Haiti & the Saga of Vulnerability (excerpt)

HAITI & THE SAGA OF VULNERABILITY a chronological narration of Haiti's development from a cultural perspective on how it became one of the most vulnerable nations in the world and how this reflected in its urban and architectural evolution

Wouter Pocornie 1286617

&

Arie van Amerongen 1366823

AR2A010 : Architectural History Thesis University of Technology Delft, The Netherlands 8/8/2012

1

“Kay koule twompe soley soley men li pa twompe lapil.”

A leaky house can fool the sun, but it can’t fool the rain.

- Haitian proverb

HAITI & the SAGA of VULNERABILITY: History Thesis (Architectural): a chronological narration of Haiti’s development from a cultural perspective on how it became one of the most vulnerable nations in the world and how this reflected in its urban and architectural evolution written by Wouter Pocornie MSc Architecture/Urbanism 1286617 pocs26@gmail.com Arie van Amerongen MSc Architecture 1366823 arievA84@gmail.com AR2A010 : Architectural History Thesis University of Technology Delft, The Netherlands 8/8/12 - Final Draft teacher/assesor: Hans van Dijk

SUMMARY

On January the 12th 2010 a major earthquake struck the nation of Haiti in the Caribbean. Haiti was front page news worldwide. A recorded 222,570 people were killed, around 3,700,000 affected, and the disaster resulted in an estimated 8 billion dollars in economic damage (Em-dat, 2012). For a period of time Haiti received extraordinary media attention, subsequently an estimated amount of 8 billion dollars in aid (donors) from other nations was generated. This attention also portrayed the stigmatization of Haiti and its culture. What do we actually know about Haiti? What can we learn from the history of the country? How did it become so vulnerable?

More concretely, how did Haiti develop over the course of time to the point that an earthquake with its epicenter close to the nation’s capital Port-Au-Prince could expose the current vulnerable state of Haiti and its population?

There are numerous components that factor the vulnerability of a nation.

This paper focuses on the development of Haiti’s economic, political, and social conditions. These themes direct towards the planning conditions that transformed the Haitian cities. It summarizes Haiti’s development through the perspective of a severely confined culture. It links strongly to poverty. It accounts for the extreme living circumstances of the population which over time seem to subsist under these extreme conditions. How does this society then subsist? The story of Haiti, how it came about, is told through the lens of cultural resilience. Meaning, the capacity of the population to withstand setbacks and change in their traditional way of living. It illustrates how they survive in extreme technical and structural malice, epitomizing in man-made and natural disasters. This slave-descended society manages to subsist regardless of its reoccurring turmoil. It has a story to tell. This story is contextualized in the aforementioned themes of cultural development; economics, politics, and demographics. Subsequently this story is summarized and concluded through the examination of Haiti’s urban development with the capital city PortAu-Prince being the area of focus and illustrated through the evolution of Haiti’s vernacular architecture.

Haiti is not a nation that is commonly linked to architectural discussions or a general topic of interest in theory regarding urbanism. In some cases it is linked as being one of the Caribbean nations coping with (sub)tropical climates examining urban development with the focus on tourism or environmental sustainability (Chapman, 1992, 58–66). However Haiti a popular case study and is well known regarding global politics and religious topics. Especially in its historical context Haiti posits itself in global history in a unique way and beholds a perspective on global history; a story in need of sharing regarding topics such as revolutions, liberation, and gaining independence. Contemporary Haiti is one of the poorest nations on earth and therefore a narration of its historical evolution will tend to primarily depict an honest and dark story about how this country has been exploited and depleted of its resources essential for the nation’s resilience. In this thesis specific events are used to draw a portrait of a selective period in time. Each period in time 4 Haiti & the Saga of Vulnerability

|

Wouter Pocornie & Arie van Amerongen |

1286617 & 1366823

is entitled an ‘Era’ (see image 3) which as a series comprise a chronological narration of Haiti’s evolution. This narration is reflected upon in the conclusive paragraphs that circumscribe Haiti’s urban development and architecture that illustrate this specific period in history.

The hardships forced on its inhabitants show the resilience of Haitians; their capacity to cope with (what could be considered) the bare minimum. The hardships range from man-made to natural disasters, following a traditional trend.

So, one of the ‘poorest nations in the Western Hemisphere’ is founded on a brutally honest history. Freedom and liberty has tremendous costs. The majority of the people are not benefiting and tried numerous attempts to change their situation via the top-down approach (hoping of prosperity trickling down in the social ladder) before reacting via the bottom-up mechanisms; booming urbanization via slumming and the instating of their selected and elected leader Aristide. Haiti is a paradox considering co-operative development. It is made dependent on foreign resources and could not subsist anymore on its own domestic production (e.g. the agricultural sector, level of deforestation, and likelihood of an unified central government) while in contrast to that, the need to seek partnership has historically known the malice intent of the foreign hand (the influence of global-orientated reform). Haiti’s prime resources remain non-physical. The culture as well as the physical landownership, remains valued more symbolically than practically. Land itself shares parallels to political power as it tends to direct towards short-term wealth over the long-term investments for large cultivation and appropriation.

Lessons seen through the lens of its economic history indicate the intended demise of the agricultural sector, the depletion of resources (e.g. forest, the indemnity), and introductions of export-orientated industrial zones. Politically, Haiti has not experienced many states of government representing a state of tranquility let alone unified political fronts. Indeed Haiti is a prime example of political instability and turmoil, politique de doublure, and dictatorships. The strongest ruling leaders developed militia to anchor their position and have all shown how quickly the ideals and movements that instated them could be disposed. Considering demographics, Haiti has been –also has self-stimulated– a segregated society. Again, the symbolic values placed on cultural differences of various groups have not been lucrative for the majority of Haitians. These lessons all display the strength and resilience of Haiti’s culture but also discharge the odds in becoming self-sustaining, liberated and free, politically effective and efficient, and owners/masters of their own fate. The reflection regarding urban development directs towards the issue of urban primacy; thé Port-Au-Prince. It indicates how vital one city is to the country and after this is struck by an earthquake the whole country is affected. The green mountains have become grey (dwellings) and brown (desolate/depleted). These areas are erected via bottom-up approaches and are becoming more and more capitalismorientated in order to cope in their own way with the international community and its aid. Regarding Haiti’s evolution in architecture the main conclusion is the strong adaptation technique. The slums now house concrete cement dwellings, while the historic Gingerbread houses are scarce, and the original caille remains mostly a rural typology. Just as vodou emerged in a form of syncretism, a parallel could be drawn to the evolution of Haitian architecture as it samples from different tribes (cultures) from the African heritage and establishes a new cultural expression on Haiti’s soil.

The current state of Haiti’s generic constructions is mix of a traditional adaptation technique based on syncretism which allows the transformation of aid-funded materials and resources. History had stimulated the population to become very individualistic in development but very communal in a survivalists’ mentality. They work with what is actual instead of promises.

5 Summary

CONTENT

Summary

___4

INTRODUCTION

__9

A chronological narration of Haiti’s historical evolution Haiti’s extreme conditions Development from a cultural perspective Urban development The evolution of Haiti’s architecture

___9 ___9 ___10 ___11 ___12

Chapter 1: INDIGENOUS ERA [ <1492 ]

__13

Columbus sights Hispaniola Agriculture, hunting, and fishing Theocratic kingdoms Hierarchy and spirituality Native ancestry: Ayiti

___13 ___13 ___14 ___14 ___14

Chapter 2: COLONIAL ERA [ 1492 - 1804 ]

__16

The colonial history of Haiti Pearl of the Caribbean Leaders, power, and law Social hierarchy and shifts The Plantopolis model

___16 ___17 ___17 ___19 ___20

Chapter 3: IMPERIAL ERA [ 1804 - 1844 ]

__23

Liberated Haiti! Free Haiti?

Northerners money & Southerners freedom Responses to the Haitian Revolution Mulattoes & creoles Liberation, fragmentation, individualization

___23 ___23 ___25 ___27 ___27

Chapter 4: ‘DECADES OF INSTABILITY’ ERA [1844 - 1915 ]

__30

The path to short-lived power Instability is lucrative for some “The greatest good for the greatest number” versus “government by the most competent.”

Militia The basis for the typology of Haiti’s vernacular architecture

___30 ___30 ___31 ___32 ___33

6 Haiti & the Saga of Vulnerability

|

Wouter Pocornie & Arie van Amerongen |

1286617 & 1366823

Chapter 5: MODERN ERA [ 1915 - 1957 ]

__38

Modern times: the ideals, the people, and people’s ideas Neo-colonialism The people’s movements Noirisme The mini-metropolis

___38 ___38 ___39 ___40 ___41

Chapter 6: DUVALIER ERA [ 1957 – 1986/1990 ]

__45

Papa Doc & Baby Doc Foreign hand: ill-gotten gains The dictators Migrants Port-Au-Prince and the implosion of slums

___45 ___45 ___47 ___49 ___49

Chapter 7: ARISTIDE ERA [ 1991 - 2004 ]

__53

The selected leader Controversial foreign influence Carreer over people Migrants part 2 Urban battlefields

___53 ___54 ___56 ___59 ___61

Chapter 8: MINUSTAH Era [ 2004 - 2010 ]

__64

New Overseers The budget upheld by foreign money The MINUSTAH Beneficiaries The Republic of NGOs

___64 ___65 ___66 ___67 ___68

CONCLUSION

__70

Lessons learned The chronological narration Thé Port-Au-Prince Adaptation technique

___70 ___71 ___73 ___73

References

___80

7

image 1 - Topographic map of Haiti source: RĂŠmi Kaupp, CC-BY-SA, Wikimedia Commons

8 Haiti & the Saga of Vulnerability

|

Wouter Pocornie & Arie van Amerongen |

1286617 & 1366823

Introduction

INTRODUCTION

Florida

North Atlantic Ocean

Cuba Haiti

Dominican Republic

Jamaica

Puerto Rico

Caribbean Sea

Venezuela

Haiti’s extreme conditions On January the 12th 2010 a major earthquake struck the nation of Haiti. A recorded 222,570 people were killed, around 3,700,000 affected, and the disaster resulted in an estimated 8 billion dollars in economic damage (Em-dat, 2012). For a period of time Haiti received extraordinary media attention, subsequently an estimated amount of 8 billion dollars in aid (donors) from other nations was generated. This attention also indicated the stigmatization of Haiti and its culture. What do we actually know about Haiti? What can we learn from the history of the country?

How did it become so vulnerable? More concretely, how did Haiti develop over the course of time to the point that an earthquake with its epicenter close to the

image 2 - Haiti’s geographical location in the Caribbean

Introduction: a synopsis of that specific period in time

Economics: policies, reforms, overall economy

context

chapter

1492

Era

A chronological narration of Haiti’s historical evolution Where is Haiti? It is the Western one third of the island Hispaniola bordering to the Dominican Republic in the Caribbean (see image 2). It is framed by the Caribbean Sea and the North Atlantic Ocean with a coastal loan stretching over 1,771 km (US Central Intelligence Agency, n.d.). The local tropical climate offers great opportunities for tourism in the Caribbean region but in addition guarantees hazards which in vulnerable areas can lead to natural disasters. Haiti overall is a highly vulnerable area as Haiti’s development resulted in its stigmatization as being one of the poorest and most vulnerable nations of the world even compared to other nations in the Caribbean region. This thesis distances itself from the environmental context and examines the development process from cultural perspective in order to illustrate how this nation became so vulnerable leading up to the earthquake that occurred on January the 12th 2010.

Haiti is not a nation that is commonly linked to architectural discussions or a general topic of interest in theory regarding urbanism. In some cases it is linked as one of the Caribbean nations coping with (sub)tropical climates examining urban development with the focus on tourism or environmental sustainability (Chapman, 1992, 58–66). However Haiti a popular case study and is well known regarding global politics and religious topics. Especially in its historical context Haiti posits itself in global history in a unique way and beholds a perspective on global history; a story story in need of sharing regarding topics such as revolutions, liberation, and gaining independence. Contemporary Haiti is one of the poorest nations on earth and therefore a narration of its historical evolution will tend to primarily depict a very realistic and dark story about how this country has been exploited and depleted of its resources essential for the nation’s resilience. In this thesis specific events are used to drawn portrait of a selective period in time. Each period in time is entitled an ‘Era’ (see image 3) which comprise a chronological narration of Haiti’s evolution.

This narration is reflected upon in conclusive paragraphs that circumscribe Haiti’s urban development and architecture that illustrate this specific period in history.

Politics: leaders, movements, parties Demographics: social, cultural, ethnicity, classes

2010

Conclusion: an overview and reflection on how this time influenced the overall urban development and evolution of architecture

image 3 - Format of thesis Eras depict a specific period in time, contextualized in economic, political, and demographical paragraphs.

image 4 - Port-au-Prince, urban situation after the earthquake. source: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/8462221.stm

9 Introduction

nation’s capital Port-Au-Prince could expose the current vulnerable state of Haiti and its population?

There are numerous components that factor the vulnerability of a nation.

This paper focuses on the development of Haiti’s economic, political, and social conditions. These themes direct towards the planning conditions that transformed the Haitian cities. It summarizes Haiti’s development through the perspective of a severely confined culture. It links strongly to poverty. It accounts for the extreme living circumstances of the population which over time seem to subsist under these extreme conditions. How does this society then subsist? The story of Haiti, how it came about, is told through the lens of cultural resilience. By this the capacity of the population to withstand setbacks and change in their traditional way of living is meant: How they survive in extreme technical and structural malice, epitomizing in man-made and natural disasters. This slave-descended society manages to subsist regardless of its reoccurring turmoil. It has a story to tell. This story is contextualized in the aforementioned themes of cultural development; economics, politics, and demographics. Subsequently this story is summarized and concluded through the examination of Haiti’s urban development with the capital city PortAu-Prince being the area of focus and illustrated through the evolution of Haiti’s vernacular architecture.

image 5 - Haiti’s flag Haiti’s flag was established after its independence in 1804. Ripping out the white and rotating the French flag horizontally. The blue represents the creoles/ blacks and the red the mulattoes. The shield of arms holds the phrase: l’union fait la force (Unity Makes Strength) source: CIA factbook

Development from a cultural perspective Regarding economics the prime example of Haiti’s trajectory is drawn of the virtual demise of the agricultural sector. The economic evolution through reforms disintegrated the agricultural sector and the emerging economic reforms prioritized industrialization which was export-orientated. A domestic-led economy has yet to be proven a point of focus in economic planning, implementation, and execution.

The reforms have little result in addressing the improvment of the socio-economic situation of the Haitian population.

In Haitian politics the current state is yet to find its balance. Historically Haiti has dealt with colonists, liberators, dictators, and in the last stages of the 20th century it dealt with selected versus elected leaders. They all played their vital part to shape the current political climate. The result is a segregated society that knows very well what freedom is in addition to the costs for independence.

Haiti continues to remain limited in opportunities to develop. The political climate directs Haiti’s urbanization in two optional forms of planning. The first is that the central government in collaboration with external interests fails to have Haiti, as a people and culture, benefit from a domestic-led economy and urban development.

This has sparked reactionary bottom-up initiatives that cope with the remaining scarce resources and possibilities. The other situation is more radical and indicates that Haiti is the platform meant for exploitation that benefits individual groups or collectives. Whether this is top-down or bottom-up planning, it directs towards a bold claim of resources in (urban) Haiti. The last one points to the corrupt nature of Haiti’s political climate while the first scenario depicts the rooted high level of misunderstanding in a segregated nation. By examining the historic political events of Haiti through its rebellions, coup d’états, leaders, and constitutions both scenarios are further examined.

For the social theme this thesis emphasizes the demographics. Haitians throughout history are segregated primarily on the basis of ethnicity and income level (class). The people of Haiti and their culture are also strongly linked to different places in the world in various ways throughout history. Their identity is determined by this and is continuously remains influenced by its global ties. Who are the inhabitants on the Western one-third of the island Hispaniola? Where do they

10 Haiti & the Saga of Vulnerability

|

Wouter Pocornie & Arie van Amerongen |

1286617 & 1366823

come from and how did the population evolve? In short, the definition of who the Haitians are is formulated through examining the diaspora and relations between groups and classes of income, subdivided per chapter (Era).

Urban development Haiti’s development is illustrated by portraying Haiti’s urban growth centering on its capital city Port-Au-Prince. Greater Port-Au-Prince is the result of intentional as well as unforeseen urban primacy. This primate city is the epitome of Haiti’s vulnerability because it centers the majority of its economy, political power, and population. In this case a vulnerable city means a vulnerable nation. Port-Au-Prince is the largest city in Haiti regarding urban footprint and population statistics, which indicates it is about ten times the size of secondary cities such as Cap-Haïtien and Gonaïves (City population, n.d.), see image 6.

CAP-HAITIEN 244,660 CAP-HAITIEN 155,505

GONAIVES 228,725

Leogane

78,477 84,812

PeƟt-Anse

89,155

Tabarre

99,011

Port-de-Paix

99,580

Cap HaiƟen

PORT-AU-PRINCE 2,296,386 PORT-AU-PRINCE 875,978 CARREFOUR 430,250

DELMAS 359,451

122,747 155,505

Gonaives

228,725

Cite Soleil

241,055

Greater Cap-HaiƟen

244,660

Petrion Ville Delmas Carrefour

PETIONVILLE 271,175

data derived from: City pulation. (n.d.)

Croix-des-Bouquets

Saint Marc

CITE SOLEIL 241,055

image 6 - Haiti’s urban population Greater Port-Au-Prince accounts for the majority of Haiti’s urban population with its districts surpassing the secondary cities

Port-Au-Prince Greater Port-Au-Prince

There are lessons to be learned on the scale of the region. The urban development is in some ways common for the Caribbean. It follows three stages drawn on Potter’s theory on urban development in the Caribbean: starting with a Plantopolis model (1750s -), to Emancipation model (1833 -), to mini-metropolis in the Modern Era model (1950s -) (Potter, 2000, 28–32), see image 7. Regarding the unique achievement of Haiti’s independence these stages are somewhat altered.

Land remains a typical device for exploitation without cultivation (Lowenthal, 1961, 1-9) (generalization for the us of land customary in the Caribbean). Adjacent, land has been subdivided according to a (Napoleonic/classical) inheritance system synchronized with a cultural, spiritual system of spatial configuration stemming from the Haitian ancestry (Lauwerysen, 1998, 192–233). Haiti’s land use is rooted in private ownership and valued more symbolically than practically.

As mentioned this centralization of Port-Au-Prince signifies numerous aspects of intended, implemented and executed strategies of planners to control Haiti. Contextualization of historic events and subsequently Haiti’s emerging urban development prove this. Much of the political turmoil is derived from struggle for power to control Haiti’s import and export through its major (urban) hub; the singled-out port-city Port-Au-Prince. Politics and economic reform relate directly to Haiti’s spatial development. On the other hand the reactionary phenomena of urbanization where masses of people gravitate towards the urban core indicate how the majority of urban Haitians subsist with the political status quo throughout the years. It results in Haiti being one of the cities in the world with the highest percentage (over 85%) of slums (Index mundi, n.d.).

271,175 359,451 430,250 875,978 2,296,286

image 7 - Plantopolis (general) From Plantopolis model (1750s, - ), to Emancipation model (1833, - ), to mini-metropolis in the Modern Era model (1950s) source: Potter (2000)

11 Introduction

image 8 - Caille typology Typical characteristics of houses; ‘cailles’ and ‘shotgun’ typologies are: an overhanging wood attic, wood trim and fascia, and paired wood plank doors, Haitian shotgun plan, bright colors and ornately carved decoration. source: Wouter Pocornie (2011)

The evolution of Haiti’s architecture Haiti’s vernacular architecture is essence not necessarily considered a product but a process in this thesis. The typical product however would be the caille (or Kay in local Creole, see image 8). This has formed the basis for the evolving typologies such as ‘Gingerbread’ and shotgun houses which in turn are found in other areas of the world where the Haitian diaspora has linkages. These and other architectural components are addressed to conclude a specific chapter (Era) in Haiti’s history.

However, the emphasis of Haiti’s vernacular architecture is how its culture resulted in radical shifts of typology. It indicates how Haiti’s vernacular architecture evolves from a primitive wooden hut, towards colonial art-deco dwellings, to finally evolve towards a cement block. The current state of Haiti’s generic constructions is mix of a traditional adaptation technique (based on syncretism) and aid-funded materials which through its vernacular process will continue to paint Haiti’s concrete and depleted mountains.

image 9 - Capitol theatre (Downtown Port-Au-Prince) Strong influence from Miami-based (USA) art deco architecture. source: Wouter Pocornie (2011)

12 Haiti & the Saga of Vulnerability

|

Wouter Pocornie & Arie van Amerongen |

1286617 & 1366823

‘DECADES OF INSTABILITY’ ERA 1844-1915

The path to short-lived power Haiti was very much concerned with annexing the Dominican Republic and simultaneously had great difficulty controlling domestic power. While in 1844 Feb 28 The Dominican Republic declared its independence from Haiti, this ambition would not seize to exist. But Haiti was not alone. The United States who did not yet recognize Haiti as an independent nation had the ambition to annex the strategic island of Hispaniola as well Germany and France who remained close in order to seize economic lucrative resources. Haiti’s Imperial Era was over and the proceeding 6 decades would severely test the country’s resilience on a political level. Leyburn describes this period in time as the decades of instability when 22 heads of state seized control over the country. At the top leaders overthrew each other via coupes and revolts, one was blown up with his palace, one presumably poisoned, one hacked to pieces by a mob, one resigned, three died while serving their term, and only one actually fulfilled his term (Mongabay, n.d.). Haiti’s leadership was the most valuable property in an unprincipled competition amongst strongmen. This internal chaos in addition to the global interests and internal conflict within Hispaniola led to strong foreign interventions with the United States occupation which started in 1915 and would end this era.

Instability is lucrative for some Aside from the malice intent to punish Haiti for its revolution the foreign interests remained and lurked as new opportunities arose from all the instability. Especially Germans looked to capitalize from the reoccurring overthrowing of governance.

It has proven that the weakness of Haitian governments and supporting corrupt leaders was very attractive. The French who recognized Haiti (1825) before the Vatican (1860) and the United States of America (1862) alongside the British laid claim on interests and resources in Haiti. The United States was most concerned for the German competition. There was a small German community (estimated around 200 in 1910) who wielded a disproportionate amount of economic power. They controlled about 80% of the of the country’s international commerce adjacent to operating and owning utilities in Cap-Haïtien and Port-Au-Prince, the main wharf and a tramway in the capital, and a railroad in the North. The Germans and French aimed to collect capital from the nation’s customs under the presumption Haiti owed the Western nations (indemnity/debt). When the National Bank was erected in 1880 they sought control. This kind of arrangement is know technically as a ‘customs receivership’.

Haitian President Fabre Geffrard (1859 - 1865) was most efficient for foreign interests to intervene. The American Sugar Company was founded in 1912 after USA recognizing Haiti in 1862 and before the US Occupation in 1915. The US had the ambition to annex Hispaniola for its strategic position in the Caribbean.

30 Haiti & the Saga of Vulnerability

|

Wouter Pocornie & Arie van Amerongen |

1286617 & 1366823

Indigenous Era <1492:

Colonial Era 1492-1804:

Imperial Era 1804-1844:

Decades of instability Era 1844-1915:

It took the USA almost 60 years to recognize a freed black nation and detested its symbolic value, being a slave-holding nation (domestically) and imperialist itself. The plan to annex the Dominican Republic was rejected by US President Grant in 1870. By the late 19th century the USA had grown in power and the prospect of a transoceanic canal in either Nicaragua or Panama had again increased the ambition to intervene in the Caribbean. Annexation was no longer a political option but Washington pursued top secure naval stations in the region. Haiti would refuse the USA Môle Saint-Nicolas as an outpost. The USA was predominately concerned in that region about the German military employment. Reports on Berlin’s (Germany) plan to set up a coaling station at Môle Saint-Nicolas to serve their naval fleet resonated through the White House in Washington (USA). At this time the US foreign policy was strongly influenced by the Monroe Doctrine (a policy that opposed European intervention in the Western Hemisphere) and the Roosevelt Corollary (whereby the United States assumed the responsibility for direct intervention in Latin American nations in order to check the influence of European powers). In short this and the timing of World War I enabled the USA to seize control as the predominate foreign power. They acted upon the extreme revolt and killing of President Guillaume Sam in July 1915 and invaded Haiti (Arthur & Dash, 1999, 47; Mongabay, n.d.). Although this displays a strategic planning in political and military context it should be perceived in the context of economy. The USA prepared itself for the new way of enslaving a nation via neo-colonialism.

Looking to seize control via the private sector and making the nation of liberated Haiti as economically dependent as possible.

“The greatest good for the greatest number” versus “government by the most competent.”

The rapid change in governance, the 22 heads of state between 1843 and 1914 in actuality accounts for 62 years when 28 occurrences changed the head of state, including interim and provisional bodies or secretary and military rule.

After President Boyer fled into exile in 1843 Haiti The Constituent Assembly began formulating the Constitution of 1843 which was released on the 31st of December that year appointing Charles Riviere-Herard as the President of Haiti.

He enjoyed only a brief tenure as president suffering defeat against the Dominicans.

Domestically he was ousted by several rebel groups who brought Phillippe Guerrier to power; a black officer and member of Henri Christophe’s kingdom in the North.

Guerrier’s rule represents the beginning of the mulatto dominated governance with black figures as leaders to please the black majority of Haiti’s population. This is known as politique de doublure (Arthur & Dash, 1999, 47-48). Guerrier as well as his successors Pierrot and Riche did not rule any longer than one year. Then Fasutin Soulouque seized control. Similar to Boyer he enjoyed a relative long period of power that yielded little value to his country. On the contrary to Boyer’s neglect, Soulogque’s rule was distinguished by its violence and rampant corruption. He established a secret police force (zinglins) to keep dissenters in line. He proclaimed himself as second Emperor of Haiti and tried to annex the Dominican Republic in 1849, 1850 and 1855/56. The discontent of the Haitian military forces led to another revolt which put Geffrard in power in 1859. He was a dark-skinned mulatto who restored the old order of elite rule and governed Haiti in relative tranquil for that time (Mongabay, n.d.).

Under his rule a new Constitution was instated in 1867 and Haiti got recognized as an independent nation by the US (1862) and the Vatican via the Concordat of 1860. The Vatican then established relations with Haiti through the first Concordat (1860), more than 50 years after the liberation when it withdrew its (European) priests. It divided Haiti into five dioceses (districts under the supervision 31 Modern Era 1915-1957:

Duvalier Era 1957-1986/1990:

Aristide Era 1991-2004:

MINUSTAH Era 2004-2010

of a bishop). At first, the Pope tried to impose a concordat which would have left Haiti as a mission territory, without dioceses. Haiti finally got the Pope to agree to set up a normal church structure there, but was obliged to subsidize this (Concordat watch, n.d.). Future Concordats would point out how the relationship between the Catholic Church (Vatican) and Haiti centered around control and diminishing the vodou culture and religion (Mongabay, n.d.). Geffrard was forced out in 1867 by Sylvian Salnave who was a light-skinned mulatto with great support from creoles in the North and in the capital. The country was upset by his overthrow and in via cacos (antri-Salnavist peasants) was removed from power in 1870. The following leaders seized control of most of the segregated country (also between piquets** and cacos**) by confirming their rule via legislature but did not succeed establishing effective authority over the entire country.

Before the most notable and effective president Lysius Salomon came to power there were seven shifts via various forms of governance; interim, provisional, Secretary of State, and leaders. By then the political dichotomy had manifested itself through the National Party (PN) and the Liberal Party (LP). Respectively the creoles and the mulatto elites. Salomon, part of the PN, managed to revive agriculture to a limited degree, attracted capital via much of the opportunistic foreign interests (e.g. bank). His popularity amongst the masses and his ability to keep the elite strongmen in check kept him in power for a relatively long time. However the opposing LP and other disgruntled, power-hungry elite elements overthrew Salomon after years of conflict. Both parties were non-ideological in nature. They battled on the battlefield, in legislature, within the ranks of the military, and in the more refined circles of literati. The PN marched under the banner; “the greatest good for the greatest number” while the LP uphold their slogan;”government by the most competent.”.

The instability continued and escalated as new leaders followed each other by seizing control and ruling for short periods of time.

The most productive president of the early 20th century Leconte died in the National Palace because of the explosion in August 1912. General Vilbrun Guillaume Sam who helped in bringing Leconte took the oath in 1915. His presidency is the most critical because it led to the US occupation which ended this era. He also faced active rebellion and his main opponent was Rosalvo Bobo who posed a severe treat to the US interests in developing the strategic and commercial ties. In July 1915 Guillaume Sam executed 167 political prisoners which led to public outrage. This provoked mob violence in the streets of Port-Au-Prince and a group of citizens attacked President Sam at his sanctuary in the French embassy a literally tore him to pieces. They publicly paraded around with his corpse --a spectacle which led to swift decision making by the USA who in turn invaded Haiti on July 28 1915 and from that point on occupied and ruled Haiti (Mongabay, n.d.). It put an end to this era but not the instability.

**note: piquets a term derived from the word for the pikes they brandished for a peasant-based militia in the South of Haiti who aside from protest also claimed political demands **note: cacos peasant-based militia, rural rebels, anti-Salnavist peasants

Militia This period indicates as no other how well Haitian groups are mobilized and how quickly political events can sprung public displays of violence. Mob violence, secret police groups (zinglins, and later on Tonton Macoutes and Chimères), coupes planned abroad in the Dominican Republic, and the overall strategic battles of elite strongmen are rooted in Haiti’s social and political culture. The division between ‘the haves’ and ‘have-nots’, blacks and mulattoes, military and politicians, and even in black peasantry militia (piquets and canos) are the result-and-cause of an unstable government. The black peasantry demanded black leaders and the elites enabled that via politique de doublure. The relations to neighboring country Dominican Republic is established in various particular ways. Haitian leaders have repeatedly tried annex

32 Haiti & the Saga of Vulnerability

|

Wouter Pocornie & Arie van Amerongen |

1286617 & 1366823

Indigenous Era <1492:

Colonial Era 1492-1804:

Imperial Era 1804-1844:

Decades of instability Era 1844-1915:

the nation but by 1878 a Treaty of peace and friendship was constructed. The Dominican Republic was used then and later on by rebellion leaders to plan and strategize a new coupe d’etat.

The basis for the typology of Haiti’s vernacular architecture It is difficult to assign specific urbanization processes or architectural developments or projects to this period of time. This era is used to indicate the absolute necessity for Haiti’s population to mobilize themselves in extreme condition of inadequate and unstable governance. Therefore the focus of this conclusive paragraph is on the traditional spatial pattern and origin of Haiti’s vernacular architecture. As stated before the process of adaptation signifies the overall architectural evolution.

However, the individual traditional dwellings are based on the Haitian diaspora and individual know-how of construction techniques. Something what most likely manifested in the minds of Haitians during these times when the governmental institutions offered little support or even an outlook on future facilitation for the Haitian people, assistance and care.

Urban development. Regardless of the ambitions to unify Hispaniola and the social divisions between North and South Haiti much of the smaller scale spatial development was orientated on family/communal. The traditional communal space in Haiti is a pattern called lakou. Large plots owned by a family is ruled by an elder, predominately male/father. It develops according to this patriarchal system. It links to social order of the family side in vodou culture where a family spirit is appointed to this leader archetype (Lauwerysen, 1998, 192-233) and even in demise the tomb signifies its importance on the plot. These tombs are often greater structures than the dwellings as they represent the families’ prosperity (Fisher, & Vlach, 1987, 12-19). The system follows a method of inheritance based on Napoleonic model where the landownership is subdivided by the family, or in case of marriage new dwellings are built on the family plot. In short the lakou is a spatial pattern of family dwellings, subdivided over time, following a strong family-orientated social order.

In this sense Haitians develop predominately their private-owned but communalshared grounds. Even in contemporary times, when family members are abroad, the money send back is invested in these private circuits. The infrastructure and other public intervention projects are not of high concern by the central government nor receivers of remittance** and only add to the segregated development of these settlements.

Architecture. The core of Haiti’s traditional vernacular architecture is the model caille. Derived from a blend of native and African ancestry this typology is still found in rural Haiti. The materials correspond to native building methods (as discussed in Chapter 1 - Indigenous Era) and the African influence is evident in the spatial configuration coming from a Yoruba (large ethnic tribe in West/Central Africa) type of spatial configuration. Walls of wattle daubed with mud and roofs of grass or palm thatch could be derived from both ancestries. The African heritage influenced the introvert facades and outside cooking and small scale agriculture.

Colors were always important. The typical characteristics of the caille archetype and still evident in current times include; a one- or two-room single-story dwelling, constructed variously of wattle and daub, masonry, or wood frame walls, with a gable or hip roof of palm thatch or (increasingly popular) galvanized steel, one room wide and one or more rooms deep, storage shelf above the porch, foundation/ floor raised a few inches above the ground –as coping mechanism for heavy rainfall, side doors to the outside, circulation front to back passing through intervening doors, double doors at the end, extension on the side follow a enfilade (Palladian) technique of room alignment. This room allignment is known as the ‘shotgun’

**note: remittance money sent back; domestically receiving money from relatives abroad (or others)

33 Modern Era 1915-1957:

Duvalier Era 1957-1986/1990:

Aristide Era 1991-2004:

MINUSTAH Era 2004-2010

typology and can be traced back to Southern US states (e.g. Louisiana) where the Haitian diaspora has connected. Usually the building is expanded in a horizontal manner, middle or towards the end but the expansion in vertical direction which was necessary in urban models, derive from the caille as original, as such evolved the Gingerbread typology. (see image 30) The influence for Gingerbread art-deco type elements came from two events. For one, the importation of France and German pre-fabricated cast-iron buildings in 1880. Second the inspiration coming forth from the exposition; Lâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Exposition Universelle, held in Paris in 1900. The fretwork, the carving and adaptation of wooden structures, signifies the diaspora; both international (mostly US American and European) influences as well as African iconography directly or via vodou pattern language. This translation is simplified, altered by the understanding and the technique of the (income) class. Meaning the lower income classes utilize a ruder, more abstracted form of these signs and patterns as to the higher income class (Fisher, & Vlach, 1987, 11-19). image 28 - Haitian plan typologies top: Caille plan typology, with horizontal extension bottom: Shotgun plan and traditional Yoruba plan source: Fisher (1987)

image 29 - Dwellings in the rural areas of Leogane, with the simplified patterns in the fretwork source: Wouter Pocornie (2011)

34 Haiti & the Saga of Vulnerability

|

Wouter Pocornie & Arie van Amerongen |

1286617 & 1366823

Indigenous Era <1492:

Colonial Era 1492-1804:

Imperial Era 1804-1844:

Decades of instability Era 1844-1915:

image 30 - Gingerbread house (Port-Au-Prince) source: Evelien de Visser (2011)

image 31 - Urban building Cap-Haitien source: Arie van Amerongen (2011)

35 Modern Era 1915-1957:

Duvalier Era 1957-1986/1990:

Aristide Era 1991-2004:

MINUSTAH Era 2004-2010

image 32 - Dwellings in the rural and semirural areas of Leogane/Grand Goave, displaying the influence of original caille typologies source: Arie van Amerongen & Wouter Pocornie (2011)

36 Haiti & the Saga of Vulnerability

|

Wouter Pocornie & Arie van Amerongen |

1286617 & 1366823

Indigenous Era <1492:

Colonial Era 1492-1804:

Imperial Era 1804-1844:

Decades of instability Era 1844-1915:

As mentioned before President Leconte died in the National Palace because of the explosion in August 1912. The Palace was destroyed three times; by revolutions in 1869 and 1912 as well as by the earthquake in 2010. It was reconstructed in 1918 and designed by Georges Baussan. It consists out of two floors, elevated above a basement, monumental steps at the central pavilion. The three pavilions have dome roofs and a continuous balustrade along the roof line. Small dormers punctuate the roof and two-story high Ionic columns carry the entrance pavilion. The Palace is embellished with simple and regular fenestration and is painted completely white (Crain, 1994, 174), see image 33. Although the National Palace dates back to colonial times it represents great Haitian architecture in the sense that it is a relic from slavery times when the country was the richest colony and gradually decayed.

Haitiâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s extreme environmental conditions in addition to its political context are represented in a destroyed palace. This public institution will most likely be rebuild, unfortunately contrary to the losses of the public accumulated in this era.

image 33 - Presidential palace source: Crain (1994)

image 34 - Presidential palace after the 2010 earthquake source: Wouter Pocornie (2011)

37 Modern Era 1915-1957:

Duvalier Era 1957-1986/1990:

Aristide Era 1991-2004:

MINUSTAH Era 2004-2010

MODERN ERA 1915-1957

The ideals, the people, and people’s ideas In the first half of the 20th century Haiti went through various shifts in power and social formations based on modern ideals which were formed to change the course of Haiti’s evolution. In hindsight this change was unfortunately not in the desired direction. The organized militia, stemming from the organized working forces (coumbites), and the overall grass-roots political movements indicate the great mobilization of Haiti’s peasantry and general working/poor class. However their ability to intervene in national political life was-and-remains limited due to exclusionary measures such as lack and difficulty in obtaining property and ownership, lack of education, and the overall high level of illiteracy. Most militia forces were used by opposing political strongmen to overthrow a (each other’s) government. This was often directed on the racial division in Haiti. But even when it was the black militia force of piquets who overthrew the mulatto elite authority hoping on radical land reform, the black landowning elite turned against their allies and suppressed the threat posed by these groups. The Decades of Instability Era had proven to be all about power and the people would subsequently re-configure their political beliefs in new movements. There was hope. Both sides of divided elite even temporarily united in a nationalist movement during the US occupation.

This occupation enhanced the need for reform and the US presence was detested largely. Still it provided the USA and the ruling Haitian powers to install the right mechanisms in order to rule over Haiti in a neo-colonial matter, via neo-liberal (economic) policies (Arthur & Dash, 1999, 139-140). After the US occupation the politics resumed its traditional pattern of instability --now with new movements.

This chapter will focus on the new trajectory of people’s movements and how in these Modern times the foundation emerged for the brutal dictatorships of the succeeding Duvalier Era.

Neo-colonialism In hindsight the Decades of Instability Era prepared Haiti to become entangled in neo-liberal plans that would allow it to succumb to foreign interests.The internal malfunctioning of central government made way for a renewed type of stranglehold often depicted as neo-colonialism (Arthur, 2001, 13-15). As mentioned in the previous chapter the United Sates of America strategically planned their intervention. The American Sugar Company was founded in 1912, then 7 years later during the occupation (1915-1934) the Haitian government under Dartiguenave undertook a monetary reform with the National Bank of Haiti (established in 1880).

The same year Charlemagne Peralte who was a leader of the resistance against the US occupation was assassinated. Three years later the Central School of Agriculture was founded (Dec 28 1922) where a new people’s movements was originated.

The US was also strongly involved in the Dominican Republic, who together 38 Haiti & the Saga of Vulnerability

|

Wouter Pocornie & Arie van Amerongen |

1286617 & 1366823

Indigenous Era <1492:

Colonial Era 1492-1804:

Imperial Era 1804-1844:

Decades of instability Era 1844-1915:

with Haiti renewed the border between the two countries on Jan 21 1929. Their economic relationship would increase the Haitians looking for low-paid jobs (in sugar cane fields) in their neighboring country. The USA invested in infrastructure, banks, and schools before agreeing to hand over control of the Offices of Public Works, Health, Agriculture and Education to the Haitian government in August of 1931. The Haitian government and the United States signed an agreement on the withdrawal of US troops from the country on the 7th of August 1934 which meant the end of the US occupation --as in physical presence.

From the perspective of agriculture the previous era must have further stimulated the traditional small-scale and individual orientated land cultivation. This was undesired by the stronger power seeking more control: “In the 20th century, however, this system came under increasing pressure.

Outsiders, along with many in the Haitian elite, saw small farms as a barrier to progress. When the United States occupied Haiti, from 1915 to 1934, it worked to centralize the economy in Port-Au-Prince. It pushed through a re-writing of the Haitian Constitution to allow foreigners to own land, which the country’s founders had banned for fear of re-enslavement, and worked to replace small farms with large plantations owned by foreign corporations. Many farmers saw their land expropriated. In the teens [1910s] when the countryside erupted in a revolt against the occupation and the use of forced labor to build roads, the United States created a newly centralized gendarmerie to suppress the insurrection. Violence and economic decline in the countryside forced many Haitians to flee to the cities or to plantations in neighboring Cuba and the Dominican Republic. In the years since, the countryside has continued to experience environmental and economic degradation as well as exodus, while the big cities, especially Port-au-Prince, have become overcrowded. Today, about half of Haiti’s food is imported” (Dubois & Jenson, 2012).

The people’s movements Those who preferred the mulatto hegemony were opposed by those who supported a redistribution of economic and political power. The latter was bolstered by an emerging black middle class of teachers, clerks, civil servants and small businessmen The cacos (the more successful sector of peasantry) gained in popularity during the US occupation. The US Americans introduced corvee which entailed forcible recruitment for working force and this generated great resentment. The cacos grew in numbers and fought from 1918 until its defeat in 1920. The US occupation was detested for other reforms as well. It introduced new taxes, rising in the costs of living, and the expropriation of peasant’s lands. Haitians had a clear foreign villain. The resentment united students, workers and peasants in nationalists, antioccupation movements. In 1929 the protests directed against the occupation came from the School of Agriculture students. The school was founded in 1920 and from this institution a new wave of young revolutionaries came forth. This cultural movement (intellectual and strong via literature) was called indigenisme and was very much inspired by the anti-establishment movements in France at the time.

It focused on strengthening Haiti via its own culture, emphasizing the need for cultural authenticity. This lead to pride manifested in noririsme and would eventual be essential for the Africannees of Haiti’s national identity. After the USA withdrew from Haiti, the people’s movements lost their unity. The movements took on various forms. In general the previously unified people’s movements split up into black nationalists and social wings. Haiti was up to task to establish their own domestic leadership and the political turmoil then reappeared: it was business as usual. New 39 Modern Era 1915-1957:

Duvalier Era 1957-1986/1990:

Aristide Era 1991-2004:

MINUSTAH Era 2004-2010

political parties were formed as the Communist Party and the social-democratic MOP (Movement Ouvriers-Paysans: Workers and Peasants Movement). The Communist Party was founded by Roumain in 1934 and was popular with the radical sons of elite families but failed to achieve great following of the peasantry, urban or rural workers. The MOP led by Daniel Fignole who ruled the country for a mere 19 days but was kidnapped by the army and was sent to exile. Hundreds of his supporters were massacred in the slums of Port-Au-Prince (Arthur & Dash, 1999, 45-51, 139144). The new ruler who would put an end to this Modern Era would steadily suppress his opponents as Haitian strongmen at the top knew was important in order to retain control.

President Estime is essential in Haitian history for his tactical exploits of the people’s movement. As a noirist he was part of the student activists (La Ruche) who overthrew President Lescot via a revolution and came into power. As a president he tricked his fellow student leaders to leave Haiti via scholarships and banned the Communist Party (Arthur & Dash, 1999, 290-292). The people’s movements starting with the indegenisme, subsequently noirisme, and the dismantling (false hope) can be considered as pre-Duvalierism: The pride and mobilization of the majority, uneducated mass is enough to instate a leader but the trickery and deceit on the top political level is that of a dictator.

During this era Haiti and the Domincan Republic signed a agreement to establish a new border in Hispaniola on the 21st of January 1929. The economical relationship led to an influx of Haitian sugar cane field workers in the Dominican Republic. The nationalists’ response (by Dominican President Rafael Trujillo, a dictatorship supported by the US) was extreme. Within 62 years after Haiti and the Dominican Republic signed the treaty of peace and friendship (1875) Dominican army forces massacred an estimated 20,000 to 35,000 Haitians living/working in the Dominican Republic in October 1937 (Diamond, 2005, 229-336).

Noirisme Who were the people inside of the movements? The severe discontent in domestic politics was rooted in the poetic movement called La Ronde. The neo-colonial nature of the US presence in Haiti provoked a new wave of nationalism. The major writers of the movement indigenisme sought to end Haiti’s cultural isolation by introducing contemporary writing from the Harlem Renaissance (USA) and Latin America. Influenced by French nationalist thinker Charles Maurras, these cultural revolutionaries emphasized the idea of cultural authenticity and how the Haitian folk culture was key to understanding the national soul. The most influential intellectual of this ideal was Jean Price Mars. It led to noirisme which was articulated in the late 1930s by Louis Diaquoi, Lorimer Denis and Francois Duvalier in their journal called Les Griots (1938-1940). The pages were direct at national pride; filled with black nationalism and vodou mysticism. The Communist Party (Roumain) which grew in the 1930s had ideas that transcended that reductive nationalism and racialism of the contempories. Roumain was a Marxist and emphasized in his work the issue of founding a new community on the ruins of an archaic culture and a divisive past. In directs to again focus on grounding a national identity in uncharted space.

The 1940s again sparked the racialism in a post-occupied Haiti, reflecting on the contemporary World War II in Europe. These times signify the success of Marxist and surrealist ideas in Haiti while at the same time politically noirisme would ascend.

As mentioned in the previous paragraph the conservative regime of Elie Lescot was overthrown in 1946 by student activists of the newspaper La Ruche. It put in power the black president Dumarsais Estime who soon rid himself of the firebrands of La Ruche. He, as Lescot (1946), was disposed in the capital Port-Au-Prince via 40 Haiti & the Saga of Vulnerability

|

Wouter Pocornie & Arie van Amerongen |

1286617 & 1366823

Indigenous Era <1492:

Colonial Era 1492-1804:

Imperial Era 1804-1844:

Decades of instability Era 1844-1915:

the centralized military power. He was overthrown via a coupe led by Magloire (1950-1955) who then again ruled via the politique de doublure (mulatto elite in power behind a black figurative leader). Magloire would gain preference by the USA for his anti-communist position and Haiti even enjoyed being a favorite spot for US and European tourists. He used revenues from the sale of coffee to repair towns, infrastructure, public buildings, and a dam. In 1954 Hurricane Hazed ravaged Haiti and relief funds were stolen, decreasing Magloire popularity. The reign of terror started in the late 1950s and would result in Francois Duvalier seizing power and stripping Magloire who was in exile from his Haitian citizenship (The New York Times, 2001). His tactics to control his position at the top would be similar to those of Estime; essentially disposing former allies in the movement. In the early 1950s Estime managed to get rid of the leaders Alexis and Depestre who encouraged the faith in Haiti’s unique national identity despite an exploitative capitalist world order.

He also banned the Communist Party. This strongman was the major inspiration for Francois Duvalier. He referred to Estime as one of his political predecessors (Arthur & Dash, 1999, 290-292).

The mini-metropolis The US occupation had resulted in the centralisation of administrative, economic, and political power in Port-Au-Prince. It even diminished the influence of elite groups based in coastal towns. The Haitian military was reorganised and became strongly connected in the affairs in the nation’s capital city. Presidents Lescot (1946) and Estime (1950) were disposed by this centralized military power to control PortAu-Prince. image 35 - Plantopolis model; mini-metropolis in the Modern Era (1950s, -) projected on Haiti

Stage 3: THE MODERN ERA (Haiti)

The main urban-suburban-(tourist) zone; with some enclave industrialization; modern retail development; elite residential enclaves Relatively independent (former) plantations (schematically represented in image)

Small marginal farming communities, clustered around the plantations: practising subsistence agriculture & supplying labour to plantions (’free peasantry’ & ‘coumbit’)

strong symbiotic flows between town and country

Under Magloire (1950-1955) the country enjoyed a popularity in tourism.

This would last little less then half a decade. The instability returned and the (in hindsight ‘pre-Duvalier’) times would result in very negative campaigns directed at Haiti as the tourism decreased and the emigration flows would intensify. In short the power was in Port-Au-Prince, largely due to domestic centralised military strongmen.

41 Modern Era 1915-1957:

Duvalier Era 1957-1986/1990:

Aristide Era 1991-2004:

MINUSTAH Era 2004-2010

CONCLUSION

Lessons learned The history of Haiti is a story worth telling regarding the struggles this nation went through in order to reach liberation and independence. It also is a unique portrayal of how the global political and economy network is set up for such a nation to remain confined. Parallel to this external influence the domestic situation has historically proven to be able to reach extreme forms of internal oppression and segregation versus outliers of unique (brief) moments of unity. If an objective in domestic politics was to lift people from misery to poverty and have them enjoy one meal per day, it indicates the severity in the level of poverty. The hardships forced on its inhabitants show the resilience of Haitians; their capacity to cope with (what could be considered) the bare minimum. The hardships range from man-made to natural disasters, following a traditional trend. So, one of the ‘poorest nations in the Western Hemisphere’ is founded on a brutally honest history. Freedom and liberty has tremendous costs.

Two scenarios were depicted to argument how Haiti could have been developed over the course of time to reach the contemporary state of vulnerability: one directs at the misunderstanding and missed opportunities to develop a domesticorientated economy that benefits the majority of Haitians, while the other directs towards Haiti being a platform primarily meant for exploitation --at any costs. Both scenarios are ground for the reactionary forces described throughout the era’s which have sparked the urbanization processes and architectural development which conclude every chapter. The majority of the people are not benefiting and tried numerous attempts to change their situation via the top-down approach (hoping of prosperity trickling down in the social ladder) before reacting via the bottomup mechanisms; booming urbanization via slumming and the instating of their selected and elected leader Aristide. The aim of this thesis was not to compare the two scenarios but underline certain aspects of Haiti’s development throughout its history which shape the pessimistic expectations for Haiti’s reconstruction efforts.

Central here is the fact that Haiti is a paradox considering co-operative development.

It is made dependent on foreign resources and could not subsist anymore on its own domestic production (e.g. the agricultural sector, level of deforestation, and likelihood of an unified central government) while in contrast to that need to seek partnership it has historically known the malice intent of the foreign hand (the influence of global-orientated reform). Haiti’s prime resources remain non-physical.

The culture as well as the physical landownership, remains valued more symbolically than practically. Land itself shares parallels to political power as it tends to direct towards short-term wealth over the long-term investments for large cultivation and appropriation.

None of this is less than fair considering the main lessons depicting Haiti’s evolution seen through its economic, political, and social-cultural (demographics) conditions. Lessons seen through the lens of its economic history indicate the 70 Haiti & the Saga of Vulnerability

|

Wouter Pocornie & Arie van Amerongen |

1286617 & 1366823

intended demise of the agricultural sector, the depletion of resources (e.g. forest, the indemnity), and introductions of export-orientated industrial zones. Politically Haiti has not experienced many states of government representing a state of tranquility let alone unified political fronts. Indeed Haiti is a prime example of political instability and turmoil, politique de doublure, and dictatorships. The strongest ruling leaders developed militia to anchor their position and have all shown how quickly the ideals and movements that instated them could be disposed. Considering demographics, this thesis aimed to display how Haiti has been --also has self-stimulated-- a segregated society. Again the symbolic values placed on cultural differences of various groups have not been lucrative for the majority of Haitians. Even the most significant component of Haitian culture; vodou, is very much orientated on-or-via its qualities to overcome the opposing powers. This directs at the referring back to Haitian Revolution times or the adaptive technique, often dubbed as syncretism, to cope with the formal importance of Catholicism while still upholding, against all attacks and ostracizing, their traditional essence via vodou. These lessons all display the strength and resilience of Haiti’s culture but also discharge the odds in becoming self-sustaining, liberated and free, politically effective and efficient, and owners/ masters of their own fate. An outward-orientated economy remains reactionary and awaiting domestic prosperity. Political instability and corruption imposes hard living conditions and severe, disastrous situations for (now bottom-up) urban and architectural developments. A segregated society in constant war with itself cannot unify communal resources in order to develop its public domain (e.g. infrastructure).

The level of vulnerability exposes these domestic problems to be a serious threat whenever a crisis occurs such as natural disasters --which are guaranteed to happen again.

The chronological narration The Indigenous Era (< 1492) indicates that Haiti’s culture has been influenced by its natives inhabitants. This means there is a cultural foundation in Haiti older than its current inhabitants. The chiefdoms were defined by hierarchy in social order and included spiritual practitioners in that social ladder. The hierarchy and practices in the religion have strong similarities to the vodou practices. Adjacent the Taino culture has some symbolic value for contemporary Haitians. Spirits are assigned to personifications of Taino natives and herbal medicine practice are derived from native methods. In addition it is also stated that the Taino culture influenced the succeeding Haitian typology of dwelling (caille) as the primitive hut and Haiti’s main communal living spatial structure (lakou).

The Colonial Era (1492 - 1804) represents three centuries in which Haiti’s turmoil is rooted. It divided the country’s population and this segregation is currently still evident. Adjacent it rooted the country’s position in the global economic and political network. The scars left by this period in time are too deep for Haiti to recover from by itself. This era also indicated how great the interests of the imperialist countries were to annex the Caribbean island mainly due to its strategic position. Hispaniola became the central point in the fight of the Western nations to control the plantations and transatlantic (foodstuff) transport. Slavery and the plantation system had made the colonists extremely wealthy and Haiti was known as: “the pearl of the Antillen”. While this era symbolically became the main source for Haiti’s culture to develop itself as one centering around resistance.The disregard of law and oppression as a way of maintaining power has continued far after Haiti’s independence and can be attributed to the situation that (colonial) oppression was the only example of governance and hasn’t been replaced by a peaceful example.

Haitian culture was able to subsist and even thrive on the cultural resilience which the slaves possessed. They came from various places in Africa and managed to 71 Conclusion

eventually unify under extreme conditions of oppression by establishing their adaptive culture. The rulers were concerned with creation of wealth (short-term) but not in long-term development of the nation. The small cultivation in this era would be the main incentive for ‘free peasantry’ later on.

The uprisings and the Haitian Revolution had made an end to the Colonial Era and gave birth to the Imperial Era (1804 - 1843). The success and the manoeuvres that Toussaint Louverture displayed can be drawn upon to illustrate the typical Haitian quality to adapt. It illustrates the strength of Haiti’s survivalists mentality to cope, via adapting, and utilize external powers and resources. The revolution and the imperial ambitions to annex the Dominican Republic positioned Haiti in quarantine. Haiti had to pay for its liberation and the international community set out to have Haiti submerge in poverty. Domestically the Haitian society was too divided to rule and would eventually develop a top political layer that implemented the destructive reforms, such as the indemnity.

The Decades of Instability (1843 - 1915) displayed thoroughly how unstable Haitian politics is practiced. While domestically the powers in charge were occupied with ousting each other adjacent to struggling with the power mechanisms which the foreign hand nested. The small German society introduced the customs receivership while the USA looked to install institutions such as banks for longterm hegemony on Haiti’s (global-orientated) economic policies and political foreign affairs. Haiti would be prepared to be entrapped in neo-colonialism. It also introduced a vital and reoccurring tool in domestic politics: politique de doublure --allowing the mulatto elite to rule via a black leader, instated to please the black majority of Haitians.

The Modern Era (1915 - 1957) gave rise to new ideals, which mobilized people’s movements, which in turn instated new leaders. Politically seen this era set the foundation for forthcoming brutal dictatorships. The tactic to realize this was to use the mobilizing forces of the people aiming at their sense of identity, culture, and thus perceived entitled rights. Once these powers got the leader instated the Haitian president knew that in order to retain control their direct opponents must be strongly oppressed. The institutions such as universities therefore became undesirable. Empowered Haitians would be perceived as possible threats --thus the exact ideals of indegenisme and noirisme were sold out.

As the previous era gave rise to ‘pre-Duvalier’ conditions, which means the right political climate for a dictator, the succeeding Duvalier Era (1957 - 1990) was perhaps the most illustrative era for Haiti’s discourse in development. The liberalization of Haiti’s economy, the booming industrialization, and siphoning of financial aid are prime examples of how the Duvaliers used the country to gain tremendously. Haiti became dependent on food imports and was aimed to be made a source of cheap labor. As domestic resources neared complete exhaustion (deforestation), so grew the attacks on Haiti’s culture as they became known abroad as ‘boat people’. The dictators were able to stay in power by strategically playing to the sensitive issues regarding ethnicity, therefore utilizing the original problem of a segregated society. Meanwhile the decision made indicate the bare minimum interest in the people and the perception of a nation which main objective was to be completely exploited.

The Aristide Era (1991 - 2004) ushered in a new sense of hope. The Haitians managed to select a leader --to be elected in Haiti’s first true democratic elections. His presidencies indicate the paradox Haiti faces: being dependent on foreign aid and influences, but seeking a more independent state to choose a (unprecedented) direction for development. The tariffs and industrial zones indicate how Haiti remains a export-orientated nation with a population struggling to not succumb to poverty and misery. Aristide had shown he, as many Presidents before 72 Haiti & the Saga of Vulnerability

|

Wouter Pocornie & Arie van Amerongen |

1286617 & 1366823

him, was his own man by choosing a career over people. He too had learned the customary ways to rule at the top. He used the colonial and imperial times to refer back to the injustices steadily keeping the hope alive amongst his followers for foreign reparations while at the same battling his former ally Preval on the foreign policies and liberalization efforts of Haiti’s economy.

Finally the MINUSTAH Era (2004 - 2010) implies the absolute necessity of foreign interventions as this peacekeeping mission had accompanied many foreign interventions following crises. At the same time it has been opposed greatly because of numerous controversial happenings. The political instability in Haiti is chronic but the international influence is tested on its sovereignty and justice.

Haitians have grown accustomed to adapt to serious situations in order to prevail: subsisting with scarce domestic resources. It is the resilience of the people that help them sustain is these extreme conditions.

Thé Port-Au-Prince At the core of Haiti’s severe level of vulnerability is its urban primacy. It indicates how vital one city is to the country and after this is struck by an earthquake the whole country is affected. The foundation for Haiti’s urban development was established in the colonial times after which the urban development followed the export-orientated spatial structures of the colonial grid. One main town controlled the trade export in addition to centralizing services and the political powers --through a mercantilecolonial pattern. Adjacent the land distribution followed the social segregation patterns, dividing it amongst specific groups of Haiti’s segregated society. This tendency of controlling and foremost exploiting the land continued as more and more land was privatized and at the smallest scale (communal, plot) Haitians applied the spatial structure of lakou. This is a small patriarch method of landownership and inheritance system. In general Haiti’s land use is rooted in private ownership and valued more symbolically than practically. The resources were depleted through domestic negligence and necessity to acquire energy resources (deforestation).

Meanwhile throughout the history the political powers centralized the institutional resources more and more in Port-Au-Prince. It enabled the monetary system, empowering the stronghold on the nation. The essence Haiti became domestically completely dependent on its capital city which is why the internal migration from rural to urban areas exploded. Haiti now displays what contemporary cities are facing: vast urbanization via slumming. The green mountains have become grey (dwellings) and brown (desolate/depleted). These areas are erected via bottom-up approaches and are becoming more and more capitalism-orientated in order to cope in their own way with the international community and its aid.

Adaptation technique The slums now house concrete cement dwellings, while the historic Gingerbread houses are scarce, and the original caille remains mostly a rural typology. Just as vodou emerged in a form of syncretism, a parallel could be drawn to the evolution of Haitian architecture as it samples from different tribes (cultures) from the African heritage and establishes a new cultural expression on Haiti’s soil. The caille is the basis of what could be traditional, Haiti-bound architecture. Typical characteristics of the caille archetype include; a one- or two-room single-storey dwelling, constructed variously of wattle and daub, masonry, or wood frame walls, with a gable or hipped roof of palm thatch or (increasingly) galvanized steel, one room wide and one or more rooms deep, storage shelf above the porch, foundation/floor raised a few inches above the ground – coping with heavy rainfall, side doors to the outside, 73 Conclusion

circulation front to back passing through intervening doors, double doors at the end, and finally the extension on the side following a enfilade (Palladian) technique of room alignment. Usually the building is expanded in a horizontal manner, middle or towards the end but there is also expansion in vertical direction which was necessary in urban models. As such evolved the Gingerbread typology from the caille.

The current state of Haiti’s generic constructions is mix of a traditional adaptation technique based on syncretism which allows the transformation of aidfunded materials and resources. The great amount of interventions made after the earthquake are defining Haiti’s urbanized concrete and depleted mountains. As such, this thesis moved away from describing Haiti’s vernacular architecture solely as the traditional housing unit; the caille, which is the core for succeeding shotgun and Gingerbread typologies. Essentially this type of construction is unimaginable to be implemented on a large scale anymore considering the state of domestic resources (mainly the scarcity of wood). Instead the vernacular is described via the typically Haitian process of adapting. Similar to vodou it is an art in itself to position oneself in order to receive (beneficiary) any type of commodity, information, resource, etc --and adapt strategically when the time is right. Meaning Haitians can utilize the results stemming forth out of large-scale foreign intervention projects and gradually adapt them as much as possible to match their own perceived planning. Also they will not follow much more ideals coming forth from the top-down planning bodies.

History had stimulated the population to become very individualistic in development but very communal in a survivalists’ mentality. They work with what is actual instead of promises. Throughout history the individualism has nested and little belief and focus is directed on communal projects (public domain) but they are acustomed to share little resources they have (such as cement). The art of syncretism is in how to unify two seemingly opposing, or different, inputs.

This is how Haitians are living and building. The unique history and resilience is something to be explored in architectural interventions in a tropical, dense, urbanizing Haiti. The adaptation technique is the main source for Haitians to transform the aid typology to a new interpretation of Haitian architecture.

74 Haiti & the Saga of Vulnerability

|

Wouter Pocornie & Arie van Amerongen |

1286617 & 1366823

ABSTRACT

Keywords: vulnerability; history of Haiti; chronological narration; slumming urbanization; vernacular arhcitecture; urban primacy; adaptation technique

The international attention following the 12/1/2010 earthquake in Haiti exposed the nation’s vulnerability but also portrayed the stigmatization of Haiti and its culture.

What do we actually know about Haiti? What can we learn from the history of the country? How did it become so vulnerable? More concretely, how did Haiti develop over the course of time to the point that an earthquake with its epicenter close to the nation’s capital; Port-Au-Prince, could expose the current severe vulnerable state of Haiti and its population?

There are numerous factors regarding the vulnerability of a nation.

This paper focuses on the development of Haiti’s economic, political, and social conditions. These themes direct towards the planning conditions that transformed Haitian cities. It summarizes Haiti’s development through the perspective of a severely confined culture. It accounts for the extreme living circumstances of the population which over time seem to subsist under these extreme conditions.

This story is contextualized in the themes of cultural development; economics, politics, and demographics. Subsequently this story is summarized and concluded through the examination of Haiti’s urban development with the capital city Port-Au-Prince being the area of focus and illustrated through the evolution of Haiti’s vernacular architecture. In this thesis specific events are used to draw a portrait of a selective period in time. Each period in time is entitled an ‘Era’ which in a series comprise a chronological narration of Haiti’s evolution. This narration is reflected upon in the conclusive paragraphs that circumscribe Haiti’s urban development and architecture that illustrate this specific period in history.

The hardships forced on its inhabitants show the resilience of Haitians; their capacity to cope with (what could be considered) the bare minimum. The majority of the people are not benefiting and tried numerous attempts to change their situation via the top-down approach before reacting via the bottom-up mechanisms; e.g. booming urbanization via slumming. Haiti is a paradox considering co-operative development. It is made dependent on foreign resources and could not subsist anymore on its own domestic production while in contrast to that, Haiti has historically known the malice intent of the foreign hand (the influence of globalorientated reform). The lessons from history all display the strength and resilience of Haiti’s culture but also discharge the odds in becoming self-sustaining, liberated and free, politically effective and efficient, and owners/masters of their own fate. The reflection regarding urban development directs towards the issue of urban primacy; thé Port-Au-Prince. It indicates how vital one city is to the country and after this is struck by an earthquake the whole country is affected. The green mountains have become grey (dwellings) and brown (desolate/depleted). Regarding Haiti’s evolution in architecture the main conclusion is the strong adaptation technique. The slums now house concrete cement dwellings, while the historic Gingerbread houses are scarce, and the original caille remains mostly a rural typology. History had stimulated the population to become very individualistic in development but very communal in a survivalists’ mentality. They work with what is actual instead of promises.