Department of Architecture and Planning, Faculty of Architecture
Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU), Trondheim, Norway
Course Coordinator:
Mrudhula Koshy, Assistant Professor
Main Supervisor: Supervision Team:
Sladjana Lazarevic, Associate Professor Bhuvana Nanaiah, Research Associate and Doctoral Candidate
Mrudhula Koshy, Assistant Professor Lina Naoroz Bråten, Assistant Professor
Booklet Layout:
Mrudhula Koshy, Assistant Professor
The Next Wave
Youth-Centered Guide for the Future of Woodstock
Cape Town, South Africa
Authors
Auriane Marie Renée Labes Stavanger, Norway
Jennifer Qiu Hamar, Norway
Linda Marie Pätzold Nuremberg, Germany
Noemi Sarina Arnold Zurich, Switzerland
This project report presents the exploratory fieldwork and ensuing socio-spatial interventions as part of the International Master’s Program Urban Ecological Planning at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU), Trondheim. Students from diverse educational backgrounds and nationalities carried out a six-week intensive fieldwork in Cape Town, South Africa, a rapidly urbanising Global South city with a history of decades of spatial apartheid influenced by centuries of historical oppression of marginalised communities. Current planning trajectories in Cape Town continue to be influenced by these contested planning legacies and spatial injustices.
The students worked closely with our long-standing collaborators at the African Centre of Cities (ACC) - University of Cape Town (UCT), Ndifuna Ukwazi (NU) and the School of Planning and Architecture (SPA), Delhi. Through diverse participatory methodologies, the student groups engaged deeply with local communities in two occupied housing sites, Cissie Gool House and Ahmed Kathrada House, gathering data and insights into complex challenges in housing, governance, livelihoods, social mobility, equitable access, informality, intersectionality, and power dynamics to name a few.
We want to extend our heartfelt appreciation to all our collaborators at ACC, UCT, NU, and SPA, the community leaders and residents at the two occupations, and other stakeholders in Cape Town. This report would not have materialised without their valuable insights and concerted engagement. We hope this report presents a fresh and alternative perspective on how integrated, multi-scalar, strategic and participatory urban planning can serve as a valuable pathway for just urban transitions in complex Global South contexts. We hope you enjoy reading this as much as we enjoyed engaging with a fantastic bunch of hardworking, passionate and inspiring students!
Architecture background from NTNU Trondheim, French but grew up in Norway.
Civil Engineering background from TU Munich, grew up in Germany
Architecture background from ETH Zürich, grew up in Switzerland.
Architecture background from NTNU Trondheim, grew up in both Norway and China.
Auriane
Linda Noemi
Jennifer
Woodstock, Cape Town
Woodstock, Cape Town
Acknowledgements
Completing this report has been a meaningful journey. This achievement would not have been possible without the support and guidance of various professionals, organizations, and individuals throughout the journey.
We express our heartfelt gratitude to the UEP teaching team: Mrudhula Soe Koshy, Sladjana Lazarevic, Lina Bråten, Bhuvana Nanaiah and Peter Gotsch, whose lectures, fieldwork preparation and support throughout the semester were invaluable throughout the semester and during the field visits. Additional thanks go to all the others who provided academic guidance and constructive feedback.
The foundation of this project is rooted in our fieldwork in Cape Town, with a particular focus on Cissie Gool House in Woodstock. We are deeply grateful for all residents, leaders and monitors who openly shared their stories with us. Our deep thanks go to the youth of CGH, who trusted us and offered us meaningful insights into their lives. We are especially grateful to Amanda Gericke, the youth monitor, for her continuous assistance with our research and for ensuring we gained the most from this experience.
We also extend our appreciation to Ndifuna Ukwazi, a NGO advocating for social housing solutions in Cape Town, for introducing us to key stakeholders and shared crucial information that enhanced our understanding of the context of the research background.
Additionally, our gratitude goes to all the guest lecturers and individuals who provided us with guided tours in Cape Town. A special thanks to Rosca Van Rooyen for organizing these valuable experiences.
Finally, we thank all stakeholders that offered their time for interviews, as well as our classmates, friends and families for their unwavering moral support throughout the entire project.
and Abbreviations
Cissie Gool House
City of Cape Town
Local Spatial Development Framework
Non-Governmental Organization
Norwegian University of Science and Technology
Ndifuna Ukwazi
Reclaim The City
Sustainable Development Goals
University of Cape Town
Urban Ecological Planning
United Nations
Woodstock Residents’ Association
Figure 1.1: View of Cape Town from Woodstock Cave. By authors.
3. 5. 1 The lack of affordable housing in the inner City of Cape Town
3. 5. 2 The inadequacy of public spaces catering to youth needs
3. 5. 3 The absence of active youth engagement in their community
3.6 Problem Statement
4. Future
4.1 Future Visions for CGH by the Residents and CoCT
4.2 Socio-Spatial Toolbox for Youth-centred engagement and Neighbourhood development
4. 2. 1 Phase 1 Community and Trust Building
4. 2. 2 Phase 2 Accessibility
4. 2. 3 Phase 3 Further Neighborhood Development
4. 2. 4 Phase 4 Long-term Implementation
5. Reflection
6. Conclusion References
List of Figures
On the other side of the fence, a woman stands holding a child by the hand, who hides behind her. She smiles and gestures for us to come inside. We remain outside, waiting for a member of the NGO Ndifuna Ukwazi, who arrives shortly after. Meanwhile, another woman emerges from the brick building behind the fence, greets us warmly, and leads us inside.
The building, known as Cissie Gool House (CGH), was once a hospital and has been occupied since 2017 as a protest against Cape Town’s housing policies. The protest is primarily led by lowincome residents who were evicted from their homes in the Woodstock neighbourhood and are now raising awareness about the need for affordable housing in the city. During a tour led by the woman, who introduces herself as a leader in this community, some residents, always friendly and welcoming, show us how they live. Their constant fear of eviction by the city and the uncertainty of having nowhere to return to are ever-present. At the same time, they continue their daily fight for the right to affordable housing. Despite these challenges, the strength and resilience of this community are evident in their energy and determination.
As part of AR4525 - Project course in UEP hosted by NTNU, our group of four attended an obligatory six weeks fieldwork in Cape Town closely engaging with the residents. The course aims to immerse students in complex urban settings, to undertake a real-time situational assessment of the environment, and, from that, to develop strategic action plans and bottom-up interventions rooted in participatory action and engagement with stakeholders. Therefore, we conducted workshops with the residents of CGH to gather valuable insights and conversations. To provide an unbiased and holistic perspective of our study case, the research involved stakeholders at different levels of influence and interest, such as political and non-political actors connected to the occupation as well as neighbours.
This research and its consequent outcomes focus on the interests and needs of the youth, aged 15 to 25, in CGH. Our preliminary studies show that this group is often considered vulnerable, caught in a pivotal stage of life- The primary challenge is to build a supportive environment in Woodstock that addresses the specific needs of CGH’s youth. By studying their perspective, we aimed to identify multi scalar socio-spatial solutions that could improve their engagement and strengthen their community in CGH as well as their connection to Woodstock. Therefore, this report presents the research conducted during our project course and offers recommendations to address the issues identified, ultimately improving the lives of residents and fostering stronger community ties in the future.
The title “The Next Wave” serves as a metaphor for the youths’ potential and power aimed to evolve in the future. Since they form the next generation to fight for social and spatial justice as well as for social housing, it is crucial to focus on their development and support them with an optimal environment, which addresses their needs.
1.2: Social-intervention during fieldwork with CGH’s Youth, towards Woodstock Cave in Table Mountain Nature Reserve. By authors.
Figure
To structure our findings, we divide the project into three timeframes:
The Past covers the research conducted prior to our fieldwork in Cape Town. It describes the theoretical background as well as the context of the project, resulting mainly of our desktop research and lectures.
The Present represents the conducted research, used methods, and gathered insights during the six weeks fieldwork at CGH. Not only the collected data but also the methods to collect it are explained in this chapter.
Past Present Future
The Future presents proposals based on our findings, offering strategic interventions designed to provide both short- and long-term benefits to Cissie Gool House and the broader Woodstock neighbourhood.
Figure 1.3: View through the balcanet from section K-Walk, CGH. By authors.
15 Woodstock, Cape Town The Next Wave
Past
Past, referring to the context and site analysis conducted before our fieldwork in Cape Town. This builds a foundation before heading out into the field, including insights gained through deskbased research and knowledge gathered from lectures. Additionally, it outlines our research case study and introduces the key stakeholders associated with the project.
Figure 1.4: Fence in Woodstock with Lion’s Head and Signal Hill in the background. By authors.
2.1.1 Apartheid Planning in Cape Town
Cape Town, South Africa’s legislative capital, is a city with a strong history of racial segregation. A system of legislation known as apartheid enforced policies to divide white and non-white citizens in the country. The Group Areas Act, implemented in 1950 designated certain areas for people of a particular race. Figure 2.1 illustrates the spatial planning under apartheid. The government carried out forced removals of residents not within their designated area, leading to the displacement of citizens to underdeveloped areas far from economic opportunities and social infrastructure. During this time, the government passed a total of 148 laws aimed at further separating its population, by, for example, creating separate public facilities for white and non-white individuals (Davies, 1981).
Although apartheid ended in 1994, it has had long-lasting effects that are still endured by South Africa’s population to this day. Historically race-based political and economic policies have resulted in economic disparities among racial groups, reinforcing cycles of poverty (Maylam, 1995). The struggle to recover from apartheid is evident today in the high housing prices in previously white areas and the lack of facilities in formerly non-white areas.
Cape Town is also referred to as South Africa’s most segregated city (Davies, 1981). This label stems from the enduring legacy of apartheid spatial planning and its intersection with neoliberal economic policies that have exacerbated inequality. The post-apartheid era witnessed a shift toward neoliberalism, prioritizing market-driven approaches that have often reinforced systemic barriers rather than dismantling them. The housing market, influenced by these policies, has become increasingly unaffordable for many citizens, particularly marginalized communities. High property values in historically white neighbourhoods, combined with a lack of affordable housing developments in well-located areas, perpetuate this segregation.
Figure 2.1: Apartheid Map. By authors.
5 km
2.1 Cape Town
2.1.2 Housing Crisis
This entrenched inequality is at the heart of Cape Town’s current housing crisis, which struggles to meet the growing demand for affordable homes. Government initiatives such as Breaking New Ground (BNG), Social Housing, and transitional housing programs aim to address the needs of low-income and working-class families but fall short in many respects. The BNG program provides free-standing homes or serviced sites to households earning up to R3,500 per month, while Social Housing offers rental units for those earning between R1,850 and R22,000, often in better-located urban areas. Transitional housing, on the other hand, provides temporary solutions for displaced individuals awaiting permanent accommodations.
To qualify, applicants must be South African citizens or permanent residents, meet income thresholds, and adhere to program-specific requirements like being registered on a housing waiting list. Some programs cater to specific groups, such as disabled individuals or military veterans. However, these programs do not explicitly target young adults as a distinct demographic. The First Home Finance program supports first-time buyers in the “gap market” (earning R3,500–R22,000), but it requires access to savings or alternative funding sources, which many young adults lack. This exclusion exacerbates economic inequities, leaving marginalized communities, particularly those in informal settlements, with limited viable housing options. (Ndifuna Ukwazi, 2024)
This crisis exists despite South Africa’s Constitution (1996) Section 26, which establishes housing as a fundamental right as demonstrated in the following provisions:
1. Everyone has the right to have access to adequate housing.
2. The state must take reasonable legislative and other measures, within its available resources, to achieve the progressive realization of this right.
3. No one may be evicted from their home or have their home demolished without an order of court made after considering all the relevant circumstances. No legislation may permit arbitrary evictions.
The neoliberal focus on privatization and market-driven solutions has prioritized profitability over inclusivity. Developers tend to cater to higher-income groups, neglecting the housing needs of young adults and other vulnerable populations. This market-driven approach exacerbates the housing shortage in affordable and well-located areas, entrenching spatial inequality.
At the macro level, conflicts stemming from apartheid-era land dispossession and postapartheid economic policies have deepened inequality. These conflicts manifest in ongoing struggles over land restitution, urban planning, and resource allocation. For the youth, these systemic issues translate into constrained opportunities.
Figure 2.2: Comparing typologies and density in Cape Town, 700m2 Image source: Google Maps.
Khayelitsha Central Business District
Upper Woodstock
The study focuses on the neighbourhood of Woodstock, located approximately 2 km east of the inner city of Cape Town. This well-located district situated between the harbour and Table Mountain not only offer stunning views, but also significant economic opportunities. Victoria Road, the main road in Woodstock, hosts numerous facilities and shops, contributing to economic activity and providing life and job opportunities. It also serves as a transportation hub, offering convenient access to buses and taxis.
Figure 2.3: Section diagram through Woodstock with streetview. Small map in the corner showing where the section is taken. By authors.
Figure 2.4: Map of schools and health facilities in Woodstock. By authors.
| Woodstock, Cape Town The Next Wave
| Woodstock, Cape Town The Next Wave
2.3.1 Gentrification in Woodstock
Established during the Victorian era, Woodstock has historically been a socially and culturally diverse community. During apartheid, the Group Areas Act sought to divide residential areas by race, resulting in forced removals and the displacement of non-white communities to distant, poorly resourced areas. However, it was one of the very few districts that escaped this enforcement in Woodstock, thus maintaining a mixed working-class population and an intense tapestry of cultural and social life (South African History Online, 2014). Such resistance shaped Woodstock’s identity as a place where diverse ethnicities, religious groups, and traditions together created a strong sense of community and identity.
In recent decades, Woodstock’s central location and historical appeal made it a target for gentrification. Since the late 1980s, the growth of middle-class households moving to Woodstock led to investments and renovation. This resulted in an increase in rents up to 400-500% (Gardside,1993). The situation worsened in 2007 when the City Council declared Woodstock a development zone. This led to a second wave of gentrification with rising rents that caused more evictions and intensified the broader housing crisis (Raymond, 2014).
Figure 2.5: Map of indoor and outdoor facilities in Woodstock. By authors.
The old Woodstock Hospital located in the heart of Woodstock is now known as Cissie Gool House. The majority of the original Woodstock Hospital building became vacant in December 1992 when the hospital closed, with only the Woodstock Community Day Centre remaining functional. By July 2014 the building became fully vacant, except for a Men’s Clinic which closed in 2018 (Ndifuna Ukwazi, 2024). In 2008, this site was first promised as a site for affordable housing, but little action followed. Beside this inaction, other public land across Cape Town also face privatisation, rising different protest against apartheid regime spatial segregation. Reclaim the City is one of the organisations formed to fight against this inequality.
In March 2017, RTC activists occupied the hospital to resist the City of Cape Towns (CoCT) actions about public land sale, fighting for affordable housing in well-located areas. They renamed the hospital in honour of anti-apartheid activist Cissie Gool. Not only does the occupation represent resistance, but also a reclamation of space for the evicted residents.
Today, CGH houses approximately 1000 residents, many of whom were evicted from their previous homes due to gentrification. With their background in Woodstock, many of the residents still maintain strong social ties to the area. Through the past years, they have established a selfgoverned community with a structured governance system, including leaders, monitors for each section of the building and youth leaders for the younger residents. There are planned weekly community and leaders’ meetings for community cohesion, decision making, planning of events and also a set of house rules for the residents. Residents have also initiated various facilities, including a small library, a game corner, tuckshops, a repair shop, a community garden and a hall for meetings and workshops. See figure 2.7-2.12.
Despite the successes, CGH also faces challenges, particularly the strained relationship with the CoCT and the worn-down infrastructure of the building. In 2019 a feasibility study done by Stedone Development in collaboration with CoCT confirmed that the building is structurally suitable for housing conversion. The study proposed mixed-housing programs redevelopment including both social and transitional housing to accommodate approximately 1900 people. However, essential infrastructure for electricity and water supply is in disrepair and requires complete replacement. Nevertheless, no further steps have been taken and the CoCT claims the occupation to be a barrier for the affordable housing development (Stedone Developments and City of Cape Town, 2019). This intensified the relationship with the CGH residents and deepened mistrust. The residents now fear that the redevelopment will result in displacement and cause a new wave of gentrification.
Figure 2.6: Timeline of the CGH history. By authors.
Cape Town
Woodstock, Cape Town
Figure 2.7: CGH exterior and residents. By authors.
Figure 2.8: CGH community hall. By authors.
Figure 2.9: CGH community garden. By authors.
Figure 2.10: CGH game corner. By authors.
Figure 2.11: CGH library. By authors.
Figure 2.12: CGH repair shop. By authors.
2.4 Introduction of Stakeholders
One aim of this research is to engage with diverse stakeholders having different interests and influence in the field, to understand their role and positionality in the project. Therefore, in preparation for our fieldwork in Cape Town, we began identifying some key stakeholders relevant to our project and expanded this list during the course of the fieldwork.
The identified stakeholders can be divided into five key groups: the people of CGH highlighting their youth in particular, the residents of Woodstock, NGOs and social movements, the government, and the private sector.
The people of Cissie Gool House include not only the residents, but also the leaders and monitors who function as the gatekeepers of the community and can help with navigating through the house and engaging with the residents.
To gain a broader understanding of the neighbourhood of Woodstock, interacting with its residents and community organisations is crucial. These exchanges can also provide insights into the relationship between the Woodstock community and CGH as well as into topics we have not considered.
The NGO Ndifuna Ukwazi and the social activists of Reclaim the City are advocating for social housing solutions in Cape Town and can share their huge knowledge of the political housing situation in Cape Town with us. NU in particular can provide important information that enhances our understanding of the occupation, the greater Woodstock area, and the city of Cape Town.
On the government side, the members of the Mayoral Committee for Human Settlements, the ward council of Ward 115, to which Woodstock belongs, and the politicians from the CoCT, of course have a significance influence in the area.
The private sector plays a notable role in shaping the urban fabric of the Woodstock neighbourhood. At times, actors of the private sector collaborate closely with the government. This can be seen in instances such as the feasibility study on the Woodstock hospital conducted by architects and engineers on behalf of the government, or Social Housing Institutions (SHIs) developing properties for the government.
Figure 2.13: Visual introduction of key stakeholders. By authors.
To further understand the complexity of power relation in Woodstock, we created a first draft of a stakeholder influence diagram which we updated during our time in the field. The stakeholder influence diagram (Figure 2.14) not only highlights the potential impact of each stakeholder on change in the area and their susceptibility to such change but also illustrates the ways in which stakeholders influence one another.
Figure 2. 14: Stakeholder influence diagram. By authors.
Present
The Present outlines the fieldwork and research efforts, including data collection using various methods – both primary and secondary. Here, we engage with the local community to identify the needs and challenges faced by residents in and around our case study. The Present places a particular emphasis on our chosen focus group and elaborates on the problem statement derived from our findings.
Figure 3.1: CGH resident showing his favourite spot in the building. By authors.
The Youth represent a vulnerable group facing immediate challenges while also holding the potential to be a driving force in their community’s future. In this report, the youth is defined as individuals between the ages of 15-25 years old. This age range was chosen because 15 marks the final year of compulsory education in South Africa. During this crucial phase, young individuals are at a turning point where their choices can significantly influence their own futures and drive the social and economic development of their communities. This age range is further supported by insights from the children and youth monitor in CGH, who stated, “All under 15, that’s still by me, up to 14. Over that, no more.” This reflects her observation that youth often disengage due to the challenges they face and the difficult environments they encounter during this critical stage of their lives.
Youth in Woodstock, especially those from low-income backgrounds, face systemic barriers such as limited job opportunities, restricted access to education, and unstable housing (United Nations, 2024). This report uses the youth of CGH as a key user group, as they represent one of the most vulnerable youth groups in Woodstock. Chapter 4 proposes solutions that address the specific needs of CGH youth, based on data collected during the course of this study. These solutions are expected to not only benefit CGH youth but also have a positive impact on the broader youth population of Woodstock.
CGH is often described as an “island,” isolated from the rest of the Woodstock neighbourhood. As a result, the youth living in CGH lack the same social ties to Woodstock that their parents, who have spent much of their adult lives outside CGH, once had. Prioritizing the youth of CGH seeks to contribute to long-term sustainability by nurturing future community leaders who can preserve and enrich the neighbourhood’s unique culture and identity. The aim is to help these young individuals overcome their challenges, build independence and resilience, and foster strong community bonds.
When conducting research with youth aged 15-25, it is essential to address ethical considerations to ensure an inclusive and respectful research process, particularly for those under 18. For data collection, community leaders or monitors were always present to support the participants. For the workshops without parental or guardian presence, minors were required to provide signed consent forms from their guardians. We took inspirations from Guidelines for research involving children and youths (Matthews et al., 1998, as cited in Scheyvens, Scheyvens, Murray, 2011) while working with the youth.
We prioritized age-appropriate methodologies to foster meaningful engagement, such us youth-friendly language, visuals, and interactive activities. These helped minimize barriers to comprehension, contributing active participation and inclusive research process. We also emphasized voluntary participation, ensuring that participants felt no pressure to take part and fully understood their right to withdraw consent at any time.
While we expressed appreciation of participants’ contributions, we were also honest and transparent about the research outcomes to avoid raising unrealistic expectations. Recognizing that, as foreign urban planning students cannot solve systemic issues they face, we focused on creating meaningful, mutual benefits. This included organizing activities, spending quality time with participants, teaching simple skills with knowledge exchange.
By focusing on respect and reciprocity, our ethical framework provided a balanced approach that valued both the participants’ well-being and the research outcomes.
To select the most effective methods for gathering the required information without compromising the privacy of stakeholders or pushing them beyond their comfort zones, we began with a theoretical introduction to the possibilities and limitations of various methods.
A key resource in this process was the Field Guide to Human-Centered Design, which provides detailed descriptions of different methods and their applications. We utilized, among other things, guidelines for conducting (expert) interviews, immersing ourselves in the community, and evaluating and discussing the data within our team. Although the storytelling method, also discussed in Sandercock (2003), seemed less directly applicable to our context, we still considered it important to explore. It allowed us to hear the residents’ personal stories and gain deeper insights into their lives.
A recurring piece of advice in the literature is the effective visualization of workshop stations and materials. Ensuring that questions and potential answers were clear and easily understandable was crucial for accurately identifying the needs of the stakeholders.
Building on the work of McTaggart (1991) and Steen (2012), we also focused on reflecting on our own attitudes and perspectives toward the residents. It was especially important to us to make the methods as engaging and user-friendly as possible. Our goal was to encourage creative participation in the workshops, ensuring that the participants enjoyed the process. We aimed for no one to feel overlooked or excluded.
The Right to the City, introduced by Lefebvre (1968), enriched our understanding of urban spaces as sites of social justice and inclusion. This concept emphasized that access to the urban environment is a fundamental right, particularly for marginalized groups. Additionally, the Tipping Point theory, as articulated by Moser and Rodgers (2012), emphasizes the critical thresholds where localized issues can escalate into broader societal challenges. These theoretical frameworks contributed to better understand the broader social dynamics at play and their implications for our research.
Figure 3.2: CGH’s youth. By authors.
3.4 Methods
As part of our fieldwork, a range of participatory methods was applied to gather qualitative, quantitative and spatial data. However, the process was far from linear, requiring constant adjustments and improvisation, which led to the utilization of many different methods. An overview of them is illustrated in the method diagram (Figure 3.4). The diagram draws visual and structural inspiration from a previous report on this Project course in UEP a few years ago (Subedi, 2021). Some methods proved more effective than others, therefore, the following chapters will focus on the approaches that provided the most significant results.
Woodstock, Cape Town The
Figure 3.4: Methods diagram. By authors.
Figure 3.3: Participatory workshop at CGH. By authors.
3. 4. 1 Workshops at CGH
Four workshops were conducted in CGH to gain a deeper understanding of the building’s structure and to engage with the youth living there, exploring their needs and desires ensuring an in-depth understanding of their lived experiences. One age-appropriate method that delivered useful information on how the youth uses the spaces on CGH was handing out a disposable camera to the youth. They were asked to photograph spaces within and around CGH that they either cherish or feel the need for improvement.
In a follow-up workshop, we collectively discussed the photos and mapped their locations on the floorplan. This exercise provided us with valuable insights into spaces the youth enjoy as well as the areas they have concerns about. For instance, a group of girls took a picture of their ‘happy place’ but expressed their desire for seating opportunities. The area around the staircase where the fire occurred a few years ago, on the other hand, was notably avoided by the youth. These discussions revealed a significant gap in public facilities that cater to their needs, specifically regarding recreational and educational spaces, as well as nearby, affordable care taking facilities for toddlers.
By allowing the youth to shoot the pictures themselves, they were highly engaged, as the images held personal significance. Seeing pictures of themselves and their friends made the activity enjoyable for them. However, many of the photographs were to dark or blurry due to insuff icient knowledge on how to operate the camera and the participants struggled to read and interpret the floorplan even with the section names provided, which made mapping the location of the photographs challenging.
Figure 3.5
Figure 3.7
Figure 3.8
Figure 3.6
Woodstock, Cape Town
| Woodstock, Cape Town
Figure 3.5-3.8: The disposable camera workshop. By authors.
During the workshops and data collection outside the building, several surveys were conducted, each containing specific questions. These surveys allowed us to gather quantitative data from the residents of CGH. In most surveys, we used coloured stickers to allow residents to vote on simple graphs displayed on posters, providing data separated by age or gender.
The first workshop included the questions, “How safe do you feel in CGH?”, “How safe do you feel on your daily route?” and “How much do you contribute to the community in CGH?”. In general, participants’ responses ranged from “safe” to “very safe,” indicating a stronger sense of security within CGH than in the surrounding area. For the contribution the answer varied much more, from “not at all” to “a lot”. However, since the results were visible to everyone, we suspect that residents were influenced by the presence of monitors and leaders, as well as by earlier responses. At one of the survey stations, a leader even guided residents on how to answer this question. To further explore residents’ concerns, we placed a confidential suggestion box where they could share their thoughts about safety and well-being in and around CGH. This revealed that our assumption was correct, and that the perceived safety, particularly for children, was lower than indicated in the public survey.
The question, “How long have you been on the housing waiting list? ” helped us understand that many older residents have been on the list for years, or even decades.
In another survey, using the same methods as before, we examined the mobility patterns and employment status of the youth in CGH. The resulting data showing as figure 3.10 and 3.11 reveals that most young people are either in school or unemployed, reflecting the broader job market situation in Cape Town. Additionally, walking is the most common mode of transport, with around half of daily trips made on foot.
To further understand the youth demographic in CGH, we collected the first names and ages of residents in each house section. This was done to prevent doublings, and confidentiality was maintained by properly informing the participants. With the assistance of the youth monitor, who gathered the data over the course of a week, we compiled a list of 158 residents aged 13-25. Of this group, 117 residents were between the ages of 15 and 25, making up more than 10% of CGH’s total population and therefore an important demographic. However, it was particularly challenging to gather responses from youth aged 20 and above, a trend also reflected in the data, figure 3.12 where there is a significant drop in participation from this age group. The actual proportion of this age group is likely larger than the survey suggests.
Figure
Figure
This method was conducted with the objective to identify areas with potential for further development of housing and public spaces. The map in Figure 3.15 illustrates vacant and underutilized spaces in Woodstock. These spaces refer to plots of land or buildings that are either unoccupied or in use but not at full capacity. Examples include buildings with unused floors or outdoor parks with minimal activity.
The data for this map was initially gathered from a secondary source provided by NU and subsequently validated through direct observations made during transect walks in the Woodstock neighbourhood.
The results revealed that the majority of vacant or underutilized spaces were open lots, with fewer being indoor spaces. A limitation of this method is the diff iculty in identifying underused buildings solely through exterior observation. Similarly, identifying underused outdoor spaces proved challenging, as it often required multiple visits to the same site to obtain more accurate data on whether the space was consistently underused or merely empty at the time of the visit. Additionally, it is diff icult to determine whether the plots or buildings are publicly or privately owned, which could influence the feasibility of future development on these spaces.
Figure 3.15: Vacant/underutilised properties in Woodstock. By authors.
Figure 3.13: Fenced off vacant land space in Woodstock behinde CGH. By authors.
Figure 3.14: Fenced off vacant space in Woodstock. By authors. 46 | Woodstock, Cape Town
The Next Wave
47 Woodstock, Cape Town The Next Wave
To collect more in-depth information, we conducted several interviews with various stakeholders during the fieldwork. These included individual residents of CGH, city off icials and a representative from the neighbourhood association of Woodstock. Additional brief, fewer formal interviews with Woodstock residents we encountered on the street and CGH residents we met in the building further enriched our understanding.
The interviews allowed us to evaluate our potential solutions and gain insights into the framework conditions and limitations. Key findings included not only differing views on equality but also the politicians’ lack of accountability for the current circumstances and public participation. A systemically exclusion from housing and job opportunities of young residents due to past criminal behaviour further seems to be another factor which contributes to the perpetuating cycle making it diff icult for them to be treated equally in society.
Interviews with the responsible Ward Councillor for Ward 115 and a City Councillor revealed that the City of Cape Town has no direct plans to address these identified problems. Inequality is reinforced by the current housing policy, and no changes are planned. The lack of accountability in decision-making seems to contribute to the low political support for addressing these issues. Further, a public participation workshop on the CGH property was advertised to us in a brief meeting by the member of the Mayoral Committee for Human Settlements. Unfortunately, our requests for interviews with him went unanswered. When we asked other city off icials about this citizen participation initiative, they were unable to provide assistance. This highlighted a problem in communication between politics and the people, particularly in regard to participatory methods.
An interviewed representative of the Woodstock Neighbourhood Association also highlighted the limited opportunities for participation in political decisions together with slow decision processes as a significant concern, expressing a desire to be more involved and heard in local politics.
Physical activities are popular among the youth, though such initiatives have become less frequent in recent years. Based on observations during workshops and conversations with the youth, we were inspired to organize a hike with the youth as part of a participatory workshop. The hike serves as a social intervention to encourage community engagement but also build trust with us. For meaningful interaction, we incorporated age-appropriate methods, including interactive games with storytelling and reflective questions during the hike.
The hike successfully brought together a diverse group of youth, including those who previously disengaged from other participatory workshops. The informal environment encouraged open dialogue, providing valuable insights and strengthening our connections with residents from CGH. This social intervention not only deepened trust but also helped shape our research direction through meaningful community interactions. After our hike, the youth also planned another hike independently, reflecting increased engagement and initiatives.
On the other hand, the informal environment made it harder for structured data collection, and some participants were less engaged in reflective activities. This limited the dept of insight from certain individuals. Accessibility was another challenge, as the hike was not accessible for all, reducing the inclusivity due to mobility barriers.
Additionally, due to limited time for fieldwork, we only mange to organize this intervention once and interacted with 15 youth, which is only around 10% of the youth living in CGH, highlighting the limitation. However, the hike provides a strong foundation for refining participatory methods, especially for trust building.
Figure 3.15: During the hike with the youth, Table Mountain Nature Reserve. By authors.
Figure 3.16: Hike destination - Woodstock Cave. By authors.
Figure 3.17: Interactive ball throwing game with reflective questions during hike. By authors.
Figure 3.15
Figure 3.16
Figure 3.17
To reflect on the methods used and optimise their implementation in future research, we will discuss them below. While the methods outlined earlier provided valuable information and were instrumental to our research, some methods did not yield the results we initially expected. For example, we distributed 16 small diaries with questions about life in CGH to randomly selected residents. These diaries were intended to be filled out within a week and returned anonymously in a box maintained by the youth monitor. Despite a positive reception when the diaries were distributed and the emphasis on anonymity, we did not collect the residents’ names, nor did we involve a leader or monitor in the process. After a prolonged search, only three diaries were returned, two of which were partially filled out. The responses, all from children, were very brief and provided no new insights. This experience revealed that many residents lacked the commitment, and possibly the sense of responsibility, to complete such tasks. While involving leaders might have led to similar participants as those in our workshops, it would have likely increased the chances of receiving the completed diaries.
We encountered similar issues with commitment throughout our workshops. When we approached people in the building and invited them to our workshops, many agreed to participate but then failed to show up. As a result, we preferred organizing workshop stations that could operate independently and did not require significant time commitments, in order to lower the barriers to participation. Offering support at each station, guiding participants through tasks, and assisting with reading and understanding the materials proved to be a more effective approach.
Additionally, we noticed that the results from open voting did not always align with the findings from anonymous, confidential surveys. Residents tended to vote in line with the majority, following the choices of those who had voted before them. For subsequent surveys, we decided to present clearly identifiable options for the questions and data, in order to reduce bias and increase clarity.
We identified one-on-one conversations with residents of Woodstock and CGH as the most effective research method for in-depth information. This approach led to the organization of a hike, which provided valuable insights into the young people’s perspectives on their situation. While activities requiring reading or interpretation of maps and texts were less successful, storytelling and visual methods proved to be particularly effective.
Figure 3.18: Youth of CGH during hike. By authors.
3. 5 Identification of Needs and Challenges
This stakeholder issue interrelationship diagram (Figure 3.19) highlights the issues we identified during our fieldwork and how they influence one another. It also illustrates how the stakeholders are connected to these issues and whether the interests of stakeholders align or conflict. By mapping these relationships, we gain a clearer understanding of the situation’s complexity, allowing us to effectively identify the key challenges.
Based on the methods we used in our fieldwork, we identified the three most pressing issues and challenges faced by the youth of CGH:
The lack of affordable housing in the inner city
The inadequacy of public spaces catering to youth needs
The absence of active engagement from the youth in their community
| Woodstock, Cape Town The Next Wave
Figure 3.19: Stakeholder issue interrelationship diagram. By authors.
Figure 3.20: Sketch of needs and challenges with stakeholders’ quotes. By authors.
Cissie Gool House is an answer to the ongoing gentrification and the scarcity of affordable housing in the inner city of Cape Town and serves as a necessary home for its residents. Furthermore, many of the youth we interacted with expressed the desire to have their own homes in the future, reflecting the need for affordable, long-term housing solutions.
However, ethical concerns surrounding CGH have been raised by politicians. They argue that permitting so-called “illegal occupants” to remain in government-owned properties, even after the redevelopment of those properties into social housing, could send the wrong message to the public. This is particularly problematic, given that some CGH residents have not been on the housing waiting list for as long as other citizens, raising the question of fairness. Additionally, not all residents of CGH qualify for the social housing, so where are they expected to live?
For those who do not qualify for social housing, the available options are often limited. Therefore, they have to rely on other housing programs that are rarely well-located with inadequate infrastructure and economic opportunities, or to resort to living illegally. This can add additional financial and emotional burdens for the people after being evicted.
As established in Chapter 3.4.3, many vacant and underutilized plots have been observed. So, in addition to the housing crisis and gentrification, those spaces (Figure 3.15 in Chapter 3.4.3) in the Woodstock area intensify the issue. The interview with a councillor revealed that, in some cases, investors purchase properties without the financial resources to develop them further. To prevent unlawful occupancy, they demolish parts of the structure, see example in Figure 3.21. These practices often leave properties neglected, reducing the neighbourhood’s character and utility and further affecting residents’ safety (Arnold et al. 2024). A member of the human settlement committee mentioned additional challenges, such us underground technical elements that make certain vacant plots unsuitable for constructions.
As the research shows, the availability of affordable housing is crucial, particularly in the current economic conditions in South Africa, characterized by the high youth unemployment. Ensuring that low-income residents, especially the youth, can remain in the inner city, where educational and economic opportunities are concentrated, is therefore critical.
Figure 3.21: The structure on the right was demolished after the land was sold to the developer of the apartment building on the right. To date, the developer has only built on the left-hand plot. The right-hand plot remains demolished, vacant, and fenced off for the past eight years. The wall facing the road has been preserved for its heritage value, but no further development has occurred, aside from reinforcement with metal supports. Image source: Google Maps.
A need and desire the youth in CGH have expressed on numerous occasions is the access to affordable and inclusive public spaces for them to self-actualize and connect with peers.
As elaborated in Chapter 3.3.1 and Chapter 3.3.2, many spaces in both CGH and Wood stock are vacant or lack a clear function. and a notable lack of recreational and educational public spaces along with health-related institutions in CGH and Woodstock was observed. Many show signs of neglect such as litter scattered across open areas and informal use of the space for unintended purposes. The image in Figure 3.22 shows and example of this. Poor lighting, overgrown vegetation and damaged infrastructure make these spaces uninviting while also affecting overall safety. Research suggests that crime rates are higher in spaces with many insufficiencies and visible disorders (Kelling G. and Wilson J, 1982). It affects the user’s perceived safety and decreases engagement with space. Additionally, in Cape Town, public properties, including parks, are often fenced off, further restricting accessibility and contributing to a perception of neglect. (Arnold et al. 2024) In Woodstock, many outdoor spaces are inaccessible to its residents, not because of their distance but rather because of their condition.
The services currently offered by the youth monitor are insufficient to meet the needs of the youth. The homework room and the library are mainly used by children under the age of 14 years old. One reason for this includes that the teenagers find it hard to concentrate in the homework room due to its poor acoustics, particularly when all the children are present. Additionally, the youth stopped participating in game afternoons and rarely borrow books from the library, as most of the games and books are geared towards younger children. Furthermore, the youth monitor provides this caretaking role as an unpaid volunteer and manages it entirely on her own. She repeatedly expressed a need for assistance.
Active participation in a community has the potential to strengthen social networks of the youth and empower them to contribute positively to their surroundings. However, an absence of youth engagement in CGH and Woodstock is observed, which can be attributed to two primary factors: the inaccessibility of the public participation processes and the disinterest shown by the youth in actively engaging in their community.
In an interview, the youth monitor described her concerns about losing connection to the youth in the community. She identified substance abuse as a significant hindrance to their active engagement. In a leaders’ meeting we attended the leaders noted that recovering addicts often relapse upon returning from the rehabilitation centre. They credit this to a social environment that encourages drug abuse and a lack of alternative activities. According to several youth leaders in CGH, meetings are held infrequently, and planned events are rarely executed. Observations of one such meeting indicated low attendance, highlighting the challenges in fostering active youth involvement.
Another issue identified is that CGH is perceived as an isolated island within Woodstock. Even though many of the older residents maintain social connections within the Woodstock community, interviews with both CGH and Woodstock residents revealed a sentiment that CGH feels disconnected from the rest of the neighbourhood. The prejudices surrounding the CGH community, along with the safety measures such as the fence and the guards, hinder meaningful interaction between the residents of CGH and those of Woodstock.
Communication between the government representatives and the local residents appears to be ineffective. Current strategies rely heavily on digital platforms, which present several challenges for low-income residents who may lack access to the internet. Furthermore, the information is often difficult to locate and mostly provided in English and in written form, making it inaccessible for illiterate and non-English-speaking individuals.
Figure 3.23: Workshop survey about public facility ‘wish list’ from the youth of CGH. By authors.
Figure 3.22: Public Space in Woodstock. By authors
3. 5. 3 The Absence of Active Youth Engagement in Their Community
Public participation, by law, should provide a formal platform for dialogue between the residents and the government representatives. However, observing the current practice showed that the process consists of residents leaving comments and emails without receiving any concrete response. This often results in one-way communication and raises concerns whether residents’ voices are genuinely considered. The Councilor for Ward 115 expressed concerns during an interview about the low attendance at in-person workshops. Although he highlighted that efforts to share all the information have been made, discussions with Woodstock residents suggest that the necessary information may not reach them, reflecting the growing distrust between officials and their community.
Additionally, participatory initiatives are often not designed with the needs and preferences of the youth in mind, resulting in the inaccessibility to a demographic whose voices are essential for shaping equitable and inclusive urban spaces in the future.
The primary challenge is to build a supportive environment in Woodstock that addresses the specific needs of CGH’s youth. Currently, a lack of adequate public facilities targeting their needs, limited engagement opportunities, and insufficient affordable housing prevent young residents from accessing resources and fully participating in community life. This lack of support perpetuates cycles of poverty, insecurity, and disengagement.
The goal of this research is to design spaces that enable CGH youth to connect with public facilities, enhance community engagement, and improve access to housing. We propose a social spatial approach, where key facilities are strategically located and easily accessible to the youth. Additionally, we recommend housing strategies focused on supporting lower-income residents, fostering greater community engagement, helping youth overcome systemic barriers, and empowering them to make positive contributions to the urban fabric of Woodstock.
Figure 3.24: Youth of CGH during hike. By authors.
Figure 3.25: Section Azanya in CGH. By authors. 3. 6 Problem Statement
58 | Woodstock, Cape Town | The Next Wave
59 | Woodstock, Cape Town | The Next Wave
Future
Building on the previous research, Future presents potential solutions to the identified issues. It outlines not only spatial interventions for CGH and the Woodstock neighbourhood but also integrated socio-spatial strategies that can be applied at various levels. Additionally, policy recommendations and changes that could be implemented at the city level are included to complement the proposed solutions.
4.1: Section Azanya in CGH. By authors.
Figure
Visions for CGH by the
During the fieldwork, two different visions of CGH were observed – one from the residents of CGH and one from the city’s politicians. The following section briefly describes both scenarios, followed by a proposal for a solution that addresses the needs of both groups.
The first solution introduced here, as desired by the residents of CGH, is the preservation of the building’s structure and layout without requiring the residents to move. This would involve step-by-step renovation of the building, including the maintenance and repair of the roof and all sanitary facilities. The upgrade would include minor structural changes to enhance the use of space. Additionally, the integration of public facilities, described in the further evaluation, could be incorporated into this strategy. This solution would be the most convenient for the residents, as they could remain in CGH during the renovation, with the possibility of being temporarily relocated to other rooms.
However, consideration would need to be given to the financing of this measure, as well as to a rental system for the housing units. Since this factor is not yet clear, city policies propose the following suggestion.
The plans of the city of Cape Town include the proposal for a social housing building on the Old Woodstock Hospital property. As a result, CGH would need to be demolished to make way for a new residential building on the site. At least, this is the approach currently being pursued, according to statements by the Councillor for Human Settlements. Although social housing is planned, the inclusion of the current residents of CGH in the new housing development is not explicitly part of the plan. The main issue with this approach is that the site is likely to be sold to private developers, which would significantly reduce political influence over the subsequent marketing of the apartments.
4. 2 Socio-Spatial Toolbox for Youth-centred engagement and Neighbourhood development
The planned and desired scenarios for the Woodstock hospital, as envisioned by both the CGH residents and the government, contain notable drawbacks, as described in Chapter 4.1. Therefore, this report introduces an alternative proposal in the form of a Toolbox, containing socio-spatial strategies as well as policy recommendations for CGH, the Woodstock area and the broader context of Cape Town, addressing the needs and challenges of the youth. The concept draws visual and structural inspiration from the toolbox created by the team of UN-Habitat for the Our City Plans website (UN-Habitat, 2024). While the Our City Plans Toolbox organises urban planning processes into four phases – assessment, plan, operationalisation, and implementation - representing a modular and flexible approach that can be modified to fit diverse contexts, our proposed toolbox focuses on strategies for the future development of CGH, the Woodstock neighbourhood, and Cape Town.
This Toolbox (Figure 4.4) is organised in four phases, each consisting of two strategies (A-H), which will be elaborated on in more detail in the next chapters. The proposed timeframes for these phases are outlined in the Timeline (Figure 4.5). The phases and their strategies represent ongoing processes that need ongoing improvement. Therefore, the timeline displays only the proposed starting periods.
Phase 1 addresses the most pressing goal of community and trust building. This phase can and should be implemented immediately, as trust and effective communication is essential for establishing a solid foundation that will only require minor adjustments after five years. Phase 2 focuses on a range of small-scale changes at a neighbourhood level regarding accessibility. Serving as a testing phase for the following phase, it is recommended to implement these strategies in the next three to ten years. Phase 3 introduces proposals for the further neighbourhood framework and policy initiatives, and their implementation can begin once sufficient information has been gathered from the previous phases. This phase will require ongoing revision and adjustment after that to adapt future societal needs. Finally, Phase 4 represents our vision for the future of CGH and Woodstock, integrating all previous strategies. For successful implementation of this phase, the necessary policy groundwork from Phase 3 must be established beforehand to ensure a resilient and effective development.
Figure 4.4: The Socio-Spatial Toolbox. By authors.
Figure 4.5: The Timeline of Toolbox. By authors.
Figure 4.6: Map of existing and proposed interventions in CGH. By authors.
Figure 4.7: Sketch of multi-functional use of the corridors in CGH. By authors.
Figure 4.8: Sketch of multi-functional use of the open spaces in CGH. By authors.
Figure 4.9: Community Garden of CGH. By authors.
Strategy A: On CGH Level
Enhancement of the Well-being of the Youth through Human-scale Spatial interventions
To address the pressing need for purposeful, functioned spaces, this proposal suggests repurposing the empty spaces in and around the house by developing diverse recreational and educational facilities and services, as well as building on the already existing ones to accommodate all age groups as illustrated in Figure 4.6. Over time, these can also be extended to the neighbourhood, becoming a part of the public space network of Woodstock as will be elaborated in Phase 2, in Chapter 4.2.2.
Additional, quiet learning spaces for the youth could be established in some of the niches that exist in the building’s corridors. This would provide the youth with spaces to study away from the loud homework room or their small homes. These could be easily maintained by the existing cleaner of CGH.
Inside the house, there are several bigger open spaces at key crossroads or in front of the broken elevators which could be repurposed for game and indoor sports areas, as illustrated in Figure 4.8. Additional games, such as Table Soccer or Pool, could function in the same manner as arcade games in the game corner where you insert money to play. Some other short-term solutions within CGH could include Table Tennis, Dart or games painted on the floor. Brackets, darts and balls could be lent out by the tuckshops to prevent theft as they already hold the responsibility of keeping the keys for the Hall, for example. Implementing such interventions would provide the Youth with more opportunities for self-actualization and social interaction by engaging in activities with friends rather than simply hanging around the house doing nothing.
4.6
On the opposite side of the K-Walk section from where the current community garden (Figure 4.9) is located, there is space next to the Hall where the garden could be expanded as seen in Figure 4.6. Organizing gardening workgroups that involve the youth can not only foster community building but also facilitating the passing on of skills to the younger generation. Furthermore, designating certain areas for the youth would give them a sense of responsibility and ownership. Therefore, they are likely to show greater care and commitment to maintaining and appreciation for those spaces and the work that goes into them.
Figure 4.7
Figure 4.8
Figure 4.9 Figure
Strengthening of the Governance Structure and Self-Organization of the Youth
Establishing consistency with the Youth Leaders’ meetings and starting out by organizing smaller events like sports activities can gradually strengthen their sense of community. Implementing a routine may also encourage better attendance. The hike served as a potential form of social intervention and provided a practical test for this approach. By starting on a small scale, the organizers can gain valuable experience that helps them to plan the preparation of more complex events. This will be elaborated on in Strategy B.
The youth monitor is providing her care-taking services to the children and youth all on her one, which is not sustainable in the long run. It will be essential to distribute the workload among additional, younger volunteers who can gradually take over and thus relieve the youth monitor of some of her responsibilities and ensure a more sustainable approach in the future. With the involvement of younger, more energetic caretakers, they could set up a wider range of afternoon activities catering to all age groups. A major challenge is the financing of the resources needed. Purchasing books and board games for the youth is diff icult, but NU or other NGO and donors could assist with that.
Socio-Spatial Intervention to Tackle the Substance Abuse within CGH
A proposal was discussed during the leaders’ meeting to address drug abuse within the house by creating a safe space for the individuals struggling with addiction, where regular meetings with some of the ex-users could offer support and guidance. These sessions, which could be held weekly in the Hall (Figure 4.10 and Figure 4.11), would be facilitated by one (or a group) of the recovered residents. It is crucial that these meetings are held without any leaders or monitors to foster a nonjudgmental environment. This encourages openness and allows them to learn about the severe consequences of substance abuse. Therefore, having a space where individuals can support one another to stay clean is a critical step in addressing this issue. The safe space could also function as an informational place that educates not only the youth but their parents to.
Figure 4.10: Sketch of multi-functional use of the hall, dance practice. By authors.
Figure 4.11: Sketch of multi-functional use of the hall, safe space By authors.
Figure 4.10
Figure4.11
Strategy B: On Neighbourhood Level
Improvement of the Communication and Trust Building Between the Neighbourhood and the Ward 115
To establish a functioning and productive relationship between the ward council and its residents, effective communication is an essential foundation for building trust.
In addition to all digital communication strategies already implemented by the local ward governance, incorporating accessible physical interactions should be considered as viable alternatives. Since not all residents have access to technology and the internet, utilizing a multimedia approach that includes communication platforms such as local radio, hanging posters and distributing flyers to mailboxes would reach more people. Due to the varying educational backgrounds in the neighbourhood, it is crucial to provide information through diverse media formats and in multiple languages. When residents are not informed properly, they may lack awareness of the government’s actions and strategies, hindering their ability to engage effectively. Therefore, transparency in the governance plans is important to foster trust and understanding.
Furthermore, collaborating with actors trusted by the community, such as local organizations, religious institutions, or community leaders, can help the ward council build a stronger connection with the residents. These organizations can operate as neutral mediators, reducing political and emotional tensions. Additionally, they can also assist the government in finding participants to join the in-person workshops, as they possess valuable understanding of the community and its members.
As demonstrated in the Chapter 4.3 methods, engaging in physical interactions with the residents have been tested and shown to be an effective approach for building trust and fostering meaningful communication.
Strengthening the Connection Between CGH and Woodstock
The aim of this proposal is to progressively integrate the communities of CGH and Woodstock into a unified neighbourhood. This can be accomplished through spatial and social methods that gradually open up CGH to the public and foster mutual understanding of each other.
To strengthen community cohesion in the Woodstock neighbourhood, the establishment of public spaces within CGH presents a valuable option. Spaces inside the building along with the open areas offer significant potential for development into versatile, community-oriented environments, which could be made accessible to the wider neighbourhood.
One approach to achieving that could involve gradually opening the common spaces introduced in Strategies A to the neighbourhood (Figure 4.6), initially on a temporary basis, to foster mutual acceptance over time. The Hall, for instance, could function as a community hall for the neighbourhood and as a suitable venue for facilitating events that include the broader Woodstock community as well. Some suggestions from the CGH youth community include events such as Karaoke nights, movie screenings, or talent shows. By charging external visitors a small entrance fee, the organizers could not only cover the cost but also earn some money.
Additionally, for greater integration of CGH into the Woodstock neighbourhood, it is proposed that residents are allowed to participate actively in the neighbourhood community meetings. Efforts should be made to rebuild the previously lost connection with the WRA.
The relationships between CGH residents and their direct neighbours have been strained by noise complaints and incidents of minor crimes. Therefore, it is important to foster more positive interactions. One approach to achieve this could include the CGH residents in the road chat to facilitate a more open dialogue.
Strategy C: Accessibility of Woodstock’s Facilities and Resources Improvement of Accessible Outdoor Public Spaces for the Youth
There are numerous outdoor open spaces in Woodstock that are not exploited to their fullest potential to serve the community, as previously shown in figure 3.15 (map of vacant lands). Revitalizing these neglected public spaces can be achieved through thoughtful design strategies that have the potential to increase usage.
One strategy is to promote safety by prioritizing visibility. This can include lighting along pathways and entrances as well as keeping the landscape open and well-trimmed to avoid hidden corners. Planting native vegetation that thrives in the local climate will not only support biodiversity but also promote easy upkeep of the landscape thereby also lowering maintenance costs.
Enhancing accessibility is essential to revitalizing public open spaces. Today, many green spaces are fenced off making them inaccessible to the public, as shown in Figure 4.12. Opening these spaces for public use could increase recreational activity in the neighbourhood and create spaces where community can flourish.
Integrating a mix of active and passive use can optimize public use of the spaces. This strategy is illustrated in Figure 4.13. Creating zones for a mix of outdoor sporting activities combined with passive areas with shaded seating is an example of how to maximize the functionality of the space. Additionally, the space could be partnered with nearby schools, serving as an extension of their academic facilities and offering a place for learning. This would also help off set costs through school-based funding of the outdoor space.
The Table Mountain nature reserve is another example where accessibility to a greenspace is restricted. One of the city’s current policies is to “attain a continuous green link from mountain to sea” (CoCT, 2024). We support this aim and propose a solution as a first step to achieving this green link. Currently, reaching the trailhead to the mountain requires crossing a four-lane highway where vehicles travel at high speeds and visibility is compromised by a sharp turn and tall trees, making it hazardous and challenging to access the mountain. Introducing a safe crossing solution, such as a pedestrian bridge (Figure X), would greatly improve access, allowing more people to enjoy the nature reserve.
Figure 4.13: Public facilities proposal. By authors.
Figure 4.14: Sketch of bridge to Devil’s Peak. By authors.
Figure 4.12: Fenced off park in Woodstock. By authors.
72 Woodstock, Cape Town The Next Wave
73 Woodstock, Cape Town | The Next Wave
Accessibility to Youth Oriented Resources in Woodstock Through Multifunctional Spaces
In Woodstock, one of the primary challenge lies in the scarcity and fragmentation of resources, which hinder youth access. One proposal is to integrate multifunctional spaces in Woodstock that cater to various activities throughout the day, encouraging interaction among youth with diverse interests and building stronger community ties. Figure 4.15 illustrates how different activities can coexist within the same building, maximizing the use of space and resources. For example, a centre for teaching manual skills could equip youth with practical job training, while indoor sports facilities and recreation centres could promote physical activity. Additionally, a large community hall could serve as a venue for political events, cultural activities, or market spaces, depending on the time and day.
Currently, Woodstock only has the town hall available for neighbourhood meetings, with no co-working spaces or other public gathering spots. To address this gap, a model similar to the Bertha House, a co-working space with meeting rooms and cafe, is proposed. The spaces can be reserved either free of charge or for a small fee, while the open areas are available to use at any time. To facilitate proper organization and management of the spaces, access is granted upon providing contact information to prevent misuse and vandalism. A similar system could be implemented in CGH, offering publicly accessible meeting rooms and the potential to utilize additional facilities.
Such multifunctional public facilities could be established in currently vacant buildings in Woodstock, particularly along Victoria Road, where other commercial establishments are situated. This is elaborated in more detail in Chapter 4.2.4, Phase 4. During our fieldwork, we observed that multifunctional spaces are less prevalent in the Global South compared to the Global North. Implementing such a model in Woodstock may be challenging due to the area’s complex social and economic dynamics. However, this concept represents a long-term goal that the community could gradually work toward, offering a sustainable and inclusive solution for the future.
Figure 4.15: Time-use diagram. By authors.
Figure 4.16: Vacant building in Victoria Road, Woodstock. By authors.
Strategy
D: Accessible Public Participation Strategies for More Inclusive Public Participation Processes
Developing strategies for more inclusive public participation processes in Woodstock is critical, particularly to ensure the engagement of youth, as they are often excluded from these processes despite their lives being impacted by urban planning decisions
Including youth in public participation processes is not only a matter of equity but also a strategic approach to identifying their specific needs. These needs, often overlooked by other stakeholders, are vital for fostering a thriving and inclusive community. Recognizing youth as key stakeholders is essential to developing meaningful solutions. Adopting a creative, pedagogical approaches that accommodate diverse learning profiles such as auditory, tactile, visual, and reading/writing can make participation more accessible for the youth. The City of Cape Town could implement youth-specific methods, such as pop-up workshops in public spaces where young residents naturally gather, including schools, parks, and shops.
By prioritizing youth engagement through innovative and accessible strategies, Woodstock’s participatory planning processes can become more representative, ensuring that the voices of the youth are effectively integrated into the decision-making framework. Methods tested during our fieldwork proved effective in engaging youth, offering mutual benefits. For instance, visual approaches such as exercises using a disposable cameras and physically engaging activities were particularly successful. These methods are discussed in greater detail in Chapter 3.4.
Figure 4.17: RTC slogan on CGH wall. By authors.
Strategy E: Housing Policy Suggestions
Long-term
Suggestions for Inclusive Housing Programs
To address the housing crisis in Cape Town, particularly in well-located areas like Woodstock, it is crucial to adopt inclusive and affordable housing programs. A model that could foster a more sustainable and inclusive housing system is the Dutch Housing Model. This approach combines social housing apartments with market-sale homes, using the profits to reinvest in the construction of new affordable housing projects based on this concept (Andoni, 2017). In Woodstock, these strategies would work best on publicly owned land, as private land is often more expensive and increases the housing cost. This model could create a more sustainable housing system with more inclusivity.
Additionally, the Housing for Help Model, practiced in Germany, also provides another aspect. This model offers reduced rent in exchange for caretaking services such as childcare or property maintenance (MLP Finanzify, n.d.). This model not only lowers living costs but also offers valuable opportunities for skill-building and community engagement. This we can see through the governance structure in CGH, which fostered a stronger community bond. Similarly, this model could be expanded, paring youth with elderly and disabled residents who need support services. This can strengthen community bonds, reduce municipal maintenance cost and also provide essential services.
Policy Proposals for Inclusive Housing
The current housing policies in South Africa highlight the right to adequate housing, see Chapter 2.2. However, the law lack specificity in defining “adequate housing” and its contextual requirements. Relocating residents to city outskirt without infrastructure also undermines their right to housing. A more specific definition needs to be revised, including criteria such as guarantee proximity to public transport, employment opportunities, educational and recreational facilities.
Moreover, CoCT must also strengthen its oversight of SHIs, ensuring transparency and accountability during the construction process. As mentioned in Chapter 2.2 on the housing crisis, it appears that the CoCT has limited visibility into the social housing project after releasing the land to SHIs, according to the Councillor in an interview. While SHIs assume primary responsibility of housing delivery, the subsequent funding and construction processes are often delayed and unpredictable.
Transparency will help prevent mismanagement, ensuring proper resource allocation while maintaining public trust. CoCT could require SHIs to submit regular progress reports on funding sources, project timelines, challenges, and strategies. This would keep CoCT continuously informed about project development and thus enable proactive problem-solving.
Additionally, there should also be timeframes for different processes for each construction project If the deadlines are not met, penalties such as extra fees could be implied. This would make the process more accountable.
Strategy F: Planning and Design of Infrastructure Solutions
Exploration of More Sustainable Building Methods while Reusing Existing Structures and Empty Properties
United Nations Brundtland Commission defined sustainability in 1987 as “meeting the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs” (United Nation, 2024). To align with this principle, it is crucial to reuse the existing structures and vacant properties in Woodstock. While underground technical parts have been cited as barriers for development by a member of Human Settlements, more specifics remain unclear. However, innovative solutions such as elevated structures with open ground floor provide access for maintaining underground utilities while optimise land use. In cases where it is not suitable for heavier construction, public spaces as mentioned in Phase 2 offer alternative solutions such as urban farming. These spatial interventions will not only maximize land use, but also foster a more vibrant Woodstock, improving also youth’s future, who are the key stakeholders in the future sustainability efforts.
Heritage legislation is essential for preserving Woodstock’s identity, but it needs stricter enforcement to be truly effective. For the su youth, protecting heritage values is not just about honouring the past, but also ensures a vibrant stainable future. As mentioned in figure X, the protected facade is now in its eight years of neglect after demolishing. This situation highlights the consequences of inadequate oversight, leading to increased restoration costs, and missed redevelopment opportunities, in the end burdening the next generation. To address this, stricter demolition rules with penalties for non-compliance must be introduced for protecting Woodstock’s unique history and character, supporting a long-term development.
City-Scale Application
These strategies proposed for Woodstock and CGH can serve as scalable models to address wider urban challenges in other areas with similar context. In Woodstock, youth-centred planning empowers the next generation to take an active part in shaping their environment with inclusivity and innovation. This provides also input into citywide frameworks for more equitable urban development.
Exploring sustainable building methods include reusing vacant structures and using elevated construction to avoid barriers underground, shows how Cape Town can optimize land use and avoid gentrification. Sustainable design practices, such as reusing vacant structures and employing elevated construction to address underground barriers, demonstrate how Cape Town can optimize land use while minimizing environmental impacts. These methods align with the city’s goals for resilience and efficient urban growth. Stricter oversight of housing projects, with enforced timelines and accountability measures, ensures effective housing delivery across the city. Woodstock’s approach to balancing heritage preservation with urban development provides a model for safeguarding Cape Town’s cultural identity while responding to the shifting priorities of urban development.
By adopting these strategies, Cape Town can implement forward-thinking policies that address housing, sustainability, and inclusivity, ensuring a liveable and resilient future for all.
Following various preliminary measures aimed at improving the living conditions in CGH and Woodstock, we finally present a proposal that, in our view, represents the most effective combination of solutions.
Strategy G: The Future of Cissie Gool House
Transformation of the Old Woodstock Hospital to Affordable Housing
The feasibility study on the incremental conversion of the old Woodstock Hospital into off icial housing, discussed in Chapter 2.3, forms the basis for our proposed solution. This study will need to be updated, and a detailed plan for converting CGH into an affordable housing development must be drawn up. Given that resident relocation should be minimized, temporary housing solutions will be created during construction. These interim accommodations could be built on other plots of land in Woodstock designated for social housing, or vacant buildings may be repurposed to provide temporary living spaces. After conversion, the building will not only accommodate social housing, as defined by the City of Cape Town, but also various other housing models. These include the housing options presented in Phase 3, which have already been successfully implemented internationally.
Inclusion of public facilities on the first floor of CGH
This proposal aligns with the concept of enhancing living spaces with multifunctional rooms, as outlined in Phase 1 and 2. Specifically, we envision that areas currently used informally as communal spaces will be formally equipped and managed, allowing the neighbourhood to access shared spaces and various other facilities within CGH. This not only strengthens community ties but also expands future opportunities for young people. The maintenance of these rooms could adopt the “Housing for Help” model, as mentioned in Strategy E.
Figure 4.19: Sketch of active first floor CGH. By authors.
Figure 4.20: Diagram of housing proposals By authors.
Strategy H: The Future of Woodstock Improvement of Walkable Access to Facilities and Resources in Woodstock
Our studies show that walking is the most common mode of transportation for the youth of CGH. Consequently, the accessibility of existing and planned public facilities in Woodstock is critical to ensuring an equitable future for the neighbourhood. Long-term improvements to walkability are essential for increasing the independence of young people. One proposed measure is to locate planned facilities within a 15-minute walk from the neighbourhood centre, as shown on the map (Figure 4.21).
Additionally, improvements such as widening sidewalks, reducing car traff ic by limiting entry, introducing one-way street regulations, implementing speed limits, and shortening pedestrian waiting times at traff ic lights are all recommended. These changes will enhance mobility and independence, particularly for young people who are either unable to afford other modes of transport or prefer to walk.
Implementation of Youth-Centred Facilities and Public Spaces
In line with the proposals from Phase 2, several public facilities will be established in Woodstock, specifically designed as meeting spaces for young people and to promote their development. The locations for these facilities are outlined on the map (Figure X).
One potential site is an old sales building on Victoria Rd (Figure X), Woodstock’s main street, which is currently vacant. In addition to providing work and study spaces and group workrooms on the upper floors, the building could serve as an event venue and recreational gathering spot in the evenings. During the day, it could host sports and music classes, and in the evenings, it could be used for concerts, lectures, film screenings, poetry slams, and more. This multi-use facility would not only foster community among young people but also expand their horizons, thereby benefiting their personal growth.
Figure 4.20: Woodstock with proposed facilities & housing By authors.
Looking at the overall report, it is clear that we were able to gain a comprehensive understanding of the living conditions of the residents, particularly the youth, of CGH, particularly the youth, despite the limited time frame of just under four months. Given the tense political climate and the controversial debates surrounding the provision of affordable housing, the future of the community’s occupation remains uncertain. Nevertheless, the ongoing fight for affordable housing in Cape Town is crucial for the survival of socially disadvantaged groups and for addressing ethnic and social segregation.
Collaborating with CGH residents and the relevant stakeholders highlighted that the fundamental need for housing, combined with the challenging job market, limits future opportunities and reduces community engagement, particularly for young people. The widespread use of drugs further exacerbates this issue, leading to diminished interest in education and personal development. Social insecurities contribute to this cycle.
Through our work, we were able to identify the spatial and social facilities that young people believe would improve their quality of life. Using their feedback, we developed not only smallscale solutions to enhance underused spaces in CGH, but also large-scale proposals for affordable housing models and political reforms.
The findings of this report can inform not only a long-term plan for the reconstruction and integration of CGH into the Woodstock neighbourhood but also serve as a guide for improving the housing policies across Cape Town. In particular, a feasibility study on integrating public facilities in CGH and Woodstock is a key area for further research, which is important to our team. We also recommend exploring both visible and hidden forms of poverty, as this would provide deeper insights into the realities of life in Cape Town.
Working with young people, who are often overlooked in research, has underscored their critical role in shaping the future of society. As the “next wave,” they will be most impacted by current political decisions, the effects of global warming, and will have the opportunity to influence the future. Therefore, it is essential to support their development by providing opportunities for social connections and political participation through suitable social and spatial facilities.
The limitations of this research were largely dictated by time and financial constraints. Additionally, our position as an external research team led to some mistrust, and full trust within the community could not be established due to the short duration of our involvement. This was a key factor in the low participation in the workshops.
While this study focuses on proposing solutions to the identified problems, it does not establish concrete solutions but rather offers suggestions for future action. Nevertheless, we have strived to make a meaningful contribution to engaging the youth of CGH, including through initiatives like the hike.
This report highlights the complex socio-spatial challenges faced by the youth of Cissie Gool House and the Woodstock neighbourhood. Key findings from participatory methods revealed the need for affordable housing, the development of inclusive public spaces, and policies fostering youth participation.
Phased socio-spatial strategies, from community-building initiatives to long-term housing and policy reforms, provide a comprehensive framework aimed at fostering a supportive environment for the youth and enhance neighbourhood cohesion. These interventions align with sustainable development goals, advocating for equitable access to resources and opportunities.
Despite these proposals, the research identifies significant barriers, including mistrust among stakeholders, and inefficiencies in housing policies. Addressing these challenges will require further investigation into sustainable funding mechanisms and public-private partnerships to facilitate effective intervention delivery. Additionally, exploring innovative governance models that prioritize youth engagement and tackle systemic barriers—such as substance abuse and educational inequities—will be critical to achieving lasting progress. While this study provides a strong foundation for addressing youth needs in CGH and Woodstock, its limited timeframe highlights the need for further longitudinal research to explore the long-term impacts of the proposed interventions. This would contribute to refining these approaches and ensure their sustainability. By building on this foundation, future initiatives can better address the complexities of urban inequality, ensuring that youth have the resources and opportunities needed to drive positive change in their communities.
Working with the youth of Cissie Gool House offered a profound perspective on the importance of inclusive and participatory urban planning. Their insights revealed the resilience and potential of a demographic often overlooked in traditional housing and community development discussions. Engaging directly with them highlighted the need for tailored spaces and policies that address their unique challenges. The process underscored the value of trust-building and co-creation, reminding us that sustainable solutions arise when communities are empowered to shape their future. Importantly, it highlighted that youth, when empowered, can serve as catalysts for fostering equitable, resilient communities. This experience highlighted the vital role of youth as agents of change in fostering equitable and resilient neighbourhoods.
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List of Figures
Figure 1.1: View of Cape Town from Woodstock Cave. By authors.
Figure 1.2: Social-intervention during fieldwork with CGH’s Youth, towards Woodstock Cave in Table Mountain Nature Reserve. By authors.
Figure 1.3: View through the balcanet from section K-Walk, CGH. By authors.
Figure 1.4: Fence in Woodstock with Lion’s Head and Signal Hill in the background. By authors.
Figure 2.1: Apartheid Map. By authors.
Figure 2.2: Comparing typologies and density in Cape Town, 700m2. Image source: Google Maps.
Figure 2.3: Section diagram through Woodstock with streetview. By authors.
Figure 2.4: Map of schools and health facilities in Woodstock. By authors.
Figure 2.5: Map of indoor and outdoor facilities in Woodstock. By authors.
Figure 2.6: Timeline of the CGH history. By authors.
Figure 2.7: CGH exterior and residents. By authors.
Figure 2.8: CGH community hall. By authors.
Figure 2.9: CGH community garden. By authors.
Figure 2.10: CGH game corner. By authors.
Figure 2.11: CGH library. By authors.
Figure 2. 12: CGH repair shop. By authors.
Figure 2.13: Visual introduction of key stakeholders. By authors.
Figure 2.14: Stakeholder influence diagram. By authors.
Figure 3.1: CGH resident showing his favourite spot in the building. By authors.
Figure 3.2: CGH’s youth. By authors.
Figure 3.3: Participatory workshop at CGH. By authors.
Figure 3.4: Methods diagram. By authors.
Figure 3.5-3.8: The disposable camera workshop. By authors.
Figure 3.9: Participatory survey during workshop.
Figure 3.10 - 3.12: Participatory survey results
Figure 3.13: Fenced off vacant land space in Woodstock behinde CGH. By authors.
Figure 3.14: Fenced off vacant space in Woodstock. By authors.
Figure 3.15: Vacant/underutilised properties in Woodstock. By authors.
Figure 3.15: During the hike with the youth, Table Mountain Nature Reserve. By authors.
Figure 3.16: Hike destination - Woodstock Cave. By authors.
Figure 3.17: Interactive ball throwing game with reflective questions during hike. By authors.
Figure 3.18: Youth of CGH during hike. By authors.
Figure 3.19: Stakeholder issue interrelationship diagram. By authors.
Figure 3.20: Sketch of needs and challenges with stakeholders’ quotes. By authors.
Figure 3.21: Demolished structure in Albert Road. Image source: Google Maps.
Figure 3.22: Public Space in Woodstock. By authors
Figure 3.23: Workshop survey about public facility ‘wish list’ from the youth of CGH. By authors.
Figure 3.24: Youth of CGH during hike. By authors.