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MAYOR OF PORTLAND Ted Wheeler Maybe it’s The New Yorker story about the massive Cascadian earthquake striking off the Oregon Coast. But the specter of Portland sliding into the ocean replays in our heads. That seems an apt image for what’s at stake in the Portland mayor’s race. Home prices are rising at levels not seen since the preGreat Recession bubble. Vacancies plummet. Rents climb. Wages are stagnant, and families who used to be able to afford charming fixers in close-in neighborhoods are being pushed to the edge, stretching commutes and budgets. Portland risks losing more than its affordability (to the extent it still exists). It risks surrendering its character as a place where good citizens are its riches, to borrow a saying etched on the Skidmore Fountain. We don’t fear following the path of San Francisco just because it’s expensive. It’s because of what that city turned its back on: the artists, the dreamers, the people whose existence challenged the constraints of the rest of the country’s norms but still found a home there. Portland is not yet the Bay Area. But we face other dangers. Our most vulnerable residents—the homeless, the drug-addicted, the mentally ill—live even closer to the margins. Their growing presence on street corners and in camps demands a humane and effective response. Four years ago, Portland voters sent a Mr. Fix-It to City Hall as mayor. In Charlie Hales, Portland got a seasoned politician—a former city commissioner who knew how to navigate Portland’s tricky, commission form of government and who pledged to return fiscal sanity and common sense to City Hall. Hales set about balancing Portland’s budget and addressing the city’s monumental maintenance backlog. But along the way, he got lost. Hales alienated key allies with his brusque, go-it-alone style and failed to pursue a coherent agenda that could inspire Portland’s government-loving hordes. He shrugged off a lobbying code violation tied to a key decision of his—the welcoming of ride-hailing app Uber to town—while bristling at citizen questions about his hopelessly confusing “street fee.” Only when he decided Oct. 26 not to run for re-election did Hales seem to return to his values—compact, walkable neighborhoods for all and compassion for people living on the margins. By then, it was too late to give Charlie another chance. Of those running for this seat, Ted Wheeler, Oregon’s treasurer and a former Multnomah County chairman, is easily the best candidate. When he launched his campaign in September, Wheel-
er identified the key issues of homelessness and income inequality as ones he would tackle. It is, at times, difficult to conceive that a man who once reported annual income of $2.2 million would be the person to lead on these issues, but Wheeler—a descendant of timber industry giants— seems genuine. Wheeler has obvious weaknesses. As treasurer and, before that, county chairman, he has often stumbled when he needed to persuade others. Yet throughout his campaign, Wheeler has shown he’s done his homework on city issues, and his openness and readiness to engage with voters on the campaign trail suggest he may succeed in making Portland government more transparent and accessible.
PORTLAND IN 2016 IS SHAKY. TED WHEELER IS FIRM GROUND. Hardly a forum passes where Wheeler doesn’t poke fun at his own nerdiness. That’s an endearing quality and probably also a lifesaver. In the circular firing squad known as City Hall, a sense of humor is crucial. Wheeler’s ambition—it’s hardly a secret he wants to be governor one day—is another reason to put our trust in him. If he wants to return to statewide office, he knows he can’t screw up. Wheeler has offered a consistent message throughout the campaign. That’s even more important because his opponents have been so erratic—and disappointing. Jules Bailey—a Multnomah County commissioner and three-time state legislator—at first seemed to position himself as the more progressive candidate in the race. Hailing from House District 42 in the heart of liberal
Southeast Portland, Bailey brought with him to the race an impressive list of accomplishments, including the creation of a state energy-retrofit program, the sunsetting of various tax credits and a push toward new approaches to retirement security. On the campaign trail, Bailey has underwhelmed. At forums he has appeared wooden and exceedingly scripted—as if reading his remarks from Google Glass. For a guy who entered the race to serve as an alternative to Wheeler, Bailey too often offers no contrast to his opponent. On the issues of transportation funding, affordable housing and air pollution, they sound more like running mates than rivals. On one issue that allowed him the opportunity to demonstrate his core values, Bailey positioned himself as more conservative than Wheeler. The issue? Ending the 48-hour rule in the Portland police contract. Today, Bailey insists he wants to end the provision that gives cops two days before they have to answer questions about their involvement in a deadly shooting. But he waffled for weeks before reaching that answer. His indecision suggested he was kowtowing to the police union that had endorsed him. That’s poor judgment of the city’s values, and a lousy display of independence—two strikes on one pitch. Sarah Iannarone was also a latecomer to the mayor’s race, joining in January after Bailey. A program director at Portland State University, where she reports to Hales’ wife, Nancy, Iannarone brings urban planning experience to the race. Her answers at forums have been novel and refreshing, although often unrealistic. A carless downtown? Sounds great. But how would it work? In this case, Iannarone’s lack of any elected experience is a serious detriment. And her strong connection to the Hales family, after Wheeler pushed Charlie out of the race, still seems odd. We’re glad Sean Davis, 43, is running for mayor. The Army vet, volunteer and community college instructor brings passion and serious dedication to the race. It’s clear he’s been reading city budget documents and poring over policies. Also in the race are 56-year-old Steven Entwisle, whose job history appears to have ended in the 1980s; perennial candidate Lew Humble; Oregon Department of Justice lawyer David Schor; Trevor Manning; David “The Ack” Ackerman; activist Jessie Sponberg; drummer and jewelry maker Bim Ditson; state employee Deborah Harris; “selfindulgent student of multiple disciplines” Patty Burkett; Eric Alexander Calhoun; and Bruce Broussard. Portland in 2016 is shaky. Ted Wheeler is firm ground. WHEELER’S FAVORITE FOOD CART: Koi Fusion
CONVERSATION: JULES BAILEY
Mayoral candidate Jules Bailey has refused to disclose all his clients from when he worked as an economic consultant while serving in the Oregon Legislature. WW: Can you see how this is casting a pall of doubt over your campaign? For all we know, the Mafia was one of your clients. For all we know, it was Goldman Sachs. You pick whatever devil you want. Jules Bailey: If there is one shred of
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evidence that one of my clients directly influenced a vote in my legislative career, I would be happy to respond to that. It hasn’t turned up. We couldn’t possibly know if we don’t know who your clients were. The fact is, there are other folks at this table that haven’t disclosed all of their financial income either, or all of their
investments. We have a citizen legislature, where legislators have to have outside work. We get paid a little over $20,000 a year. So as a consequence, you think it’s appropriate for voters not to know who is providing the salaries for citizen legislators? It’s not a salary. I had a contractual relationship as a consultant. And I followed
every law that’s on the books. I followed every disclosure rule that’s on the books. So you’re saying you are [refusing to name clients] because of your concern about your need to make a livelihood, right? Partially, and because I think it generates a feeding frenzy where you get specious accusations about things that people assume are connected but are not.