Henri Zoghaib - The Sowers of Joy - هنري زغيب - كتاب صُنّاع الفرح

P Q S Q P 4ÎBêBò. @¸BùB× Q ¼āã¸ö¿Ä.J ¼ɋýçò 1¸Ɋ8¸íõ Ɨ ¼āöĀ6¸Ɉ* 2¸į* O /Îçò.J DǮɎ. ǐº ÿáêóɎ. ÎäÕɎ. >¸öø* ÷ã ÷õ ¼õÌíõ âõ

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P Q S Q P êBò.

4ÎB @¸BùB×

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÷õ ¼õÌíõ âõ

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1.8ýÕɃõ Ś¸ù»óɎ. 2.ƳɎ. ÏȠÎɏ

̪̩̭ͭ͜͡ ̪̦͘ϓ̨ óďė ı ­ Я üıŋ ¬ Ý ­ ı͚çìÝßıáĉß ıŋ

ı Ýäĕė ıęö

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áíďüı³¹´ıŋı Ýíďýė ı ñĈ ęöı´¶ı ı³¹ıŋ

ı ÝĦĒė

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̧ͭ͒Ⱥ ɍ̼ͥͧ

Ѵʈшǥr ‫ ̞׬‬т ǹ Ǵ м‫ مص‬ θ xƴ͹Пr ‫ ˲כ‬p

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‫ﺑﺪء‬ ٌ ‫وﻣﻦ اﻟﺼﻮت ﻛﺎن‬

‫اﻟﺰﺟﻞ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ‬

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‫ﻗﺮاءة ﻟﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬

‫زﺟﺎل اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬6‫ﻓﻨﻮن ا‬

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‫ﻗﺮاءة ﻟﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬

‫زﺟﺎل اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬6‫ﻓﻨﻮن ا‬

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‫ﻗﺮاءة ﻟﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬

‫زﺟﺎل اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬6‫ﻓﻨﻮن ا‬

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‫زﺟﺎل اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬6‫ﻓﻨﻮن ا‬

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‫ﻗﺮاءة ﻟﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬

‫زﺟﺎل اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬6‫ﻓﻨﻮن ا‬

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º´ ‫ ﻧﺎدر ﺳﺮاج‬.‫ د‬.‫أ‬

ِ ‫ﺑﻨﻰ وﻛﻴﻔﻴﺎ‬ ‫ت ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ً ‫ اﻟﺰﻟﻐﻮﻃﺔ‬. ٢

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‫زﺟﺎل اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬6‫ﻓﻨﻮن ا‬

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ƲƼƟÊÊÊǃǮƞ ̗ƽÊÊÊǮƞ ǵÊÊÊÜDz ǹÊÊÊǣÜÚ ǦǻØ ǻ ( ÝàĂ) ƲƼƟƣDz ǵDz ƞƽǫƢ ǩØ Ù ǯÜƣƱÚ ƢÜ ƲƼƟÊÊŧƞ ȌƼǼÊÊǮƞ ǨǼÊÊdž ǵÊÊDz ǿǼÛ ÊÊÊǏƨ ŗÊÊÊNjƩƢ ƟÊÊÊǺÜǚØ̄Üƾƞ

Les Semeurs de joie Études analy tiques de dif férents genres de poésie orale entre l’Orient et l’Occident

The Sowers of Joy Analy tical essays on genres of oral poetry across the Orient and the Occident

Center for Lebanese Heritage University Press

Les Semeurs de joie The Sowers of Joy

© 2017 Center for Lebanese Heritage at Lebanese American University email: clh@lau.edu.lb www.lau.edu.lb/centers-institutes/clh All rights reserved for this edition. No part of it may be reproduced or transmitted – in any means electronic or mechanical including photocopy recording or any information storage and retrieval system – without written permission from the Lebanese American University.

ISBN: 9953-461-41-4 EAN: 978-995346141-0 Design and layout: Dergham sarl Cover : painting by Algerian artist Bachir Yellès Chaouch : « Fête à Tlemcen – Cheikh Larbi Bensari avec ses musiciens » (1953)

Les Semeurs de joie Études analy tiques de dif férents genres de poésie orale entre l’Orient et l’Occident

The Sowers of Joy Analy tical essays on genres of oral poetry across the Orient and the Occident

Center for Lebanese Heritage University Press

abdallah naaman

Docteur ès lettres de l’Université de Nancy (France), Abdallah Naaman partage sa vie entre l’enseignement, la diplomatie et l’écriture. Militant pour l’instauration de la laïcité au Levant, ce « passeur de culture » a publié une trentaine d’ouvrages, et collaboré à la rédaction de plusieurs encyclopédies. Ses derniers ouvrages : Histoire des Orientaux de France (2003), À tire d’ailes (2010), Les Alawites (2017) et Le Liban. Histoire d’une nation inachevée (2015) pour lequel il a obtenu le prix de l’Académie des sciences d’Outre-Mer (Paris). adnan haydar

Professor of Arabic and Comparative Literature at the University of Arkansas and author and co-author of eight books and numerous articles on literary criticism, oral poetry, and literary translation. His books include Khalil Hawi’s Naked in Exile and Adonis’ Mihyar of Damascus. He has taught at AUB, LAU, UC-Berkeley, UPenn, and UMASS.

table des matiÈres

abdallah naaman

Le zajal andalou et la lyrique médiévale des troubadours

..............

10

adnan haydar

Lebanese Zajal Poetry: A Critical History .................................... 37

Le Comte Conrad de Kirchberg (IVème siècle).

Artiste inconnu

«

A

insi va-t-il de notre amour Comme du rameau d’aubépine; Il s’agite toute la nuit Livré au gel et à la pluie; Mais le soleil du lendemain Chauffe et verdit feuilles et branches. » *

* Guillaume IX d’Aquitaine (1071 – 1127) surnommé le Troubadour, comte de Poitiers et duc d’Aquitaine et de Gascogne. Il est également le premier poète connu en occitan. [ Les poèmes que les Troubadours mettent en musique ne sont pas composés en latin comme les musiques religieuses mais en « langue vulgaire », autrement dit en langue d’Oc, qui est parlée à cette époque dans le sud de la France.

Leurs chansons expriment le plus souvent un « amour courtois » bien loin de l’amour tel qu’on le conçoit de nos jours, et par conséquent difficile à saisir. La Dame est souvent lointaine et inaccessible, c’est même parfois la femme du seigneur du château où est hébergé le troubadour. ]

abdallah naaman

Le Zajal andalou

et la lyrique médiévale des Troubadours « L’émir nous envoya […] ses chanteurs, qui improvisèrent des vers arabes en notre honneur […].

Ils sont exactement ce qu’étaient les troubadours dans les châteaux du moyen âge. » Alphonse de Lamartine (1790 –1869).

Voyage d’Orient, Paris, tome 1, 1835, page 251.

« Quand je veux prendre l’air, je vais au XII e siècle.

Je rends visite à ces brutes, ces guerriers, ces troubadours qui caressaient d’une main si légère une branche de cerisier ou le prénom d’une femme aimée. » Christian Bobin (1951–).

La Merveille et l’obscur, Paroles d’aube, Paris, 1991, page 53.

Dans un précédent ouvrage 1, j’ai évoqué l’apport des Levantins à la civilisation occidentale, et particulièrement française. Dès les premiers siècles de notre ère, les Orientaux écument la mer Méditerranée et deviennent les familiers de l’Europe qu’ils sont les premiers à évangéliser. La Gaule connaît tour à tour leurs moines et leurs marchands, puis leurs cavaliers et leurs savants, enfin leurs voyageurs et leurs élites pensantes et industrieuses. L’on sait aussi que la longue conquête arabe (711–1492) a laissé des traces indélébiles, surtout en Espagne et en France, que nous retrouvons jusqu’à nos jours tous azimuts et à tous les niveaux, en particulier dans les domaines linguistique, artistique, architectural, musical et culinaire.

* * *

abdallah naaman

12

Quid du troubadour ? C’est un poète qui, dans le Midi de la France, composait en langue d’oc des poèmes, des ballades et des satires, avec leur accompagnement musical et qui allait de château en château, propageant les valeurs de la société courtoise. La tradition veut que le premier troubadour connu soit Guillaume IX (1071– 1127), septième comte de Poitiers (qui nous laisse onze poèmes), et que le dernier soit Guiraut Riquier (1230 –1295), dont l’œuvre conservée est la plus abondante (plus de cent poèmes), encore qu’on devrait ajouter quelques poètes retardataires de moindre importance, comme Calega Panzano (1229–1313), qui nous laisse un long sirventés de 80 vers. Il appartenait à une famille de marchands génois qui entretenaient des affaires avec les échelles du Levant.

Pendant cinq longs siècles, cette ancienne poésie provençale (produite entre la fin du IXe siècle et le début du XIVe siècle) est restée ensevelie dans de vieux manuscrits et ce n’est qu’à partir du XIXe siècle qu’elle a commencé à intéresser les chercheurs et les historiens. Forgeant des thèses concernant son origine, les savants 1) Abdallah Naaman, Histoire des Orientaux de France du 1er au XX e siècle, Ellipses, Paris, 2003.

2) Aloïs Richard Nykl, « L’Influence arabo-andalouse sur les troubadours », Bulletin hispanique, volume 41, numéro 4, 1939, pages 305 –315.

et la lyrique médiévale

13 le zajal andalou

et autres linguistes ont formé quatre groupes rivaux, sinon toujours hostiles dans leurs approches critiques. Les uns la font dériver du latin classique, les autres du latin médiéval, d’autres encore de la chanson populaire, les quatrièmes enfin de l’apport arabo-andalou.

Après une analyse pénétrante, le linguiste polyglotte Aloïs Richard Nykl (1885 –1958) écrit : « La théorie arabo-andalouse montre plus de vitalité que toutes les autres »2, puis il trouve possible et même probable que des éléments d’idéologie et de versification araboandalous aient joué un rôle important dans la formation de cette poésie, en particulier dans l’œuvre du pionnier Guillaume de Poitiers, qui reste pour la postérité des troubadours comme « un des hommes les plus courtois du monde et l’un des plus grands trompeurs de dames ».

Et de fait, les chansons de Guillaume de Poitiers présentent un caractère facétieux qui fait penser aux fabliaux des Mille et une nuits et leur versification ressemble étroitement à celle du muwachchah arabe. Cette ressemblance ne surprend pas lorsqu’on sait que Guillaume, après s’être rendu en Syrie pour la croisade (1101– 1102), s’amusait à fredonner à ses amis des chansons frivoles à la manière orientale, répétant et adaptant les mélodies entendues et remémorées pendant son séjour levantin. Nous savons aussi que Guillaume connaissait l’arabe parlé dans la Péninsule ibérique et le pratiquait avec ses compatriotes mozarabes. La thèse de l’acculturation est défendue par nombre d’arabisants de haut vol qui invitent Nykl à conclure : « Si Guillaume de Poitiers emploie dans ses poésies des images qui coïncident entièrement avec celles connues parmi les musulmans espagnols et dans aucun autre milieu européen de l’époque, on peut considérer non seulement comme très probable, mais comme absolument certain, que la connaissance de cette philosophe d’amour a dû pénétrer en Aquitaine par la voie du monde musulman voisin [l’Andalousie].

abdallah naaman

14

Il serait assez bizarre de supposer que cette philosophie eût pu se former des deux côtés des Pyrénées d’une manière tout à fait indépendante. »3 S’agissant de la poésie médiévale française, objet de cette contribution, il est aujourd’hui établi que le zajal et le muwachchah ont laissé un impact réel sur la production qui nous est parvenue des troubadours et autres trouvères, tout au long du Moyen Âge, et dont les traces se retrouvent dans les structures, les thèmes et la rythmique de cette singulière poésie courtoise. Des linguistes arabisants de haut vol arrivent à des conclusions surprenantes et concordantes. C’est le cas de Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcelos (1851–1925), Konrad Burdach (185 9–1936), Ramón Ménendez Pidal (1869 –1968), Louis Massignon (1883 –1962) et de quelques autres. Le zajal andalou a donc servi de modèle à cette poésie occitane qui a joué un rôle majeur dans le mouvement littéraire français de l’époque.

En 1928, l’arabisant et polyglotte Julián Ribera y Tarragó (1858 –1934) affirme que le substantif troubadour provient d’une étymologie arabe et est la déformation du verbe trilitère taraba : susciter une émotion, une excitation, une agitation; causer un état de joie exaltante sous l’effet de la conjonction de la musique, de la poésie et de la voix humaine 4. Le terme trabar vient aussi en droite ligne d’une racine arabe populaire dans le dialecte roman espagnol du XIIe siècle et désigne le chantre-poète. Le trabador serait ainsi le poète-chanteur qui se fait accompagner d’un instrument à cordes frottées, comme la vielle ou le rebec, dérivés eux-mêmes du rabab, un instrument connu et développé par les Arabes. Dès lors, le troubadour est le trouveur, le compositeur, le poète et le musicien médiéval de langue occitane qui interprète lui-même ses œuvres poétiques ou qui les fait interpréter par des jongleurs ou des ménestrels.

3) Op. cit., page 314.

4) María Rosa Menocal, The Arabic Role in Medieval Literary History : A Forgotten Heritage, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 1987, pages X–XII.

5) Le terme est inventé en 1883 par le linguiste médiéviste Gaston Paris (1839 –1903). Il repose sur la notion de désir insaisissable et inassouvi, mais pas trop quand même pour ne pas décourager à tout jamais son prétendant.

et la lyrique médiévale

15 le zajal andalou

Les Troubadours ont diffusé la littérature de langue d’oc, la fin’amor, appelée tardivement amour courtois 5 et en ont fait un art lyrique majeur. Ils ont loué la nature, chanté l’amour et la joie d’être, évoqué le néant, la fin des temps et la société de l’époque médiévale. Ils ont honoré la fraternité, qualité connue des Celtes comme des Germains et tenue par les Arabes en grand honneur. De plus, ils ont cultivé l’amour courtois, devenu une surestimation de la femme mariée qui exige une soumission volontaire de l’amant à sa Dame, faisant refuser l’acte physique et disparaître la femme réelle dans l’exaltation mystique et permettre à l’amant de découvrir dans l’aspiration à l’amour le seul objet vrai de l’amour.

Remise au goût du jour au début du XXe siècle, la production des poètes médiévaux fut parfois affadie et vilipendée jusqu’au ridicule.

De la femme, le Moyen Âge ne voulait connaître que la vierge, la mère et la putain et ce sont les Troubadours qui inventèrent la compagne, la dame, l’être féminin objet de désir. Ces chantres initièrent aussi la voie à l’amour cordial qui, dans sa générosité et son altruisme, émeut et dilate le cœur. Parallèlement, ils balisèrent le chemin aux amours d’aujourd’hui et furent nos pères en amour, affinant notre relation avec ces créatures toujours en fleurs, si proches et pourtant si mystérieuses et lointaines.

Cette poésie invente la foi du parfait amant qui, sur le modèle du dévouement vassalique, devient l’homme lige de sa Dame, laquelle peut exercer sur son serviteur un sorte de droit de cuissage inversé. En effet, des fêtes permettaient aux femmes de s’affranchir temporairement de l’autorité (voire la tyrannie) maritale, se laissant courtiser par qui elles voulaient et permettant aux femmes mal mariées, à se choisir un partenaire autre que le mari légitime. Le poète Bernart de Ventadour (1147–1170) écrit :

J e croyais tout savoir de l’amour.

Hélas, quel ignorant je suis, Moi qui ne peux me détourner de celle-là qui me méprise !

abdallah naaman

16

Grande avancée pour l’époque qui n’a pas manqué d’influencer les siècles suivants. Encore aujourd’hui, le valentinage, sorte de liaison extra-conjugale pareille au mariage du printemps au Moyen Âge, est célébré en février de chaque année, l’homme choisit la jeune fille qui sera sa Valentine et dont il sera le Valentin, autrement dit son cavalier servant. Les Valentins étaient tirés au sort le 14 février.

Une tradition qui perdure de nos jours.

Si nous regardons de plus près la production littéraire parvenue à nous, nous retrouvons dans cette poésie occitane un vocabulaire qui rappelle et intègre des concepts arabes évidents. Ainsi de sabâba (amour ardent), chaghaf (amour dissimulé), gharâm (infatuation, admiration excessive), mutayyam (endurer, devenir esclave en amour), hâsid (envieux), rasûl (messager entre deux amoureux), raqîb (gardien, délateur), nammâm (diffamateur), jawa (tourment, mélange de désir et de souffrance, d’exaltation et de douleur)...

L’amour courtois est influencé par la poésie arabe préislamique dite ˠ udhrite, en particulier par le traité d’amour et des amants, Tawq al-hamâma (Le Collier de la colombe) d’Ibn Hazm (994–1064). Un amour virginal et idéalisé qui avait cours en Arabie avant le VIIe siècle de notre ère. On y retrouve aussi la configuration d’un autre thème du zajal qui évoque le désespoir des amoureux obligés de se séparer à la pointe du jour de peur d’être dévoilés et éconduits. En réminiscence, le trouvère et chevalier champenois Gace Brulé (1170–1220), qui interprète les mêmes thèmes classiques (le désespoir de l’amant, le cœur épris d’une dame, les jaloux...), ne dit pas autre chose lorsqu’il écrit :

Quand je vois l’aube arriver Il n’est rien que je déteste tant Car elle s’éloigne de moi Mon amie que j’aime d’amour.

Ou mieux encore :

Il est désormais établi que les combinaisons des rimes utilisées par les troubadours dans leurs strophes et refrains proviennent, en plus ou moins ligne directe, du muwachchah et du zajal andalous. Il s’agit bel et bien d’un phénomène normal et naturel d’acculturation attesté dans de nombreux autres domaines. les joutes

La joute orale est un art poétique pratiqué dans de nombreuses sociétés. Il s’agit de duels improvisés que les Argentins appellent payadas, les Cubains decimas, les Chiliens payas et les Levantins zajal.

Cette dernière forme poétique est née au Xe siècle en Andalousie et a trouvé à Cordoue son poète phare, en la personne d’Ibn Quzmân (1086 –1160). C’est à lui que revient le mérite d’avoir codifié et consacré la tradition de la poésie populaire arabe qui s’est imposée d’abord dans la presqu’île Ibérique, puis au-delà de ses frontières jusqu’à parvenir au Levant, se répandant au Liban, en Syrie, en

17 le zajal andalou

D’avant la neige et la gelée, Je chante pour me consoler : La joie je l’ai trop oubliée.

Je m’étonne de pouvoir durer Quand sans cesse veut m’accabler celle Qui au monde est la mieux aimée.

Elle me sait inapte à changer : Je crains d’elle ne m’en haïsse.

Mais je n’en suis pas à blâmer, Puisque telle est ma destinée : J’ai été créé pour l’aimer.

Que Dieu ne m’y laisse frauder, Même si elle a juré ma mort.

et la lyrique médiévale

Quand je vois le temps bel et clair

abdallah naaman

18

Palestine et en Égypte. De nos jours, c’est surtout au pays du Cèdre que le zajal renaît de ses cendres, se développe le plus et reçoit ses lettres de noblesse. Ces duels poétiques improvisés étaient destinés à animer les longues soirées dans les villages et les bourgades, et les tirades les plus percutantes étaient religieusement retenues par l’auditoire et transmises de génération en génération. Les poètes les plus talentueux pouvaient improviser des heures entières et traiter des sujets philosophiques de haut vol, les autres, moins inspirés, préparaient discrètement leurs tirades avant de s’installer sur le podium pour affronter leurs rivaux et enthousiasmer et adouber leur public passionné.

Que l’on permette à l’auteur de cet article de rapporter aux lecteurs non arabophones cette histoire véridique qu’il tient de la bouche même du grand poète Sa˓îd ˓Aql (1910 –2014). Dans les années 1930 –1940, l’écrivain égyptien Tâha Husayn (1889 –1973) venait passer l’été dans les riants lieux de villégiature libanais afin de se prémunir de l’implacable chaleur de la vallée du Nil. Ce faisant, il profitait de l’occasion pour mieux connaître les figures intellectuelles du pays et retrouver ses amis et ses admirateurs. Or il était de notoriété publique que Tâha Husayn avait perdu la vue à l’âge de quatre ans, des suites d’une conjonctivite mal soignée, ce qui ne l’a nullement empêché de soutenir une brillante thèse de doctorat en Sorbonne, de publier de nombreux ouvrages lumineux, de professer à l’Université du Caire, de devenir recteur de l’Université d’Alexandrie, enfin d’être nommé ministre de l’Éducation nationale.

Toujours est-il qu’un jour, le poète Sa˓îd ˓Aql décide d’accompagner son prestigieux hôte égyptien à se rendre à une joute de zajal libanais à quatre voix, sans avertir les débatteurs. À l’annonce de l’arrivée du grand visiteur, arborant un tarbouche ottoman qui lui donnait encore plus de prestance, la salle bondée et les poètes se lèvent et applaudissent à tout rompre. Dans la foulée, Tâha Husayn est accueilli par quatre tirades dithyrambiques improvisées, que je traduis approximativement en français, avouant qu’il est impossible de rendre toute la teneur et la profondeur des idées exprimées par

des poètes inspirés et dont les propos se complètent et se surpassent en générosité, quand bien même on occulterait l’effet musical de la rime, scrupuleusement respectée par les débatteurs.

B ienvenue à Tâha Husayn

Dieu m’a doté de deux yeux [Puisque] un seul œil me suffit [pour voir] Je vous offre un œil et je garde l’autre.

Anîs Rûhâna (1905 –1991) :

19

B ienvenue à Tâha Husayn

le zajal andalou

* * *

et la lyrique médiévale

Asˠad al-Fighâli (1894 –1937) :

Vous avez besoin de deux yeux Chahrûr al-wâdi [pseudonyme d’al-Fighâli] a offert un œil Et moi je vous offre un autre.

* * * ˠAli al-Hâj (1899 –1971) :

T âha Husayn n’accepte pas

de recevoir un œil de chacun d’eux Je vous offre mes deux yeux Ce n’est pas un prêt mais un cadeau.

* * *

Tânius ˠAbdu (1903 –1974) :

T âha Husayn n’a point besoin ni d’un œil ni de plus d’un Dieu lui a octroyé la vue de l’esprit [l’intelligence] Qui lui permet de voir des deux côtés.6

* * *

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Si on pénètre le fond des joutes oratoires du zajal levantin ou des tirades des troubadours, on constate que les poètes des deux rives de la Méditerranée exposent, alternativement, des thèses opposées au sujet d’une question d’amour contrarié ou d’un phénomène de société, chacun exprimant ses arguments à la face du concurrent.

Il existe aussi une variante qui confie le débat à un questionneur, généralement plus âgé et expérimenté, qui impose aux poètes le choix entre deux thèses et les engage à débattre devant le public qui tranchera le débat et couronnera le présumé vainqueur. Parmi les sujets proposés aux duels, on retrouve évidemment la relation entre l’homme et la femme, la beauté et la laideur, l’amour et la sagesse, le mariage et le célibat, la générosité et l’avarice, la vie et la mort, la modestie et l’orgueil, la fidélité et l’adultère, la richesse et la pauvreté, la foi et l’athéisme, la jeunesse et la vieillesse. Parfois, les sujets se corsent et les échanges courtois deviennent plus féroces, improvisés et déclamés devant un auditoire attentif qu’il convient de gagner à sa cause et où la présence de la gente féminine n’est pas décorative, mais parfois réelle et active, surtout lorsque les débats abordent des questions qui l’intéressent au premier chef. Vaut-il mieux épouser une femme plus belle qu’intelligente ? Une sage ou une frivole ? Beauté de l’esprit ou beauté du corps ? Il arrive aussi qu’un poète adoube une partie du public qui le soutient pendant 6) Je renvoie les lecteurs, désireux de lire les tirades en arabe, à mon ouvrage Naqadât ˠâbir sabîl, Dâr Na˓mân lil thaqâfa, Jounieh, tome 2, 2013, page 61.

Des rivages du Levant cet art a émigré, à nouveau, vers l’autre rive de la Méditerranée, à la faveur des croisades. Une acculturation s’est donc produite entre ces deux formes de poésie sans que l’on puisse préciser laquelle a plus influencé l’autre. Quoi qu’il en soit, les similitudes sont prégnantes. Pour preuve ces exemples que nous reproduisons à titre démonstratif.

Parmi les nombreux thèmes de la lyrique occitane il y a la tenso, autrement dit la discussion, qui est un dialogue entre deux ou plusieurs poètes où l’un des interlocuteurs doit soutenir l’opinion contraire à celle qu’on lui propose à propos d’un sujet, ou l’une de celles qui ont été proposées comme objet du débat, dit jeu parti.

Spontanés ou très élaborés, ces échanges et ses tournois se proposent d’amuser les femmes nobles autant que leurs chevaliers servants et d’enrichir la conversation galante. Garin lo Brun (mort en 1156), connu par des tensos imaginaires qui expriment le partage de son cœur entre la mesure et la légèreté, conseille à la dame « un bel entretien accompagné de rires et de propos agréables », lequel entretien « forme l’appât de l’amour ».

Dans ces joutes, le premier interlocuteur présente un problème (ou un sujet) avec deux solutions possibles, laissant à son adversaire le choix de la solution à défendre, et en prenant sur lui de défendre la solution opposée. Ainsi, chacun défend une théorie non par conviction, mais pour le plaisir de la discussion et entretenir la convivialité.

Parfois la discussion est engagée sous forme de questionsréponses. Le premier locuteur présente un avis, défiant son adversaire

21 le zajal andalou

* * *

et la lyrique médiévale

toute sa carrière qui se prolonge sur plusieurs décennies. Toujours est-il que les zajjâls s’exercent à la virtuosité pour plaire et se tailler une réputation et ne dédaignent pas de lancer des défis à leurs contradicteurs, et même à leur auditoire sceptique devant leur hardiesse et leur extravagance verbale.

qui est invité à défendre un point de vue différent. Dans la plupart des débats, les adversaires s’interpellent par leurs prénoms, beaucoup étant des troubadours. Environ 200 jeux-partis subsistent en vieux français, dont près de la moitié avec leurs partitions musicales. Ils traitent toutes sortes de sujets, au premier chef l’amour courtois.

Ci-après un spécimen de jeux-partis, qui correspondent aux joutes dites tahaddi (défis) dans le contexte du zajal. Ce jeu oppose trois poètes du XIIe siècle : Savaric de Mauléon, Gaucelm Faidit et Uc de la Bachélerie. Chacun développe ses arguments avant de s’en remettre au jugement souverain des Dames, objets du débat, qui restent seules juges d’apprécier les gestes et les attitudes des poètes-amants.

Savaric : abdallah naaman

22

Ā vous Gaucelm et sire Uc Je propose trois jeux d’amour.

Choisissez donc et laissez-moi Celui que vous ne voudrez pas.

Une Dame a trois soupirants.

L’amour les tourmente beaucoup.

Quand ils viennent en sa présence Elle accueille bien chacun d’eux. À l’un elle fait son œil de miel, Serre un peu la main du second, Presse en riant le pied de l’autre.

Auquel des trois, ainsi faisant, Témoigne-t-elle plus d’amour ?

Gaucelm :

Uc :

G aucelm, vous parlez à votre aise, Mais je crains que vous vous trompiez.

Si votre homme se réjouit D’une simple œillade, en passant, À mon avis il déraisonne.

Les yeux le voient, lui comme un autre.

Ils n’ont guère d’autre pouvoir.

Mais quand main blanche dégantée Étreint doucement son ami, L’amour s’émeut de cœur et d’âme.

Que Savaric défende donc Le pied touché. Moi j’y renonce.

Il excelle à ces jeux partis !

23 le zajal andalou

Que le plus beau gage reçu Fut pour celui que son aimée A regardé avec tendresse.

Par les yeux s’exprime le cœur.

La grâce faite est bien plus grande Qu’un simple serrement de main qui me semble plutôt banal.

C’est un plaisir que font les Dames En guise d’accueil amical.

Quant au troisième, à l’évidence, Lui faire du pied me paraît Un signe d’amour négligeable.

et la lyrique médiévale

S achez bien, seigneur Savaric,

Savaric :

V ous me laissez, Uc, le meilleur.

abdallah naaman

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Je ne me déroberai pas.

Donc, je le dis : Pression du pied Fut faite par amitié vraie À l’abri des yeux malveillants.

Si elle prit cette précaution, Touchant l’ami tout en riant, Il me semble qu’elle aime fort.

Bien fou qui pense que l’étreinte D’une main est signe d’amour.

Quant à Gaucelm, je ne crois pas Qu’il eût préféré le clin d’œil S’il était si savant qu’il dit !

Gaucelm :

S eigneur qui blâmez les regards

Et leurs agréables façons, Vous ne savez donc pas qu’ils sont Les meilleurs messagers du cœur.

De fait ils dévoilent aux amants Ce qu’ils ont peur souvent de dire D’eux viennent vrais plaisirs d’amour, Alors que pour rire ou jouer La Dame peut presser le pied, De temps en temps, sans intention.

Quant à sire Uc, il se trompe.

Un serrement de main n’est rien, Et surtout pas preuve d’amour.

Uc :

Savaric :

En ce débat, pour sûr, Gaucelm, Et vous, Uc, vous êtes vaincus.

Que l’affaire soit donc jugée Par Marie, notre haute Dame Dont chacun connaît le talent.

Gaucelm :

M oi, je ne m’avoue pas vaincu.

Nos juges me rendront justice Si figure aussi au jury Dame Guilhelma de Benauges Qui dit si bien l’amour courtois.

25 le zajal andalou

Vous n’entendez rien à l’amour.

Il me paraît (et chacun sait) Que les yeux que vous choisissez Ont trahi force soupirants.

Vous leur accordez trop de prix !

Et si la Dame au cœur perfide Tout un an me pressait le pied, Je ne m’en contenterais pas, Non, une étreinte de la main Vaut cent fois plus, sans discuter, Car si elle n’était pas éprise, Sa main, certes, elle l’aurait gardée !

et la lyrique médiévale

V ous, Gaucelm, et vous, Savaric,

Uc :

A llons, je suis si sûr de moi

Quand la victoire m’est certaine.

J’en sais une, gaie, délicieuse, Qu’on pourrait appeler aussi, Mais ces deux Dames me suffisent 7.

le chemin du levant

abdallah naaman

26

Comme leurs compatriotes pèlerins, les troubadours sont sensibles à l’appel de Jérusalem. S’ils ne partent pas tous en croisade, le pèlerinage outre-mer fait partie de leur univers mental. Ils se disent pèlerins de l’amour. Elias d’Ussel promet d’aller « jusqu’au-delà de Tyr » s’il se rendait coupable de parjure envers sa belle. Au bout d’un long voyage éprouvant ‒ la durée moyenne de la traversée est alors d’environ quarante jours –, Guiraut de Bornelh (1138 –1215) peut assister au siège de ˓Akka (Saint-Jean d’Acre), en juillet 1191.

Il doit chercher un protecteur qui le nourrit et l’équipe. Il parcourt quatre cents kilomètres jusqu’à Antioche où le prince Bohémond III (1142–1201) l’accueille tout un hiver, l’honore et le récompense.

Le vaillant chevalier Dunois, pour sa part, promet de se couvrir de gloire sous les murs de Damas pour mériter l’amour de sa dame, la charmante Isabelle8.

7) Poésie des Troubadours. Anthologie. Préface et choix de Henri Gougaud, éditions Points, Paris, 2009, pages 88–91. Il s’agit d’une traduction de l’occitan.

8) Singulier Levant dont le nom continue de faire rêver les Français à travers une mélodie composée par Hortense de Beauharnais (1783–1837), mère de Napoléon III (1808 –1873). La reine dote les soldats qui s’apprêtent à partir pour l’Orient, d’une chanson à fredonner, intitulée Partant pour la Syrie. Cette romance, qui date de 1807 et évoque la promesse faite par le chevalier Dunois, est rendue célèbre en 1810. Elle connaîtra un immense succès sous le Premier Empire, mais également pendant la Restauration puis sous le Second Empire, jusqu’à devenir, pour un temps, l’hymne national français.

9) Peire Vidal, Sirventes XLII, édité par J. Anglade.

et la lyrique médiévale

27 le zajal andalou

Mais dans le mystère de la vie, il y a plus encore à souffrir : le franchissement de l’espace, l’épreuve de la mer, l’imagination lointaine du lieu unique et l’intensité de sa sacralité. La traversée est perçue comme un voyage sacré. Le troubadour Peire Vidal (1183 –1204) écrit : « Le paradis qu’il [Jésus] nous promit, où [il] n’y a ni peine ni tourment, il veut le livrer franchement à ceux qui suivront le marquis pour servir Dieu oultre la mer [au Levant] »9.

Ainsi, l’exil loin de la femme aimée se confond avec la notion chrétienne du sacrifice de soi, comme cela fut le cas de Jaufré Rudel, Prince de Blaye. Ce gentilhomme de grande noblesse s’énamoura de la Comtesse de Tripoli, Hodierne, femme de Raimon II, sans l’avoir vue, mais pour le bien qu’il en entendit dire aux pèlerins qui revenaient du Levant au XIIe siècle. Il fut lui-même de la Deuxième croisade (1147) et mourut sans doute au siège de Damas, en 1149.

Pétrarque (1304 –1374) résume son aventure en deux beaux vers et le poète catalan Hug Bernat de Rocabertí i Ortafà (vers 1415–1485) l’évoque dans sa Comèdia de la glòria d’Amor, vers 1460. Plus tard, Rudel devient une idole pour les poètes romantiques européens et sa légendaire biographie est mise en vers par Ludwig Uhland (1787–1862), Heinrich Heine (1797–1858), Giosuè Carducci (1835–1907) et Edmond Rostand (1868 –1918). Ce dernier lui consacre une pièce, La Princesse lointaine, créée en 1895 au Théâtre de la Renaissance, à Paris.

Après avoir consacré plusieurs poèmes à décrire son amour platonique pour sa princesse tripolitaine, Jaufré Rudel décide de la retrouver. Il se croise et suit Louis VII et le comte de Toulouse Alphonse-Jourdain, et prend la mer. Mais il tombe malade dans la nef et est conduit à bon port, pour être soigné dans une auberge de Tripoli. Avertie qu’il est entre la vie et la mort, la comtesse vient à sa rencontre et le prend dans ses bras. Le troubadour reconnaît sa dulcinée et recouvre aussitôt la vue, l’ouïe et l’odorat. Il remercie Dieu d’avoir exaucé son vœu et rend l’âme dans les bras de la comtesse qui le fait ensevelir dans la maison du Temple avec les

honneurs dus à son rang. Très affectée par la mort de son chevalier servant, elle se fait nonne et se cloître pour le restant de sa vie.

Jaufré Rudel nous laisse onze chansons dont nous extrayons ces quelques échantillons révélateurs de son état d’âme :

A h ! Si j’étais parti là-bas en pèlerinage,

Et si mon bourdon et mon écharpe Pouvaient être contemplés par ses beaux yeux.

* * *

S i mon cœur reste impuissant

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28

Puis-je m’étonner qu’il brûle ?

Dieu n’a pas voulu qu’on vît Jamais plus belle chrétienne, Ni Juive, ni Sarrasine !

Pour qui goute à son amour C’est festin tombé du ciel.

* * *

É ternelle soif du cœur !

À elle seule j’aspire.

Mais si me prend convoitise Mon désir sera douleur Car plus piquant que l’épine (Allons, je ne m’en plains pas !)

Est ce mal que Joie guérit.

* * *

Q uel plaisir de lui demander, Au nom de Dieu, abri lointain !

Et s’il lui plaît je logerai

M ais ce que je veux m’est interdit Tout maudit soit le parrain Qui m’a jeté le sort de ne jamais être aimé !

Les vers énigmatiques sur l’amor de lonh (amour de loin) ont accrédité l’idée que Jaufré Rudel s’était énamouré de la princesse de Jérusalem Hodierne (1110 –1164), cependant que des critiques n’y ont reconnu qu’une merveilleuse légende d’amour impossible dont la comtesse aurait été l’objet. Toujours est-il que la passion impossible que le troubadour éprouva à l’égard de la princesse nous rappelle une autre, celle du poète bédouin Qays Ibn al-Mulawwah (664 – 699), devenu fou de l’objet de son amour, sa cousine inaccessible Layla al-ˠÂmiriyya (morte vers 688)10. Elle nous invite à enjamber plusieurs siècles et deux continents pour retrouver une idylle similaire qui, dans les deux cas, a abouti a des fins tragiques : 10) Cette idylle a inspiré de nombreuses œuvres romanesques, poétiques, musicales et cinématographies à travers les âges, les langues et les civilisations.

Le poète Louis Aragon (1897–1982) y fait largement référence dans Le Fou d’Elsa (1963).

29 le zajal andalou

En réalité, Jaufré Rudel chante un personnage imaginaire : « Je ne sais pas quand je la verrai, car nos pays sont trop lointains. Jamais je n’aurai plaisir d’amour si je ne jouis de cet amour lointain, car je ne connais nulle part, ni voisine ni lointaine, femme qui soit plus gente et meilleure ». Par les images les plus sensuelles, il réussit à exprimer un rêve où se mêlent les thèmes de l’éloignement, de la jouissance désirée et de l’irrémédiable frustration du bonheur, comme le résume la conclusion de l’une de ses plus belles chansons :

et la lyrique médiévale

Tout près d’elle, moi le lointain.

Quels mots charmants nous nous dirons, Et quelle paix nous en aurons, Ami lointain si proche d’elle !

abdallah naaman

30

d’un côté la langueur, la maladie et la mort dans les bras de la bienaimée (Rudel), de l’autre la folie obsessionnelle et l’errance dans le désert jusqu’à la mort (Qays).

Rappelons qu’au Moyen Âge les femmes existent dans l’ombre de l’homme, avec deux fonctions essentielles : celle de la tentation et celle de la reproduction. Rappelons aussi que l’Église établit le mariage comme sacrement cependant que l’adultère est sévèrement puni par l’exhibition infamante des amants dénudés et parfois la castration de l’homme coupable, sans oublier l’indulgence accordée au meurtrier de l’épouse infidèle. Mais si l’Église réglemente les liens matrimoniaux, l’amour courtois sublime les sentiments amoureux des troubadours. Il ne néglige pas pour autant d’évoquer le plaisir, loin s’en faut. Des onze chansons qui nous restent de Guillaume d’Aquitaine, six sont très grivoises. Ce comte de Poitiers fut en effet un des grands trompeurs de dames et sa vie fut riche en aventures galantes. Dans l’un de ses poèmes, il compare deux de ces maîtresses à deux chevaux déchaînés qu’il ne parvient pas à dompter. Pour sa part, Jaufré Rudel raconte, dans un de ses chants, une aventure peu chaste où, alors qu’il se trouve en douce compagnie, il est dérangé par des jaloux qui l’obligent de fuir dans le plus simple appareil.

Les troubadours évoquent aussi le bain de leur dame, pris dans l’eau vive des rivières, dans les bassins des vergers ou des jardins clos des belles demeures, en prélude aux jeux d’amour. Le très jeune et effronté Arnaut Daniel (1180–1200) se plaît à admirer le physique de sa dame : « Je contemple sa chevelure blonde, son corps alerte, délicat et nouveau », puis s’imagine assister à sa toilette en chambre privée : « Puisse-t-elle de corps, non d’âme / Me recevoir en secret dans sa chambre ».

D’autres troubadours sont plus explicites et directs encore, tel Raimon de Durfort (1163–1211) qui écrit : « Il n’est pas de noble dame au monde, si elle ne montrait pas son cor et son con, tout comme ils sont au naturel ‒ en me disant : “sire Raimon, cornezmoi donc ici dans le derrière” ‒, que je n’y penchasse mon visage et mon front, comme si je voulais boire à une fontaine ». Il en est de

* * *

et la lyrique médiévale

31 le zajal andalou

même de Raimon Rigaut qui déclare à l’objet de ses rêves érotiques : « Toute dame qui m’accorde son amour / Je veux que d’abord elle me le laisse faire ». Puis il s’empresse d’ajouter : « Jamais par amour du con, je n’ai demandé son amour à ma dame, mais bien pour la fraîcheur de son teint et le sourire de sa bouche. Car pour ce qui est des cons, j’en trouverais assez auprès de bien des femmes, si je le demandais. C’est pourquoi je préfère la bouche que je baise souvent au conin qui tue le désir ».

Ainsi, la plupart des troubadours, tout en pratiquant occasionnellement l’amour physique et sachant se montrer misogynes et obscènes, restent prudes et cherchent constamment à sublimer cette inclinaison charnelle tant refrénée. Ainsi en est-il de Peire Cardenal, Raimon de Durfort et Bernart de Ventadour (1147–1170). Ce dernier chante : « Je ne crois pas qu’un corps plus noble, puisse se donner à voir au monde. Il est beau et blanc, jeune, plaisant et lisse, et tout à fait comme je l’aime et le désire ». Puis il ajoute : « Présentement, je crois que je mourrai du désir qui me serait, si la belle ne m’accueille auprès d’elle, là où elle couche, afin que je la caresse, la baise et étreigne contre moi son corps blanc, charnu et lisse ».

Il arrive aussi que l’on use de subterfuges pour utiliser le bain comme lieu de rendez-vous, par exemple dans Flamenca, le plus beau roman d’amour occitan, écrit au XIIIe siècle par un auteur resté anonyme. Il aurait utilisé un poème du troubadour Peire Rogier (1145–1197) pour construire le dialogue amoureux qu’échangent la dame et le galant chevalier déguisé en clerc, au nez et à la barbe du mari jaloux. La belle Flamenca vient en curiste prendre des bains au prétexte de soigner ses douleurs. En fait, elle vient retrouver Guilhem qui a fait creuser un souterrain depuis sa propre demeure jusque sous la salle de bains de l’aubergiste. Sur les murs de la salle, cet homme prévoyant a placé des écriteaux explicites qui incitent les curistes à revenir souvent, afin de tirer des bains leur pleine efficacité. Flamenca ne se privera pas d’y aller chaque jour pendant quatre mois...

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L’amour courtois, la fin’amor, s’est manifesté dans la vie spirituelle, intellectuelle et spéculative autant que dans la vie littéraire, même si cette dernière dimension est la seule à avoir laissé des traces indélébiles et riches de significations. En effet, grâce aux chants des troubadours et aux romans dits courtois, cette mode a fait fureur dans toute l’Europe aristocratique. À partir du moment où une société pose de façon fondamentale le principe que la femme est le pivot nécessaire de son fonctionnement, il ne peut y avoir que sublimation de l’image féminine. L’élite intellectuelle européenne commence à se demande si l’amour est un simple jeu, une simple copulation destinée à perpétuer l’espèce, ou si cela n’est pas un moyen de parvenir à la transcendance, un moyen de dépasser l’humain vers le divin. C’est alors que la femme qui avait été jusqu’ici l’objet de mépris et de méfiance, surgit de l’ombre et opère une irruption salutaire dans la nouvelle société.

Dès lors, les troubadours ont inventé un code qui érige en valeurs un art d’aimer et une nouvelle façon de se comporter en société dans les cours seigneuriales du Midi de la France, aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles. Ces auteurs de vers d’amour profane en langue d’oc ont interprété leurs œuvres devant leurs amis et pairs, chantant aussi devant le public pour le plaisir, le conseil ou la réprimande. Leur apport à la culture de l’Occident médiéval n’a été révélé au grand jour que tardivement, à cause des lacunes de la documentation manuscrite parvenue à nous. L’influence latine, chrétienne et cléricale de la musique monastique et l’influence arabo-musulmane se sont trouvées en contact violent aux temps des croisades. Les butins de guerre, les tissus, les modes vestimentaires, les idiomes, les us et coutumes, ont fourni aux seigneurs méridionaux des esclaves cultivés qui ont enrichi et égayé les cours andalouses, introduisant aussi une nouvelle manière de vivre et une approche originale de la convivialité entre les communautés et les peuples.

Il reste que les troubadours ont influencé la poésie de la Renaissance puis l’école romantique. Dans un essai d’Henri Jacoubet (1877–1943), nous relevons ces quelques vers des Veillées

du peintre Anne-Louis Girodet (1767–1824), poète à ses heures, où il prolonge un lointain fond d’ambiance médiévale qui ne manque pas de rappeler la période flamboyante des troubadours de jadis :

Pour sa part, Robert Lafont (1923 –2009) ne s’étonne pas que « la poésie chantée soit, en Occitanie comme au sud de l’Espagne ou en Orient, la forme commune de la fête courtisane. Et que l’amour en même temps soit le signe de l’affinement des mœurs ». Et le linguiste de rendre un hommage appuyé à cette « civilisation de synthèse, au plus haut niveau intellectuel ou dans la vie quotidienne. »12 Nous avons vu que la quête du désir est rappelée à l’envi par de nombreux troubadours. Bernart de Ventadour se demande encore : « Si elle ne me reçoit pas là où elle couche, afin que je contemple son beau corps noble, pourquoi alors m’a-t-elle tiré du néant? » Une lyrique moderne est née, tout comme l’aube d’un verbe et d’une érotique, une langue nouvelle et un rapport à l’altérité, plus généreux et ouvert aux vents. Un rapport réinventé et confié à la 11) Henri Jacoubet, Le Genre troubadour et les origines françaises du romantisme, Les Belles Lettres, Paris, 1929, pages 192–193.

12) Robert Lafont, Clefs pour l’Occitanie, Seghers, Paris, 1971, pages 59–60.

33 le zajal andalou

Armés de noirs créneaux, leurs gothiques donjons, Leurs longs appartements tapissés de blasons, Et de portraits du temps des héros des Croisades De vieux pavois, cloués à de sombres arcades, Rappellent à l’esprit et présentent aux yeux Le touchant souvenir de nos braves aïeux...

Dans leur ameublement se peint leur caractère, Le tout parle d’amour et d’honneur et de guerre, De leur religion, de leur fervente foi, De leur fidélité pour leur dame et leur roi 11.

et la lyrique médiévale

C es seigneurs chevaliers sont encore pittoresques.

seule volonté de l’être aimé, objet de l’amour parfait, le fin’amor.

Une relation amoureuse qui n’est plus l’apanage de l’homme, mais aussi et surtout celui de la femme. La comtesse de Die (1150 –1180) peut aisément dire, sans rougir ou se compromettre :

B el ami, si avenant, si beau,

Quand vous tiendrai-je en mon pouvoir, couchée avec vous un soir, pour vous donner baiser d’amour ?

Sachez que mon grand désir Est de vous prendre au lieu de mon mari, Dans la mesure où vous ferez promesse De tout faire selon ma volonté.

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34

Ou encore :

J e voudrais tant mon cavalier Tenir un soir dans mes bras nus Qu’il en soit comblé Et à lui seul servir de coussin.

Il y a plus surprenant. La promotion de la place et du rôle de la femme dans la société médiévale sont devenus tels qu’à la fin du XIIe siècle, la petite-fille de Guillaume IX Aliénor d’Aquitaine (1122– 1204) ouvre à Poitiers une cour lettrée (1170 –1173) entièrement gouvernée par des femmes et où se distingue sa fille Marie de Champagne (1145 –1198). La très hardie reine Aliénor décide aussi de rompre son mariage avec le roi Louis VII (1120 –1180), chose impensable dans l’univers mental masculin de l’époque. Qui pouvait dire mieux au Moyen Âge ?

A bdallah N aaman

35 le zajal andalou

Amor de lonh : amour de loin. Amour de la dame lointaine, ou amour éprouvé loin d’elle.

Canso : composition lyrique issue du versus (vers) latin. La chanson occitane compte cinq à sept strophes sur le même schéma métrique et mélodique et traite essentiellement de l’amour courtois.

Cobla : strophe, chanson brève.

Faidit : poète proscrit, exilé, maudit.

Fin’amor : amour de la dame mariée, conçu comme un perfectionnement pour l’âme et le cœur du chevalier. Amour parfait.

Joc partit : Jeu-parti. Débat ou dialogue en forme de poésie. Joute verbale qui met en présence deux locuteurs qui défendent des positions opposées. Ce genre est proche de la tenso.

Joy : Mot-clé du lyrisme amoureux. Allégresse intérieure et cosmique, exultation du troubadour au retour du printemps, qui l’incite à l’amour et à la création poétique, et parfois à la jouissance érotique.

Partimen : discussion en vers sur une question proposée dans une forme métrique et imposée par le partenaire.

Sirventés : canso critique, à thème politique ou moral et dont il reprend la musique et la versification. Poème d’actualité.

Tenso : joute verbale rimée. Duel, discussion ou dispute entre deux personnes réelles ou fictives qui dialoguent ensemble, de couplet en couplet. Ce genre est repris sous d’autres formes par de grands poètes, comme l’illustre Dante Alighieri (1265 –1321).

Trobairitz : femmes troubadours.

Trobar : composer, inventer. Du latin populaire tropare, composer, inventer un air.

Trobar clus : poésie fermée, hermétique.

Trobar leu : poésie simple, facile.

Trobar ric : art formel de virtuose.

Troubadour : Poète du Midi de la France qui s’exprime en langue occitane.

Vida : courte biographie en prose du troubadour, souvent copiée dans les manuscrits en tête des recueils de cansos.

et la lyrique médiévale

glossaire occitan

abdallah naaman

A luth player and a drummer playing nakers.

Medieval drawing – Anonymous artist

Adnan Haydar

P

Lebanese Zajal oetry: A ritical History

C

2

I2

It is not my intention here to enter the seemingly interminable debate over the metrical system of Hispano-Arabic poetry.1 I cannot help but note, however, that the opponents and proponents of the purely quantitative or the purely syllabic accentual approach to the zajals 2 1) The major controversy over the metrical system of Andalusian strophic poetry dates back to the 19th century and continues through the twentieth and the present. One group of scholars, represented by Garcia Gomez, argued for a stress-syllabic basis for the zajals of Ibn Quzmān. Other scholars questioned this stress-syllabic approach and argued instead for the workings of a quantitative system. See Martin Hartmann, Das Arabische Stophengedicht. I: Das Muwashsha (Weimar; 1897); Garcia Gomez, Todo Ben Quzmān, editado, interpretado, medido y explicado, 3 vols. (Madrid 1972); F. Corriente, Grammatica, metrica, y texto del cancionaro hispanoarabe de Aban Quzmān (Madrid, 1980); and James T. Monroe’s extensive writings on Andalusian poetry, especially, “Which Came First, the Zajal or the Musashsha a? Some Evidence for the Oral Origins of Hispano-Arabic Poetry,” Oral Tradition, 4/1–2 (1989), 38– 64; and the preface and introduction to Hispano Arabic Poetry: A Student Anthology, University of California Press, Los Angeles, London, 1974). Also see Note 5 below.

2) For the definition of the term zajal in both its Hispano-Arabic and Lebanese contexts, see below, pp. 2– 4.

adnan haydar

38

and the muwashsha āt3 of Arab Spain have been seeking easy solutions to a problem which may very well prove quite complex and formidable. In the case of Ibn Quzmān’s zajals, for example, a thorough knowledge of the medieval Andalusian dialect of Arabic as well as the medieval Romance dialect of Andalusia (Mozarabic) seems to me essential for any scholarly investigation of metrics.

Unfortunately, the dialects in question are sketchily known only through reconstructions based on a limited number of texts and have been treated as parts of two different and rarely complementary scholarly enterprises. In the case of the zajals, the muwashsha āt, and especially the kharjas,4 a careful account of the music to which these poetical compositions were sung is indispensable for determining their prosodic features. Again, unfortunately, our knowledge of the music is elementary and insufficient. Most of the music was not written down and the notations that exist are hard to decipher. Therefore, all emendations, textual analyses and even studies based on hypothetical common Romance lyrical prototypes must remain tentative and exploratory, incapable at best of supplanting the crucial dialectal and musical considerations that inform the poetry.5 3) The muwashsha a (pl. muwashsha āt) is a strophic poem attributed to Al-Andalus (Arab Spain) consisting of several divisions with particular rhyme schemes that differ from author to author and ending with a kharja. (See note 4 below for the definition of kharja.)

4) “Kharja” refers to the concluding bayt (or verse) of a muwashsha a, mostly in colloquial diction, often expressing a love theme.

5) James T. Monroe makes an excellent and convincing case for the relationship between romance and Arabic love poetry, and consequently the influence of the Ibero-romance stress-syllabic meters on the prosody of the Arabic and Hebrew muwashsha āt to which Romance kharjas are appended. See especially Monroe’s “Formulaic Diction and the Common Origins of Romance Lyric Traditions,” Hispanic Review 4 (1975), 341–350, and “Studies on the Hargas: The Arabic and the Romance Hargas,” Viator: Medieval and Renaissance Studies, vol. 8 (1977), pp. 95–125. Also, see James T. Monroe and David Swialto, “NinetyThree Arabic Harğas in Hebrew Muwašša s: Their Hispano-Romance Prosody and Thematic Features,” JAOS, 97: 2 (1977), 141–163.

6) “Vernacular” is used here to designate colloquial Lebanese diction as it is spoken today in various parts of Lebanon, in parts of Syria, Jordan and Palestine.

7) “Fu ā ” refers both to classical Arabic as well as to modern standard Arabic.

8) See, for example, Salma al-Jayyusi, Trends and Movements in Modern Arabic Poetry, Vol. 1 (Leiden, 1977), pp. 252–253.

9) Ibn Man ūr, Lisān al-ˠArab, Vol. 11 (Beirut, 1994), pp. 301–302.

a critical history

39 lebanese zajal poetry

The study that follows raises important issues and suggests solutions to the parallel tradition of Lebanese zajal poetry which shares with its Andalusian counterpart a vernacular Arabic idiom, a common Arabic literary heritage and numerous formal characteristics.

The study argues that a thorough knowledge of dialect and music is the key to scansion rules and metrical description, a fact which may offer critics of Hispano-Arabic poetry a new and necessary focus and direction. Fortunately, such knowledge is attainable in the now living tradition of Lebanese vernacular poetry.

In its Hispano-Arabic context the term zajal describes a strophic form entirely in the vernacular idiom which bears a close structural relationship to that of the muwashsha a. In the Lebanese tradition it means primarily oral vernacular poetry in general, a discourse in many forms, composed in or for performance, declaimed or sung to the accompaniment of music. It is also used to characterize a written tradition which attains high literary value and high formal virtuosity in the compositions of famous Lebanese poets writing either exclusively in the vernacular6 or in both the vernacular and the literary fu ā.7 Critics have only begun to assess the influence of zajal poetics on major modern Lebanese poets and consequently on the form and content of modern Lebanese and Arabic poetry in fu ā.8 The etymology of zajal points clearly to song and music. The verb “zajala” means to raise the voice in singing, to produce a sweet pleasing melody.9 As a genre of poetry zajal is closely associated with muˠannā (or maˠannā), a term pre-dating zajal but often used interchangeably with it to designate vernacular Lebanese poetry (al-shiˠr al-ˠāmmī, al-shiˠr al-shaˠbī, al-shiˠr al-qawmī, or al-shiˠr al-Lubnānī) in its

adnan haydar

40

entirety. Anīs Fray ah derives maˠannā from the Syriac root (ˠannī),10 which means “to sing”, the term itself being a passive participial form of the root. Others disagree with Fray ah’s etymology though they still relate the term to Syriac origin11 despite the fact that its derivation from the second form of the Arabic verb ˠanaya is quite legitimate linguistically. At any rate, the Syriac derivation associates the term maˠannā with singing while that of the Arabic emphasizes the semantic meaning of ˠannā: to cause to be emaciated as a result of love.12 This, in the opinion of Amīn Nakhleh, for example, accounts for the preponderance of love themes in early manifestations of Lebanese vernacular poetry.13 Whatever the case, during the past fifty years “zajal ” has replaced maˠannā as the term for this poetry.

Maˠannā has reverted to the designation of a particular sub-genre and a particular meter14 used extensively, though not exclusively, in verbal duels, while zajal seems to have acquired, at least till the late 1940s in the little known but numerous compositions of Lebanese immigrants in the United States,15 the name of a specific meter that differentiated it from maˠannā and other meters.

10) See Munīr Whaybeh Al-Zajal: tārīkhuhu, adabuhu, aˠlāmuhu, qadīman wa adīthan (Harī a, 1952), p. 63, where Whaybeh quotes from a letter sent to him by Fray ah. Also see Anīs Fray ah (Beirūt, 1947), p. 173 and a āra fī arīq al-zawāl (Beirūt, 1957), p. 273. Note that ‘ˠannī ’ derives from the proto-Semitic ‘ghanaya ’, to sing.

11) “The term maˠannā is derived from the Syriac word maˠanīshu (or song),” see Whaybeh, p. 63, where he quotes from a letter dated December 28, 1950, sent to him by ˓Īsā Iskandar al-Ma˓lūf. Syriac experts see this etymology as unlikely, and instead argue for the possible derivation of maˠannā from the Syriac word maˠnīthā which means chant or antiphon. See C. Brokelmann Lexicon Syriacum 2 (Halle, 1928), p. 533.

12) See Tawfīq ˓Awwād, “Al-Shi˓r al-cāmmī,” Al-Mashriq 28 (1930) p. 441, quoting an unpublished book manuscript by ˓Īsā Iskandar al-Ma˓lūf entitled: Nayl al-mutamannā fī fann al-maˠannā.

13) Maˠannā Rashīd Nakhleh (Beirut, 1945), p. 39.

14) Nakhleh, pp. 37–39.

15) See, for example, Ibrahīm Kfarkaddī, Sabk al-Maˠānī fī al-zajal al-Lubnānī, vol. 2 (Boston, 1942), pp. 71, 105, 115, 121, it. seq.

16) The interesting question of improvisation and extemporization is dealt with in my forthcoming article on verbal dueling. Though the two terms are defined in the same manner in most diectionaries, extemporization, unlike improvisation, involves prior preparation. In most verbal duels in Lebanon, the poets agree in avance on the general topic for which they will prepare prior to the duel. During the duel they then improvise whenever specific arguments require quick responses.

17) “Qawl ” is another name for Lebanese zajal poetry. See Nakhleh, p. 39. For the association of “qawl ” with singing, see Anīs Fray ah, a āra, p. 274.

18) Cf. Nakhleh, p. 39, and Jean Lecerf, “Litterature Dialectale et Renaissance Arabe Moderne,” Bulletin D’etudules Orientales, T. 2 (1932), p. 219.

19) On the prestige accorded to the qawwāls and the critical audience involved in verbal duels see Jean Lecerf, pp. 219–220, and Fray ah, a āra, pp. 274 –277.

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41 lebanese zajal poetry

The poet of zajal is called zajjāl, qawwāl, or shāˠir (or poet).

While the three terms are often used interchangeably, there are clear and basic differences between their meanings. Zajjāl is strictly speaking a composer of zajal who may or may not be capable of improvisation or extemporization,16 and who may or may not attain in his compositions a level of literary excellence to merit, that is, the name of a shāˠir (or poet). Like the qawwāl, the zajjāl’s main function is i ābat al-maˠannā, a phrase best translated as “doing justice to the meaning” or “treating a subject in the most efficient way possible in order to convey an intended message.” The emphasis in the word “qawwāl” is on qawl, i.e., “uttering, declaiming, or singing,”17 on improvisation or extemporization in particular social functions.

The qawwāl is also referred to as ibn al-kār (“man of the trade”), ibn al-fann (“master of the art ”), or ibn al-dhakā (“bel-esprit ”),18 all of which are clearly value-laden terms. Mostly uneducated, though in many cases literate, the qawwāls are highly respected by the people of their villages and towns and are sought out to recite zajals on religious holidays, political celebrations, births, christenings, marriages, and funerals. Those whose fame reaches beyond their immediate region are called upon to duel other qawwāls or suffer loss of prestige among their critical public.19 The term shāˠir al-zajal is principally reserved to the written vernacular which in the hands

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of poets such as Michel Trā , William Sa˓b, and As˓ad Sābā has preserved this predominantly oral tradition in literary masterpieces.

“Shāˠir” is not, however, exclusively the provenance of the written vernacular, for the better qawwāls and zajjāls have, while observing their main function, that of i ābat al-maˠnā, produced highly sophisticated poetry.

The foregoing statements are intended to introduce briefly Lebanese zajal and its practitioners, as well as to define basic terms necessary for the metrical analysis that follows. Although no attempt is made to supply a through historical background,20 the study is conscious of historical continuum, and historical questions relevant to the development of zajal metrics, and these will be duly highlighted in their proper places.

Throughout, the method used is based on some fifty tapes of zajal recorded from live performances, most of the extant dīwāns of major poets, spanning a period from the earliest recorded zajals until the present, selected poems taped by well-known poets, interviews, and musical analysis and transcriptions of the meters and several Maronite Church hymns.21 In all cases, the written material notwithstanding, scansion is based on texts declaimed or sung by more than one zajal poet.

The study assumes a musical basis for the rendition of all the meters, which, as will be shown momentarily, determines in various degrees all syllable count and much of metrical rhythm.

This assumption is borne out by the fact that the poets are usually unconscious of meter as a regulating force and instead intuit metrical form and rhythm from a well-versed knowledge of various musical tunes associated with the various meters. This almost total ignorance 20) For incomplete accounts of the historical background of Lebanese zajal see Jabbūr ˓Abd al-Nūr, Étude sur la Poésie Dialectale au Liban (Beirut, 1966), pp. 15 –37, ˓Īsā Iskandar al-Ma˓lūf ’s, Nayl al-mutamannā fī fann al-maˠannā (unpublished manuscript kept, along with the author’s numerous works, with al-Ma˓lūf family in Lebanon).

21) The church hymns in question were recorded during church services.

22) Cf. Albert C. Lord, The Singer of Tales.

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43 lebanese zajal poetry

of meter is the norm in oral poetry rather than the exception.22 In the Arabic fu ā tradition, for example, metrical rules are culled from the pre-Islamic period of poetry when the poets recited or sang their poetry according to musical rhythms that they intuitively felt suitable to their ears and the ears of their audience. Al-Khalīl’s metrical description, ingenious as it was, became a prescription for subsequent poetic practice and may have had a detrimental effect on much of Abbasid poetry which lacked, especially in the hands of secondary poets, the musicality and rhythmic quality characteristic of pre-Islamic poetry in general. In metrics as in language one can perhaps speak of a “langue” and a “parole,” to borrow two of DeSaussure’s privileged terms. “Langue” in metrics is similar to al-Khalīl’s theoretical system, while “parole” is the actual practice of an Imruˑ al-Qays or arafa Ibn al-˓Abd, for example. The first is general and theoretical; the latter is empirical and particular. This analysis is a description of the “parole” of vernacular Lebanese poetry, a first but essential step to the formalist who wishes to generate the rules governing this poetry. As “langue” al-Khalīl’s system will be shown incapable of accounting for many of the formal characteristics of fu ā poetry. This is important since al-Khalīl’s system is utilized in the description of some but not all zajal meters. Therefore, when it is used, it will be duly modified.

The limited written poetry used here is unwritten in the sense that it is in each case recited or sung in order to determine the relationship between syllable count, alternation of feet (when these clearly exist), and stress patterns where relevant, and in order to eliminate misreading resulting from unstable and often whimsical transcription practices. The difficulty of reading zajals stems from the fact that the graphemes of fu ā Arabic which are used in transcription are totally inadequate. In using such graphemes, particular attention is paid to the morphology of fu ā words usually at the high expense of slurring or lengthening certain syllables.

Note, for example, that “yā ahl al-hawā”, (O, people of love), is

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written in the following configuration: yā, a vocative particle; ahl, a construct noun followed by the genitive noun al-hawā. In the dialect, the phrase has several possible readings. It could be read as yah-lil-hawā, basically as two words joined by a wa la or liaison.

Morphologically, “yahl,” if written as pronounced, will resemble a verb in the imperfect and will destroy the meaning of the phrase.

Clearly, the written language, by compromising the pronunciation of the phrase in favor of producing a readable fu ā diction, all but destroys the meaning of the phrase. Read as normally written, yā ahl al-hawā with the mandatory wa l between the two nouns in the genitive construction, yields the following syllable pattern:23 _ _ௗ୍. Read as often pronounced (yah –lil-hawā) it gives: _ _୍_, one syllable less than the former. Appearing in another meter, the phrase may indeed have to be read as yā ahl-lil-hawā, _ _ _୍_, but there is no way of determining which way of reading is appropriate from the undiscriminating text. Add to this the reading possibilities that the dialect itself allows and the problems multiply. To illustrate, consider the phrase, “yā bint ˠammī ”24 (O, my uncle’s daughter), which a native speaker can read as yā bint ˠammī, _ _ ೊ _ _, or as yā binti ˠammī, _ _୍_ _, or as yā binit ˠammī, _୍_ _ _, or even yābnit ˠammī, _ _ _ _, each reading of which may be called for in only one metrical situation. The solution to such complex possibilities determines our ability to describe the meters of zajal and at the same time points to one of the problems that face the writers on other Arabic vernacular zajals where an inadequate knowledge of dialect exists. A related problem has to do with extra-long syllables as in the example above yā bint ˠammī. Here, bint is an extra-long syllable which in some meters may be treated as roughly equal to a long syllable, while in others it is given the value of a long and a short, whether it is declaimed as bint or bint[i ]. In such frequent cases, music and song may present a key to scansion.

23) Note that scansion should be read from left to right throughout the work.

24) Henceforth, an extra-long syllable is designated by “_ ೊௗ”.

__ __ೊ __ __ __ೊ __ __ __ __ೊ (Qays, stop increasing your estrangement from Laylā)

which when read or declaimed consists of six long syllables and three extra-long ones (Qays, tzīd, and dūd), yet when sung, three short syllables appear, one after the first two extra-long syllables and one, as a short vowel, at the beginning of the third. A wa la, moreover, is added to affect liaison between hājī and tzīd after the “ī ” in “hājī ” is shortened. The resulting scansion:

Y ā Qays[i] ājīt-zīd[i] ˠā Laylā [i]dūd __ __ ୍ __ __ __ ୍ __ __ __ ୍ __ resembles a shorter form of the fu ā Arabic meter al-rajaz (ௗ_ _୍_ /_ _୍_ /_ _୍_ / ) which has the basic foot mustaf ˠilun (ௗ_ _୍_ௗ).

Likewise, the following line from a famous verbal duel26 is declaimed as: 25) This is a well-known line by Joseph al-Hāshim (pen name: Zaghlūl al-Dāmūr).

26) The reference is to the encounter between Zaghlūl al-Dāmūr’s group and Mūsā Zghayb’s group at Deir al-Qal˓a in the village of Beit Mirī, Lebanon, in 1971. More than 10,000 people attended the duel.

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Y ā Qays ājī tzīd ˠā Laylā dūd

45 lebanese zajal poetry

The importance of oral rendition is further highlighted by the role that the music and the jawqa (chorus) plays in scanning the lines of particular meters where the chorus repeats specific lines or hemistiches at specific intervals. This practice is employed in parts of verbal duels, for example, where choral repetition of lines gives the zajjāl time to prepare his answer to his opponent’s argument. What is of interest here is the particular way, the particular intonation, with which the chorus sings the lines. To illustrate, consider the following line:25

[W] min mayl tānī [b]yidhikrak mar˟et arī˟ __ __ ೊ __ __௑ௐ୍ __ __ௐ__ __ ୍ __ೊ (and from another angle it [history] will mention you briefly)

Min ayth lāzim yidhku-ril-ghannā maˠī __ௐ__ ೊ __ __ __ௐ୍ __ௐ__௑__ௐ୍ௐ__

(because it [history] must mention these who sang with me)

Yet when the last hemistich is sung by the chorus, a short vowel is inserted after ayth producing a pattern of feet resembling the typical rajaz of al-Khalīl’s system:

Min ayth[i] lāzim yidhku-ril-ghannā maˠī adnan haydar

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__ௐ__௑୍ __ __ __ௐ୍ __ __ௐ__ ୍ __

or, _ _୍_ௗ/_ _୍_ௗ/_ _୍_ௗ/. When and where short syllables are inserted seems connected with a particular tune associated with a particular meter and of this more will be discussed in the course of this analysis.

The problem of reading printed zajals is compounded by the difficult choice of how and which words or parts of words enter into metrical scansion. In the first hemistich of the line cited above, the conjunction wāw [and] is not voiced by the poet though its meaning is essential to the meaning of the whole line. Since the poetry is declaimed or sung, only what is heard counts in metrical scansion. In other instances and other meters, the wāw may indeed be voiced as wa or wi or even as iw, making it this time around a long syllable. Again, different poets may render a word differently. The word “[b] yidhikrak ” ( ୍_ _ௗ) while another opted for “˟ ibyidhrikak ” (ௗ_୍_ _ௗ) pausing after the preceding word, “tānī,” and forming a long syllable composed of an added glottal stop “˟ i ” and the ensuing unvowelled consonant. Far from being arbitrary, however, such choices point at once to two important principles. On the one hand,

27) See ˓Abd al-Nūr, pp. 81–91.

28) To mention only a few, Munīr Whaybeh, Tawfīq ˓Awwād, Jabbūr ˓Abd al-Nūr, and Ibrāhīm al- ūrānī in “Lam ah fī al-shi˓r, al-fa ī wa al-˓āmmī minhu,” Al-Nashrah al-usbūˠ īyyah, No. 2121, pp. 602–604.

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they indicate how unreliable the printed text is, and, on the other hand and perhaps more importantly, they offer a clue to syllabic variations that do not affect the basic rhythmic pattern of the meter and hence to the rules governing these changes.

In addition to all this, there are many phonetic variations and internal vowel changes that differ from one region in Lebanon to another, and although a great deal of reform has been attempted with the purpose of purging the Lebanese and other Arab dialects of fu ā influence,27 this influence still exists in the appearance of fully inflected words in some zajals. All these are important factors in metrical analysis, factors which are at the basis of this work.

Yet, assuming that there are lines in which these factors play a minimal role, there is nevertheless the danger of jumping into facile conclusions concerning the whole poem or whole poems, as is the case unfortunately in the partial and highly selective efforts of most Lebanese zajal critics.28 It is not difficult to single out a few lines or a few poems and arrive at a conclusion that does not have universal applicability, as the discussion later on will show. One danger is to take little or no cognizance of oral rendition and instead depend on the more regularized productions of literate poets, though oral factors are very much in evidence in the works of the better literate poets. It is not unusual, for example, for several lines in any one poem to have great variation in the number of syllables, but these variations are not always related to the formal characteristics of the meter to which they belong. They may simply be due to problems of recitation where the apparent absence of a syllable at the beginning of a line could be easily rectified by appealing to a “carry over” from the singing of the line that precedes it. This is a crucial observation which has gone so far unheeded, one which has caused premature assumptions about meter in general.

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The foregoing remarks clearly show that knowledge of the dialect by itself will not divulge the metrical pattern or the number of syllables in Lebanese zajal meters. Music seems to play a corrective role integral to proper scansion. The chorus in zajals where there is choral accompaniment will be shown to set down a regular pattern which enables us to locate where syllables should be inserted and hence to study the reasons for the extent and limitation of the poet’s own execution of meter. In brief, there appear to be two ways of scanning a line of zajal: one derived from reading aloud or declaiming; the other, from music and song. The first one will be proven below to be inconsistent; the other, more stable and more pertinent to a sung poetic tradition.

Although it is not customary to admit stress into discussions of Arabic metrics since al-Khalīl did not, according to most commentators on his metrical system, specifically use the term or admit clearly the workings of stress patterns, an argument will be made here for the integral role that stress plays both in Arabic fu ā meters, as well as in zajal. It goes without saying that it is inconceivable in an oral sung tradition to produce purely quantitative or, for that matter, purely qualitative verse. How the poet reads or sings his lines, his intonations, rising or falling rhythms, pitches, in sum his peculiar and unique delivery, all point to the presence of stress. Here again musical accent will help us locate metrical stress and arrive at metrical description with certainty. In his important comparative study of fu ā metrics,29 Kamāl Abū Deeb discusses in great detail the role that al-nabr (stress) plays in the rhythm of Arabic poetry, and further reference to his findings will be made in the work at hand. Any study, it seems to me, which treats Arabic meters as simply quantitative is bound to fail. The confusion and lack of consensus concerning the scansion of many poems from the Arabic fu ā tradition, that still plague the students of Arabic fu ā poetry, are precisely the product of such a simplistic approach. Any 29) Kamāl Abū Dīb, Fī al-Bunyah al-˟ īqāˠiyyah fī al-shiˠr al-ˠArabī na wa badīl jadhrī li ˠarū al-Khalīl (Beirut, 1974).

30) See, for example, ˓Abd al-Nūr, p. 97. Whaybeh, on the other hand, is neither aware of quantity nor stress. Also see below, pp. 17–20.

31) “Zi āf ” (pl. zi āfāt) or “relaxation” is, as the name suggests, minor deviations from the ideal feet of a particular meter. The zi āfāt cause a small quantitative change in the weak syllables in the poetic foot. See Gotthold Weil, “ˠArū ,” Encyclopedia of Islam, New ed., s.v., p. 671.

32) “Iˠlāl ” (lit. “diseases”, “defects”) are major deviations affecting only the last foot in the hemistich. When they appear, they do so in the same form and the same position in all the lines in the poem. See Gotthold Weil, ˠArū ,” p. 671.

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attempt, therefore, to modify the meters of Lebanese zajal to suit a purely quantitative system, as al-Khalīl’s system was understood to be, will lead nowhere. Indeed the very attempt to hold al-Khalīl’s system as a measuring rod for vernacular meters as many have done,30 shows an unjustified leveling of differences between the fu ā and the vernacular. When it is remembered that Arabic dialects in general share the important feature of dropping desinential inflections and most internal vowels with the ensuing erosion of a large number of short syllables and the increase in extra-long syllables, it becomes clear that we are dealing with a new morphology which differs significantly from the fu ā, its rhythms and its stress patterns. To hope then that a metrical system based on limited syllabic configurations derived from the formal characteristics of the root system in fu ā could somehow be tailored to describe the morphology of a parallel vernacular system is untenable and unscholarly. Nor can any appeal to zi āf 31 and iˠlāl 32 surmount the difficulty or present a serious alternative. Vernacular metrics must answer to the morphology of vernacular poetry. This does not mean that meters in the vernacular may not resemble, and, at times, coincide with some of the ideal Khalilian meters, but the resemblance in those cases will be a direct consequence of morphological similarities between the vernacular and those particular meters. The study then will make no such assumptions. Each meter will be described separately with deference to the dialect and the music employed. In those meters where a case could be made for a fu ā prototype, the various “licenses” which are inadmissible in fu ā will be cited and discussed.

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Finally, the study of oral poetry is fraught with questions about the role of improvisation, composition-cum-recitation, memory, formulaic content, and contact between poet and audience. These questions assume significance or lack of significance in various manifestations of zajal poetry and their function will be discussed in another work.33 In a study of metrics, however, they serve to explain rare inconsistencies in certain meters where the oral poet, constrained by the speed of compositions, compromises his meter and his rhythm.

When found at all, these inconsistencies appear mainly in verbal duels where improvisation and a demanding audience put inordinate demands on the poet’s “correctness.” A careful account of some of these has been done for this study and has proved of no consequence to metrical description, since they are usually pointed out and repudiated by the poets themselves.34 They are mentioned here in order to caution critics of Lebanese zajal against attributing to them important value. The question as to why they appear in verbal duels is of great relevance to the object of this study. As will become clear later on, the meters involved are characterized when sung by a freer musical realization than that of other meters where the beats take on a rigid neutral pattern superimposed upon the natural language.

33) The reference is to my forthcoming work entited: Playing the Dozens Lebanese Style: The Art of Verbal Duelling. The major part of this study has already been achieved.

34) In the course of assembling the material for this work, I came across a few instances where a dueller repudiates his opponents for jarring the rhythm.

Such repudiations are part of the dueller’s strategy to undermine the strength of the opponent’s argument, but the readiness with which they are spotted points to the poets’ consciousness of “correct” rhythm.

2

II 2

The scholarship that exists on the metrics of Lebanese zajal is almost totally text oriented, often consisting of impressionistic statements based on the scansion of a few lines. Much of it does not make claim to metrical analysis and pays lip service to the problem by listing without discrimination or argumentation the previous fragmentary and often opposing views of critics on the subject. Documentation is drastically lacking, and when it exists at all, it is too general or refers to obscure works which are out of print, or lost, or in hard to find manuscripts.1 In general, writers on zajal tend to avoid metrics and concentrate instead on historical, biographical, or folkloristic considerations which are important but are rarely utilized to contribute to metrical studies.

Formal considerations, such as rhyme and verse form are usually presented as alternatives to analyses of meter and rhythm. In fact, meter is described by many as a rhyme pattern or a particular configuration of verbal tricks, as when diacritics appear on every letter of every word in the poem or where the first letters of every line follow alphabetical order.2 If the meter is recognized at all, 1) In many scholarly articles written in Arabic, one is struck by the total lack of footnotes. The author of this work has tried in vain to locate a reference to the work of a monk known as An ūn al-Balīgh, which was, according to Whaybeh, pp. 31–32, published in 1909 by the Maronite Patriarch al-Ra mānī. In those cases where manuscripts on metrics could be located, the works turned out to be specifically about Syriac poetry.

2) For a full account of such verbal tricks see As˓ad al-Fighālī (Sha rūr al-Wādī), Diwān Rā id al-maˠannā (Kfarshīma, n.d.), bk. 5, pp. 15–25. Also see Whaybeh, pp. 63–81.

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it is usually left unnamed or at best recognized as different from another unnamed meter.

The most quoted account of zajal poetry is Amin Nakhleh’s introduction to Maˠannā Rashīd Nakhleh.3 Both Amin and his father Rashīd were accomplished fu ā poets, the latter having totally abandoned fu ā poetry in favor of zajal and earned himself the title of “Prince of Maˠannā,”4Amīr al-Maˠannā, for the many zajal forms that he invented. The introduction to the book makes it clear that the history of the various Arabic zajal traditions is fragmentary, usually consisting of classifications based on subject matter and form.

Nowhere in the previous scholarship he cites is an attempt made to attribute to poetic meter or poetic structure a semantic value or a role in the classifications. An account of some of these is in order here.

Al-Mu ibbi,5 for example, divides vernacular poetry into five aqsām (parts or divisions), one of which is termed zajal because it treats of ghazal (love poetry), uses flower and wine and imagery, and dwells on personal emotions. The other four are balīq, which employs jests and licentious topics, amāq, which uses satire and jokes, muzaylij, which mixes fu a with colloquialism, and mukaffir, which contains aphorisms and sermons.6 Clearly, the classification here depends totally on content. Al-Ibshi i,7 on the other hand, lists seven funūn, (genres; constituent arts?): al-shiˠr al-qarī (fu ā poetry), al-muwashsha , al-dubayt,8 al-zajal, al-mawāliyyāt,9 al-kān 3) See Note 13 above.

4) In 1933 the General Assembly of the Lebanese zajal poets conferred the title upon Rashīd Nakhleh. See ˓Abd al-Nūr, p. 69.

5) Khulā at al-athar, (Cairo, 1873), Vol. I, p. 108.

6) Khulā at al-athar, Vol. I, p. 108.

7) Al-Musta raf, Vol. 2 (n.p., n.d.), p. 267 et seq.

8) Al-Dubayt consists of two verses (four hemistichs) with the rhyme scheme a a b a. See Al-Ibshīhī, Al-Musta raf, p. 261.

9) For an etymology of “mawāliya” (pl. “mawāliyyāt”) see Pierre Cachia, “The Egyptian Mawwāl: Its Ancestry, its Development, and its Present Forms,” JAL 8, pp. 77–103. Also see below, p. 144.

10) See Al-Ibshīhī, Al-Musta raf, for examples of this genre. Also see al-Mu ibbī, Khulā at al-athar, Vol. I, pp. 108–110. The name “Al-Kān wa kān” suggests that the content of poems in this genre relate an anecdote, or give a sermon. In other words, a kān wa kān poem relates what was (or mā kān). See Whaybeh, Al-zajal, p. 61.

11) It is said that al-qūmā derived its name from the call of Baghdādī singers: “Qūmā li nas ur qūmā” (rise and let us have a light meal before daybreak).

The reference is to al-sa ūr (the light meal before daybreak) during the month of Rama ān. See al-Mu ibbī, Khulā at al-athar, Vol. I, pp. 108.

12) Dīwān Safiyy al-Dīn al- illī, (Damascus, 1297 H.), p. 5.

13) See The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History, Ibn Khaldun, translated by Franz Rosenthal, abridged and edited by N.J. Dawood (Princeton: 1969), pp. 458– 459.

14) Nakhleh, Maˠannā, p. 44.

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wa kān,10 and al-qūmā,11 the last four of which are in the vernacular idiom. In addition, he recognizes al- amāq and al-mūsijān which he does not define. Whether these vernacular genres are characterized by particular metrical configurations or are differentiated according to form and content is not made clear. In a similar vein, afiyy al-Dīn al- illi12 speaks of four funūn without much elaboration.

Only Ibn Khaldūn views zajal as a method of composition which, according to him, pre-dates the Muwashsha and uses the vernacular in all the fifteen Khalīlian meters.13 Though admitting that these vernacular genres have specific awzān (metrical forms) most of the critics are content to leave it at that or specify that most of these awzān are different from those used by the Arabs in fu ā poetry. Even those who see a close relationship between vernacular and fu ā meters merely gloss over the fact or evade close analysis.

The situation is not much different with Amin Nakhleh. He, too, despite his thoroughness, avoids metrical analysis and involves the reader in a terminological jungle erasing the distinction between zajal structures and zajal meters. According to him, Lebanese zajal, “One of the many extant old zajal traditions: farˠun min tilka al- arā˟iq al-qadīmah, is none other than Lebanese maˠannā.14

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Having said that, he divides maˠannā into four anwāˠ (kinds, genres?):15 al-ma laˠ (lit., the opening), also called al-maˠannā al-ˠādī (the usual (common) maˠannā), al-badāli (the alternate one) which differs from al-ma laˠ in meter, al-muwashsha which again differs in meter from al-ma laˠ, and al-qa īd (the ode?) which employs either the wāfir meter of al-Khalil (presumably without modification), or the meter of al-ma laˠ, or that of al-badāli. What the meters of al-ma laˠ and al-badāli are, we are not told. Nakhleh instead devotes his efforts to the various rhyme patterns in which each of the four anwāˠ appears in the written tradition, especially in the diwan of Rashīd Nakhleh who is credited with the invention of most of these patterns.16 Only one meter, al-wāfir, is spelled out and that with a specific reference to al-badāli from Maˠannā Rashīd Nakhleh.

Al-zajal, he continues, consists of six funūn: al-muhmal (which is totally without diacritical marks), al-mar ūd (in which the rawiyy starts with a particular obligatory letter), al-mujazzam (where every line in the successive stanzas rhymes with the others except for the last line whose rhyme is a rujūˠ or “return” to the rhyme of the opening line or lines), and, finally, al-alifiyyāt (in which the first letter of every line follows the order of the Arabic alphabet). In the context, the word “funūn” means something totally different from genre as al-Ibshīhī’s usage indicates. It describes, rather, a written style characterized by badīˠ (figurative language), formal idiosyncrasies, and verbal virtuosity.

Nakhleh then identifies several methods, “ˠiddat arā˟iq.”17 The first one of these is al-qarrādī 18 (also pronounced al-qirrādī) which in turns subsumes a number of funūn such as karj al- ajal (the gait of partridge), mashy al-sitt (the gait of ladies), daqq 15) 16) 17) 18)

Ibid, p. 44.

See, for example, pp. 45–51.

Nakhleh, Maˠannā, p. 52.

Amīn Nakhleh calls it al-qurrādī, but he could be alone among zajal critics.

Qarrādī and qirrādī are used interchangeably in Lebanon today.

19) This refers to one of the many rhyme schemes of qarrādī. “Al-Mukhammas al-mardūd,” usually consists of four line stanzas (8 hemistichs) that rhyme, a b, a b, a b, a b, a and c, this last rhyme being used throughout the poem. At times a kharja is added to the four lines and the rhyme scheme changes to, a b, a b, a b, a d and c, “d” being an independent rhyme in every one of the stanzas in the poem. See Nakhleh, Maˠannā, p. 54. Note that Whaybeh, Al-zajal, gives an example of mardūd which differs significantly from that of Nakhleh.

His example consists of a ma‫ܒ‬laˠ and a dawr that rhyme as follows: ma laˠ, a b, a b; dawr, c d, c d, c d, c b. See Whaybeh, pp. 73 –74.

20) See Nakhleh, Maˠannā, pp. 56 –57.

21) Or awrabah, Nakhleh, pp. 57–58.

22) Nakhleh, p. 60.

23) Nakhleh, p. 60.

a critical history

55 lebanese zajal poetry

al-mi raqah (the pounding of the hammer), al-murabbaˠ (the quatrain), al-mijwiz (the couplet), naqlet al-ˠarūs (the movement of the young bride), al-shūfāni (related to the Shūf area in Lebanon), al-ˠādī, al-muwashsha , al-mukhammas al-mardūd,19 al-muhmal, and al-munaqqa (in which each letter is dotted with diacritics).

These funūn, this time around, suggest not only rhyme patters and verbal tricks, but also styles of oral delivery and singing as is made quite clear by the etymology of the first four. Moreover, among the arā˟iq of zajal, Nakhleh lists two kinds of idā20 with various rhyme patterns, al- awrabeh poem,21 al-zalāghīt or al-zaghārīd, a form specifically used in wedding celebrations, al-nadb (or elegant verse), and jalwet al-ˠarūs, a strophic composition sung or recited by women when welcoming a new bride.

In addition to these anwāˠ, funūn, and arā˟iq, Nakhleh lists what he terms arā˟iq ˠāmmiyyah qadīma22 (or old vernacular methods): ˠatābā, mījanā, and abū al-zuluf 23 which he treats under bāb al-aghānī, or sung compositions, and in which, according to him, na m (ordered beat) rather than nagham (melody) plays the central role. “Also included, under Lebanese zajal is al-shrūqī (or al-shurūqī), known too as al-qa īd al-badawi (the Bedouin qa īd ), and al-mawwāl al-Baghdādī,” two arā˟ iq, one may surmise, which are still in vogue.

Reading Nakhleh’s introduction leaves one with the strong impression that Lebanese zajal is extremely rich in form and structure, but little is said of whether these arā˟iq, funūn, anwāˠ, and aqsām are further distinguished in terms of meter, or whether meter plays any significant role at all. The arbitrary identification of only some genres with music and singing and the apparent exclusion of others gives, as we shall see, an imperfect picture of the reality of Lebanese zajal. After all, this study supplies musical transcriptions for each of the extant meters of zajal.

The space that Nakhleh allows for meter in his introduction is a mere paragraph which states categorically that:

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56

“Lebanese vernacular poetry in its various arā˟iq is predicated upon an aural rhythm not upon restricted feet. It [i.e. zajal ] is in its rhythm (wazn), in the articulation of sound, the position of vowels ( arakāt), the structures of words and phrases (tarākīb al-alfā ), there pronunciation and writing [sic], dependent on melody (nagham). Some [my emphasis] of its melodies (or rhythms) may be related to the Khalīlian meters.”24 Important and authoritative as this statement is, it tells us precious little about zajal meters and seems to contradict Nakhleh’s statements concerning the partial role of music. Moreover, we are not told which “melodies may be related to the Khalīlian meters.” The rest of Nakhleh’s account of meter consists simply of quoted statements by Lebanese critics taken at face value without discussion.

Other critics are no less circumspect, but full cognizance of their partial pronouncements is necessary, first, because their intuitions are often founded on fir-hand knowledge of the tradition; second, because some were zajal poets themselves (although this fact alone does not necessarily give them claim to authoritative metrical 24) Nakhleh, pp. 67– 68.

25) (Beirut, 1870), Vol. 2, p. 1489.

26) Supplement Aux Dictionnaires Arabes, (Leiden and Paris, 1967), Tome I, p. 581.

27) See Nakhleh, p. 69, where he quotes Dā˟ irat al-Macārif al-Islāmiyyah (Cairo), Vol. I, p. 263. I have been unable to consult the first edition of the Dā˟ ira to verify Nakhleh’s quotation.

28) Tārīkh ādāb al-lughah al-ˠarabiyyah (Cairo, 1957), Vol. 4, p. 206.

29) Al-Nashrah al-usbūˠiyyah (Beirut, 1906), 41, pp. 602–604.

30) Ibid., p. 603.

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57 lebanese zajal poetry

analysis), and third, because any serious study of zajal metrics has to deal thoroughly with the available scholarship.

In Mu ī al-mu ī under the root for “ˠanaya” al-Bustānī states that zajal poets “depend mostly on rhyme such that they do not care for the appropriateness of language or meter.”25 This opinion is shared by others. Dozy, for example, claims that zajal composition requires “unity of rhyme, not unity of meter, and that it [zajal ] has a number of meters.”26 Similarly, C.F. Seybold voices the opinion that this art [zajal ] is based on the unity of rhyme, not on the unity of meter and is composed according to al-Khalīl’s meters.27 Jurjī Zaydān28 sees a relationship between some meters of zajal and those of al-Khalīl’s, but others bear no relationship at all to the known meters in fu ā. Zaydan agrees with Ibrahim al- ūrāni29 that rajaz, wāfir, and al-sarīˠ are the only Khalīlian meters found in Lebanese zajal. Al- ūrāni, however, qualifies his statement by observing that these three meters undergo changes which are not permissible in fu ā poetry. Nor does he restrict zajal metrics to rajaz, wāfir, and sarīˠ since he sees these meters used specifically in Maˠannā as opposed to the qarrādiyyat, “some of which do not follow the known Arabic meter, and some of which produce a mutadārik scansion with modifications too.”30 He gives two examples of his own composition of qarrādī, one in the “modified” mutadārik and the other yielding the unusual combination of feet mustaf ˠilun (ௗ_ _ ୍ _ ) /ௗmaf ˠūlun (ௗ_ _ _ௗ):

Min kitir shaw˟i laykun

// Jit rākib ˠā ˟ ār-in-nār _ ୍ _ ௗ _ _ _ _௑௑ ௗ_ ೊ _ _ௐ _ ௐ_ ௐ_ௐ _ ೊ (ௗ__ ୍31 )

(Because of my longing for you) (I’ve come riding on the train of fire)

Which consists of three and a half feet of the modified khabab (commonly confused with mutadārik)32 in each hemistich, __ ୍ௗ/__ __ௗ/__ __ௗ/__ௐ//ௐ__ __ௗ/__ __ௗ/__ __ௗ/__௘, [ௗ__ ୍ௗ] and,

Rāh-ish-shabā-bil ghālī // wish shayb [i] ghayyar ālī _ ௐ _ ୍ௐ _ _ _ _௑ _௑ _ௐ ୍

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58

_ௐ _ௐ _ _

(cherished youth has gone by) (and hoariness has changed my state)

where supposedly a strict khabab scansion is not possible due to the position of the short syllable at the begging of the second foot.

At this point, all that can be said is that al- ūrānī has little or no conception of feet except in terms of the fu ā meters. His choice in the second qarrādī example of __ __ ୍ __ as a foot rather than dividing the foot into __ __ and ୍ __, for instance, points first to an arbitrariness not uncommon among students of fu ā metrics (when a particular order of syllables coincides with well-known fu ā feet), and second to complete unawareness of rhythm.33 “As for their [the Lebanese] songs,” al- ūrānī adds, “known to them as al-mawwālāt al-Baghdādiyyah, al-mawwālāt al-Mi riyyah, and al-zalāghīt, they are of the basī meter…,”34 although, as he 31) Kitir (୍ௐ_ /௘) or the permissible kitri (ௗ_ ୍).

32) _ௐ_ ୍ _ (mustaf ˠ ilun) repeated six times constitutes a bayt of rajaz. Rhythm should be the determining factor in metrical description.

33) Al- ūrānī, p. 604.

34) This is a mere conjecture not supported by any proof.

puts it, al-zalāghīt may exhibit the pattern mustaf ˠilun / faˠlān ( __ __ ୍ __ௗ/__ __ ೊ), the last syllable being extra-long as in the following example:

G hannā hamām-il-bān

//

__ __ௐ୍ __ௐ __ __ ೊ

Lammā tamāyal ‘add __ __ ୍ __ __ௐ _ ೊ

(when the figure swayed)

(on the swaying branches)

ˠarūsina - r - rayyān

୍ __ ୍ __௑__ __ ೊ (the mellow figure of our young bride)

or, __ __ ୍ __ௗ/__ __ ೊௗ//୍ __ ୍ __ௗ/__ __ ೊ repeated twice.

Finally, al- ūrānī continues, “the rest of their songs use the meters of fu ā poetry and other meters,”35 meaning perhaps not quantitative meters or, at the very least, not ones identified by al-Khalīl.

What is interesting here is the realization that many Lebanese zajal meters cannot be reduced to strict Khalīlian meters, that some meters may not resemble Khalīlian meters at all, and that al- ūrānī allows in his scansion the distinction between long and extra-long syllables which is not the most unusual method used in scanning fu ā meters. All this will be discussed further.

Influenced by al- ūrānī, whom he cites, Jurjī Zaydān states more emphatically that “the vernacular meters which have no counterpart in fu ā meters are most probably taken from Syriac metrics.”36 This view has several proponents such as Marūn ˓Abbūd37 and Anīs Fray ah38 who sees qarrādī, in particular, as a development from a 35) 36) 37) 38)

Al- ūrānī, p. 604. Again, the statement is mere conjecture.

Zaydān, Tārīkh, Vol. 4, p. 207.

See Marūn ˓Abbūd, Al-Shiˠr al-ˠāmmī, (Beirut: 1968), pp. 68–73.

Muˠjam al-alfā al-ˠāmmiyyah (Beirut, 1973), p. 173, entry for qarrādī.

a critical history

(the doves of the ben trees sang)

59 lebanese zajal poetry

__ __ௐ ୍ௐ__ௐ__ __ ೊ

ˠ ā māyi – lil - agh ān

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60

Syriac seven-syllable meter used exclusively in church services by the early Maronite church fathers, first in Syriac, then in Karshūnī 39 and then in Arabic. Voicing a similar opinion, Tawfīq ˓Awwād, in a frequently quoted essay entitled, “al-Shi˓r al-˓āmmī,” sees all of maˠannā as scanning according to the sarīˠ, rajaz, and wāfir meters, excluding qarrādī which he believes has unlimited meters that vary with the various forms of the genre. The most unusual qarrādī, he observes, consists of two feet, maf ˠūlatun / maf ˠūlun (ௗ__ __ __ __ௗ/ __ __ __ௗ), whose combination has not been recorded by al-Khalīl. ˓Awwād leaves the strong impression that the meter of qarrādī is a quantitative meter similar to but not known in Arabic metrics. He does not see a role for Syriac metrics in zajal poetry, although he does briefly mention the influence of Syriac church music on unspecified meters. As far as I have been able to ascertain from my own research, Syriac metrics is cited by writers with reference to qarrādī only, and this is not necessarily an inaccurate statement if qarrādī is used to refer to a particular meter in a syllabic-accentual system.40 The existence of two metrical systems in Lebanese zajal is suggested by Jean Lecerf in his important “Littérature dialectele et renaissance arabe moderne,”41 a lengthy historical bibliography survey which also devotes several pages to the genres and meters of Lebanese zajal. Lecerf distinguishes two genres: “Les genres chantés” and “Les genres dits,” listing under the former the mawwāl, ˠatābā, mījanā, dalˠūnā, and shurūqī, and under the latter qa īd, ma laˠ (maˠannā), qarrādī, and jannāz,42 with a short definition of each 39) Karshūnī refers to Arabic written in Syriac characters.

40) One possible exception is Anīs Fray ah’s unsubstantial claim that “the poetic meters that they, the Lebanese, use to compose verses of mījānā and maˠannā are Syriac in origin, based upon the syllable.” This is all that Fray ah says before he refers the reader to Whaybeh’s Al-zajal. See Fray ah, a ārah, p. 274.

41) Lecerf, p. 239.

42) Ibid., pp. 234 –237.

Lecerf identifies “Le vers mesuré” with maˠannā citing the aforementioned statements of ūrānī, Zaydān, and ˓Awwād, among others as clear indication of the workings of a quantitative system.

He himself does not offer any examples, although he sense that “le principe paraît indiscutable,”46 and that despite the difficulty of scanning, as soon as the quantity of syllables enters the picture, one must end up with something resembling the metrics of al-Khalīl. The second system, “le vers à nombre fixe de syllabes,” is that of qarrādī which Lecerf insists is composed of seven syllables and resembles the verse used in the hymns of Saint Ephram or Ephraem. The question that poses itself here is: Is qarrādī the only meter in this system? If it is, then it contradicts the available data on zajal where poems of 43) The definitions leave out questions of meters and concentrate instead on rhyme schemes and a brief account of content.

44) Ibid., p. 237.

45) Ibid., p. 239.

46) Ibid., p. 237.

61 lebanese zajal poetry

Le point le plus original de la prosodie libanaise est l’existence apparante de deux systèmes aussi defférents que le vers ‘ mesuré ’ (mawzūn), dont le rhythme repose sur la quantité des syllabes, et le vers à nombre fixe de syllabes. Nous avons dit que ce dernier rythme est celui du qarrādī. Le problème qui se pose ext d’abord de celui de la réalité de ce double système.

En second lieu vient celui de son origine, et de lo possibilité d’une influence de la poésie syriaque. Il est très remarquable en effet que le vers ‘nombré’ (non-mesuré), de sept syllabes soit précisément celui des humnes de saint Ephrem.45

a critical history

of them.43 Only qarrādī is described metrically. “It is composed of seven long syllables in principle but may admt a supplementary short syllable which does not count in the measure.”44 As for the metrical systems of zajal, Lecerf has the following to say, despite as he puts it “the difficulties of the subject:”

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four, five, six, seven, eight or more syllables are found. If, on the other hand, qarrādī is the general name of syllabic system composed of more than one meter, then Lecerf does not mention these. It is remarkable that Lecerf cites an old qarrādiyya which according to his own reading consists of an unequal number of syllables, but he blames such inconsistency on incertitude in the pronunciation of the lines.

He also cites example of dalˠūna 47 to which other critics attribute a five-syllable scansion,48 but he neither clearly treats it as part of his second system nor indicates whether it is quantitatively scanned.

Interestingly enough, he does not mention the possible role of accent in his citing of Dalman,49 though he leaves his position unclear, and opts instead for number of syllables as the most important formal characteristic of qarrādī. Also citing Littman,50 Lecerf seems to agree that music plays a role in qarrādī, but he leaves it at that. Insightful as Lecerf ’s remarks are, the meter of qarrādī will be shown in its various manifestations to be determined by a stress pattern imposed upon it by a pattern of musical beats which explain the apparent fluctuation in number of syllables. Finally, to demonstrate the likelihood that qarrādī is a syllabic rather than a quantitative meter (the quantitative structure of khabab, for example), Lecerf appeals to the characteristics of the Lebanese dialect with its preponderant use of long syllables in the manner of Syriac.51 He considers the possibility of a direct influence from examples cited by Ibn Khaldūn, which would suggest an Arabic metrical parentage, but he argues against a prototypical quantitative basis on the grounds that these examples “paraît bien aventuré, mais possible à la rigueur.”52 47) Ibid., p. 245.

48) Ibid., p. 245.

49) The reference is to G. Dalmann, Palastinischer Dīwān, (Leipzig: 1901). See Lecerf, p. 240.

50) The reference is to E. Littmann, Neuarabisch Volksposesie, (Berlin: 1902). See Lecerf, p. 240.

51) Lecerf, pp. 239–242.

52) Lecerf, p. 242.

53) See Note 10 above.

54) See, for example, Henry Burgess, Hymns and Homilies of Ephraem Syrus (London, 1853), P.L. IX. 55) See Note 35 above for reference to An ūn al-Tikrītī (also called An ūn al-Balīgh).

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63 lebanese zajal poetry

There is no question that Lecerf has touched on the problems involved in scanning zajal, that he has been conscious of dialectical problems, and that he has observed the presence of two metrical systems, but, by and large, his study rests on the authority of preceding critics and on impressions rarely supported by metrical analysis. He is more concerned with the forms of zajal, its history, development and content.

More comprehensive and perhaps problematic is Munīr Whaybeh’s al-Zajal: tārīkhuhu, adabuhu, aˠlāmuhu qadīman wa hadīthan (“al-Zajal: Its History, Literature and Main Figures, Old and Recent”)53 which has become since its publication in 1952 a highly quoted source of zajal metrics. It is more comprehensive because it claims the most through discussion in Arabic of zajal meters, containing a large number of representative poems spanning the period from the earliest recorded zajals until the present. It is more problematic because it posits a simple syllabic basis for these meters, which appears convincing at first but then collapses under close scrutiny and careful reference to existing data. Whaybeh is categorical about the number of meters, thirteen in all, that obtain in zajal. The number is significant for it is the same that scholarship attributes to Syriac meters,54 which, to say the least, is a curious coincidence. His nomenclature is totally new in that it is taken, as he claims, from a study by a Syriac monophysite monk Antūn al-Tikrītī who lived in the ninth century.55 This is confusing because the author does not indicate whether al-Tikrītī’s study deals with Syriac poetry or with Lebanese zajal. It is, we are told, a study detailing the rules of composition, qawāˠid al-na m, but instead of supplying us with examples from the ninth century, he chooses illustrations from

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64

modern written zajal, rather than oral recitation. The problem is that no one else besides Whaybeh has written about these meters.

When asked about the meters of zajal, poets and critics alike refer to Whaybeh’s thirteen meters, but when pressed they can hardly identify five or six of them and then always using the nomenclature of al-Khalīl’s meters. What this means is that either more than half of the thirteen meters is no longer used, or that they have assumed new names. Be that as it may, Whaybeh’s classifications represent a challenge with which this study must deal.

Drawing upon his source, Whaybeh states that the early poets “used in their poetry two kinds of compositions, darbān min al-na m: al-mutawāzī (i.e., regular, mono-metric) and al-mukhtalif (i.e., metrically mixed), the former consisting of two hemistichs, daˠāmatayn or one verse unit,56 daˠāmatun wā ida, while the latter appearing in different daˠāim and irregular number of syllables, or arakāt, in the various lines of the poem.”57 Al-mutawāzī, moreover, has thirteen meters whose awzān (rhythmic patterns, one would assume) “are limitless and hard to manage, as is the case today with maˠannā and its derivations.”58 What all this means is not very clear, for Whaybeh often uses the terms “ba r” (meter), na m (composition) and wazn (rhythm) interchangeably, confusing meter with rhythm and musical style. The second kind of nazm, for example, has according to Whaybeh “various taqāsīm (musical arrangements?) and rhythmic patterns, awzān numbering more than one hundred and sixty-five.”59 Quoting from a manuscript entitled, Bitkāz al-shaykh, found, according to him, in a monastery in Kisirwān, Lebanon,60 Whaybeh then lists nineteen awzān which turn out to be various names for church litanies and musical scores, 56) 57) 58) 59) 60)

Whaybeh, p. 32.

Ibid., p. 32.

Ibid., p. 32.

Ibid., p. 41.

Ibid., p. 41.

Total Number of Number of Hemistiches Syllables

Syllable Syllable Number in Number in st nd 1 Hemistich 2 Hemistich

al-aswānī al-mutasāwī al-mutawassit al-mutaqārib al-muzdawij al-mutafāwit al-mutanāhī al-sarīˠ

2

6

3

3

2

8

4

4

2

10

5

5

2

12

6

6

2

14

7

7

2

16

8

8

2

18

9

9

2

20

10

10

al-basī al-yaˠqūbī al-wafā˟ ī al-mutawāzī al-kāmil

2

22

11

11

2

24

12

12

1

13

13

–

1

14

14

–

1

15

15

–

This mechanical classification does not account for the difference between short, long, or extra-long syllables, and the four meters, al-mutaqārib, al-sarīˠ, al-basī , and al-kāmil, do not bear any resemblance to their counterparts in al-Khalīl’s system. The last three meters, al-wafā˟ī, al-mutawāzī, and al-kāmil, are in verse-units. The 61) Ibid., p. 33.

65 lebanese zajal poetry

Name of Meter

a critical history

rather than meters. Though he implies that there seems to be a relationship between meter and hymnology, he does not explore the matter further.

At this point, his discussion of the mutawāzī ’s thirteen meters is more relevant. These meters are listed as follows according to the number of syllables in the hemistich or the verse unit:61

maximum number of syllables in a verse unit is fifteen, and in a two hemistich verse, twenty-four. This, in brief, is a syllabic metrical description which does not provide for quality or quantity of syllable.

If stress is at all operative in this system, it is not mentioned, unless by “wazn” the author means a particular rhythmic pattern with accompanying stress. At any rate, the examples cited in his study are little more than indiscriminate counting of syllables. Two bewildering statements complicate the issue further. First we are told that:

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All the metrical units (or tafāˠīl ) in all the meters can be formed or taken from the well-known feet of fu ā poetry, on condition attention is paid to the number of syllables (or arakāt) in the particular line and the number of syllables in each hemistich (i.e., when the line is composed of two hemistiches). It is acceptable when composing vernacular poetry to vowel a quiescent consonant and to remove the vowel of a vowelled consonant without any condition or limitation (bidūn qayd wa lā shar ).62 How, on the one hand, we can derive the metrical units or feet of zajal meters from the quantitative system of fu ā poetry and at the same time make no allowance for fluctuation in the number and quantity of syllables is not clear. If it is indeed the case that the feet can be derived from those of fu ā, then it makes better sense to argue for some kind of a quantitative basis for zajal. Add to this the untenable assertion that vowels can be displaced with no deference to semantic meaning, and Whaybeh’s statement becomes harder to except. The dislocation of vowels must be pegged, it seems to me, to the morphology of words in the dialect which impose limitation on the way lines are rendered.

On the other hand, Whaybeh’s basic rule for scansion suggests that quantity does play a role though such a role is not properly assessed or analyzed in the examples he cites. “the rhythmic unit 62) Ibid., p. 33.

Min hal jabal bihdīk

//

Ri an wi-ghnānī 99

(From this mountain I give you as a present)

a critical history

(wa dat al-wazn),” he states, “is achieved by giving every letter pronounced in speech its equal time value to letters similar to it.”63 In other words, short and long syllables are are delimited by an abstract time factor that distinguishes them quantitatively in much the same way as scansion of fu ā is produced. Yet Whaybeh’s examples are quite inconsistent in this respect. “A quiescent consonant,” he adds, “comprises part of the letter (or syllable) that precedes it.”64 Again, this rule is not always followed in the scansion that he attempts.

Whaybeh, for example, illustrates his scansion method for a twohemistich mutaqārib line, which according to his system breaks into twelve syllables.65

(Basil and songs)

The following syllabic picture emerges:

Min hal jab al bih dīk 1

2

3 4 5

6

//

Rī ā n wigh nā nī 1 2 3

4

5 6

What is overlooked here is the presence of a short third syllable in each hemistich, which will yield the familiar fu ā quantitative configuration: _ _ ୍ _ௗ/_ _ ೊௗ//_ _ ୍ _ௗ/_ _, with an extra-long syllable at the end of the first hemistich. If it is simply a question of syllable number, then why is it that every one of the eight lines of the mutaqārib cited has a short third syllable in every hemistich?66 Also following Whaybeh’s classification, one hemistich of al-aswānī meter when joined with one hemistich of al-mutasāwī will yield theoretically a hemistich of al-muzdawij since stress and syllable 63) 64) 65) 66)

Ibid., p. 34.

Ibid., p. 34.

Ibid., p. 35.

Ibid., p. 35.

lebanese zajal poetry

67

length do not seem to count. But such a combination does not work even when we take full advantage of vowel displacement. Consider Whaybeh’s scansion of al-aswānī and al-mutasāwī:67 aswānī

N ha ziw mad 1

2

// Rik nil ˄adr

3

1

2

3

([N] haz-ziw mād // Rik ni - adr,68 (The chest’s foundations have been shaken)) mutasāwī

Lib nan mash hūr 1

2

3

adnan haydar

Bay nil bil dān

4

1

(Lebanon is famous) 68

//

2

3

4

(among the countries)

Theoretically, N’haz-ziw mād Lib nān mashhūr, would give us

// Day ˠ it nā maf rū shī zhūr 1

2

3

4

5

6

7

(more correctly, “Dayˠit nā maf rū shiz hūr,” (Our village is blanketed with flowers)), which Whaybeh gives as an example of a muzdawij hemistich.69 Overlooking for a moment Whaybeh’s curious division of syllables, the line, “[N ]haz-ziw mād Libnān mashhūr,” and the muzdawij hemistich, “Dayˠitnā mafrūshi-zhūr” do not have the same rhythm when read by a Lebanese. The reasons are manifold but the most important one is that all three meters have a basic stress pattern, which, when tampered with, produces a different rhythmic effect.

67) Ibid., p. 35.

68) Compare Whaybeh’s arbitrary syllabic division: “nhaz” instead of [n]“haz”, “zziw” rather than “ziw”, and the scansion becomes contrary to Arabic morphology.

69) Ibid., p. 36.

[N] haz-ziw mad Lib nan mash hūr _ _ _ ௗ _ _ _ _ೊ instead of

[N] haz-ziw mad Lib nan mash hūr _ _ _ೊ ௗ _ _ೊ _ _ೊ with the unavoidable consequence of destroying the meanings of the words, mād and Libnān. It is important to note in this respect that the following anonymous line will fall in Whaybeh’s classification under al-mutasāwī meter:

S hū hal i a _

_ௗ__

(What tale this is!)

//

mal ha-n-hāyeh _ _ _ _ (It has no ending)

but which when read aloud will have a different rhythm altogether from “Libnān mashūr bayn-il-bildān,” the line with which Whaybeh illustrates the scansion of al-mutasāwī.

a critical history

69 lebanese zajal poetry

There is no room here to go into details about the stress patterns of zajal meters. This is reserved for a later stage in this analysis. It is important, however, to note that even when the combination of al-aswānī and al-mutasāwī yields a pattern of stress similar to one of al-muzdawij ’s pattern, the line will still not yield the rhythm of al-muzdawij. One important reason is the length of the syllables involved. In the al-muzdawij example cited above, the first six syllables are long and the seventh is extra-long. In the theoretical example, “[N ]haz-ziw mād Libnān mashhūr ”, syllables three, five and seven are all extra-long, which imposes an impossible effort upon the reader or the singer to approximate the rhythmic pattern of al-muzdawij. If it can be done at all, a consequent slurring of syllables takes place and the line would sound nonsensical to the listener. To put it differently, the line will have to read as follows:

Whaybeh might object that combining one hemistich from one meter with that of another meter is not acceptable and that division into hemistiches and verse units is an important distinctive feature of his metrical system. Even if we grant that his discussion of his system implies this caution, still it fails to explain why in practice zajal poems contain lines of unequal number of syllables and particular alternations of short, long, and extra-long syllables. The following two-hemistich lines delivered orally by Zaghlūl al-Dāmūr70 will illustrate the difference between theory and practice:

[L] insān [i] law mā kilimtub-tin˟āl // _ௐ_ ୍ _ _ ୍ _ _ _ _ೊ 1 2

adnan haydar

70

3

4

5

6 7

8

9 10

(If man did not have the power of speech)

Kān [i] allāh byikhla˟ū timthāl

71

_ ௗ୍ _ௐ_ೊ ௗ_ ୍ _ _ _ೊ

1

2 3 4

5

6 7

8

9

(God would have created him a statue)

The final extra-long syllable in each hemistich notwithstanding, the number of syllables is ten in the first and nine in the second.

There are two short syllables in each, and number six in both is a short 70) The line is taken fro a taped interview with Zaghlūl during which the author of this work asked the poet to give illustrations on all the zajal meters that the poet knew.

71) Syllables 6 and 7 in both hemistichs can be easily transposed without affecting the rhythm. “Kilimtū” could also be read as “kilmitū”; likewise “[b]yikhlaˑū” could be rendered “[b]yikhilˑū”, thus causing the transposition. The extra long syllable #4 in hemistich 2 could change to a long one if a liason between it and #5 is made. At any rate, the short syllables in these hemistichs are important formal features, whether they are #6 or #7 in the hemistich.

1

2

3 4 5

6

7

8

73

9 10 11 12 13

(Don’t sleep on a wrong; don’t rail against fate when it bears down on you)

breaking “ˠa aym” into “ˠa lā aym,” which does not seem necessary for syllable count in the line as a whole, and making “tnām” yield two syllables, “tnā” and “m.” As to why the “mīm” in “ˠa aym” is not part of the syllabic division is not clear, especially since both “mīms” are pronounced in speech. What is clear, however, is that an extra-long syllable such as “tnām” or aym is not always considered as two syllables, though Whaybeh neither treats the point nor seems to attach to it any value.

In the rest of his study the author attempts to distinguish some of the confusion surrounding meter and genre by discussing the genres of zajal and identifying the particular meters employed in them. Unfortunately, this method ends, at times, by exacerbating the problem. The two main genres that emerge are al-maˠannā 72) Clearly the syllabic system is not concerned with the quantitative difference between syllables.

73) Whaybeh, p. 38.

a critical history

Lā tnā m ˠa lā aym lā tish kid da hir law jār

71 lebanese zajal poetry

one.72 These are all important features that the nondiscriminating syllabic-scansion method cannot explain.

Over and above such limitations there remains the problem of Whaybeh’s inconsistent scansion practice. His assertion that a quiescent consonant is to be considered part of the syllable preceding it does not seem true with reference to several of his examples. On the one hand, for example, he scans “Rī ān wi-ghnānī” into Rī ān wigh nānī, or a total of six syllables, giving the quiescent consonant “n” the value of one syllable. On the other hand, in Libnān mashhūr, he produces four syllables (Lib, nān, mash, hūr), this time around choosing not to give the “n” in Libnān any value at all. Similarly, in his illustration of al-wafā˟ ī meter he scans “Lā tnām ˠa aym la tishki-l-dahir law jār” as follows:

adnan haydar

72

and al-qarrādī, each with numerous anwāˠ (or kinds). To these are added three main arā˟ iq: al- idā, al-zalgha ah or al-zaghradah, and al-nadb, along with what he terms “aghānī Lubnāniyyah adītha” (or modern Lebanese songs) such as abū al-zuluf, al-ˠatābā, al-mījanā, al-shurūqī or al-qa īd al-badawī, and al-mawwāl al-Baghdādī, in much the same vein as Nakhleh’s classifications.74 While most of his discussion of al-maˠannā and its kinds centers around descriptions of stanza forms and rhyme schemes, he does identify mainly three of his meters, al-yaˠqūbī, al-sarīˠ, al-mutaqārib and one example of al-muzdawij which he does not name. Most of the maˠannā “genres”75 seem to employ al-yaˠqūbī and al-sarīˠ, that is, meters of twelve and eleven syllables respectively, to use his syllabic classification.

The example of al-mutaqārib that he cites is taken from a poem in al-sarīˠ meter by Rashīd Nakhleh in which only the kharjas are in the mutaqārib.76 Again, one of the examples cited shows a combination of al-aswānī with a two hemistich meter composed of eleven syllables per hemistich, which Whaybeh’s classification does not account for, and which, therefore is not named at all.

But here, once more, the poem is from Rashīd Nakhleh’s book and bears no resemblance to oral zajal compositions. On the other hand, the verses used to illustrate al-qa īd al-mujazzam, one of the kinds (anwāˠ ) of maˠannā according to Whaybeh, employ a two-hemistich fourteen-syllable meter in one instance and a twelve-syllable two-hemistich meter in the other.77 On the first meter Whaybeh cites the following couplet:

[ ] ānī jāl, [b]su˟-im-jāl // [W] haz-zir-jāl, [ˠ]la-l-maylayn _ ௗ _ௗ _ _ௗ​ௗ _ ௗ _ௗ _௑௑ ௗ _ _ _ _ _ ௗ_ _ (My horse moved freely in a wide field) (And shook up the men on both sides) 74) 75) 76) 77)

Ibid., pp. 63–70.

Ibid., pp. 66–67.

Ibid., p. 67.

Ibid., pp. 71–76.

Kha mī zāl, [w] damˠī sāl // [W] ˠannī māl, [b] lam it ˠayn _

_ _ ௗ_

_

__

_

_ௗ _

_

_ _

_

(My enemy vanished, and my tears flowed) (And away from me he went in a trice)

Now if the couplet is divided into smaller metrical units, a critical history

[ ] ānī jāl // [b]su˟-im-jāl _ ௗ _ _௑௑௑ _ _ _ [W] haz-zir-jāl // [ ˠ]la-l-maylayn _ _ _ ௑௑௑ _ _ _

[W] ˠannī māl __

ௗ__ __

//

//

[w] damˠ ī sāl _ _ ௗ _

73

[b] lam it ˠayn __

_ __

it will yield three lines of Whaybeh’s al-aswānī meter, because the seventh syllable in the first configuration, obtained from the wa l between the extra-long syllables and the ensuing quiescent consonants, will be dropped at rest position at hemistich end.

I mention this example in particular because it throws further doubt on Whabeh’s metrical classification. Is this an illustration of al-aswani or al-muzdawij meter? Whaybeh does not supply us with the answer. His second example of al-qa īd al-mujazzam bears no metrical semblance to the first:

M ā zāl [i] ub-bil ghayr[i] fī ˠaynik ilī

//

__ __ ୍ __ௗ __ ௗ __ ୍ _ ௗ__ __ ୍ _ (Since loving others has become appealing to your eyes)

lebanese zajal poetry

Kha mī zāl _ _ௗ_

ār [i] wājib waddi ˠ ik fīmā yalī __ ୍ __ _ __ ୍ _ __ __ ୍ _ (It is important to bid you farewell with what follows)

which Whaybeh would scan,

M ā zā l ib bil ghay r fī ˠay nik i lī 1

2 3 4

5

6

7 8 9 10 11 12

ā r wā jib wad di ˠik fī mā ya lī 1 2 3

adnan haydar

74

4

5

6 7 8

9 10 ௗ11

Not only are short vowels important features of these two hemistiches (the previous example consisted of long vowels only), but here there is also a discrepancy in the number of syllables between one and the other. At first sight it appears Whaybeh is saying that al-qa īd al-mujazzam employs two different meters, but it is more likely that he is defining the word “mujazzam” rather than qa īd, a rhyme scheme, perhaps a verse form, rather than a metrical pattern.

Whaybeh seems to have read the first example with strong caesural stops, a forced reading which recitation of singing does not allow.

According to Whaybeh, one kind of maˠannā is al-muwashsha , a strophic form resembling one of the many manifestations of the Andalusian prototype, whose meter is a combination of al-muzdawij (seven syllables) and al-mutasāwī (four syllables):

A m ti ak bil bindayrah

ˠ

// Arzit Libnān ௗ__ _ __ __ __ __ __௑௑ௐ__ _ __ __ೊ

(Laughing joyfully on the flag)

(is the Cedar of Lebanon)

[W]raˠ i [b]la -nil-minjayrah // [Y] hiz-zil-widyān __ __ __ __ __ __ __௑௑௑௑_ ௗ __ __ __ೊ (and a shepherd with the tunes of the flute)

(is shaking the valleys)

yet another example taken from Rashīd Nakhleh shows a completely different meter for al-maˠannā al-muwashsha . This time it is a mutaqārib, though Whaybeh is not specific:

[M]ni-shar[ˠ i] yā ādī // ˠArrij ˠa la-l –wādī __ __ ୍ _ _ _௑௑௑ __ _ ୍ ௗ__ ௗ _ _

Emerging from all this is that al-maˠannā is not associated with any one meter, rather a strophic form in several meters. While this may be largely true, the term “maˠannā” seems to have acquired with Whaybeh a wide significance subsuming most of zajal. Perhaps his reliance in his examples on Rashīd Nakhleh’s book, Maˠannā Rashīd Nakhleh which, despite prominence it gives in the title to maˠannā, also contains numerous examples of qarrādī, ˠatābā, mījanā, and other genres, made him expand “maˠannā” to many more meters than other critics and poets allow. While maˠannā is used sometimes interchangeably with zajal, it is also specifically used by the poets interviewed for this study to refer to one poetic meter only. For example, Joseph Hāshim, better known as Zaghlūl al-Damūr (the singing dove of Damūr), clearly considers al-maˠannā as belonging to a particular meter without limiting that meter to maˠannā as genre only. Whaybeh, of course, does not distinguish between maˠannā and qa īd. The latter he treats as part of the many forms of the former.

Turning then to qarrādī Whaybeh discussed eight forms, six of which employ al-muzdawij meter and two, al-ba īt and al-sarīˠ.

He is alone among critics in admitting more than one meter for qarrādī, though ˓Awwād speaks of unlimited meters as we have seen above. It is most likely that his examples on al-basī and al-sarīˠ have nothing to do with qarrādī at all and that he is once more unsure of the distinction between meter and form. One of the examples he cites on al-qarrādī al-muwashsha could very well belong to al-maˠannā since scansion reveals that it is none other than

a critical history

(pass by the valley)

75 lebanese zajal poetry

(From the East O ādī (singer of idā))

al-maˠannā al-muwashsha . Why the one is maˠannā and the other is qarrādī is left unexplained. The second example taken from a poem by al-Shaykh Nā īf al-Yāzijī who according to Whaybeh “invented” this meter78 appears to scan into ten syllables per hemistich, with the third and seventh syllables being short throughout the poem.

Only Whaybeh among the critics identifies it as qarrādī. When it comes to arā˟iq al-zajal and al-aghānī, Whaybeh’s breakdown of genres and meters appears as follows:

adnan haydar

76

Genre

Meter

al- idā and al-Nadb al-zalgha a al-ˠatābā al-mījanā Abū al-zuluf and al-shurūqī al-mawwāl and al-Baghdādī

al-mutafāwit al-basī al-sarīˠ al-yaˠqūbī al-wafā˟ ī al-mutawāzī

All in all, we have a very confusing account of meters and genres, not unlike that of the critics who preceded the author in time.

Most of the examples, it seems to me, are tailored to fit Whaybeh’s scansion rules and to satisfy his metrical system. Above, I questioned many of Whaybeh’s scansion methods and metrical analyses. Now in light of the available research on Syriac poetry, I am convinced that Whaybeh assumes that the meters of Lebanese zajal are no different from those which writers on Syriac poetry attribute to that poetry. Curiously enough, the number of Syriac meters most widely accepted by Syriac scholars is thirteen, which is the same number that Whaybeh categorically assigns to Lebanese zajal.79 Quoting Stephen, a Maronite Patriarch who had written a treatise on the tunes of the Syrians, Benedict, one of the earliest translators of Saint Ephrām, says that Stephen reduces these tunes to six classes: 78) Ibid., p. 74.

79) Ibid., p. 33.

80) Henry Burgess, Selected Metrical Hymns and Homilies of St. Ephraem Syrus (Berlin: 1853), p. 59.

81) Ibid., p. 60.

82) Whaybeh, p. 39.

a critical history

Probing then the meaning of versibus bimetris and trimetris, etc., Henry Burgess suggests that these pertain to poems consisting “of verses of two different measures, as penta-syllabic and hepta-syllabic alternately; and so of the rest.”81 This is precisely what Whaybeh means by al-jawāzāt fī al-shiˠr al-ˠāmmī (the licenses of vernacular poetry).82 In brief, Whaybeh is in fact talking about Syriac poetry which may share a great number of features with Lebanese zajal, but which also cannot explain an equally great number of features characteristic of Lebanese poetry alone. Denying, as Whaybeh does, any basis for the operation of a quantitative system in zajal does not seem to accord with the reality of this poetry today. A careful study of his scansion reveals without doubt that several of his meters consist of well-defined feet, in most cases not different at all from the feet of fu ā poetry. Other critics hold tenaciously to a quantitative basis for zajal.

In 1966 Jabbūr ˓Abd al-Nūr (Jabbour Abdel-Nour) published Études sur la poésie dialectale au liban, the only book-length study in French of Lebanese zajal. The book is cited by Whaybeh in 1952 as a forthcoming study in French entitled al-Shiˠr wa al-lughah

77 lebanese zajal poetry

The first… consists of verses of two meters, (versibus bimetris); the second, of verses of three meters, (and so on until we come to the sixth); but the sixth class varies, and is formed of both simple and compound numbers. He [Stephen] afterwards reduces the whole Syriac poetry to certain titles, as it were kinds of songs…, and then numbers them as they were presented to him in ancient manuscripts.

They are thirteen in number, and all are alike in that they follow a certain metrical law, but they differ in modulation, and some also in their subject batter [argumento].”80

al-ˠāmmiyyah (Poetry and vernacular language).83 Which book was finished first is not a matter of great importance, but what is significant is that ˓Abd al-Nūr chose to leave Whaybeh’s book out of his list of references despite the fact that Whaybeh’s book appeared fourteen years before his own. Undoubtedly, the reason lies in the two authors’ totally different interpretation of the metrics of zajal, and in ˓Abd al-Nūr’s reluctance to consider the workings of a syllabic system, long after he completed his study. In no equivocal terms he states: En tenant compte de l’inexactitude de la notation selon l’orthographe classique, de l’instabilité phonétique d’un grand nombre de mots, des licences prosodiques, des chutes internes des voyelles, et du son (i) de junction, nous pouvons conclure que la metrique du zajal est fondée sur la quantité.

Comme nous le constaterons un peu plus loin, en étudiant les différents groupements de vers, cette métrique concord eaves [sic.] certains metres classiques (arabes).84

adnan haydar

78

While it is true that certain considerations have to be taken into account in the scansion of zajal, it does not follow necessarily that all zajal meters scan quantitatively. ˓Abd al-Nūr’s illustrations or metrical patterns are not always documented. We are told, for example, that al-shurūqī scans according to the basī meter of al-Khalīl without supporting evidence,85 that dalˠūnā (or dalˠonā)86 scans quantitatively as follows: _ _ௗ/_ _ _, without supplying us with the reason for the division into two and three syllables87 (instead, for example, of three and two or two, two, and one), that “another genre” of idā is composed after rajaz, again without proof, that idā “generally” breaks into the following quantitative patter: 83) 84) 85) 86) 87)

Ibid., p. 27. Études sur la poésie dialectale au Liban (Université Libanaise: 1957), p. 97.

Ibid., pp. 102–104.

Ibid., p. 106.

Ibid., p. 106.

It should be noted here that ˠAbd al-Nūr does not attempt to discuss the licenses that these meters manifest in their adaptation to zajal poetry. Whatever licenses are taken, he implies, are those that al-Khalīl’s system allows. To be noted also is the curious absence of the qa īd from the eleven genres he enumerates. He does not seem to distinguish between maˠannā and qa īd, which may explain, in part, why he assumes that maˠannā appears in rajaz, basī , wāfir, and sarīˠ.

The qarrādī presents the main problem for ˓Abd al-Nūr, and as we have seen to most of the critics before him. “Beaucoup d’éléments,” he writes, “font croire que le qarrādī échappe au principe general des metres quantitatifs adoptés en dialecte.”91 These “éléments” are not enumerated, but one main reason emerges from ˓Abd al-Nūr’s ensuing argument. Because the syllabic meters lend themselves, more than quantitative meters to “coupures, omissions et additions,”92 88) 89) 90) 91) 92)

Ibid., p. 106.

Ibid., p. 106.

Ibid., p. 108.

Ibid., p. 100.

Ibid., p. 100.

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79 lebanese zajal poetry

_ _ _ௗ/_ _ _ௗ/_ _ _,88 and that both dalˠūnā and a variety of “variety” of idā are derivatives of qarrādī,89 which, one assumes, is due to the appearance in them of only long syllables.

Reserving the term zajal for all Lebanese vernacular poetry, ˓Abd al-Nūr identifies eleven “genres” and six basic quantitative meters.

He sums up his metrical analysis as follows: a) The rajaz, in the maˠannā, the mījanā and one genre of idā b) The basī , in the shurūqī, the mawwāl, the zalāghīt, abū al-zuluf, and the maˠannā c) The wāfir, in the maˠannā and the ˠatābā d) The ramal, in the nadb e) At times the sarīˠ in the maˠannā f ) It should be added with some reservations the derivation of qarrādī, dalˠūnā and a variety of idā from the khabab meter.90

adnan haydar

80

and because all the syllables in qarrādī are long,93 it is most likely, he says, that we are dealing with a variety of al-khabab meter.

Although he does admit the frequent presence of short syllables in qarradi, he dismisses their importance because, as he puts it, they are necessarily elongated “pour être assimilées aux longues.”94 While my research seems to support ˓Abd al-Nūr’s observation concerning the elongation of one or more short syllables, there is also the more important observation that qarrādī may contain more than seven syllables, be they long or short, and that such an occurrence will not affect the meter. The principle involved here concerns a pattern of stress which levels out the effect of uneven numbers of syllables, and a musical meter superimposed upon the poetic one. The possibility that al-khabab may be the meter of qarrādī notwithstanding, the reasons for that seem to be in the province of music not metrics. I shall return to this point later on.

Much of the criticism discussed above abounds in impressionistic statements, contradictions, shaky terminology and serious lack of documentation. The studies of Whaybeh and ˓Abd al-Nūr fail, I think, to justify their insistence on a syllabic system, in the case of the former, or a quantitative system in the case of the latter.

Whaybeh introduces the largest number of meters, several more than the six fu ā meters identified by ˓Abd al-Nūr, unless ˓Abd al-Nūr considers meters resembling al-aswānī and al-mutawāzī shorter versions of qarrādī. None of the critics admits music, song, and stress into metrical study. All of them, with the exception of Whaybeh, single out qarrādī as the most problematic of all because the only Arabic meter which appears to resemble it is al-khabab, a meter not identified, or intentionally overlooked by al-Khalīl, though recognized by al-Akhfash and later critics as an indigenous Arabic meter.

93) Ibid., p. 100.

94) Ibid., p. 100.

Mascarade – Gallica.

Artiste inconnu Bibliothèque Nationale de France