink and color on silk H. 51.5 cm, W. 1191.5 cm The Palace Museum, Beijing Photo: Two Hundred Selected Masterpieces from the Palace Museum, Beijing, The Asahi Shimbun, NHK, NHK Promotions Inc., 2012, pp. 39 -20.

Fig. 12 Spring Festival on the River (detail), Attributed to Zhang Zeduan Northern Song (Latter half of the 11th century – First Half of the 12th century) Handscroll, ink and light color on silk H. 24.8 cm, W. 528.7 cm The Palace Museum, Beijing Photo: Godai, Hokusō, Ryō, Seika [Five Dynasties, Northern Song, Liao, Xixia] vol. 5 from the series New History of World Art Tōyo hen, Shogakukan, 1998, pp. 56-57.

166

1104 (Chongning 3) he established an imperial painting school to train painters. This

facility was disbanded in 1110 and absorbed into the imperial painting academy. He set themes for the imperial academy painters, encouraging competition among them. The imperial academy painters understood Huizongʼs artistic aims and they reflected his aims in their signed works. Cai Jing, the recipient of the painting from Huizong, wrote a postscript on Wang Jimengʼs Thousand Miles Landscape. In that postscript he stated that at the time Wang Jimeng was an 18-year-old imperial academy painter who had studied at the painting school and been educated by Huizong. Further, Zhang Zeduanʼs Spring Festival on the River (fig. 12, The Palace Museum, Beijing), considered to be the

pinnacle extant achievement in Chinese genre scene painting, was also produced during Huizongʼs reign. While Zhang Zeduan is said to have been just an anonymous academy painter at the time, he used his transcendent skills to recreate the scenes of the Qingming festival in the capital city of the time, Bianjing (Kaifeng). However, this work is not simply a recreation of reality, indeed, it can be considered a grand compilation of the genre scene idiom to that date set amidst an idealized landscape, in which we can perceive the contemporaneity of the Huizong imperial painting academy. The contents of the Xuanhe huapu and other such works indicate that Huizong sought a search for creative truth from the painters of his imperial academy. He set them

167

Fig. 13 Poems Written at Huangzhou for the Cold-food Festival, Su Shi Northern Song (1082, Yuanfeng 5) H. 34.1 cm, W. 189.0 cm National Palace Museum, Taipei.

to extract the true nature of external appearance, and thus attain chuanshen (伝神), a divine spark that surpasses xingsi (形似) figural replication. This direction can also be seen heralded in the literati painting treatises of Su Shi (fig. 13, 1039-1112) and others. To paraphrase Su Shi ʼs Yanling Wangzhubu suohua zhezhi ershou qiyi [Two inscriptions written on flower branch paintings by Wang, a local oﬃcer of Yanling] (鄢陵王主簿所画折枝二首

其一), speaking of painting and only referring to visible forms is no diﬀerent

than a child ʼs perception. What is sought in the poetic form when writing a poem is a person who does not know poetry. What is needed for poetry and painting is essentially the same, they are divine expression and freshly novel aura. He thus emphasized that in both poetry and painting, more so than form, one must value idea and sentiment. With that teaching in mind, in his discussion of the connection between poetry and painting, Su Shi ʼs disciple Chao Buzhi (1053 -1110) stated, “Even when a picture recreates an objectʼs external appearance, it must also by necessity transform the objectʼs form.” A picture is that which depicts form that transcends the form of an object, does not fail

168

to replicate an objectʼs form. Wang Ruoxu (1174-1243) of the Jin dynasty interpreted this as Su Shi discerning the value of painting and poetry in such surpassing of formal resemblance, and yet does not completely deny formal resemblance, it is nothing more than denying focusing solely on formal resemblance. If we consider this view along with the paintings created during Huizongʼs reign, we can see that while Huizong worked from the premise of works displaying the honed technical prowess of professional artists, he directed those artists to create works that aligned with the aesthetics of the literati and scholar-bureaucrats. In that sense, the aesthetics that formed the background for the production of Ru ware celadons filled with a sense of heavenly blue clarity (天青) is shared by what Huizong sought from the painters of the imperial academy. Then this honed and refined aesthetic, which underlay all of the late Northern Song arts, regardless of genre, was handed on and continued through artworks created in later generations when the literati/scholar-bureaucrat aesthetic became the dominant trend.

(Itakura Masaaki / Institute for Advanced Studies on Asia, University of Tokyo)

169

唐・五代・宋の青磁－越州窯、耀州窯、龍泉窯を中心に－森

達也

中唐から宋代（8 世紀後半～ 13 世紀）は、中国の青磁が大きく発展した時代である。それ以前の中国では、陶磁器は決して最上級の工芸品ではなく、玉器、金銀器、青銅器（響銅、佐波理）、漆器、ガラス器などより下に位置づけられていた。どちらかと言うと実用器としてではなく、副葬用の明器として発展してきた傾向が強かったのである。ところが、安史の乱（755 ～ 763 年）を境に唐王朝が衰え始めた 9 世紀になると、越州窯で秘色青磁が生み出され、最高権力者である皇帝の身の回りで用いられる最上級の工芸品の中に青磁が加えられようになった。北宋代の初期には越州窯の秘色青磁が、後期には汝窯が皇帝のための磁器として用いられ、南宋になると南宋官窯や龍泉窯の青磁がその位置を占めたのである。晩唐に皇帝のための青磁が生み出されると、その影響は同時代の民間用の青磁にも及び、青磁の意匠や生産技術が大きく発展した。また、それよりやや早い時期に越州窯青磁、邢窯や鞏義窯の白磁や三彩（晩唐三彩）、長沙窯陶磁などが大量に海外に輸出されはじめる。東アジアから東南アジア、西アジア、地中海、東アフリカまでの地域に中国陶磁が大量に輸出された結果、世界の広範な地域でその質の高さと美しさが知られるようになり、各地でその模倣品が作られるようになった。本稿では、こうした中国青磁の大発展期の変遷を、最新の窯跡の発掘成果を紹介しながら概述する。なお、最後の部分では中国青磁の技術が伝播して生み出された高麗青磁についても言及するつもりである。

1．越州窯青磁の発展と秘色青磁の誕生中国・浙江省北部では後漢から三国時代（1 世紀～ 280 年）以降に各地で青磁の生産が盛んとなり、唐時代前半以前の製品は日本では古越磁と呼ばれている。8 世紀後半になると慈渓・上林湖とその周辺地域で、器壁が薄く、均整のとれた器形をもった実用性と美しさを兼ね備えた上質の青磁が大量生産されるようになる。それ以降の製品を日本では越州窯青磁と呼んでいる（中国では

2、3）、盤（図版 4、5、6、7）、越窯青瓷）。中唐から晩唐の越州窯青磁は、碗（図版 1、

170

洗、鉢、托、合子（図版 8）、四足壺（図版 9）、水注、壺（図おう

版 10）、唾壺（図版 11）などの実用器種のほか、罌と呼ばれる長頸瓶形の副葬用器（明器）も少量作られている。釉はやや黄色がかった緑青色のものが多い。碗や盤には内面に劃花紋（陰刻花紋）が施されるものがあ、これらは同時代の金銀器のイメージを模したり（図版 4）製品である（挿図 1）。また、碗には体部から口縁が直線的に斜めにひらき、底部が蛇目高台になる器形のものが少なくなく、蛇目高台碗（日本）または玉璧底碗（中国）と呼んでいる。玉璧底碗は一般

挿図1 金銀器盤法門寺出土唐（9世紀）法門寺博物館陝西省考古研究院ほか『法門寺考古発掘報告』文物出版社 2007年彩版五一より転載

的には無紋でまれに四輪花に形づくられるものがある（図版

3）。越州窯青磁の輪花は晩唐では四輪花が主で（図版 3、5）、五代になると五輪花となる。玉璧底碗の用途は基本的には喫茶用の碗であると考えられる。玉璧底碗と近似した形態のガラス製の碗および托が法 1

『衣物帳』（献納品リ門寺献納遺物（874 年献納）中にあり、スト・石刻）の「瑠璃茶碗柘（托？）子」の記載から、喫茶用のガラス碗と特定されている（挿図 2）。 2

このガラス碗・托は他に類品のない特殊なもので、皇帝用の什器として特別に作られたものであろう。当時中国では透明ガラスの生産がほとんど行われていなかったことから、西アジアに注文して製作された可能性も指摘されている。玉璧底碗の生産開始時期は 8 世紀後半であり、年代的にはガラス碗・托の献納年（874 年）よりも遡ることから、このガラス碗の影響で青磁玉璧底碗が生産されたとは考えられず、逆に、当時玉璧底碗の器形が喫茶用器として定着していて、それに倣ってこの喫茶用のガラス碗が注文によって作られたとする方が適切であろう。また、玉璧底碗の初現とほぼ同時期の 760 年頃に著されたとされる陸羽の『茶経』には、「甌越州上口唇不巻底巻而浅そら

受半斤巳下（甌（喫茶用碗）は越州が上品、口唇が巻ず、底が巻き、浅く、半升以下しか入らない）」とあるが、これは玉璧底碗の特徴を描写したものと思われる。これらの点から、越州窯青磁の玉璧底碗は喫茶用器、つま

171

挿図2 ガラス茶碗、托法門寺出土唐（9世紀）法門寺博物館『唐皇帝からの贈り物展』朝日新聞社、博報堂ほか 1999年より転載

挿図3 秘色青磁法門寺出土唐（9世紀）法門寺博物館陝西省考古研究院ほか『法門寺考古発掘報告』文物出版社 2007年より転載

り茶碗としての性格を有していたと考えられるのである。唐時代末期の 9 世紀末になると越州窯青磁の品質はさらに高まり「秘色（ひしょく、または、ひそく）」と呼ばれる最上質の青磁が作られるようになった。

1987 年に西安の西方 120km にある法門寺の塔地宮（塔の地下に設けられた石室）から、唐末期の 874 年に皇帝が仏舎利供養のために奉献した金銀器などの宝物とともに、これまで見た事もない上質の青磁が 14 点出土した（挿図 3）。 3

一緒に発見された奉献品を記録した石碑『衣物帳』に「瓷秘色」と記載があったことから、これらが「秘色」と呼ばれた青磁であることがわかった。この発見により、長い間文献史料の上でしか知られてこなかった秘色青磁の実像が明らかとなったのである。法門寺出土の秘色青磁は、釉は強い光沢があって若草色に美しく発色している。形は大振りであるが精緻な造形が施されて非常に薄く仕上げられ、持つと驚くほど軽い。器面は全て無紋で刻花紋や貼花紋などの装飾は全く施されていない。一般的な越州窯青磁のやや黄色みかかった緑青釉とは大きく異なっており、造形も格段に優れている。近年、この法門寺発見の秘色青磁と全く同じ特徴をもつ製品を生産した上林こうしおう

湖の后司嶴窯址が発掘され、晩唐から北宋にわたる上質の秘色青磁が出土した（挿図 4）。窯跡では匣鉢などの窯道具も大量に出土し、「羅湖師秘色椀」の文 4

字が刻された匣鉢のほか、「咸通（860 ～ 874 年）」「中和三年（883 年）」などの年号が刻された匣鉢も出土した。これらの文字資料により、この窯で晩唐期

172

に秘色青磁が生産されたことが明らかになった。なお、秘色青磁を中に入れて焼成する匣鉢は、全て青磁の素地と同じ緻密な磁胎で作られており、一般的な越州窯青磁を焼成するのに使われる粗い土で作られた匣鉢とは大きく異なっている。また、匣鉢を重ねる際には匣鉢と匣鉢が接触する部分には釉が塗られていた。これは完全密封して 5

外部の空気が匣鉢の中に入り込まないようにして強還元で焼き上げるための工夫である。秘色青磁の若草色の釉色を生み出すためにさまざまな技術革新が行われており、

挿図4 秘色青磁輪花盤と磁胎匣鉢慈渓市博物館筆者撮影

皇帝のための特別な青磁を焼成するために大きな努力がはらわれたことが明らかとなった。晩唐期の秘色青磁には紋様は施されておらず、玉の質感の再現を目指して生み出された特別な青磁であった可能

性が高い。晩唐の秘色青磁は法門寺と窯跡以外には唐の首都・長安の貴族の 6

屋敷跡などからしか出土しておらず、皇帝や上級貴族など特別な人々しか手にすることができなかったと考えられる。唐が滅び、五代十国時代（907 ～ 960 年）に入ると、越州窯青磁の生産は華南の十国の一つである呉越国（907 ～ 978 年）の管理に置かれた。五代の秘色青磁は、呉越国の王族の墓から出土したものが多く知られている。五代後半（10 世紀後半）の秘色青磁には金銀器の模様を写した緻密な劃花紋（陰刻紋）が施されるようになり、玉の質感と金銀器の装飾を併せ持ったこれまでにない秘色青磁が誕生し、それ以降、北宋代を通じて生産された（図版 23）。 7

呉越国は北方の五代の王朝に臣従し、多くの越州窯青磁を献じた。貢納用に（図版 17）や「太平戊寅（978 生産された青磁には底部に「太平丁丑（977 年）」年）」（p. 40）の紀年銘が施されたものがある。北宋代前期には、引き続き上質の秘色青磁が生産され、河南省鞏義の北宋皇陵・元徳李后陵（1000 年）からは劃花による龍紋が施された上質の製品が出土しており、北宋代前期の秘色青磁が唐代から引き続き皇族に使われていた 8

ことがわかる。北宋後期になると越州窯青磁の質は低下し始め、南宋初期に越州窯の青磁生産は終焉を迎える。なお、越州窯青磁の技術は浙江省北部だけでなく、浙江省南部の婺州窯や東、江西省、福建省、広東省東部、湖南省など華南の広い南部の甌窯（図版 29）地域に拡がり、それらの総称として越州窯系の名称が用いられることが多い。

173

唐（9世紀）

湖南省の岳州窯は、唐代には越州窯の影響を強く受けた青磁を生産し、五代には底部外面（高台の内側）に直径 2 ～ 3mm ほどの円形の目跡が 4 個または

5 個あることを特徴する青磁が焼成された（図版 13、14）。岳州窯は前述した『茶経』には、「盌、越州上、鼎州婺州次、丘州（岳州、筆者註）上、壽州洪州次。」とあり、唐代に優れた青磁が作られたことが知られている。

2．耀州窯青磁の展開唐王朝が滅亡し五代十国時代になると、越州窯のある浙江省北部は十国の一つである呉越国の領域となった。呉越国は北方の王朝に多くの越州窯青磁を貢納したが、唐代に比べて華北での越州窯青磁の流通量は低下した。このような状況下で、唐代に都・長安にさまざまな粗製の陶磁器を供給していた耀州窯（唐・五代の耀州窯は黄堡窯と呼ぶこともある）が、流通が不足する越州窯青磁を補うために上質な青磁生産を志向するようになったと考えられる。五代後期には褐色の粗い胎土の上に白化粧土をかけた上に天青色釉を施した、やや上質の青磁の生産を行ない、北宋初期（10 世紀後半）には、白色の胎土の上に美しい天青色釉をかけたこれまでにない独特の雰囲気の上質の青磁を生産するようになった。このタイプの青磁はかつて小山冨士夫が『宋会要』に記載され 9

ている「東窯」の製品ではないかという説を示しため、今日でも「東窯」タイプという名で呼ばれることがある（図版 18、19、20、21、22）。輪花碗（図 10

版 22）や浮彫り風の刻花紋が施された水注などが特に優れていて、遼墓での出土例が多い。東窯タイプを生産したことから、耀州窯が五代に天青色の青磁を生産したとされる「柴窯」ではないかという指摘が近年なされているが、柴窯そのものの存在を疑問視する意見もあり、まだはっきりしたことは明らかでない。北宋代に入ると、中国全土に数多くの窯が出現し、当時の社会をリードした文人の美意識に適った美しい釉色、緊張感のあるフォルム、繊細な装飾などが揃った極めて質の高い磁器が各地で生み出された。耀州窯では、東窯タイプの青磁生産は短期間で終わり、北宋前期には、耀州窯特有の灰白色の緻密な胎土が使われるようになり、釉もやや黄色みを帯びたオリーブグリーンに変化する（図版 27、28）。この釉色の変化は、この頃から薪にかわって石炭燃料の使用が一般的になったことが原因と考えられている。また、同じ頃から流麗な刻花紋が多用されるようになり（図版 28）、北宋中期には碗や盤の内面全体を陶範（型）にあてて紋様を施す印花紋も使われるようになった。

174

北宋中後期から、河南省の多くの窯で耀州窯の影響を受けた青磁が生産されるようになり、黄河中流域一帯に耀州窯系青磁の生産地が拡がる。その原因は、北宋朝が首都を河南省中部の開封に置き、政治の中心が陝西から河南地域に移ったことによると考えられる。この時期に開封を中心とする河南省一帯に、首都およびその周辺へ陶磁器を供給する生産地が数多く成立したが、それらの主要な製品として耀州窯系青磁・磁州窯系陶磁などが生産されたのである。なお、耀州窯系青磁の生産地の拡大以後も、耀州窯はその中心的位置を占め続け、河南諸窯に比べて上質の青磁を生産して、耀州窯系青磁生産の中心として栄えた。

3．汝窯、南宋官窯北宋末期の 11 世紀末から 12 世紀初頭になると、隆盛を誇った耀州窯も河南諸窯への影響力が弱まり、華北の青磁生産の中心的な位置から外れていった。替って中心となるのが河南省宝豊県清涼寺窯：汝窯である。汝窯（清涼寺窯）は、北宋前期には耀州窯系青磁や磁州窯系陶器の生産を主体としていたが、北宋後期に中国青磁の最高峰として知られる汝窯天青釉青磁の生産を開始した。汝窯は政府の管理下に置かれた官窯ではなかったが、北 11

宋政府の指示により皇帝用の青磁を焼成した民窯であったと考えられている。汝窯天青釉青磁の特徴である美しい空色の天青釉と全面施釉された外底面に残る微小な目跡は、五代・耀州窯青磁の特徴と近似している。また焼成技術も、本焼の前に素焼きをしてから施釉する技法や薪燃料の使用といった点が五代以前の耀州窯と共通する。両者には年代的に 50 年近くの開きがあり、直接的な影響は考えられないが、復古的な意識で五代の天青釉青磁の模倣が行なわれ、その技術が再現されて汝窯青磁が生み出された可能性が高い。なお、汝窯青磁は越州窯秘色青磁と同様に薪燃料によって強還元で焼成されており、積み上げた匣鉢の外側に泥を塗って外部の空気が匣鉢の中に侵入することを防ぐ工夫がなされている。汝窯天青釉青磁では唐・宋に流行したガラス器や金銀器などを写した器種とともに、戦国・漢頃の青銅礼器を写した器種が新たに生み出された。北宋時代の中国では古代の儒教儀礼の再現を目的として金石学が発達し、青銅器など古

1092 年）や『宣和博古図』（徽代の文物への認識が深まって、『考古図』（呂大臨、宗の命により編纂、大観年間：1107 ～ 1110 年）などの古代礼器の集成図録が編まれた。徽宗皇帝（在位 1100 ～ 25）の時代には、商周青銅器を写した青銅器が盛んに作られ、礼器として用いられたが、当時神聖視されていた商周青銅

175

器を複製する材料は古代と同じ青銅に限定され、汝窯青磁では商周礼器の複製が行われることはなかった。汝窯で複製した青銅器は商周代より千年以上も後の漢代の礼器に限定されており、それらは礼器としてではなく、皇帝の玩古趣味（古物趣味）を満たすために作られたと考えられる。 12

北宋末期に汝窯天青釉青磁の生産は終わり、その技術は汝窯に隣接する張公巷窯や鈞窯（図版 32）に引き継がれ、天青釉色の青磁生産は金代になっても続いた。金が北宋朝を滅ぼしたのち、南宋朝が成立して臨安（杭州）に首都を置くと、臨安に南宋官窯が設立され、汝窯のイメージを引き継いだ天青釉青磁が生産されるようになった。前述したように、五代から北宋初期に最盛期を迎えた越州窯は、北宋後期には技術が衰え始め、南宋初期に南宋官窯青磁の前身に位置づけられる粉青色釉の上質の青磁（低嶺頭類型と呼ばれる、寺龍口窯などで生産を確認）を生産 13

したのを最後に急激に衰退し、替って南宋の都・臨安（杭州）に設けられた南宋官窯と浙江省南部の龍泉窯が南宋代の華南の青磁生産の中心となった。汝窯の素焼き・天青釉などの技術と器形、意匠は、宋朝の南遷に伴って開かれた南宋官窯に引き継がれていった。南宋官窯は、古くから知られている郊壇下官窯あると確認された老虎洞窯

のほか、近年修内司官窯で

の二ヶ所が発見されている。老虎洞窯では伝統的

な江南の窯である龍窯とともに、華北の饅頭窯が発見されており、それまで江南では行なわれてこなかった素焼き技術が用いられていることから、明らかに華北の窯業技術の導入が窺えるのである。もちろんすべての技術が華北から伝えられたのではなく、本焼成は江南の龍窯を用い、また汝窯では使われることのなかった黒い胎土を用いて、紫口鉄足（口縁部の釉が薄い部分は胎土の黒い色が透けて紫色になり、高台の無釉部分は黒色の胎土が見えるという意味）と「薄胎厚釉」呼ばれる南宋官窯独特の雰囲気の青磁を作り上げた（図版 35）。また、と呼ばれる薄い胎土の上に釉を厚くかける技術が確立した。これは、複数回にわけて釉掛けを行なう「多層釉掛け」の技法によるもので、この技法は汝窯では認められず、南宋官窯で初めて認められ、龍泉窯にも伝わっている。南宋官窯で生産された青磁の器種は、汝窯から引き継いだものが多く、碗や皿などの実用器種のほか、汝窯で生み出された戦国・漢の青銅礼器や唐・宋のガラス・金銀器を模倣した器種を生産した。さらに加えて、商周の青銅礼器を写した器種の生産が始まり、青磁による礼器生産が本格的に開始された（図版 35）。北宋代には、神聖視された商周青銅礼器の複製は、青銅のみで行われ、

176

磁器での複製はまったく行われた形跡がない。恐らく、神聖な青銅礼器を他の素材で複製することは敢えて行わなかったのであろう。ところが南遷に伴い宮廷の青銅礼器が失われたことを契機として、陶磁器による商周青銅礼器の複製が開始されたと考えられる。南宋官窯青磁の生産は、老虎洞窯（修内司窯）では 12 世紀中頃から南宋末まで継続して行われていた可能性が高く、元代になっても同じ場所で南宋官窯風の青磁生産が続けられ、元代の製品は哥窯とする説もある。

4．龍泉窯青磁浙江省南部に位置する龍泉窯は、越州窯や越州窯系の甌窯の影響により開窯し、北宋代から独自の特徴を持った青磁生産を開始した。北宋前期の龍泉窯製品には釉色が灰色や灰白に近い淡い色調（淡青釉）の青磁があり、大きな特徴となっている（図版 24）。この淡青釉青磁は、同時代に越州窯で焼かれた秘色青磁を意識して生産されたものではないかと考えられる。龍泉窯の淡青色釉 16

青磁の釉がやや厚くなった部分の釉色は、秘色青磁の若草色の釉色と近いものがあり、龍泉窯で秘色青磁を作ろうと試みて生み出されたのが淡青色釉青磁なのかもしれない。龍泉窯に関する最も早い文献記録である北宋末・庄綽『鶏肋編』には『処州龍泉県……又出青瓷器，謂之秘色。銭氏所貢，盖取于此。』。（訳：処州龍泉県は……また青瓷（磁）器もあるが、所謂秘色である。銭氏がこの地で焼造したものを貢納する。）とある。この記載については、秘色青磁を生産した越州窯と混同されたものであり、龍泉窯のことを正確に描写したのではないという考え方もあるが、北宋初期の淡青釉青磁を龍泉窯の「秘色」と捉えれば、北宋時代の龍泉窯の実像をある程度反映した記載とすることができる。北宋時代の製品には、碗、皿、水注、瓶類などの実用器種のほか、副葬用の明器として作られた装飾瓶がある。初期の龍泉窯青磁を特徴づけるのは、このえい

明器の一群である。肩の部分に 5 本の口を付けた多嘴瓶と甖と呼ばれる副葬用の盤口瓶（図版 24）が作られ、この二器種がセットとなって副葬されることが多かったようである。多嘴瓶は当時「五穀倉」と呼ばれ、五穀豊穣を象徴する副葬用器であり、江南地域で後漢時代以前から続く土俗的な埋葬儀礼に関わる明器である。甖（盤口瓶）は唐時代の越州窯で副葬用器として盛んに作られており、龍泉窯の甖はその系譜を引き継いだ江南独特の明器である。なお、こうした龍泉窯青磁の明器の系譜は南宋時代後期から元代頃まで続いている（図版 30、31）。南宋の甖には蓋を伴うものが多く、蓋のつまみには、犬が貼り付けられているもの（図版 30）と鶏が貼り付けられたもの（図版 31）とがある。

177

この 2 種類がセットで出土することが多いが、これは中国南方の魔よけの習俗を反映しているらしい。後漢末の応劭が著した『風俗通義』（または『風俗通』）巻八の「雄鶏」の条に「門戸用鶏也（門戸に鶏を用いる也）」との記載があり、同じく『風俗通義』巻八には「殺狗磔邑四門（狗（犬）を殺し、邑（村）の四門に磔（はりつけ）にする）」の条もあり、後漢代に雄鶏と犬が門の守り神とされていたことがわかる。龍泉窯青磁甖の蓋の犬と鶏は、こうした習俗が南宋まで続いていたことを示しているのかもしれない。龍泉窯青磁の海外輸出は北宋代末期に始まり、南宋中期の 12 世紀後半になると輸出が本格化する。この頃の製品は、技術や意匠は越州窯系の流れの中に位置づけられるものであり、当時華北で流行していた耀州窯の意匠の影響も及んでいる。南宋代の 12 世紀中頃から、南宋官窯の技術影響を受けて「多層釉掛け技法」による製品が龍泉の渓口・瓦窯垟窯や小梅窯などで生産された。それらの製 17

品は窯址では出土しているが、消費遺跡での出土は稀で、大規模な流通はしていなかった可能性が高い。龍泉窯の「多層釉掛け技法」による製品の生産が本格化するのは南宋中期の 12 世紀末から 13 世紀前半で、「薄胎厚釉」の粉青色青磁を生産するようになり、製品の質を大きく高めて中国最大の青磁生産地に発展した。粉青色青磁は、汝窯・南宋官窯で作られた青銅礼器や唐・宋のガラス・金銀器を模倣した器種と近似した製品が主で、日本では「砧青磁」と呼ばれて特に珍重されている。なお、龍泉の大窯や渓口窯では南宋官窯の製品と近似した黒胎の青磁が確認されており、龍泉窯でも宮廷用の青磁が生産された可能性が高いと考えられている。また、龍泉窯では南宋官窯の影響を受けた「薄胎厚釉」の粉青色青磁の生産が始まったのちも、越州窯の系譜を引き継いだ「厚胎薄釉」の青緑色青磁を粗製品として生産し続けた。南宋代の華南では海に面して陶磁器の輸出に適した浙江、福建、広東などの地域で莫大な数の窯が開かれ、特に福建では龍泉窯青磁の粗製の模倣品が多くの窯で生産され、その製品の多くは海外に輸出された。

5．高麗青磁高麗青磁は、中国・越州窯青磁の技術が 10 世紀に朝鮮半島に移植されて誕生した。そのため初期の段階には越州窯と近似した青磁が作られたが、11 世ひしょく

紀末頃には中国の汝窯天青釉青磁の影響などにより、翡色と呼ばれた極めて質の高い青磁が作られるようになった。12 世紀になると新たな装飾技法である象嵌が盛行し、高麗青磁独特の世界が確立したのである。

178

最初期の高麗青磁・白磁を生産した窯は、朝鮮半島の中西部に分布し、黄海道峰泉郡円山里窯址、京畿道龍仁市西里窯址、京畿道始興市芳山洞窯址、京畿道驪州郡中岩里窯址（白磁窯）などが発掘調査されている。いずれも中国の越州窯のものとよく似た塼築窯と呼ばれるレンガ積みの龍窯（細長いトンネル状の窯）と五代（910 ～ 960 年）の越州窯青磁と近似した製品と窯道具が発見されており、それまでの朝鮮半島の土築窯（窖窯）を用いた陶器生産とは全く異なった技術体系であることから、越州窯の工人が直接朝鮮半島に渡って来て青磁技術を伝えたと考えられている。初期の高麗青磁・白磁では蛇目高台碗と呼ばれる幅の広い高台と直線的に斜めにひらく体部をもった碗が特徴的な製品であるが、最初期の窯址では、蛇目高台碗の出土する層位よりも下層から、蛇目高台よりも高台幅が狭い碗が出土しており、「先蛇目高台碗」という名で呼ばれている。近年の研究では先蛇目高台碗が最も古く、次いで内底面に平坦面をもたない「内底曲面式蛇目高台碗」が出現、さらに内底面に平坦面（鏡）をもつ「内底円刻式蛇目高台碗」（図版

36、37、38、39、41）へと変遷するとされている。 18

かつては、蛇目高台碗が中国・越州窯で 9 世紀に作られた玉璧底碗の器形と近似するとして、蛇目高台碗に 9 世紀の年代が与えられたことがあるが、近年では蛇目高台碗 19

に先行する先蛇目高台碗が越州窯で 10 世紀に作られた玉環底碗を模した器形として捉える説が主流となり、高麗青磁の出現時期は 10 世紀とされるようになっている。 20

晩唐から五代、北宋初期の越州窯青磁の碗の器形の変化を見ると、8 世紀末頃に、高台径がかなり大きく、器高が低く、器壁がやや厚めの器形として出現し、9 世紀を通じて次第に高台径が小さくなって器高が高まり、五代に入ると、さらにその傾向が強まるとともに高台幅が狭まって、玉環底と呼ばれる器形へと変化する。五代末から北宋になると高台径と高台幅がさらに小さくなり、器壁も薄くなって、斗笠碗と呼ばれる笠を

挿図5 青磁瓶左：汝窯（窯址出土）河南省文物考古研究所『汝窯與張公巷窯出土瓷器』科学出版社 2009年より転載右：高麗青磁大阪市立東洋陶磁美術館(住友グループ寄贈/安宅コレクション) 写真：六田知弘

179

逆さにした形態の碗へと変化する。 21

高麗青磁の、先蛇目高台碗から内底曲面式蛇目高台碗への器形的変化は、高台が太くなると同時に底径が小さく、器高が高くなるというもので、高台の幅が広くなる変化以外は、越州窯の玉環底碗から斗笠碗への器形変化とほぼ一致する。こうしたことから、高麗青磁の蛇目高台碗は、中国における碗形態の時代による変化をかなり忠実にトレースしている要素が強く認められるのである。また、内底円刻式蛇目高台碗の内底部の平坦面（鏡）（図版 36、37、38、

39、41）については、越州窯の北宋代の斗笠碗では顕著な平坦面の形成は認められないが、越州窯とともに初期高麗青磁に影響を与えた耀州窯の北宋初期の

19、20、21）には顕著な平坦面（鏡）が認められ、斗笠碗（東窯タイプ）（図版 18、高麗青磁碗の内底の平坦面は耀州窯からの影響による可能性も考えられる。 22

前述したように越州窯青磁の玉璧底碗は喫茶用に用いられた碗であり、五代の玉環高台碗や宋代の斗笠碗も玉璧高台碗のこうした茶碗としての機能を引き継いでいると考えて問題ないであろう。こうしたことから越州窯の工人が直接技術を伝えたとされる高麗青磁の先蛇目高台碗も、茶碗として生産されたものであろう。

1123 年に北宋から高麗への国信使の随員として高麗に来た徐兢が著した『宣和奉使高麗図経』（1124 年撰）には、高麗では近年「翡色」と呼ばれる緑青色の美しい青磁が作られ（「陶器色之青者、麗人謂之翡色、近年以来制作工巧、色沢尤佳」『宣和奉使高麗図経』巻第三十二

陶尊の条）、越州窯の秘色青磁、

汝窯青磁とほぼ同じである（「越州古秘色、汝州新窰器、大概相類」『宣和奉使高麗図経』巻第三十二

陶爐の条）と記されている。こうした文献記録から、

高麗青磁に越州窯と汝窯の影響が及んでいたことが古くから知られていたが、近年中国河南省で汝窯（清涼寺窯）の発掘調査が行われ、これまで伝世品の汝窯天青釉青磁では知られていなかったさまざまな器種が窯址から出土し、そ 23

挿図6 青磁蓮花形香炉左：汝窯（窯址出土）河南省文物考古研究所『汝窯與張公巷窯出土瓷器』科学出版社 2009年より転載右：高麗青磁韓国・国立中央博物館『高麗王室の陶磁器』国立中央博物館 2009 年より転載

180

の多くに高麗青磁の器形との共通性が認められることから、あらためて汝窯青磁が高麗青磁に及ぼした影響の大きさが確認された。

12 世紀頃の高麗青磁の中で汝窯の影響を受けたと思われる器種を挙げると、、鴛鴦蓋香炉、獅子蓋香炉、蓮花形香炉（挿図 6）、面取鶴首長頸瓶（挿図 5）、梅瓶（図版 50）、套盒、丸胴の水注、瓶、鶴首瓶、砧形瓶（挿図 7、図版 54）菊花形碗（温碗）、平底洗、蓮弁紋洗、蓮弁紋碗、托などがある。ただし、高麗青磁では汝窯天青釉青磁の器形は忠実に写しているが、汝窯の天青釉の色調を模すことはなく、青緑色の美しい翡色釉が採用されている。高麗青磁の翡色釉の色調は、三国時代の王冠の装飾などに用いられた翡翠（硬玉）の色調によく似ており、中国では産出しない翡翠の色調をあえて意識して生み出されたのかもしれない。 24

汝窯の影響によって成立した器種のほかに北宋の越州窯からの影響による鸚鵡紋鉢（図版 64）などもあるが、こうした越州窯秘色青磁、汝窯青磁を写した器種が 1123 年に徐兢が高麗で見た翡色青磁の主要なものであったと思われる。高麗王朝は、建国当初から中国の礼楽や文物の導入に熱心で、962 年の国交開始から 1030 年までは北宋への朝貢を断続的ではあるが続けた。1030 年から 70 年までは遼の圧力などによって関係が断絶したが、

1071 年再び朝貢関係が回復すると、北宋が金に滅ぼされる 1127 年までの 47 年間、中国の明州（寧波）や蜜州を通じて両国は密接な関係を保ち、朝貢関係を基とした政府間の交流と経済、文化交流が盛んとなった。この時期はちょうど汝窯の成立期と重なり、こうした両国の密接な交流の中で、宋皇帝のために作られた汝窯青磁に倣って、高麗王のための什器として高麗翡色青磁が生み出されたのである。高麗翡色青磁と汝窯の器形の近似性の高さからみて、高麗青磁の工人たちは実際の汝窯青磁を見ながら翡色青磁を作った可能性が高い。文献記録も実物資料も残されていないが、この時期の皇帝である神宗（在位 1067 ～ 85）、哲宗（在位

1085 ～ 1100）、徽宗（在位 1100 ～ 25）のう

挿図7 砧形青磁瓶左：汝窯（窯址出土）河南省文物考古研究所『汝窯與張公巷窯出土瓷器』科学出版社 2009年より転載右：高麗青磁大阪市立東洋陶磁美術館(住友グループ寄贈/安宅コレクション) 写真：六田知弘

ちの誰かの手によって汝窯青磁が高麗王へ

181

と下賜されていた可能性があるのではないかと考えられる。 25

南宋代になると宋朝と高麗朝との交流は、北宋後期のように順調でなく、建国直後の 1128 年に南宋が使節を高麗に派遣し、30 年代から 60 年代に両国間で使者の往来が数回あったが、1173 年を境に政府間の交流は途絶した。一方、商人など民間の交流は、明州（寧波）を窓口として比較的盛んで、『高麗史』の記載では、1128 年から 1278 年の間に宋船が高麗に来航した記録は 34 回で、来航延べ人数は 1897 人に達する。 26

このように両国政府間の交流が北宋後期ほどには盛んではなかった中で、北宋後期の汝窯青磁の位置づけを引き継いで南宋の皇帝のために作られた南宋官窯青磁の影響は、高麗青磁にほとんど及ぶことがなかった。高麗青磁は北宋が滅びるまでは汝窯青磁の器形や器種構成をかなり忠実に模倣していたが、1127 年に北宋が滅んでから約 20 年を経た 12 世紀中頃前後に開窯された南宋官窯青磁で新たに生み出された鼎、方鼎、尊、鬲（袴腰香炉）、觚などの商周青銅器に倣った器種の影響は高麗青磁ではほとんど認められない。鼎、方鼎は高麗青磁でも作られているが、その器形や紋様には、華北の耀州窯青磁や定窯白磁との共通性が濃厚で、南宋官窯からの影響とは考えられない。一方、かつて南宋の都が置かれた浙江省・杭州や高麗朝との交流の窓口となった寧波では、近年多量の高麗青磁が発見されており、しかも高麗王墓から出 27

土するような極めて上質な翡色青磁が少なくない。宋代の出版とされる『袖中錦』（宋太平老人）では、「定窯白磁」とともに「高麗秘色」を天下第一に挙げており、南宋代の中国で高麗青磁が高い評価を受けていたことが、文献資料と出土遺物の双方から裏付けられるようになった。

10 世紀から 12 世紀初頭の高麗青磁は、越州窯、耀州窯、汝窯など中国青磁の強い影響下にあり、その中で翡色と呼ばれる優れた青磁を生み出したが、

1127 年の北宋滅亡を契機に宋文化の影響力が低下する中で、高麗青磁は汝窯などの中国青磁の呪縛から離れ、独自の器形と象嵌などの装飾技法を発達させて、中国青磁とは一線を画した高麗青磁独特の様式が確立したのである。

おわりに実用性と美しさを兼ね備えた青磁の生産は、唐代の 8 世紀後半頃に越州窯で始まった。9 世紀後半に皇帝のための青磁である秘色青磁が誕生すると、その影響は五代の耀州窯青磁に及び、さらには汝窯にまで繋がる。北宋後期に皇帝のための磁器として生み出された汝窯天青釉青磁は、五代末から北宋初期の耀州窯天青釉青磁のイメージと技術を再現しているが、同時に金石学の影響を受

182

けて漢代の青銅礼器を模した新しい青磁の器種を生み出した。北宋が滅びて南宋朝になると首都・臨安（杭州）に官窯が設けられ、汝窯のイメージを再現するだけでなく、商周青銅礼器を模した新たな器種を生み出した。汝窯や南宋官窯で創生された古代礼器を再現した器種は、龍泉窯青磁に継承され、元・明以降にも続いた。盛んに海外に輸出された龍泉窯青磁を通じて世界各地の陶磁製品に大きな影響を与え、日本でも現代の香炉や花瓶の形態にその影響が少なからず窺える。中国で唐・五代・宋代に大きく発展した上質の青磁は、文字どおり世界中の陶磁生産に強い影響を及ぼし、それは今日の陶磁文化の中に脈々と生き続けているのである。（もり

たつや・沖縄県立芸術大学・教授 / 副学長）

註

森達也「唐代晩期越州窯青磁碗の二つの系譜－玉璧高台碗と輪高台碗－」

『金大考古』34 号、金沢大学考古学研究室、1-3 頁。

陝西省考古研究院ほか『法門寺考古発掘報告』文物出版社、2007 年。

註 2 に同じ。

鄭建明、沈岳明、謝純龍「奪得千峰翠色来

故宮博物院、浙江省文物考古研究所、慈渓市文物管理委員会弁公室「上林

森達也「晩唐期越州窯青磁の劃花文について」『楢崎彰一先生古希記念論

前掲註 6 と同じ。

河南省文物考古研究所編『北宋皇陵』中州古籍出版社、1997 年。

陝西省考古研究所『唐代黄堡窯址』文物出版社、1992 年。陝西省考古研

瓷器」『紫禁城』2017 年第 5 期。

上林湖后司嶴窯址出土的秘色

湖后司嶴窑址瓷質匣鉢的工芸特征研究」『故宮博物院院刊』2017 年第 6 期。

文集』真陽社 1998 年。

究所『五代黄堡窯址』文物出版社、1997 年。陝西省考古研究所博物館『宋代耀州窯址』文物出版社 1998 年。

183

耀州窯

10. 小山冨士夫『支那青磁史考』文中堂出版、1943 年、178 ～ 189 頁。なお、いわゆる東窯タイプの青磁、特に斗笠碗（図版 18、19、20、21）は耀州

窯の製品ではく、河南省産の可能性を考えるべきという指摘もある（今井敦「汝窯への道」『聚美』No.22、学研プラス、2017 年）。ただ、筆者は耀

州窯博物館で窯址出土の類似資料を確認していることから耀州窯の製品であると確信している。また、河南省で東窯タイプの青磁を生産した窯は現在のところ確認されたことがない。さらに、中国の陶磁研究者による東窯タイプが耀州窯の製品ではないという意見は管見に触れてない。

11. 河南省文物考古研究所『宝豊清涼寺汝窯』大象出版社、2008 年。 12. 森達也「汝窯與南宋官窯―焼造技術和器種的比較」『故宮博物院八十五華誕宋代官窯及官窯制度国際学術研討会論文集』故宮出版社、2012 年、 163 ～ 194 頁。 13. 浙江省文物考古研究所、北京大学考古文博学院、慈渓市文物管理委員会『寺龍口越窯址』文物出版社、2002 年。 14. 中国社会科学院考古研究所、浙江省文物考古研究所、杭州市園林文物局『南宋官窯』中国大百科全書出版社、1996 年。 15. 杭州市文物考古所「杭州老虎洞南宋官窯址」『文物』2002 年第 10 期、4 ～ 31 頁。 16. 森達也「龍泉窯青磁の展開」『日本人の愛した中国陶磁龍泉窯青磁展』愛知県陶磁資料館ほか、2012 年。 17. 沈岳明、徐軍、鄭建明「浙江龍泉黒胎青瓷調査與発掘」『2013 中国重要考古発現』文物出版社、2014 年。浙江省文物考古研究所「浙江龍泉小梅瓦窯路南宋窯址発掘簡報」『文物』2022 年第 7 期。 18. 李鍾玟「韓半島中部地方の初期青磁窯」『高麗青磁の誕生』大阪市立東洋陶磁美術館、2004 年、9-17 頁、ほか。 19. 片山まび「いつ「高麗青磁」は誕生したのか？」『高麗青磁の誕生』大阪市立東洋陶磁美術館、2004 年、100-107 頁、を参考とした。 20. 吉良文男「朝鮮半島の初期的青磁」『高麗青磁の誕生』大阪市立東洋陶磁美術館、2004 年、1-8 頁、註 16 文献ほか。 21. 森達也「唐代晩期越州窯青磁碗の二つの系譜－玉璧高台碗と輪高台碗－」『金大考古』34 号、金沢大学考古学研究室、2000 年、1-3 頁。森達也「第 2 章越州窯青瓷の編年」『中国青瓷の研究－編年と流通－』汲古書院、 2015 年。 22. この点について筆者は下記文献で指摘した。なお、同じ内容の指摘を今井

184

敦氏が下記文献で行っている。森達也「高麗青磁と中国陶磁の影響関係」『高

麗・李朝の工芸－陶磁器、漆器、金属器－』愛知県陶磁美術館、2014 年。

今井敦「汝窯への道」『聚美』No.22、学研プラス、2017 年。

23. 河南省文物考古研究所『宝豊清涼寺汝窯』大象出版社、2008 年。 24. 硬玉の翡翠は、中国では産出せず、アジアではビルマ、日本でのみ産出が確認されている。朝鮮半島で古代に用いられた翡翠は日本から運ばれたという説が有力である。

25. 宋・周煇『清波雑志』に「汝窯宮中禁焼･･中略･･、唯供御揀退、方許出賣、近尤難得」とあり、宮廷用に選ばれなかった汝窯青磁は民間に売られたようで、こうした民間流通品が高麗に運ばれた可能性もある。

26. 楊渭生『宋麗関係史研究』杭州大学出版社、1997 年、338 頁。 27. 馬争鳴「杭州出土的高麗青瓷」『東方博物』第二十九輯、杭州大学出版社、2008 年。王軼凌「試述浙江出土的高麗青瓷」『文物天地』文物出版社、 2022 年第 2 期。

185

Tang, Five Dynasties and Song Celadon – Focusing on Yuezhou, Yaozhou and Longquan Wares Mori Tatsuya

NB: Unless indicated by the addition of the Chinese characters for the homymous Hunan province kiln name, all references to Yuezhou in this text refer to the wares made by the kilns located in Zhejiang province.

The mid-Tang to Song dynasties (latter half of the 8th century–13th century) marked a period of major developments in Chinese celadon wares. Prior to that time ceramics were not the highest-ranking decorative art, but rather, were positioned in status beneath jade, gold-silver wares, bronzes (sahari), lacquer and glass wares. More so than use in everyday life, the trend was for ceramics to be used as grave goods. But soon after the An Lushan Rebellion (755-763), as the Tang dynasty began its decline, in the 9th century the Yue kilns created so-called mise qingci, literally secret color celadon. This meant that celadon came to be one

of the highest-ranking decorative arts for use by the emperor, the most powerful in the land. During the early Northern Song the mise qingci of the Yue kilns were made for the emperorʼs use, and in the late Northern Song the wares produced by the Ru kilns superseded them. In the Southern Song, this role was taken over by the celadons produced by the imperial kilns and the Longquan kilns. With the creation of celadon for the late Tang period emperors, those works then influenced the celadons then being produced for ordinary people, which in turn led to major developments both in celadon design and production technology. In a slightly early period, Yuezhou kiln celadon, the white porcelains of the Xing and Gongyi kilns, late Tang sancai, and Changsha ceramics were all exported in large numbers. Their high quality and beauty came to be known across a broad geographical area as a result of the massive export of Chinese ceramics to East Asia, Southeast Asia, West Asia, the Mediterranean and East Africa. In turn, each region began to produce their own imitations of these Chinese ceramics. In this essay I will provide an overview of the changes that took place

186

during this major development period in Chinese celadon while also introducing the information gained through the latest kiln site excavation reports. In the final section, I will also touch on the Goryeo celadons that were created after the transmission of Chinese celadon technology to the Korean Peninsula.

1. The Development of Yuezhou Celadon and Birth of Mise Qingci Celadon production flourished in various northern Zhejiang province locales from the Later Han to the Three Kingdoms periods (1st century-280 AD) onwards. In Japan,

Fig. 1 Gold-silver Dish Excavated at Famensi Tang (9th century) Famen Temple Museum Photo: Shaanxi Provincial Archaeological Research Institute, et al., Famensi Kaogu Fajue Baogao, Cultural Relics Press, 2007, color plate 51.

celadon produced prior to the first half of the Tang dynasty is known as koetsuji, literally old Yue porcelain. In the latter half of the 8th century, Cixi, Shanglinhu and the surrounding area began to produce large quantities of high quality celadon whose thin-walled, symmetrical vessel shapes combined both practical functionality and beauty. The wares from that period onwards are known in Japan as esshūyō seiji, literally celadons of the Yuezhou kilns. In China they are known as Yueyao qingci. The Yue ware celadons from the mid-Tang to the late Tang were produced in functional use vessel forms, from bowls (pls. 1, 2, 3) to dishes (pls. 4, 5, 6, 7), basins, large bowls, saucers

and stands, covered boxes (pl. 8), jars with four feet (pl. 9), ewers, jars (pl. 10) and spittoons (pl. 11). A small number of long-necked bottles called ying were produced as grave goods. The glaze on most of these works was a slightly yellowish tinged, greenish-blue color. Some bowls and dishes are adorned with incised designs on their inner surfaces (pl. 4). These products thus imitated the designs on gold-silver vessels of the same period (fig. 1). There were many bowls created with straight-sided walls, which rose diagonally to the mouth rim, and a wide,

187

Fig. 2 Glass Bowl and Bowl Stand Excavated at Famensi Tang (9th century) Famen Temple Museum Photo: Gifts of the Tang Emperors, Hidden Treasures from the Famen Temple, eds. Asahi Shinbun, Hakuhodo et al., 1999.

disc-like foot with a carved inner recess. While in China this bowl type is known as yubidi wan, literally jade disk foot bowl, in Japan it is called janome kōdai wan. These yubidi wan are generally undecorated, albeit there are some rare examples with four-petal foliate rims (pl. 3). Yue celadon foliate rims were primarily four-petal during the late Tang (pls. 3, 5), and during the Five Dynasties they shifted to five-petal forms. It is thought that yubidi wan were fundamentally used for drinking tea.1 A glass bowl and a bowl stand with shapes that resemble those of yubidi wan were found in the items dedicated to Famensi in 874. The Yiwuzhang Stele,

a stone list of dedicated items, records “Liuli chawan zhe[tuo?]zi ” (瑠璃茶碗柘 [托？]子), thus stating that it was a glass bowl used for drinking tea (fig. 2).2 This glass bowl and stand is a unique item with no comparable examples known, and thus was probably made specially for the emperorʼs own use. Given that there was almost no translucent glass produced in China at that time, it may have been produced upon special commission in West Asia. Yubidi wan were first produced in the latter half of the 8th century, which

means they chronologically precede the glass bowl and bowl stand dedicated in 874. Thus, we cannot consider that this glass bowl influenced the production of

celadon yubidi wan. Conversely, yubidi wan were designated as a tea-drinking vessel shape during this period, and this glass bowl was likely commissioned and produced for tea drinking in imitation of those celadon bowls. The Cha Jing by Lu Yu was written about 760, around the same time that these yubidi wan bowls first appeared. In that book he states, to paraphrase, “Yue ware tea drinking bowls are superior, their mouth rims do not curve, the foot rings are broad and low, and they can hold less than half a sheng [approx. 100cc liquid].” This passage is thought to be a description of yubidi wan bowls. These factors thus led to the idea that Yue celadon yubidi wan bowls were made as tea drinking vessels. By the end of the 9th century, during the end of the Tang, Yue celadons even further improved in quality and the kilns began to produce what would be considered the highest quality celadons, which were called hishoku or hisoku (Ch. mise).

Fourteen high-quality celadon works were among the items excavated in 1987 from the stone chamber beneath the pagoda at Famensi, located about 120

188

km west of Xi ʼan. These celadons were part of the treasures, including gold-silver bowls, that the emperor dedicated in 874 near the end of the Tang as offerings to a Buddhist reliquary (fig. 3).3 The Yiwuzhang Stele lists “ci mise” (瓷秘色), and thus we know that the bowls were celadon and called mise. This discovery clarified the actual nature of mise celadons, which had long been solely known through textual references. The glaze on the mise celadon excavated at Famensi has a high gloss and fired beautifully to a young grassy-green color. The vessel is large, delicately formed, and extremely thin walled, resulting in a bowl that is surprisingly light when picked up. The entire surface of the bowl is unadorned, with absolutely no incised or applied decoration. The glaze color of this bowl is quite different from the yellow tinged, greenish-blue glaze generally found on Yue celadon, and its form is also of a more refined, higher quality. Recent excavations at the Housiao kiln site in Shanglinhu discovered high quality mise celadon with exactly the same characteristics as these mise celadon discovered at Famensi (fig. 4).4 Large amounts of kiln equipment, such as firing containers were excavated at this kiln site, including some firing containers incised with the characters “mise bowl made by master Luo Hu” (羅湖師秘色椀), and others incised with reign dates, such as “Xiantong” (860 –874) and “Zhonghe sannian” (883). These written materials clarify the fact that mise celadon was produced at this kiln during the late Tang. The firing containers used to hold the mise celadons in the kiln are all made of the same extremely fine-grained porcelain clay as that used for the celadon bodies themselves. This fact makes them completely different from the firing containers made of coarse clay, which were used to fire ordinary Yue celadon. Further, the areas where firing containers touch in stacking have been coated with glaze.5 This process was taken so that the container was completely sealed, no external air could enter. This meant the contained work could be fired in strong reduction conditions. Various technical innovations were employed in order to create the young grassy-green glaze of mise celadon, thus indicating the immense amount of effort that went into firing

special celadons for the emperor. Late Tang mise celadon was not decorated, and it is highly likely that the aim was to create a special form of celadon that recreated the feel of jade.6 Other than these finds at Famensi and the kiln site, late Tang mise celadon has only been excavated from the sites of aristocratic residences in the Tang capital Changʼan.

189

Fig. 3 Mise Celadon Excavated at Famensi Tang (9th century) Famen Temple Museum Photo: Shaanxi Provincial Archaeological Research Institute, et al., Famensi Kaogu Fajue Baogao, Cultural Relics Press, 2007.

As a result, it is thought that it could only be obtained by special individuals such as the emperor and high-ranking nobility. After the fall of the Tang and the beginning of the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period (907-960), the production of Yue celadon was placed under the administration of one of the Ten Kingdoms in southern China, the Wuyue Kingdom (907-978). Five Dynasties mise celadon is well known from the works excavated from the tombs of the Wuyue royal family. Mise celadon from the latter half of the Five Dynasties (latter half of the 10th century) is decorated with intricately incised designs in imitation of gold-silver wares. This meant the creation of a previously unseen form of mise celadon which combined the feel of jade with the adornment found on gold-silver works, which was then produced through the Northern Song dynasty (pl. 23).7 The Wuyue kingdom came under the dominion of the northern Five Dynasties emperors, and they presented large amounts of Yue celadon to those northern rulers. The base of each celadon work produced as an oﬃcial presentation item is marked with reign date inscriptions, as seen on pl. 17 “ Taiping Dingchou” (977) and another inscribed “ Taiping Wuyin” (978), as seen on p. 40. High quality mise celadon continued to be produced during the early Northern Song. High quality works with incised dragon designs have been

190

excavated from the Northern Song imperial tombs and the tomb of Empress Yuande of the Li clan (1000) in Gongyi, Henan province.8 Thus continuing on from the Tang, the mise celadon of the early Northern Song was used by the imperial family. Yue celadon quality began to decline in the late Northern Song. The beginning of the Southern Song saw the end of celadon production at the Yuezhou kilns. Yuezhou kiln celadon technology spread not only in northern Zhejiang province, but also to the Wuzhou kilns of southern Zhejiang province, the Ou kilns (pl. 29) in the southeast of the province, and across many other regions in

Fig. 4 Mise Celadon Foliate-Rim Dish and Porcelain Clay Firing Box Tang (9th century) Cixishi Museum Photo: By the author.

southern China, including Jiangxi province, Fujian province, eastern Guangdong province, and Hunan province. These various wares are often referred to by the term Yuezhou style. The Yuezhou (岳州) kilns of Hunan province produced celadon that was heavily influenced by Tang Zhejiang province Yuezhou ware. During the Five Dynasties period, Hunan province Yuezhou celadon was characterized by four or at times five 2 –3 mm diameter round spur marks on the interior of the foot (pls. 13, 14). In the previously mentioned Cha Jing, Hunan province Yuezhou ware was

mentioned as “For bowls, Zhejiang Yuezhou is the best, followed by Dingzhou, Wuzhou, Hunan province Yuezhou, Shouzhou-Hongzhou.” Thus, the Hunan province Yuezhou kilns were known to have produced superior celadon works during the Tang dynasty.

2. The Development of Yaozhou Celadon After the Tang fell and the Five Dynasties - Ten Kingdoms period began, northern Zhejiang province, home to the Yuezhou kilns, fell under the dominion of the Wuyue kingdom. The Wuyue kingdom presented large numbers of Yuezhou celadons to northern dynasties, while, compared to numbers seen in the Tang dynasty, the amount of Yuezhou celadon that flowed to recipients in northern China declined. Amid such circumstances, the Yaozhou kilns (also known during the Tang as the Huangbao kilns), which delivered various roughly made ceramic wares to the Tang capital of Changʼan, are thought to have set out

191

to create high quality celadon to supplement the inadequate supply of Yuezhou celadon. In the late Five Dynasties period the Yaozhou kilns produced a somewhat higher grade celadon which used a rough brown clay, covered with a white slip and then coated in a tianqing colored glaze. In the early Northern Song (latter half of the 10th century), they were able to produce high quality celadon with white body clay and beautiful tianqing glaze, a ware type with a unique feel not previously achieved.9 Koyama Fujio previously suggested that this type of celadon is the “Dongyao” mentioned in the Song Huiyao, and thus today this type is still referred to as Dongyao-type (pls. 18, 19, 20, 21, 22).10 The foliate rim bowls (pl. 22) and ewers decorated with relief style incised designs are particularly superb in

this ware type, with many excavated examples found at Liao tombs. Given that they produced Dongyao type wares, in recent years some have suggested that these kilns might have been the Chai kilns which produced tianqing color celadon during the Five Dynasties. However, there is also the view

that questions the existence of the Chai kilns themselves, so this issue has not yet been fully clarified. At the beginning of the Northern Song, numerous kilns were set up throughout China, and various regions were able to produce extremely high-quality porcelain works whose beautiful glaze color, taut form and delicate decoration suited the literati aesthetic then dominant in society. The Yaozhou kilnsʼ production of Dongyao type celadon ended after a short period. In the early Northern Song, they began to use the distinctive Yaozhou ashy white, fine-grained body clay, and the glaze color changed to a slightly yellowish tinged, olive-green color (pls. 27, 28). The changes in glaze color are thought to derive from the change around this period from wood to coal as a fuel source. Around this same period, they also began to frequently use flowing, elegant, incised designs (pl. 28). In the mid-Northern Song they also began to use stamped designs, with the entire inner surface of a bowl or dish pressed onto a ceramic mold for design transfer. From the mid and late Northern Song, most of the kilns in Henan province began to produce celadon influenced by Yaozhou ware, and the production region for Yaozhou type celadon spread across the central Yellow River region. This production area is thought to have been caused by the location of the Northern Song capital, Kaifeng, in central Henan province, and the shift of the

192

political center from Shanxi province to the Henan region. During this period a large number of production sites, which supplied ceramic wares to the capital and its surrounds, were established in a section of Henan province. Yaozhou type celadon and Jizhou type pottery were the main products made by these kilns. Even after the production area of Yaozhou type celadon expanded, the Yaozhou kilns themselves continued to occupy a central position, producing higher quality celadon than that made by the various Henan kilns, and thus prospering as the center of Yaozhou type celadon production.

3. Ru Ware and the Southern Song Imperial Kilns From the late Northern Song, in other words, the end of the 11th century through the early 12th century, the influence of the Yaozhou kilns on the various Henan kilns began to wane, and the Yaozhou kilns lost their central position in celadon production in northern China. In their place, the Ru kilns (Qingliangsi kilns, Baofeng county, Henan province) took up the central role. During the early Northern Song the Ru kilns (Qingliangsi kilns) primarily produced Yaozhou type celadon and Jizhou type pottery, and then in the late Northern Song they began to produce the Ru ware tianqing glaze celadon viewed as the pinnacle achievement in Chinese celadon.11 The Ru kilns were not oﬃcial kilns managed by the government, rather, they are thought to have been privately run kilns that produced celadon for the emperorʼs use under the direction of the Northern Song government. Ru tianqing celadon characteristics, namely the lovely sky-blue tianqing glaze and the extremely small spur marks that remain on the foot exterior of the otherwise entirely glazed surface, resemble the characteristics of Five Dynasties Yaozhou celadon. In terms of firing techniques, they followed a bisque firing, glazing and then full firing process, and used wood as fuel, features both shared with pre-Five Dynasties Yaozhou ware. There is an approximately 50 -year gap between the Yaozhou and Ru kiln production periods, and thus we cannot consider direct influence. It is, however, highly likely that a revivalist sensibility led the Ru kilns to imitate the Five Dynasties tianqing glaze celadon and recreate their production techniques, resulting in Ru ware celadon. This Ru ware celadon, like Yuezhou mise celadon, was fired with wood fuel in a strong reduction atmosphere, and mud was pasted on the exterior of the stacked firing containers

193

to prevent external air from entering the firing container. Ru tianqing glaze celadon both used vessel types from the glass and gold-silver wares that were fashionable in the Tang and Song, and also developed new vessel types that copied bronze ritual vessels from around the Warring States period and Han dynasty. During the Northern Song epigraphy flourished in China as they sought to recreate ancient Confucian rituals, and this led to a heightened awareness of ancient artifacts such as bronzes. Illustrated compilations of ancient ritual vessels, such as Kaogutu by Lu Dalin (1092), and Xuanhe Bogutu, were compiled by command of emperor Huizong during the Daguan era (11071110). During Huizongʼs reign (1100 -1125) the production of bronzes imitating

Shang and Zhou bronzes flourished and they were used for ritual purposes. However, bronze, as used in the originals, was the only material allowed for use in the replication of these Shang and Zhou bronzes, which were considered to be divine. This meant that replicas of Shang and Zhou bronzes were not made out of Ru celadon. The replicas of bronzes made at the Ru kilns were limited to the ritual vessels of the Han dynasty, more than a millennium later than the Shang and Zhou dynasties. These Ru replicas are thought to have been made not for use as ritual vessels but rather to satisfy the antiquarian tastes of the emperor.12 The production of Ru tianqing glaze celadon ended in the late Northern Song, and its techniques were taken up and continued in the nearby Zhanggongxiang kilns and Jun kilns (pl. 32). This meant that the production of celadon with tianqing glaze color continued into the Jin dynasty. After the Jin dynasty overthrew the Northern Song, the Southern Song moved the capital to Linʼan (Hangzhou), established Southern Song imperial kilns there, and produced tianqing celadon that took up and continued the Ru ware style. As noted above, the Yuezhou kilns saw their most successful run during the Five Dynasties to early Northern Song periods. Their technology declined in the late Northern Song and the production of the powder blue-colored glaze, high quality celadons (called dilingtou type confirmed to have been produced at the Silongkou kilns and others),13 which preceded the Southern Song imperial kiln celadon, finally abruptly worsened. In their place, the Southern Song imperial kilns established in the Southern Song capital of Linʼan (Hangzhou) and the Longquan kilns in southern Zhejiang became the center of celadon production

194

in southern China. The Ru kilnʼs bisque firing, tianqing glaze and other technologies, along with their vessel shapes and design concepts, were continued by the Southern Song imperial kilns when the Song dynasty moved south. Two sites of the Southern Song imperial kilns have been discovered, the long-known Jiaotanxia official kilns14 and the Laohudong kilns,15 which were recently confirmed to be the Xiuneisi official kilns. The Laohudong kilns included the long kiln type, the traditional Jiangnan style of kiln, along with the northern Chinese style of mantou kiln type. This meant that they used the bisque firing technique, which had not previously been found in Jiangnan, a clear indication of the introduction of northern Chinese kiln technologies. Of course not all of the technologies were transferred from northern China. The main firing of glazed ceramics was conducted in Jiangnan at kilns that used the long kiln type. Also, they used black body clay that had not been used at the Ru kilns. This allowed the Southern Song imperial kilns to create celadon with a distinctive feel thanks to the so-called shikō tessoku effect, literally purple mouth, iron feet, in which the dark clay appears purplish beneath the thin glaze at the mouth rim and shows as black clay in the unglazed areas of the foot (pl. 35). These kilns also established the technique known as botai houyou, applying thick glaze (in other words, applying multiple layers of glaze) over a thinly made body. Not found at the Ru kilns, this technique was first discerned at the Southern Song imperial kilns and also transmitted to the Longquan kilns. The vessel types created by the Southern Song official kilns were inherited and continued on many of those used at the Ru kilns. In addition to bowls and dishes for actual use, they also produced vessel types that imitated the Ru ware copies of Warring States and Han ritual bronzes, as well as Tang and Song glass and gold-silver vessels. They began to create vessel types that copied Shang and Zhou ritual bronzes, marking the first full production of ritual vessel production in celadon (pl. 35). Given the Northern Song belief in the divine nature of Shang and Zhou ritual bronzes, during that period they were only copied in bronze, and there are absolutely no traces of celadon reproduction of those forms. The reproduction of divine ritual bronzes probably did not occur in other materials. However, we can consider the move to the south meant the rulers lost the imperial courtʼs ritual bronzes and the need to replace them provided the opportunity to begin making replicas of Shang and Zhou ritual bronzes in porcelain.

195

It is highly likely that the production of Southern Song oﬃcial kiln celadon at the Laohudong kilns (the Xiuneisi kilns) occurred from the mid-12th century through the late Southern Song. There is also a theory that states that even during the Yuan dynasty, Southern Song style celadon production continued in the same location, and that Yuan dynasty wares were what we call Ge kiln wares.

4. Longquan Celadon The Longquan kilns located in southern Zhejiang province were opened under influence from the Yuezhou kilns and the Yuezhou type Ou kilns. They began to create distinctive celadon in the Northern Song. In Longquan ware of the early Northern Song, the predominant characteristic is the pale, close to ash or ashy white, glaze color, which is called danqing, literally pale blue (pl. 24). This danqing glaze celadon could be thought to have been created with the full awareness of the mise celadon being produced at the same time in the Yuezhou kilns.16 The thick areas of this Longquan danqing glaze celadon glaze approaches the young grass, yellowish-green color of mise celadon. Longquan danqing glaze celadon might have been the Longquanʼs attempts to create a mise celadon. Jilei bian by Zhuang Chuo of the late Northern Song is the first written record of

Longquan ware. In that text he states, to paraphrase, “ There are also blue celadon vessels in Chuzhou Longquan, and they are what is called mise color. The Qian family, the royal family of the Wuyue kingdom, presented works fired in this region.” There is also the view that this quotation confuses the Longquan kilns and the Yuezhou kilns that produced mise celadon and thus does not actually describe Longquan ware. However, if we take it to mean that early Northern Song danqing glaze celadon was Longquanʼs mise form, then it can be seen as a text that

to some degree reflects the actual situation at the Northern Song Longquan kilns. Northern Song Longquan products include functional vessel types such as bowls, dishes, ewers and vases, along with decorated vases made as grave goods. This group of grave goods is one of the characteristic features of early Longquan celadon. They made duozuiping vases with five openings on their shoulder, and a grave good vase type called qian, which has a flat, plate-like mouth rim (pl. 24). There are many instances where a duozuiping /qian pair was used as grave

goods. Duozuiping vases were called wugucang, literally five grain storehouses, and were grave goods meant to symbolize fertile crops of the five grain types.

196

This vase type was used as grave goods in local Jiangnan region burial practices from before the late Han dynasty. The qian (flat-rimmed vase) was often made in the Tang dynasty Yuezhou kilns as grave goods, and the Longquan qian followed that lineage to become Jiangnanʼs own distinctive grave goods. This lineage of Longquan celadon grave goods extended from the late Southern Song to around the Yuan dynasty (pls. 30, 31). There are many instances of a Southern Song qian accompanied by a lid. The lid knob is an applied dog-shaped form on pl. 30, and a chicken-shaped form on pl. 31. There are many instances of a pair of these two types excavated as a set, and it seems that they reflected the warding oﬀ evil spirits customs of southern China. Ying Shao of the late Later Han wrote the Fengsu Tongyi (also known as Fengsu Tong). In the 8th volume of the work, the

Xiongji chapter notes, “A chicken was used at the gate.” In the same Fengsu Tongyi volume 8, a section states, “Sacrifice dogs and tack them up on the four gates of the village.” Thus we know that roosters and dogs were guardian deities for gates in the Later Han dynasty. The dog and chicken on the lids of Longquan celadon qian may indicate that this custom continued until the Southern Song dynasty.

Longquan celadons were first exported in the late Northern Song. Fullscale export of the works had developed by the latter half of the 12th century, the mid-Southern Song dynasty. The products around this period can be positioned in the Yuezhou type lineage in terms of technique and designs and they were also influenced by the designs of the Yaozhou kilns then popular in northern China. Starting around the mid-12th century during the Southern Song, Longquan potters developed a multilayered glazing technique influenced by Southern Song oﬃcial kiln technology and began to use this method to produce works at the Xikou kiln, the Wayaoyang kiln, and the Xiaomei kiln in Longquan.17 Examples of these products have been excavated from the kiln sites but are rare in consumption site excavations, making it highly likely that they were not distributed on a large scale. The main production period of Longquanʼs multilayered glaze technique products was during the mid-Southern Song, from the late 12th century to the first half of the 13th century. These works then developed into the "thin body, thick glaze" fenqing (powder blue) celadons. That major rise in product quality led to the development of these kilns as Chinaʼs largest celadon production locale. The majority of fenqing celadons were vessel types that imitated Ru ware and Southern Song oﬃcial kiln replicas of ritual bronze and

197

Tang and Song glass, gold-silver vessel types. In Japan this type was particularly revered as kinuta celadon. Black clay celadon that resembles that of Southern Song oﬃcial kiln products has been confirmed at the Da and Xikou kilns in Longquan, and thus we can consider that it was highly likely that celadons for imperial court use were also made at the Longquan kilns. And, even after the Longquan kilns began the production of "thin body, thick glaze" fenqing celadon as influenced by the Southern Song oﬃcial kilns, they continued to produce second-grade “thick body, thin glaze” bluish-green colored celadons, continuing on the Yuezhou type. A massive number of kilns were opened during the Southern Song in southern China sites such as Zhejiang, Fujian and Guangdong, all ocean-facing areas suited to ceramics export. In particular, rough copies of Longquan celadon were produced at numerous kilns in Fujian, with the majority of those products exported.

5. Goryeo Celadon Goryeo celadon was first produced in the 10th century when celadon technology from Chinaʼs Yuezhou kilns was taken to the Korean Peninsula. As a result, the kilns there produced celadon that resembled that of the Yuezhou kilns. Then around the end of the 11th century, Goryeo celadons were influenced by Chinese Ru ware celadons, producing an extremely high grade celadon called fei se celadon, jadeite color celadon. By the 12th century inlay flourished as a

new decorative technique, and thus the unique realm of Goryeo celadon was established. The kilns that produced the first period of Goryeo celadon and white porcelain were scattered in the central west region of the Korean Peninsula, and excavations have been carried out at the kiln sites of Wonsan-li in Bongchon-gun, Hwanhae-do, Seo-li in Yongin-si, Gyeonggi-do, Bangsan-dong in Siheung-si, Gyeonggido, and Jungam-ri in Yeoju-gun, Gyeonggido (white porcelain kiln). All of these sites used the brick-built long kiln type (long, narrow upward sloping tunnel-shaped kilns) like those at Chinaʼs Yuezhou kilns. Products and kiln tools resembling those of Five Dynasties (910 -960) Yuezhou celadon have been discovered, and they represent completely diﬀerent technical lineages from those used in previous Korean Peninsula clay-built kiln type (anagama). It is thought

198

that Yuezhou kiln workers went to the Korean Peninsula and brought with them the relevant celadon technology. Early period Goryeo celadon and white porcelain feature a characteristic form of janome foot bowls, with wide feet and straight, diagonal sides. However, at the earliest period kiln sites, bowls were discovered with narrower feet than the janome foot bowls -- which are called saki janome kōdai wan, literally pre-janome

feet bowls -- in the stratum below the level at which the janome foot bowls were excavated. Recent research has shown that pre-janome feet bowls are the oldest form, with janome foot bowls with a round interior base discovered as the next form, which then changed to the janome foot bowls with a flat interior base form, whose base is also called a mirror base (pls. 36, 37, 38, 39, 41).18 Previously, janome foot bowls were thought to resemble the yubidi (jade disc foot base) bowl shape made at Chinaʼs Yuezhou kilns in the 9th century, and thus scholars assigned a 9th century date to janome foot bowls.19 However, in recent years the main theory has become that the pre-janome foot bowls resemble the jade ring foot bowls made at the Yuezhou kilns in the 10th century, and thus, scholars have shifted the starting date for Goryeo celadon production to the 10th century.20 Looking at the changes in celadon bowl vessel shape that occurred from the late Tang to the Five Dynasties to the early Northern Song at the Yuezhou kilns, we can see that around the end of the 8th century a vessel shape appeared with quite a big foot diameter, short stature and relatively thick walls. Then over the course of the 9th century, gradually the feet narrowed and vessels grew taller. By the Five Dynasties, this trend further strengthened, changing to the jade ring foot vessel shape with narrow feet. The foot diameter and foot width of bowls created at the end of the Five Dynasties to the Northern

Fig. 5 Celadon Vase Left: Ru ware (excavated at kiln site) Henan Provincial Institute of Cultural Heritage and Archaeology Photo: Ruyao Yu Zhanggongxiangyao Chutu Ciqi, China Science Publishing and Media Ltd. (CSPM), 2009. R: Goryeo Celadon The Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka (Gift of SUMITOMO Group, the ATAKA Collection) Photograph by Tomohiro Muda.

199

Song were even smaller still, and the bowl walls became thinner, changing to a form known as a douli wan, which resembled an upturned triangular wicker hat.21 The vessel shape change in Goryeo celadons from the pre-janome foot bowl to the curved inner surface janome foot bowls meant that the feet became thicker while at the same time the base diameter became smaller and the vessels taller. Thus other than the spreading width of the foot, this represents the same vessel shape change as seen in the shift from Yuezhou jade ring foot bowl to douli wan bowl form. These factors strongly indicate that the elements of the

Goryeo celadon janome foot bowls quite faithfully trace the changes seen in vessel shape periods in China. Further, regarding the bowls with inner flat base (mirror) janome foot bowls (pls. 36, 37, 38, 39, 41), while no bowls with a strikingly flat

surface can be confirmed among Northern Song inverted wicker hat shape bowls at the Yuezhou kilns, a strikingly flat (mirror) base can be seen on inverted hat bowls of the early Northern Song Yaozhou kilns which influenced both Yuezhou and early Goryeo celadons (Dong ware type, pls. 18, 19, 20, 21). Thus, we can consider that the flat inner base (mirror) of Goryeo celadon bowls may have been influenced by Yaozhou ware.22 As mentioned above, the Yuezhou celadon jade disc base bowls were used for drinking tea, and undoubtedly the Five Dynasties jade ring foot bowls, the Song douli wan and jade disc foot bowls were a continuation of this tea drinking function. On this basis, it is likely that the Goryeo celadon pre-janome foot bowls—which are thought to have been created on technology directly transmitted by Yuezhou ware workers—were also made as tea bowls. In 1123, Xu Jing was part of the entourage of the Northern Song envoy to the Goryeo court. His book, Xuanhe fengshi gaoli tujing (compiled 1124), stated that in recent years lovely celadon with a greenish-blue color called fei se was being

Fig. 6, Celadon Lotus Blossom-shaped Censer L: Ru ware (excavated at kiln site) Henan Provincial Institute of Cultural Heritage and Archaeology Photo: Ruyao Yu Zhanggongxiangyao Chutu Ciqi, China Science Publishing and Media Ltd. (CSPM), 2009. R: Goryeo Celadon National Museum of Korea Photo: Royal Ceramics of Goryeo Dynasty, National Museum of Korea, 2009.

200

made in Goryeo and that it was essentially the same as Yuezhou mise celadon or Ru celadon. From such textual records, it is clear that the influence of Yuezhou and Ru wares on Goryeo celadon has long been known. However, recent excavations at the Ru kilns (Qingliangsi kilns) in Chinaʼs Henan province discovered various vessel types not previously found in traditionally preserved Ru tianqing glaze celadon.23 Given that most of those newly found vessel types share features with Goryeo celadon vessel forms, it further confirms the magnitude of Ru celadon influence on Goryeo celadon. The following is a list of vessel types found in ca. 12th century Goryeo celadon which are thought to have been influenced by Ru ware: long-necked vase (fig. 5), incense burner with mandarin duck lid, incense burner with lion lid, lotus flower shape incense burner (fig. 6), faceted crane-neck vase, crane neck

Fig. 7 Celadon Kinuta (mallet)-shaped Vase Left: Ru ware (excavated at kiln site) Henan Provincial Institute of Cultural Heritage and Archaeology Photo: Ruyao Yu Zhanggongxiangyao Chutu Ciqi, China Science Publishing and Media Ltd. (CSPM), 2009. Right: Goryeo Celadon The Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka (Gift of SUMITOMO Group, the ATAKA Collection) Photograph by Tomohiro Muda.

vase, kinuta vase (fig. 7, pl. 54), meiping (pl. 50), stackable box, round-torso ewers, chrysanthemum blossom bowl (warmer), flat based basin, lotus petal design basin, lotus petal design bowls and bowl stands. However, even though Goryeo celadon faithfully copied the vessel shapes of Ru tianqing celadon, it did not replicate the Ru tianqing glaze. Instead, they used a

beautiful blueish-green fei se. The coloration of Goryeo celadon fei se glaze closely resembles the jadeite used in the adornment of royal crowns in Koreaʼs Later Three Kingdoms period, and this fei se color may have been intentionally created as a color of jadeite that was not produced in China.24 In addition to the vessel types influenced by Ru ware, the Goryeo kilns also produced bowls with parrot motifs (pl. 64) under the influence of Northern Song Yuezhou ware. And, these fei se celadon vessel types copied from Yuezhou mise celadon and Ru celadon can be considered what Xu Jing saw in Goryeo in

1123.

201

From its inception, the Goryeo dynasty was passionate about the introduction of Chinese rituals and cultural properties, and intermittently sent envoys to pay tributes to the Northern Song from the beginning of diplomatic relations in 962 until 1030. From 1030 to 1070, that interaction stopped due to pressure from the Liao, but then in 1071 their tribute relationship was revived. Over the course of the 47 years until the Northern Song fell to the Jin in 1127, the two countries maintained a close relationship through such cities as Chinaʼs Mingzhou (Ningbo) and Mizhou. During this period the political interchange that formed the basis of the tribute relationship, along with economic and cultural exchange, flourished. This time period exactly coincides with the establishment of the Ru kilns, and thus amidst this close bilateral exchange, Goryeo fei se celadon was created for use by the Goryeo emperors, in imitation of the use of Ru celadon by the Song emperors. Judging from the close resemblance between Goryeo fei se celadon and Ru ware vessel shapes, it is highly likely that Goryeo celadon workers developed fei se celadon from their viewing of actual Ru celadon. While textual record and actual materials do not remain, it is also thought that one of the Song emperors of this period, namely Shenzong (r. 1067-1085), Zhezong (r. 1085-1100) or Huizong (r. 1100 -1125), granted Ru celadons to the Goryeo king.25 After the establishment of the Southern Song dynasty, the interactions between the Song court and the Goryeo court did not occur as regularly as they had during the late Northern Song. However, immediately after the Southern Song began, in 1128, the Southern Song dispatched an envoy to Goryeo, and envoys were sent between the two countries several times from the 1130s to the 1160s. But then this political interchange ended in 1173. Conversely, the exchange

among merchants and other ordinary people relatively flourished with Mingzhou (Ningbo) as their gateway. According to records in the Goryeosa (History of Goryeo), there are mentions of Song ships traveling to Goryeo from 1128 to 1278 a total of 34 times, with a total passenger count of 1897 on those ships.26 In this manner, amidst the bilateral political exchange that did not flourish to the degree it had in the late Northern Song, there was almost no influence from Southern Song imperial kiln celadon, which was made for the Southern Song emperors, continuing on the role that had been played by Ru celadon in the late Northern Song, on Goryeo celadon. Goryeo celadon had quite faithfully copied the vessel types and construct of Ru celadon up until the fall

202

of the Northern Song. But then, for approximately 20 years after the 1127 fall of the Northern Song, there was almost no influence on Goryeo celadon from the vessel types imitating Shang and Zhou ritual bronzes, such as ding, fangding, zun, ge (hakamagoshi kōro, tripod censers) and gu, which were being newly produced

in the Southern Song imperial celadon kiln which began production around the mid 12th century. Even though ding and fangding were produced in Goryeo celadon, the vessel form and design motifs are very similar to northern Chinese Yaozhou celadon and Ding white porcelain, and thus cannot be considered as influence from Southern Song imperial kiln products. On the other hand, in recent years a large number of Goryeo celadon have been discovered in the Southern Song capital of Hangzhou, Zhejiang province and Ningbo,27 which had become the gateway for exchange with the Goryeo court. Further, many of these examples are as extremely high quality fei se celadon as those excavated from Goryeo imperial tombs. Xiuzhongjin (Song

Taiping Laoren), said to have been published during the Song dynasty, lists “ dingyao baici ” (Ding white porcelain) and “gaoli mise ” (Goryeo mise celadon) as the

finest ceramics of the time, thus indicating the high regard for Goryeo celadon in Song dynasty China. This assessment has been further underscored by both textual references and excavated works. From the 10th century through the beginning of the 12th century Goryeo celadon was strongly influenced by Chinese celadon produced at the Yuezhou, Yaozhou and Ru kilns, and amidst such circumstances they began to produce superb celadon known as fei se. With the lessening of Song cultural influence that accompanied the fall of the Northern Song in 1127, Goryeo celadon distanced itself from the spell of Ru ware and other Chinese celadon. This process brought about the development of distinctive vessel shapes and decorative techniques such as inlaid celadon, thereby establishing Goryeo celadonʼs own unique style that diﬀered from Chinese celadon.

Conclusion The production of celadon that combined beauty and functionality began at the Yuezhou kilns around the latter half of the 8th century, during the Tang dynasty. This was followed by the creation of mise celadon for the use of the emperor in the latter half of the 9th century, and in turn, influence from

203

mise celadon led to the creation of Five Dynasties Yaozhou celadon and on to

Ru ware celadon. The Ru tianqing glaze celadon produced as porcelain wares for the emperors in the late Northern Song recreated the image and technology of the Yaozhou tianqing glaze celadon of the end of the Five Dynasties through the beginning of the Northern Song. However, this period also saw the creation of new celadon vessel types copying Han ritual bronzes based on the epigraphy of the time. With the fall of the Northern Song, oﬃcial kilns were opened in the Southern Song capital of Linʼan (Hangzhou). There they recreated works in the image of Ru wares and also began to create new vessel shapes imitating Shang and Zhou ritual bronzes. The vessel shapes first made at the Ru kilns and Southern Song oﬃcial kilns in imitation of ancient ritual bronzes were then continued in Longquan celadon until the Yuan and Ming dynasties. The flourishing export of Longquan celadons greatly influenced ceramic production in regions worldwide. In Japan, even today, the forms of censers and vases still show considerable influence from those Longquan wares. The high quality celadon that was largely developed during in China during the Tang, Five Dynasties and Song dynasty thus strongly influenced ceramic production worldwide, and as such, permeates and lives on in ceramic culture today.

(Mori Tatsuya / Professor, Vice President of the University Library and Arts Museum, Okinawa Prefectural University of the Arts)

Footnotes 1.

Mori Tatsuya, “ Tōdai banki esshūyō seijiwan no futatsu no keihu – Gyokuheki kōdaiwan to wakōdai wan” [Two style lineages in Late Tang dynasty Yuezhou celadon bowls – Jade disc foot bowls and ring foot bowls”, Kindai Kōko No. 34, Department of Archaeology, School of Humanities, College of Human and Social Sciences, Kanazawa University, 2000, pp. 1-3.

Shaanxi Academy of Archaeology, et al., Famensi Kaogu Fajue Baogao [Report on the Archaeological Excavation of Famensi], Cultural Relics Press, 2007.

204

Ibid.

Zheng Jianming, Shen Yueming, Xie Chunlong, “Duode qianfeng cuise lai shanglinhu housiao yaozhi chutu de mise ciqi ” [Mise celadon with a mountain green-like color excavated from the Housiao kiln site in Shanglinhu], Zijicheng, No. 5, 2017.

The Palace Museum, Institute of Archaeology of Zhejiang, Cixi Cultural Properties Jurisdiction Department Secretariat Oﬃce, “Shanglinhu housiao yaozhi cizhi xiabo de gongyun tezheng yanjiu” [Research on the porcelain firing containers at the Shanglinhu housiao kiln site], Palace Museum Journal , June 2017.

Mori Tatsuya, “Bantōki esshūyō seiji no kakkamon ni tsuite” [Incised designs on Late Tang Yuezhou celadon], Narasaki Shōichi Sensei Koki Kinen Ronbunshū [Festschrift Honoring the 70th Birthday of Professor Narasaki Shōichi], Shinyosha, 1998.

Ibid.

Henan Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology eds., Beisong huangling [Northern Song Imperial Tombs], Zhongzhou Ancient Books Press, 1997.

Shaanxi Academy of Archaeology, Tangdai huangbao yaozhi [Tang Dynasty Huangbao Kiln Site], Cultural Relics Press, 1992; Shaanxi Academy of Archaeology, Wudai huangbao yaozhi [Five Dynasties Huangbao Kiln Site], Cultural Relics Press, 1992; Shaanxi Academy of Archaeology and Yaozhou Kiln Museum, Songdai Yaozhou Yaozhi [Song Dynasty Yaozhou Kiln Site], Cultural Relics Press, 1998.

10. Koyama Fujio, Shina Seiji Shikō [Thoughts on the History of Chinese Celadon], Bunchūdō Shuppan, 1943, pp. 178-189. It has been suggested that the so-called Dongyao-type celadon, in particular the inverted triangular wicker hat bowls (pls. 18, 19, 20, 21), are not Yaozhou ware, but rather might have been made in Henan province. (see Imai Atsushi, “Joyō e no michi ” [The path to Ru ware], Shubi No. 22, Gakken Plus, 2017). However, I have confirmed similar materials excavated from the kiln site at the Yaozhou Kiln Museum, and thus am convinced they are Yaozhou kiln products. Further, at this time there are no confirmed Henan province kilns that produce Dongyao-type celadons. I have not yet heard any opinions of Chinese ceramics researchers who state that Dongyao-type is not the product of the Yaozhou kilns. 11. Henan Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology, Baofeng qingliangsi ru yao, Daxiang Chubanshe, 2008. 12. Mori Tatsuya, “Ruyao yu nansong guanyao – shaozao jishu hu qizhongde

205

bijiao” [Ru ware Southern Song imperial kilns – A comparison of firing technology and tool types], Gugongbowuyuan bashiwu huadan – Songdai guanyao ji guanyao zhido guojixueshu hantaokai lunwenji [Celebrating the 85th Anniversary of the Palace Museum – Compilation of Research Reports from the International Symposium on Song Dynasty Imperial Kilns and the Imperial Kiln System], Gugung Chubanshe, 2012, pp. 163 – 194. 13. Institute of Archaeology of Zhejiang, School of Archaeology and Museology, Peking University, Cixi Cultural Properties Jurisdiction Department, Silongkou yueyaozhi [Silongkou Yue Kiln Site], Cultural Relics Press, 2002. 14. Institute of Archaeology Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (IA CASS), Zhejiang Provincial Institute of Cultural Heritage and Archaeology, Hangzhou Municipal Bureau of Gardening and Cultural Relics, Nansong Guanyao [Southern Song Imperial Kilns], Encyclopedia of China Publishing House, 1996. 15. Hangzhou Municipal, CPAM of Hangzhou, “Excavation of a site of the oﬃcial kiln of Southern Song at Laohudong, Hangzhou”, Wenwu, October 2002, pp. 4-31. 16. Mori Tatsuya, “Ry ūsenseiji no tenkai ” [The Development of Longquan celadon], Longquan Ware: Chinese Celadon Beloved of the Japanese, Aichi Prefectural Ceramic Museum et al., 2012. 17. Shen Yueming, Xu Jun, Zheng Jiangming, “Zhejiang Longquan – Heitai qingci diaocha yu fajue” [Zhejiang Longquan: Excavation and research on black clay celadon], 2013 Zhongguo Zhongyao Kaogu Faxian [2013 Important Archaeological Discoveries in China], Cultural Relics Press, 2014; Institute of Archaeology of Zhejiang, “Zhejiang Longquan Xiaomeiwayao lu nansong yao” [The brief report on the excavation at the Xiaomeiwayao kilns in Longquan, Zhejiang and Southern Song Kilns], Wenwu Cultural Relics, Cultural Relics Press, July 2022. 18. Yi Jong-min, “Kanhantō chūbu chihō no shoki seijiyō [Early celadon kilns in central Korean Peninsula regions], Kōrai Seiji no Tanjō, The Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka et al., 2004, pp. 9-17. 19. For details, see Katayama Mabi, “Itsu ʻKōrai Seiji ʼ wa tanjō shita no ka?” [When were Goryeo celadons first created?], Kōrai Seiji no Tanjō, The Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka et al., 2004, pp. 100 -107. 20. Kira Fumio, “Chōsen hantō no shokiteki seiji ” [Early period celadon on the Korean Peninsula], Kōrai Seiji no Tanjō, The Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka et al., 2004, pp. 1-8, note 16 bibliography, et. al. 21. Mori Tatsuya, “ Tōdai banki esshūyō seijiwan no futatsu no keihu – Gyokuheki kōdaiwan to wakōdai wan” [Two style lineages in Late Tang

206

dynasty Yuezhou celadon bowls – Jade disc foot bowls and ring foot bowls], Kindai Kōko No. 34, Department of Archaeology, School of Humanities, College of Human and Social Sciences, Kanazawa University, 2000, pp. 1-3; Mori Tatsuya, “Dai 2 shō esshuyō seiji no hennen” [Chapter 2 Chronology of Yuezhou celadon], Chūgoku Seiji no Kenkyū – Hennen to Ryūtsū [Research on Chinese Celadon – Chronology and Distribution], Ky ūko Shoin, 2015. 22. The author makes this same point in the following article: Mori Tatsuya, “Kōrai seiji to chūgoku tōji no eikyō kankei ” [The influence relationship between Goryeo celadon and Chinese ceramics], Korean Crafts from Koryo and Choson dynasties: Ceramics, Lacquerware and Metalware, Aichi Prefectural Ceramic Museum, 2014. Imai Atsushi also makes the same point in his article Imai Atsushi, “Joyō e no michi ” [The path to Ru ware], Shubi No. 22, Gakken Plus, 2017. 23. Henan Provincial Institute of Cultural Heritage and Archaeology, Baofeng Qingliangsi Ruyao [Qingliangsi Ru Kilns], Daxiang Chubanshe, 2008. 24. Jadeite is not mined in China, with Asian sources found only in Burma and Japan. The dominant theory today states that the jadeite used on the Korean Peninsula in antiquity was brought to the peninsula from Japan. 25. Zhou Hui of the Song states in the Qingbozazhi, “Ru kilns produced wares solely for the imperial household (…) the wares to be used in the palaces were carefully selected, and those which were not appropriate for such use were approved to be sold to the public. However, recently, such works were extremely rare.” This suggests the possibility that the Ru ware celadon not selected for imperial court use was sold to those outside the inner court, and it was brought to Goryeo via this commercial distribution. 26. Yang Weisheng, Songli guanxi shi yanjiu [Research on the history of SongGoryreo relations], Hangzhou University Press, 1997, p. 338. 27. Ma Zhengming, “Hangzhou chutu de gaoli qingci ” [Korean celadon excavated in Hangzhou], Cultural Relics of the East, No. 29, 2008; Wang Yiling, “Shishu Zhejiang chutu de gaoli qingci ” [An essay on Goryeo celadon excavated in Zhejiang], Cultural Relics World , Cultural Relics Press, February 2022.

Notes - Japanese, Chinese and Korean personal names are presented in family name, personal name order, with Chinese names given in Pinyin. - Where possible, published English versions of book and article titles are used. When no such published version is available, new English versions have been prepared for this volume.

207

2023 年 11 月 3 日 ( 金 ) 〜 11 月 12 日 ( 日 )

会場 / Venue

〒 104-0031 東京都中央区京橋 2-5-9 TEL 03-3561-5146 2-5-9 Kyobashi, Chuo-ku, Tok yo, 104- 0 031, JA PAN TEL 03-3561-5146 ★

https://w w w.mayuyama.jp E-mail: mayuyama@big.or.jp ★

Mayuyama & Co., Ltd .

AN EXHIBITION OF TANG, SONG AND GORYEO CELADON 青瓷昇華

唐宋と高麗の青瓷展

編集 / 発行：株式会社

繭山龍泉堂

Edited and published by MAYUYAMA & CO., LTD.

写真：田中成之、渡邉まり子（協力）

Photographs by Tanaka Shigeyuki, Watanabe Mariko

発行年：2023 年 10 月

英訳：Martha J. McClintock デザイン：Studio Hart

Published in October 2023 (technical cooperation)

Japanese to English translation by Martha J. McClintock Designed by Studio Hart

Printed by ToyoBijutsuPrinting Co., Ltd.