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The Oxford Handbook of Criminology (7th edn)
Alison Liebling, Shadd Maruna, and Lesley McAra
Notes on Contributors
AlisonLiebling,ShaddMaruna and Lesley Mcara
Katherine M. Auty is Senior Research Associate at the Institute of Criminology, University of Cambridge.
Andy Aydın-Aitchison is Senior Lecturer in Criminology at the University of Edinburgh School of Law.
Nick Blagden is Professor in Criminological Psychology at the University of Derby, former Head of the Sexual Offences Crime and Misconduct Research Unit at Nottingham Trent University, and co-founder and trustee of the Safer Living Foundation.
Mary Bosworth is Professor of Criminology and Fellow of St Cross College, University of Oxford.
Ben Bowling is Professor of Criminology and Criminal Justice at the Dickson Poon School of Law at King’s College London.
Ben Bradford is Professor of Global City Policing and Director of the Centre for Global City Policing at the Department of Security and Crime Science, University College London.
Avi Brisman is a Professor in the School of Justice Studies at Eastern Kentucky University, an Adjunct Professor in the School of Justice at Queensland University of Technology (Australia), and an Honorary Professor at Newcastle School of Law and Justice and a University Fellow at the Centre of Law and Social Justice at the University of Newcastle (Australia).
Mirza Buljubašić is Postdoctoral Research Associate at Netherlands Institute for the Study of Crime and Law Enforcement (NSCR) and Senior Assistant at the Faculty of Criminal Justice, Criminology and Security Studies, University of Sarajevo.
Michele Burman is Professor of Criminology in the Scottish Centre for Crime and Justice Research at the University of Glasgow.
Paolo Campana is Associate Professor in Criminology and Complex Networks at the Institute of Criminology, University of Cambridge.
Victoria Canning is Associate Professor of Criminology at the University of Bristol.
Ryan Casey is Interdisciplinary Research Fellow in Digital Society & Economy at the University of Glasgow.
Neil Chakraborti is Professor in Criminology and Director of the Centre for Hate Studies at the School of Criminology, University of Leicester. He is also Director of the Institute of Policy at the University of Leicester.
Amy Clarke is a Research Fellow for the Centre for Hate Studies at the School of Criminology, University of Leicester.
Ben Collier is Lecturer in Digital Methods at the University of Edinburgh.
↵ Adam Crawford is Professor of Criminology and Criminal Justice at the University of Leeds and Professor of Policing and Social Justice at the University of York. He is also Co-Director of the ESRC Vulnerability and Policing Futures Research Centre.
Ben Crewe is Deputy Director of the Prisons Research Centre and Professor of Penology & Criminal Justice at the Institute of Criminology, University of Cambridge.
Danica Darley is completing a PhD at the University of Sheffield and conducts research with and about children in care and the youth justice system.
Bill Davies is Senior Lecturer in Criminology at Leeds Beckett University.
Susan Donkin is Research Fellow in European Urban Security at the University of Leeds.
Ron Dudai is Senior Lecturer at the Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Ben-Gurion University.
Rod Earle is Senior Lecturer in the School of Health, Wellbeing and Social Care at The Open University.
Manuel Eisner is Wolfson Professor of Criminology and Director of the Institute of Criminology, University of Cambridge.
Katja Franko is Professor of Criminology at the University of Oslo.
Alistair Fraser is Professor of Criminology in the Scottish Centre of Crime & Justice Research, University of Glasgow.
Pete Fussey is Professor of Sociology at the University of Essex.
David Gadd is Professor of Criminology in the School of Social Sciences at the University of Manchester.
David Garland is the Arthur T. Vanderbilt Professor of Law and Professor of Sociology at New York University.
Loraine Gelsthorpe is Professor Emerita of the Institute of Criminology; Deputy Director of the Centre for Community, Gender & Social Justice; and a Fellow at Pembroke College, University of Cambridge.
Evi Girling is Senior Lecturer in Criminology at Keele University.
Hannah Graham is Senior Lecturer in Criminology and an Associate Director of the Scottish Centre for Crime and Justice Research at the University of Stirling.
Chris Greer is Pro-Vice-Chancellor (Research) and Professor of Sociology at the University of Essex.
Adrian Grounds is an Honorary Research Fellow at the Institute of Criminology, University of Cambridge.
Keith Hayward is Professor of Criminology at the Faculty of Law, University of Copenhagen, Denmark.
Paddy Hillyard is Emeritus Professor of Sociology, Queen’s University, Belfast.
↵ Dick Hobbs is Emeritus Professor, University of Essex.
Barbora Holá is Senior Researcher at the Netherlands Institute for the Study of Crime and Law Enforcement (NSCR) and Associate Professor at the Department of Criminal Law and Criminology at Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, the Netherlands.
David Honeywell is Lecturer in Criminology at Arden University.
Mike Hough is Emeritus Professor in the School of Law, Birkbeck, University of London.
Alice Hutchings is Professor of Emergent Harms at the Department of Computer Science & Technology, University of Cambridge, Director of the Cambridge Cybercrime Centre, and Fellow of King’s College, Cambridge.
Martin Innes is lead Co-Director of the Security, Crime and Intelligence Innovation Institute <https:// www.cardiff.ac.uk/security-crime-intelligence-innovation-institute> and a Professor in the School of Social Sciences, Cardiff University.
Yvonne Jewkes is Professor of Criminology at the University of Bath.
Darrick Jolliffe is Professor of Criminology at The School of Law and Criminology, University of Greenwich.
Trevor Jones is Professor of Criminology in the School of Social Sciences at Cardiff University.
Nicola Lacey is Professor of Law, Gender, and Social Policy at the London School of Economics and Political Science.
Cheryl Lawther is Reader in Law at Queen’s University Belfast.
Michael Levi is Professor of Criminology in the School of Social Sciences at Cardiff University.
Alison Liebling is Professor of Criminology and Criminal Justice, and Director of the Prisons Research Centre at the University of Cambridge.
Ian Loader is Professor of Criminology at the University of Oxford and Honorary Professorial Fellow at the University of Melbourne.
Nicholas Lord is Professor of Criminology at the University of Manchester.
Shadd Maruna is Professor of Criminology at Queen’s University Belfast and President of the American Society of Criminology.
Ben Matthews is Lecturer in Social Statistics and Demography at the University of Stirling.
Lesley McAra is Professor of Penology in the Law School at the University of Edinburgh and Co-Director of the Edinburgh Study of Youth Transitions and Crime.
Kieran McEvoy is Professor of Law and Transitional Justice and Theme Leader (Rights and Justice) at the Senator George J. Mitchell Institute for Global Peace, Justice and Security at Queen’s University Belfast.
Eugene McLaughlin is Professor of Criminology in the School of Policy and Global Affairs at City, University of London.
↵ Fergus McNeill is Professor of Criminology & Social Work at the University of Glasgow where he works in Sociology and in the Scottish Centre for Crime and Justice Research.
Susan McVie is Professor of Quantitative Criminology in the School of Law at the University of Edinburgh.
Tim Newburn is Professor of Criminology and Social Policy at the London School of Economics and Political Science.
Ailbhe O’Loughlin is Senior Lecturer in Law at York Law School, University of York.
Nicola Padfield is Emeritus Professor of Criminal and Penal Justice at the University of Cambridge and a Life and Honorary Fellow of Fitzwilliam College, Cambridge.
Alpa Parmar is Assistant Professor in Criminal Law and Criminal Justice at the Faculty of Law, and a Fellow at Clare College, University of Cambridge.
Jill Peay is Emeritus Professor of Law at the London School of Economics and Political Science.
Coretta Phillips is Professor of Criminology and Social Policy at the London School of Economics and Political Science.
Jo Phoenix is Professor of Criminology at the University of Reading.
Gosia Polanska was Postdoctoral Research Associate at Keele University.
Lidia Puigvert is Professor of Sociology at the University of Barcelona.
Robert Reiner is Emeritus Professor of Criminology at The London School of Economics and Political Science.
Julian V. Roberts is Emeritus Professor of Criminology at the University of Oxford, and Executive Director of the Sentencing Academy.
Gwen Robinson is Professor of Criminal Justice at the University of Sheffield.
Paul Rock is Emeritus Professor of Sociology at the London School of Economics and Political Science.
Meredith Rossner is Professor of Criminology at the Australian National University.
Bethany E. Schmidt is Assistant Professor of Penology at the University of Cambridge.
Ed Schreeche-Powell is a Lecturer in Criminology at The University of Greenwich and Associate Lecturer in Social and Forensic Psychology at The Open University.
Toby Seddon is Professor of Social Science and Head of the UCL Social Research Institute at University College London.
Joe Sim is Emeritus Professor of Criminology, Liverpool John Moores University and a Trustee of the charity INQUEST.
Oliver Smith is Associate Professor (Reader) in Criminology at the University of Plymouth.
Nigel South is Emeritus Professor in the Department of Sociology at the University of Essex, and Honorary Visiting Professor in the Institute for Social Justice and Crime at the University of Suffolk.
↵ Richard Sparks is Professor of Criminology in the School of Law at the University of Edinburgh.
Alex Stevens is Professor in Criminal Justice at the University of Kent.
Cyrus Tata is Professor of Law and Criminal Justice at the Law School, University of Strathclyde, Scotland.
Steve Tombs is Emeritus Professor of Criminology at The Open University.
Maria Ttofi is Associate Professor in Psychological Criminology at the Institute of Criminology, University of Cambridge.
Beth Weaver is Professor of Criminal and Social Justice and an Associate Director of the Scottish Centre for Crime and Justice Research at the University of Strathclyde.
Christine A. Weirich is Research Fellow with the ESRC Vulnerability and Policing Futures Research Centre and is based at the University of Leeds.
Belinda Winder is Professor of Forensic Psychology and Research Director of the Centre of Crime, Offending, Prevention and Engagement (COPE) at Nottingham Trent University. She is a co-founder of the Safer Living Foundation charity.
Lucia Zedner is Senior Research Fellow at All Souls College and Professor of Criminal Justice at the University of Oxford, as well as Conjoint Professor at the University of New South Wales Sydney.
The Oxford Handbook of Criminology (7th edn)
Alison Liebling, Shadd Maruna, and Lesley McAra
Guide to the Online Resources
AlisonLiebling,ShaddMaruna and Lesley Mcara
The online resources that accompany this book provide students and lecturers with ready-to-use teaching and learning materials. These resources are free of charge and are designed to enhance the learning experience.
www.oup.com/he/liebling-maruna7e <http://www.oup.com/he/liebling-maruna7e>
Student
Resources
Selected Chapters from Previous Editions <http:// www.oup.com/he/liebling-maruna7e/prevedchapters>
In-depth material on topics from previous editions of the text, including the development of criminology as a discipline, and key issues, such as punishment and control, and crime reduction, are provided in electronic format for additional reading.
Please note that these chapters are only available directly through the hyperlink above.
Useful Websites <https://learninglink.oup.com/access/ liebling-maruna7e-student-resources#tag_useful-websites>
Links to useful websites for each chapter point you in the direction of important research, statistical data, and classic texts, keeping you informed of the developments in criminology both past and present as well as providing a starting point for additional research and reading.
Essay Questions <https://learninglink.oup.com/access/ liebling-maruna7e-student-resources#tag_essay-questions>
Written by the contributors, the essay questions that accompany each chapter encourage you to fully consider the key criminological issues. These essay questions help you to reflect on your reading and provide an opportunity to assess your understanding of each topic.
Guidance on Answering Essay Questions <https:// iws.oupsupport.com/ebook/access/content/liebling-maruna7estudent-resources/liebling-maruna7e-guidance-on-answeringessay-questions?options=showName>
Guidance on approaching essay questions and structuring your answers is available from the Handbook editors, to help you demonstrate your knowledge and critical understanding of criminology.
LecturerResources
Figures
fromtheText
Figures from the text are available to download in high resolution format, for use in teaching material, or assignments and exams. ↵
Introduction:Therenewedvision
The Oxford Handbook of Criminology (7th edn)
Alison Liebling, Shadd Maruna, and Lesley McAra
Introduction: The renewed vision
AlisonLiebling,ShaddMaruna and Lesley Mcara
https://doi.org/10.1093/he/9780198860914.003.0044
Publishedinprint:21September2023
Publishedonline:August2023
Abstract
Thischapterreviewsdevelopmentsinthefieldofcriminologyinthecontextofthefundamentalshiftsthathaveoccurredover thepastsevenyearsinalmosteveryaspectofsociety,causedbytheCovid-19pandemic,theglobaleconomicdown-turn, risinggeo-politicaltensions,andtheimpactofactivistmovementssuchas#MeTooandBlackLivesMatter.Itarguesthatthese shiftshighlightthecontinuedrelevanceofBritishcriminologyascurrentlypractised,withitsexpandingknowledge-base, inter-disciplinaryinsight,anddiversearrayofmethodologicaltools,allcontributingtoabetterunderstandingofthe conditionsnecessarytosupportjustsocialorders.Thechapterpaystributetothepreviouseditorialteamandtothosethat criminologyhaslostsincethelastedition.Thechangingofthegenerationsisreflectedinthisvolume:itconstitutesaliving archive—a marked step in the life narrative of the field and a celebration of its growing strengths and popularity as a subject.
Keywords: theory,teaching,newgenerations,legacy,crime,socialjustice,universities,criminologicalimagination, intellectualcurrents
The three of us are deeply honoured to open this seventh edition of the Oxford Handbook of Criminology, our second volume since taking over the reins from founding editors Mike Maguire, Rod Morgan, and Robert Reiner in 2015. Their path-breaking and dedicated editorship lasted 18 years, with editions appearing in 1994 (the first), 1997 (the second), 2002 (the third), 2007 (the fourth), and 2012 (the fifth). By the time we took up editorship, nervously aware of the responsibilities and privilege of inheriting such a successful franchise, the Handbook was well established as a constitutive and agenda-setting ‘state-of-the art’ collection and an indispensable archive of the evolving state of criminology. Our plan in the last edition was to maintain the standing of the book, whilst widening its scope and diversifying its authorship. We did this by slightly shortening, but increasing the number of, contributions and encouraging co-authorship,
especially with younger scholars. We were delighted with the volume’s reception when it was published in 2017 as the sixth edition and enjoyed thinking together about the state of our field as well as working with a wide range of talented authors doing outstanding work.
For this edition, we continue this trend with further diversification of subject matter and authors. It remains the case that nearly every invitation we made has been accepted, contributions have all been produced to time (almost) despite our new conditions, and our deliberations with authors about content have been productive and professional. Perhaps the hardest aspect of putting together this new edition has been trying to capture the immense changes in the field and in the wider world that have occurred since the last edition went to press. As an antidote to the kind of ‘vertigo’ Jock Young once described, we felt the need to renew and restate our vision of what criminology is and what it could do whilst also trying to come to terms with the new world we are living in.
From its early immigrant origins our field has always blended empirical science with social and legal philosophy in order to explore, interrogate, or refine the concepts of crime and justice. Questions of citizenship, belonging, and borderlands are built into our history. The introduction of criminology in the UK largely resulted from the pioneering efforts of three post-Second World War émigrés—Hermann Mannheim, Max Grunhut, and Leon Radzinowicz—around the middle of the twentieth century (see Garland 2002). It is striking that at times of global upheaval, and movement of people across borders, the intellectual life sometimes breathes with new energy and determination as a result of its relevance (see Cumhaill and Wiseman 2022).
TheNewWorldWeLiveIn
The period since 2015 has felt particularly tumultuous with fundamental shifts across nearly every aspect of social life in the UK and beyond. Most of these changes have had substantial impacts on the core subject matter of criminology. This is, as a result, much more than an updated edition.
Most obviously, a global pandemic beginning in spring 2020 brought public life to a virtual standstill, shutting down criminal justice functions from courts to therapeutic communities, at least temporarily. Universities closed their doors too, although they swiftly adapted to online delivery before most staff were prepared for this. Prisons, remarkably, largely avoided closures despite being known as places of severe contagion risk. Indeed, prisons in England and Wales saw hardly any of the urgent decarceration strategies seen in other parts of the world, although Scotland and Northern Ireland fared somewhat better in that regard (see Maruna, McNaull, & O’Neill 2022). Like National Health Service (NHS) staff, those remaining working in prisons during this fraught time were celebrated as heroes, yet (like in the NHS), their visible working conditions were exposed as utterly unacceptable.
The pandemic gave unprecedented powers to government control in every walk of life including the imposition of full community lockdowns, consisting of previously unthinkable restrictions on movement and contact with families and friends. Questions of compliance, state authority, and the proper limits of the law were played out on motorways, in neighbourhoods, and in homes across the world. The policing of parties and gatherings played a key role in bringing down Boris Johnson’s controversial reign as Prime
Minister. Protracted debates about ‘Partygate’ and the ‘Barnard Castle scandal’ undermined the early spirit of unity brought on by the pandemic and created a sense that there was one set of rules for the general public and very different rules for the people in charge who created those rules.
Socially, the pandemic seemed to strengthen both localism and globalism. Isolating at home, many of us re-discovered the importance of strong communities. Community members would look out for vulnerable or elderly neighbours, offering to do their shopping if needed, and many of us applauded the NHS from safe social distances on our doorsteps. Yet, confined to our living spaces, we also entered a brave, new world of video conferencing where suddenly we found ourselves giving lectures or sitting in meetings in far flung places as if we were in the same room (except when accidentally ‘on mute’). From a criminological perspective, the lockdown led to significant decreases in many forms of crime, like house burglary, but created opportunities for others, like cyber crimes (see Collier and Hutchings, this volume), and recorded incidents of domestic violence visibly increased (see Gadd, this volume, Walklate, Godfrey, & Richardson 2022). The pandemic and the subsequent lockdown also had a measurable impact on mental health, well-being, and child development (e.g., increased rates of self-harm, anxiety, depression, PTSD, especially among young people) in ways that are likely to have longer term criminogenic effects (see McAra, this volume). Politically, Covid-19 further polarized a population, already divided over issues like Brexit, into new camps based on concern for public health and the economy. Covid also fuelled a pandemic of conspiracy theories and anti-science populism, stoking fears of vaccines and undermining medical advice.
The cost-of-living crisis, exacerbated by the war in Ukraine, has intensified already existing social inequalities. At the time of writing, the Conservative Government is ↵ proposing substantial tax cuts for the UK’s richest taxpayers, yet households are having to choose between heating and eating in ways that have not been seen in decades. The realities of Brexit have begun to emerge since the publication of the last volume, and many of the grimmer predictions about the impact on the movement of people and goods have materialized, threatening peace and stability in Northern Ireland and further exacerbating the inflation crisis. Continuing austerity measures have devastated the public sector with declining workforces, deteriorating wages, high attrition rates, and widespread dissatisfaction amongst nurses, teachers, dockworkers, train drivers, and other professions deemed ‘essential’ during the pandemic. Prisons, probation, and the police have all faced staggering staff shortages, impacting on the functioning of the justice system. In universities, wages have stagnated and pensions have been cut dramatically, leading to years of industrial actions, burnout, and a decrease in the sort of professional good will necessary to sustain (largely unpaid) systems of peer review and external examination. Almost all of the critical issues facing higher education discussed in our 6th edition introduction have intensified, including the threats faced by those working in the humanities and social sciences.
The last seven years have seen the exponential rise of the international movement, known broadly as Black Lives Matter (BLM), given increased momentum in the wake of the killing of George Floyd by police officers in May 2020 in Minneapolis. With slogans such as, ‘abolish the police’, the movement has sparked a conversation about the role and purpose of policing in contemporary societies that has reverberated across the world. In the UK, the Metropolitan Police Service has come under sustained scrutiny since the last edition, most dramatically in the policing of the vigil following the murder of Sarah Everard by the Met
police officer Wayne Couzens. Under the Conservatives, policing has become increasingly politicized with ministerial and media hysteria about police officers ‘taking the knee’ in support of BLM or dancing at gay pride parades as if such gestures undermined crime fighting capacity. In a related development, the #MeToo movement has led to radical changes in gender politics. A pushback inspired by social media, #MeToo has drawn attention to the widespread culture of sexual harassment and sexual violence in workplaces, schools, universities and throughout society and has raised questions about due process for the accused (see Grounds, Ttofi, and Puigvert, this volume). Debates about climate justice have also intensified as scientific predictions of climate catastrophes, ranging from wildfires to flooding, have become daily realities around the globe (see Brisman and South, this volume). Disruptive activism by environmental groups like Extinction Rebellion has increased in an effort to call attention to state crimes linked to environmental devastation such as the burning of the Amazon Rainforest (see Canning, Hilliard, and Tombs, this volume). University campuses have, predictably, become key sites for working through some of these conflicts, occasionally including the forcible removal of statues or changing the names of campus buildings. ‘Decolonizing’ the university has become a rallying cry, including a rapidly growing movement to ‘decolonize criminology’ (Moosavi 2019) and decentre the influence of white, Northern, male authors from the curriculum.
As such, we are editing this Handbook in a time of profound change and ontological insecurity with the post-war European ‘project’ largely under threat, or losing its claim to legitimacy. British politics have seen a dramatic shift to the political right, but unlike a similar period of conservative leadership in the 1980s, the Government has been anything but stable. Since the last edition, the United Kingdom has had five different prime ministers (all Conservatives), eight different justice secretaries, and ten different prisons ministers. Little wonder this period has been experienced by so many as chaotic and ↵ fraught. A similar sense of political precarity and turmoil can be found across the globe with the rise of openly authoritarian regimes in several of the world’s largest countries. Russia’s protracted war in the Ukraine, and the violent attack on the US Capital on 6 January 2021 all threatened the very foundations of democracy and the rule of law. In short, if criminology’s main focus, or raison d’etre, is understanding the relationship between law-breaking, law-making, social order and justice, then there has never been a greater need of it. Several of the chapters to follow in the Handbook address the scope of criminology. Loader and colleagues (this volume) for instance, argue that ‘shifting lenses from the sometimes limiting purview of the fear of crime towards ideas of harm, safety, and security that are at once broader and less prescriptive, yet more embedded and grounded in the context of everyday experience, is part of what is involved in developing a contemporary, responsive, and relevant criminological field’. These are precisely the words we would use to describe our aspirations as editors of this new edition.
BritishCriminology’sRoleinFraughtTimes
While the social, economic, and political contexts just described have had profound effects on universities as places of education and research, they also demonstrate the increasing relevance of social science research—and especially of criminology. We can see why students continue to be drawn to the field. Criminology’s expanding subject matter includes questions of citizenship and democratic living; the nature and consequences of crime control and penal practice; the genesis and outcomes of poverty, trauma p. 4
and other social and environmental harms; atrocity crimes, migration and transitional justice. Criminology, at its best, pays systematic attention to the nature, causes, and trajectories of crime, fear, and violence. Longitudinal studies, however expensive, remain a state-of-the-art methodology for achieving the kinds of understanding we need. Criminology also addresses changing responses to crime, which so often cause harm in their own right. Our vision of the field holds these topic areas in productive tension, seeking to explain, and where possible, find ways of reducing, new and old forms of harm.
Our discipline’s collective knowledge base, inter-disciplinary insights and our diverse array of methodological tools, seek to contribute to better understanding of the conditions necessary to support more just social orders. Sometimes, criminological research even contributes directly to such related improvements to practice. What other social science could claim the sort of impact evident in Phil Scraton’s (2013) research on the Hillsborough tragedy, for instance? Or trigger a change in the age of criminal responsibility for children in Scotland?1 Or a transformation in the design of a prison for women in Ireland,2 to take some recent examples? This real-world relevance suggests that criminology remains a live, urgent, and engaged field of study, with all the risks and ↵ complexities inherent in doing that sort of applied work (see, e.g., Jewkes’s 2022 use of the term ‘dirty work’ as she questions whether helping to design new prisons with no bars on windows counts as a success or contributes to the legitimation of new prison building). Criminology’s proximity to state power poses both opportunities and risks.
None of this is to assert that criminology is a settled field. The past seven years have seen further diversification and transformation in some of the basic assumptions and ideas at work within the discipline. A key example is the major advances made in green criminology—with its interrogation of the symbiotic harms contributing to the climate crisis and the destruction of planetary health, and explorations of the contexts and action needed to enable human and non-human species to flourish (see Brisman and South, this volume). A further example is in the contribution of zemiology to contemporary knowledge production, including its substantive development of taxonomies of social harms (see Canning et al., this volume).
The past seven years have also seen a re-emergence of some of the longstanding intellectual battlegrounds in our discipline. Is it still meaningful to talk about a ‘British Criminology’ (a question we have grappled with in both the 6th and 7th editions of the handbook), particularly since many of the contemporary developments to which our discipline is responding (both in the UK and beyond), are transnational or global in orientation? There have been legitimate challenges to the hegemony of scholarship from the global north. Criminology has seen impressive growth in southern criminological scholarship, calls to embrace the epistemic disruption of decoloniality (replacing false universalism with what de Sousa Santis (2014) has called ‘border’ or ‘intercultural’ thinking’), and greater critical acknowledgment of the role of empire and coloniality in early and later histories of global north criminology (see also Chakraborti and Clarke, this volume, Brisman and South, this volume). We welcome the publication of the Palgrave Handbook of Criminology and the Global South (Carrington et al. 2018) and we look forward to a reshaping of the field of criminology in the light of these and other developments.
There has been an associated rise in activist scholarship, in particular from early career researchers and academics, reflecting some of the deep dissatisfactions with power structures both within the discipline, or academy, and beyond. One key example is the emergence of the Black Criminology Network, founded in
2020 by a doctoral researcher at Birmingham City University and an associate lecturer at the University of Northampton. The network aims to be a global hub for students and academics of Black heritage, providing mentoring and support, as well as running a series of skills workshops and seminars. A reinvigorated activism has also found expression in feminist criminology with the rise of so-called ‘fourth wave feminism’, premised on the sharing of lived experience, intersectionality and the use of internet tools to drive a praxis predicated on empowerment and transformational justice. Here there have been fierce debates around what role (if any) criminal justice and other state sponsored institutions should play in tackling gender-based violence and inequalities, the extent to which trans and gender diverse experiences are respected or have voice, and the emergence of queer criminology as a framework for new forms of knowledge production and action (see Copson and Boukli 2022, Burman and Gelsthorpe, this volume, Phoenix, this volume). This scholarship differs from the critical criminology of the 1960s and 1970s with its focus on state and structural injustices, by paying closer attention to matters of gender, identity and diversity.
It is clear that nurturing the next generation of scholars requires more transparent opportunity structures and more diverse role models within higher education. The ↵ salience of criminolgy as an academic field—its knowledge-base and innovatory practice in terms of theory and method—constitute powerful reasons for investment by universities. There has been continued expansion of criminology as both an undergraduate and taught postgraduate subject, with 814 undergraduate degree programmes on offer across 132 universities, and 239 masters programmes across 89 universities (WhatUni 2022). This has been mirrored in increased sales for the Handbook as a core text, especially for postgraduate education. The demand for professional education is increasing, as seen, for example, in the continuing provision of two Master of Studies Programmes at Cambridge, albeit with a move towards on-line delivery in some cases. Criminological practice and teaching is diversifying, whilst senior leadership in most institutions of higher education remains overwhelmingly white and male.3 The landscape is turbulent, presenting both risks and opportunities for criminologists and our field as a whole.
Doingcriminologyinachangingclimate
The ways in which we do criminology have had to adapt to these new challenges.
The creativity and resilience of researchers were particularly tested by the impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic, with successive lockdowns necessitating major changes to the conduct of empirical research. Many sites (for example, prisons and other residential settings) could not be visited in-person. Most fieldwork was either suspended or moved on-line; ethical issues became correspondingly more complex. Access to administrative data (for example, on criminal convictions) became more difficult, as staff shortages and redeployment to tackle the impacts of the pandemic, meant that criminal justice agencies had limited capacity to deal with researcher requests. The intensification of inequalities that the pandemic brought and the ways in which it exposed a justice gap (with regard to disproportionate policing, rights violation in prisons, for example), have become a focus of research in their own right (see McVie 2020, Maruna et al. 2022). They also highlight ongoing sensitivities in undertaking research with potentially traumatised populations (both those who come into conflict with the law as well as those within institutions of criminal justice trying to adapt rapidly to a situation of great uncertainty).
On the other hand, we celebrate the rise of mixed methodological approaches, participatory action research, and other more inclusive or democratic approaches to knowledge creation (see Liebling et al., this volume; Loader et al., this volume). Sometimes this encompasses forms of data collection involving the arts, or more deliberative approaches to analysis, such as citizens’ assemblies. In particular, there has been renewed emphasis on ‘lived experience’ not only in terms of those who come into conflict with the law, but also in terms of practitioners and policy makers (see Earle et al., this volume; Weaver et al., this volume). Such research methods require slow forms of scholarship—in particular, time to build relationships and mutual understanding, to gain trust. The curation of the participatory research experience ↵ raises questions for academics around ways of undertaking research which promote ‘generative justice’: a form of praxis aimed at increasing social solidarity in communities with experience of crime or punishment (see Maruna 2016); and about our responsibilities when projects come to an end. It also demands particular qualities of researchers in terms of active listening, and operating with a sense of humility, whilst also striving to build a credible knowledge base. There is a relationship between criminology’s mission and the methodologies employed. Loader and colleagues talk about ‘the intimate relation between enquiries into public safety (however conceptualized) and the quality and future possibilities of a shared democratic life’, arguing that ‘the modes of inquiry that seem most compelling nowadays need to be more oriented towards dialogue, creativity, and co-production than those that were applied (including by us) in the past’ (this volume).
Alongside these creative and person-centred efforts in the field, there has been a simultaneous expansion in big data analytics—both as a mode and a site of criminological enquiry: themes which run through a number of chapters in the Handbook (see especially Bradford and Fussey, Crawford et al., Jones et al., this volume). Whilst technological advances both in terms of data capture, linkage and analysis enable researchers to draw on new forms of data—such as social media scraping—this development raises new ethical challenges for criminology as well. Researchers need to be mindful of issues related to consent, privacy, surveillance and data ownership. Big data analysis requires computing infrastructure—which is both expensive to run and energy intensive. Skills in data handling and coding are a necessary prerequisite, with implications for researcher training. One concern is that many universities and bodies holding data, such as the police, are increasingly relying on business developers and data scientists to address operational questions, or drive research agendas. These researchers have tremendous technical skills, but they may not be familiar with criminological theory, data collection methodologies, or the realities on the ground in these justice contexts. Such a technologically driven development risks a future of theory-free data harvesting and false interpretations based on partial understandings of complex real-world processes like ‘recidivism’.
LossesandAcknowledgments
Since our last edition, British criminology has lost some of its trailblazers and much-loved characters, including Jackie Tombs and Roger Matthews, with the latter dying after contracting Covid-19 in April 2020. In books like Realist Criminology and What Is To Be Done about Crime and Punishment?, Matthews came to represent the hugely influential tradition of ‘left realism’. Through her leadership roles in the Central
Research Unit of the then Scottish Office, and the early days of the Scottish Centre for Crime and Justice Research, Tombs played a key role in ensuring that research evidence infused policy debates in Scotland (long before ‘evidence-based policy’ became a UK mantra) and in building criminological capacity.
Globally, too, criminology has lost some of the most transformative figures in the history of the field, like David Matza, Nils Christie, Elmar Weitekamp, Joan Petersilia, Nicole Hahn Rafter, Hans Toch, Jim B. Jacobs, M. Kay Harris, Charles Tittle, Ed Latessa, Bob Bursik, Ray Paternoster, Travis Hirschi, and David Bayley. Although associated with universities overseas, several of these scholars made an outsize impact on the development of criminology in the UK. (Indeed, one of our struggles with the concept of ↵ ‘British’ criminology is how to categorize the work of scholars like Christie, Matza, and Rafter with their evident global influence).
However, no one on that list has shaped British criminology like Donald West (9 June 1924–31 January 2020) or Roger Hood (12 June 1936–17 November 2020). Both West and Hood directed major centres of Criminology, in Cambridge and Oxford, respectively, with Hood serving for nearly three decades. Both were highly influential in legal reform, lived to a ripe age (95 and 84 respectively), and were still active in their research areas as long as they could work and travel. Perhaps there is some relationship between these facts. In any case, we wish to celebrate and record their contributions here.
Donald West, a psychiatrist, joined the newly established Institute of Criminology in Cambridge in 1960 as assistant director of research, and spent the rest of his career there, as lecturer, reader, and then professor of clinical criminology. He was director of the Institute from 1981 to his formal retirement in 1984. He became a Fellow of Darwin College and was promoted to a personal professorship in Clinical Criminology, while also providing an outpatient clinic at Addenbrooke’s Hospital as an (unpaid) honorary consultant psychiatrist. He started the best known of his contributions to criminological research, the Cambridge longitudinal study in delinquent development, in 1961. He was joined in 1969 by David Farrington, and their project became one of the major, continuing, prospective longitudinal studies internationally in the field of developmental criminology (see Chapter 5 in this volume). The study commenced as a prospective survey of 411 London boys, aged 8, who have since been interviewed at intervals throughout their lives (including most recently in their late 60s). Their children, and grandchildren, have also been interviewed in more recent years, enabling a rich range of findings about antecedents and causes of criminality and desistance. Major books arising from the study include Who becomes Delinquent (1973), The Delinquent Way of Life (1977), and Delinquency, Its Roots, Careers and Prospects (1982). West also served as a founding member of the parole board. His work (including his book Homosexuality, published in 1955) contributed to the decriminalization of homosexuality. He was pioneering, courageous, and left behind many close friends.
Roger Hood’s career-length research on the death penalty, likewise, was instrumental in the abolitionist campaign. During his degree in Sociology at LSE, he attended an optional course given by Hermann Mannheim, the ‘grand old man’ of criminology, who asked for help preparing a paper about the Homicide Bill, which eliminated the death penalty for so-called crimes of passion. ‘Mannheim was so pleased with it that he asked me if I would be his research assistant,’ Hood recalled (The Times obituary 2020). In 1967 he joined the Institute of Criminology at the University of Cambridge, with a fellowship at Clare Hall. His work on the history of criminal law with Sir Leon Radzinowicz, the ‘old fox’ of British criminology (Zapatero,
Introduction:Therenewedvision
obituary 2020), is masterful (see A History of the English Criminal Law and its Administration from 1750). He also published Borstal Reassessed and Key Issues in Criminology (1970, with the ‘older’ Richard Sparks) during this period. In 1973 he became the founding director of the Centre for Criminology at the University of Oxford with a fellowship at All Souls College, a position he held until 2003. All who knew him remember with considerable fondness his supportive, exacting, generous, and gentle style. A new Death Penalty Research Centre, established in his honour, and led by his young colleagues, was launched the day before his memorial service in 2021. His book, The Death Penalty: A Worldwide Perspective (1989), remains one of the best-known on the subject. He will ↵ be remembered as a ‘champion of justice’ (Garrett 2020) and as a wise advisor and friend to younger colleagues.
As third generation criminology scholars, we are aware of the privilege of having studied under the original giants, and of the historically extraordinary nature of a person-and legal-centred discipline. The people who established our field were intellectual and political activists as well as outstanding scholars.
The humanitarian preoccupations of our field remain central.
So where do we go from here? The new edition of the Handbook illustrates a changing of the guard, an opening up of the discipline, and an effort to build a bridge between the old and the new. We retain our commitment to the best scholarship, whilst recognizing that the boundaries of our discipline, and its locations, are becoming harder to maintain.
WhatIsNewintheNewEdition?
The Handbook has a new look, a new structure, and every chapter has been updated and revised for the contemporary context. In addition, we specifically commissioned a series of new chapters to better capture the changing zeitgeist in British criminology, including types of crime or approaches to criminology that have emerged in the past few decades. As part of our refresh, we have invited a number of new authors to cover a range of traditional topics that have appeared in previous editions of the Handbook. These include Nicky Padfield and Cyrus Tata on penal decision-making; Manuel Eisner on comparative criminology; Darrick Jolliffe and Katherine Auty on developmental and life course criminology; and Beth Weaver, Hannah Graham, and Shadd Maruna on desistance from crime.
We have expanded our coverage of types of crime with four newly commissioned chapters. First, a chapter on sex offending (by psychologists Neil Blagden and Belinda Winders), which contains important insights about compassion and trauma-informed therapeutic approaches to dealing with those who come to the attention of the criminal justice system for sexual assault, and offences against children. Secondly, a chapter on hate crime (by Neil Chakraborti and Amy Clarke) which explores the processes (social, political, and economic) which sustain power dynamics between dominant and subordinate groups predicated on prejudice and hostility, the nature of the harms caused and the ways in which hate crime might be best responded to. Thirdly, Ben Collier and Alice Hutchins examine the challenges posed by the rapidly exploding and technically complex field of cybercrime for the first time, describing the ecology and subcultures of online offending, the harms and methods involved, and the labours of increasing types of diverse personnel working in enforcement and control. Cybercrime now justifiably constitutes a sub-field in its own right. Finally we commissioned a new chapter by Andy Aydın-Aitchison, Mirza Buljubašić, and
Barbora Holá on atrocity crimes. This chapter develops and encourages criminology’s engagement with the forms of mass violence associated with war, armed conflict, and political repression as well as with efforts to pursue, or describe and define, justice for victims. Importantly, the themes of trauma and the harms of injustice are also addressed in another newly commissioned chapter on ‘victimology’ in an age of #MeToo by Adrian Grounds, Maria Ttofi, and Lidia Puigvert. Their account of voice and power shows that understanding suffering is a concept that ‘merits more attention in criminology’.
↵ Paolo Campana applies network thinking to criminology, including in the analysis of violence and organized crime. The transmission of risky phenomena across communities with diverse social structures has been vividly illustrated as we witness infections exploiting webs of social relations to increase their spread across individuals and places. He argues that relations matter in explaining phenomena of interest to criminologists and that these can have an effect over and above individual characteristics. Pathogens have well ‘understood’ the power of relations underpinning human networks. Criminology has much to learn from the analysis of social structures and connections in understanding the formation and operation of gangs, patterns of victimization and the broader structure of violence.
The Oxford Handbook has never before had a chapter on penal abolitionism’s role in British criminology, although, as Sim (this issue) points out in this fascinating chapter, abolitionism has a long tradition in Britain. Support for abolitionism and sustained decarceration has grown demonstrably in recent years, spurred on by the parallel push to ‘abolish the police’ inspired by the Black Lives Matter movement and the extreme threats faced by those in prison during the Covid-19 pandemic. For the first time ever, the Handbook also includes a chapter on the concept of ‘convict criminology’ or criminological research that centres lived experience and is produced mainly by those with first-hand experience of the justice system. Convict criminology has been around in US criminology since the late 1990s, but the idea has very much come to the fore in Britain in the past few years. Rod Earle and colleagues provide one of the most sophisticated, up-to-date discussions of the now ubiquitous new concept of ‘lived experience’ and its implications for the study of criminology.
There is also extended coverage of security and place as a thematic. Ian Loader and colleagues, revisit their work on crime and social change in middle England (Girling et al. 2000), in the context of a more recent project in the same locale, with a meditation on the relationship between democratic politics and security. The chapter highlights the importance of co-production in researcher-participant relationships, and the need for deliberative methods to capture in more granular ways the lived experience of (in)security, and the conditions necessary for social change. By contrast Ben Bradford and Pete Fussey explore the dynamics of ‘informational capitalism’ and the digital society and the ways in which they have transformed crime, security, surveillance and policing, within the context of ‘smart cities’. Here there is emphasis on the ways in which new technologies can increase vulnerability to crime at the same time as enhancing social control, with some efforts aimed at enhancing security, paradoxically increasing feelings of insecurity.
The Handbook is a living research project and its various editions function as an archive of some of the best and most influential scholarship within British Criminology, however loosely defined and problematic that term now feels. As ‘guardians’ of the Handbook, we are aware that our protégé is now a fully-fledged and independent adult making its way in a treacherous—contested, uncertain, economically precarious—
world. The unique strengths of criminology as a discipline give us a strong belief in the opportunity for renewal. We hope this new edition provides some of the energy for a dialogue about what social order and justice might look like by the time the eighth edition of the Handbook is in preparation.
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Notes
1ProfessorsLesleyMcAraandSusanMcViewontheESRCCelebratingImpactPrizein2019fortheirworkonthe EdinburghStudyofYouthTransitionsandCrime(ESYTC)(https://www.law.ed.ac.uk/news-events/news/professorsmcara-and-mcvie-win-esrc-celebrating-impact-prize <https://www.law.ed.ac.uk/news-events/news/professors-mcaraand-mcvie-win-esrc-celebrating-impact-prize>).
2ProfessorYvonneJewkeswontheESRCCelebratingImpactPrizein2020forherinnovativeresearchonprison architectureanddesign(https://www.bath.ac.uk/announcements/professor-yvonne-jewkes-wins-esrc-celebratingimpact-prize-2020-for-societal-impact <https://www.bath.ac.uk/announcements/professor-yvonne-jewkes-wins-esrccelebrating-impact-prize-2020-for-societal-impact>).
3ArecentreportauthoredbyUniversitiesUKandtheNationalUnionofStudents(2019),foundthatonly1percentof universityprofessorswereblack,with11percentoverallfromglobalmajoritygroups.Womencurrentlymakeuponly 28percentoftheprofessoriate,despiteforming46percentoffacultystaff.Effortstobuildmoreinclusive
Introduction:Therenewedvision environmentshavebenefitedfromstaffandstudentactivism(seeforexampleRace-EDandGender-EDatthe UniversityofEdinburgh),butstaffsurveysacrosstheUKcontinuetoreportculturesofbullying,racialstereotyping, experiencesofmicro-aggressions,inadditiontoinequalitiesofpayandpromotionprospects.
©OxfordUniversityPress2023
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The Oxford Handbook of Criminology (7th edn)
Alison Liebling, Shadd Maruna, and Lesley McAra