Department of Architecture and Planning, Faculty of Architecture
Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU), Trondheim, Norway
Course Coordinator: Mrudhula Koshy, Assistant Professor
Main Supervisor: Sladjana Lazarević, A ssociate Professor
Co-supervisor: Bhuvana Nanaiah, Research Associate and Doctoral Candidate
Supervision Team: Mrudhula Koshy, Assistant Professor
Lina Naoroz Bråten, Assistant Professor
Booklet Layout: Mrudhula Koshy, Assistant Professor
Equitable Access to the City
A case study of Ahmed Kathrada House
Green Point, Cape Town, South Africa
Matthieu Gaudé Architecture France
Iselin Hembre Nature Management Norway
Ana Iriondo Architecture Spain
Astrid Paulsson Architecture Sweden
Preface
This project report presents the exploratory fieldwork and ensuing socio-spatial interventions as part of the International Master’s Program Urban Ecological Planning at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU), Trondheim. Students from diverse educational backgrounds and nationalities carried out a six-week intensive fieldwork in Cape Town, South Africa, a rapidly urbanising Global South city with a history of decades of spatial apartheid influenced by centuries of historical oppression of marginalised communities. Current planning trajectories in Cape Town continue to be influenced by these contested planning legacies and spatial injustices.
The students worked closely with our long-standing collaborators at the African Centre of Cities (ACC) - University of Cape Town (UCT), Ndifuna Ukwazi (NU) and the School of Planning and Architecture (SPA), Delhi. Through diverse participatory methodologies, the student groups engaged deeply with local communities in two occupied housing sites, Cissie Gool House and Ahmed Kathrada House, gathering data and insights into complex challenges in housing, governance, livelihoods, social mobility, equitable access, informality, intersectionality, and power dynamics to name a few.
We want to extend our heartfelt appreciation to all our collaborators at ACC, UCT, NU, and SPA, the community leaders and residents at the two occupations, and other stakeholders in Cape Town. This report would not have materialised without their valuable insights and concerted engagement. We hope this report presents a fresh and alternative perspective on how integrated, multi-scalar, strategic and participatory urban planning can serve as a valuable pathway for just urban transitions in complex Global South contexts. We hope you enjoy reading this as much as we enjoyed engaging with a fantastic bunch of hardworking, passionate and inspiring students!
First and foremost, we wish to thank the residents of Ahmed Kathrada House in Cape Town for generously sharing their time, knowledge, and stories with us during this fieldwork. The insights we gained from you have been invaluable to us.
We would also like to express our gratitude to the AKH leadership for accompanying us to every workshop, engaging with residents, translating, and offering valuable insights throughout the process.
This project would not have been possible without the support and expertise of the Ndifuna Ukwazi representatives. Thank you for sharing your time accompanying us to the site, and for sharing your previous research.
We extend our thanks to Rosca van Rooyen for guiding us through Cape Town’s various neighbourhoods and connecting us with community members along the way.
Our appreciation also goes to the city officials who participated in interviews for providing valuable insights into positions, policies and politics surrounding informality, housing, and public participation.
We are grateful to the visiting student group from India who helped us plan and execute some of our participatory workshops.
A special thank you to our professors Mrudhula Koshy, Sladana Lazarević, Bhuvana Nanaiah, Lina Naoroz Bråten and Peter Andreas Gotsch for their dedication in planning, executing, and supervising this fieldwork and project. Additionally, we want to thank the rest of the UEP team at NTNU for their input and feedback.
Finally, we thank NTNU and UCT for their collaboration, which made this fieldwork possible.
Abbreviations
AKH - Ahmed Kathrada House
CBD - Central Business District
CBO - Community Based Organisations
CCTV – Closed-Circuit Television
GIS – Geographical Information System
IDP - Integrated Development Plan
NGO - Non-govermental Organisation
NTNU - Norwegian University of Science and Technology
NU - Ndifuna Ukwazi
RTC - Reclaim the City
SDG – Sustainable Development Goal
UCT - University of Cape Town
UEP – Urban Ecological Planning
Equitable Access to the City Green Point, Cape Town
5.2
5.2.1
5.2.2
5.2.3
5.3
5.3.1
5.3.2
5.3.3
1. Introduction
During the fall semester of 2024, the Urban Ecological Planning (UEP) master’s programme at NTNU has conducted fieldwork in Cape Town, South Africa. The fieldwork was a collaboration with non-governmental organisation Ndifuna Ukwazi (NU) and the University of Cape Town (UCT), focused on urban informality. This report is based on our group work case study: the occupied building Ahmed Kathrada House (AKH), Green Point. During this fieldwork, we identified three main issues: lack of housing, minimal access to public spaces and exclusive participation practices. Working with the AKH community through workshops, surveys and conversations gave insights in these issues, while meetings and interviews with other stakeholders as NU, and city officials, provided a broader understanding of positions and issues on different scales.
The report focuses on income as a primary barrier, recognising that low-income residents make up 20% of Cape Town’s population (City of Cape Town, 2012). The history of spatial planning during the apartheid era continues to shape these challenges, as Black and Coloured communities were historically pushed to the outskirts, far from opportunities and services (Tjønneland, 2024). For the proposed solutions, the residents of AKH serve as an example of the urban poor, whose struggles reflect broader patterns of exclusion and integration in the city. The goal is to move toward true inclusion by advocating for affordable housing and accessible public spaces within the inner city, and inclusive decision-making through refined public participation processes.
The aim of this report is to use the experiences from our case study to identify the gaps in state-provided solutions and propose an alternative that suits the development of the inner city. Further we address the potential of positive change by accessible and equitable public spaces to promote social cohesion between different citizen groups in Green Point, as well as its importance for enhanced quality of life for the urban poor. Examining the existing public participation frameworks in the city and the ward council, we are proposing methods to include this marginalised group in decision-making processes.
Figure : Next Page: Figure 1: Project timeline.
How can equitable access to the inner city be achieved for the urban poor through the development of inclusive housing, accessible public spaces, and participatory decision-making?
The report explores the role of publicness in fostering community and social cohesion among diverse urban populations, based on the case study of the informal settlement of Ahmed Kathrada House (AKH) in Greenpoint, Cape Town.
Structure of the report
To answer this complex question, we start with a multi-scalar context description, followed by an overview of stakeholders and the groups positionality in chapter 2. This is followed by the key theoretical framework that support the topics, the methods used and its limitations in chapter 3. The case study findings, and the identified issues can be found in chapter 4. Based on this, we propose solutions for policy, planning and design that focus on the three main issues: housing, public space, and participation in chapter 5. The report concludes in chapter 6, by explaining how the results of this research fit into the larger context of Cape Town, while addressing the limitations of our research in chapter 7.
2. Background
Cape Town has a long history of spatial segregation, which has transcended to modernday planning systems. Historical patterns of exclusion remain today, and in response, marginalised communities have turned to occupation as an act of survival and resistance. This understanding helps explain the frustrations of those still facing exclusion. It shows how race and socioeconomic class are interconnected and shape lived experiences for much of Cape Town’s population today. This section aims to demonstrate how exclusion from inner-city opportunities and polarisation between socioeconomic classes persist in Cape Town, entrenched by unequal access to housing, public space, and resources. Our case study of Greenpoint and AKH shows the inner-city remains exclusive, integrated at best, but not yet inclusive.
2.1 A Long History of Exclusion
The Western Cape was originally inhabited by the Khoikhoi people, who used the land seasonally for pastoralism (SAHO, 2017). In the mid-1600s, the Dutch settled the land, starting a long history of colonisation. This led to the displacement of the Khoikhoi and loss of their social and political practices (Sommerfelt and Wæhle, 2024). The Dutch engaged in the slave trade, bringing people from other African countries to Cape Town. The first laws regarding the movement and behaviour of slaves and the Khoikhoi were written in 1974 (SAHO, 2017). These segregation policies continued when the British took over in the late 1700s (SAHO, 2017). Cape Town today is home to diverse cultures, and its three main languages; English, Afrikaans, and Xhosa reflect this history.
Figure : This Page: Figure 2: Exclusion Inclusion Diagram. Authors’ modification from Mihaela Gavrilă-Ardelean (2016) Next Page: Figure 3: Subsidised Housing and Apartheid Map. Authors. (Scheba, A., Turok, I., Visagie, J. 2021)
Green Point, Cape Town
Throughout history, laws excluding non-white people existed in South Africa. The Group Areas Act of 1950, often seen as the start of apartheid, merely reinstated an already segregated society (SAHO, 2017). Cape Town’s residents were classified into four racial categories: White, Indian, Coloured, and Black. These were further divided into sub-categories, deepening divides. Areas were assigned to one single group and separated by large infrastructure or natural barriers. These policies were justified by claiming reduced interaction would avoid conflict. Spatial segregation of race and class became institutionalised, leading to forced removals of mainly Black and Coloured people from inner-city areas. During apartheid, public facilities, education, and jobs were segregated, offering fewer services to the non-white majority (Tjønneland, 2024).
The state provided displaced populations with township housing, but as displacement outpaced housing supply, informal settlements grew. Apartheid ended in 1994; however, Cape Town still struggles with the socioeconomic and spatial divide between these racial and socioeconomic groups. Aerial photos of the inner city and suburbs highlight this. The last large census estimated 260,000 households in informal settlements, with a housing backlog of 600,000 units (The Housing Development Agency, 2012, p. 14).
Today, townships and informal settlements are the most densely populated areas (City of Cape Town, 2023, p. 33). Low wages and high transport costs make commuting unsustainable. Despite this, state housing continues to be built on the outskirts (Scheba, Turok and Visagie, 2021). While providing needed housing, this perpetuates spatial exclusion. As shown on the map on the previous page, no social housing has been built in the inner city since apartheid ended. The city’s strategy focuses on bringing services to low income-areas, rather than bringing communities closer to jobs and education. This reinforces separation instead of effectively uprooting the legacy apartheid.
Figure : Previous Page: Figure 4: Urban Typologies illustration. Next Page: Figure 5: Schools and Apartheid Map. Authors.
Figure 6: Mobility map.
Town
2.2 Neighbourhood Context: Separation and Unequal Access
Green Point and Sea Point were historically “Whites Only” areas. Today, they are home to affluent populations, with good access to public spaces and amenities. The housing market in the area is not accessible to low-income earners, such as domestic workers. The area has some of the highest land values in Cape Town (Scheba, Turok and Visagie, 2021), yet large portions of the land are still publicly owned (Ndifuna Ukwazi, n.d.). Parts of this publicly owned land are already rezoned for mixed-use development, including commercial, office, and housing spaces (Western Cape Government, 2016). This is the case for the Somerset precinct and the plot where the old Helen Bowden Nurses’ Home stands. In 2016, the provincial government presented a plan to demolish most of the buildings in the precinct and allow for development by private developers (Western Cape Government, 2016).
Greenpoint offers large green and open spaces and a variety of sports and recreational facilities. Even though much of the land is publicly owned, access to many of these spaces is limited by private management that requires entrance fees or membership. The Nollie map shows that much of this land is inaccessible and can’t be considered truly public. The management of these lands reinforces separation by excluding low-income residents.
In this neighbourhood context, simply providing inclusive housing would therefore not lead to true inclusion but rather to integration, as many public spaces remain out of reach for the urban poor. While the beach and some parks are still free to use, many of the spaces marked in white on the map are impractical to use. These are tied to consumerism, such as the V&A Waterfront mall, and large car parks.
The local population’s resistance to change, often referred to as NIMBYism, plays a significant role in the continued exclusion of the urban poor from central Cape Town. This is compounded by a general lack of understanding among local residents of the needs of low-income earners. Media and official communication play a part in polarisation, referring to the individuals involved as ‘occupiers’ and blame delays in affordable housing provision to their actions (Hlati, 2024).
There is little awareness of the everyday challenges faced by these groups in accessing housing and public spaces. Furthermore, the residents of informal settlements, like the community at AKH, are largely excluded from city and ward-level decision-making processes, reinforcing their marginalisation. Their voices are not heard in the shaping of policies and developments in the area, which further deepens the divide between the resourceful residents and the urban poor. which further deepens the divide between the resourceful residents and the urban poor.
Figure : Figure 7: Collage of “Private” Signs.
Green Point, Cape Town
2.3
Occupation: Unsustainable Integration
The occupation of AKH, represents a form of integration. The building was left vacant in 2014 before being occupied in 2017 as a form of protest and survival by Reclaim the City (RTC). RTC is a nonprofit organisation and activist movement advocating for affordable inner-city housing. They frame this struggle within the larger context of apartheid’s spatial injustice (Reclaim the City, n.d.). Living here gives the urban poor access to a central area where they can find employment and quality schools. However, without truly public spaces, this integration falls short of inclusion.
According to an enumeration done by NU in 2024, around 450 people call AKH their home (Ndifuna Ukwazi, 2024b). However, this number is contested: speaking with residents the number rages between 750 and 1000. There is no clear overview of the current inhabitants, as the security company contracted by the City of Cape Town is solely responsible for building security and does not monitor entry and exit.
The community suffers from poor living conditions. There is no electricity, and residents face safety concerns, lack of sanitation, and no running water. These conditions make it difficult for the community to come together around shared goals, creating internal divisions and distrust. As a result, residents are left marginalised and lack power to advocate for their needs and wishes. The provincial government wishes to evict the residents to develop the plot but offers no adequate housing alternatives within the local area.
There has been no assessment made on the integrity of the building structure, there is also no architectural drawings available. The provincial government has indicated that they will not formally recognise this building or provide additional support for accessing essential services. This has led to widespread distrust between the occupiers and the governing bodies. .
The city officials’ position is that the occupation is unlawful. Not all occupiers are eligible for state provided housing solutions, and providing housing for them could be seen as an incentive for others to occupy land in the inner-city regions. Many other individuals have been on the housing list for a longer time, and that illegally occupying a building should not lead to a better standing in this “queue”.
The occupants’ position is that their presence in the inner city is a way to fight for their right to the city and to resist being pushed to the outskirts. The occupation is seen as a mode to protest the historically exclusionary policies of the city and the lack of housing options for the urban poor in good locations. The occupation is also a result of pure necessity, and they argue it provides housing opportunity to many who otherwise would be homeless.
The Power-Interest Diagram (Friedman and Miles, 2002) maps the influence and engagement levels of the stakeholders in the development of the Helen Bowden Nurses’ Home plot. Notably, the Western Cape Government and the City of Cape Town possess significant power, as the Western Cape owns the plot, and the city is responsible for addressing informal housing and service delivery. However, their interest lies mainly in the plot itself, not in supporting the occupiers. In contrast, AKH residents and leaders, along with RTC and NU, demonstrate high interest but hold limited power. This imbalance underscores the need for advocacy for this group.
The map also reveals a lack of meaningful participation by AKH residents in ward-level decisionmaking processes, showcasing the need to reform public participation to amplify the voices of marginalised groups. This exclusion, combined with the fragmentation within the AKH community, makes collective action difficult.
The Stakeholder-Issue Interrelationship Diagram (Friedman and Miles, 2002) illustrates the complexity of relationships, interests, and challenges surrounding the AKH occupation and broader housing access issues in Green Point and Sea Point. Several key themes emerge, including funding, gatekeeping, lack of trust, NIMBYism, and community fragmentation. These themes highlight the struggle for equitable development, as both governing bodies and local residents oppose the needs and wishes of the AKH community.
Gatekeeping is evident in the interactions between key decision-makers like the City of Cape Town, the Ward Councillor, and the GPRRA and SFB associations. These groups influence who is allowed to participate in formal decision-making spaces, where the involvement of AKH residents is limited by informality. Ndifuna Ukwazi and Reclaim the City, however, act as advocates for this group. Yet, the lack of trust between all stakeholders—particularly between AKH leadership, nonprofit organisations, and local authorities—hinders collaborative efforts.
Figure : Previous Page: Figure 10: Stakeholder Power/Interest Diagram. Authors modification of Friedman, A. L., Miles, S. (2002)
Next Page: Figure 11: Stakeholder Issue Diagram. Authors modification of Friedman, A. L., Miles, S. (2002)
The issue of NIMBYism is highlighted through lobbying efforts by resourceful local residents, media, and residents’ associations. These groups tend to resist social housing projects in their neighbourhoods, reinforcing patterns of exclusion and segregation.
In conclusion, the diagrams emphasise the systemic inequalities where the urban poor cannot affect their surroundings, even though they have the most at stake in the future development of this area due to the risk of eviction. They also show how power imbalances shape the current challenges. Overcoming these barriers requires fostering trust, addressing NIMBYism, and creating truly inclusive participatory spaces where marginalised voices can influence decision-making. These barriers highlight why neighbourhood-level strategies are critical to achieving meaningful inclusion.
2.5 Group Positionality: Advocating for Inclusion
While acknowledging the different perspectives of stakeholders, given the limited ability of this marginalised group to self-advocate, our position is to support their right to be included in central Cape Town. Based on the understanding that evicting residents to peripheral areas would sever their ties to valuable opportunities and reinforce existing patterns of exclusion. We mean that the empty plots and privatised publicly owned lands should be developed in alignment with inclusivity, by building for all. This means development should be made to fit the needs of various urban groups simultaneously, not only for the rich or the poor.
Due to the severe conflict of interests surrounding the site, as well as a lack of information about the integrity of the building structure, our project focuses on strategies that address access at the neighbourhood level rather than attempting to improve conditions within the building itself. Neither the city or province wishes to upgrade this informal settlement into something that could be sustainable. The lack of community, unity and cohesion within the settlement has made it difficult to find feasible solutions. As the living conditions at AKH are currently unsustainable, we argue for the need for formal inclusive housing solutions on available publicly owned plots in the neighbourhood. We have mapped social assets existing in the building, such as community engagement, knowledge, and skills, and use this information to design socio-spatial solutions focused on this community.
Community Leader
I have a part time job, but my boss is very understanding of the struggle. He lets me leave whenever I am needed here. Being in the leadership takes a lot of time, and energy. They say they will make transitional housing, but they build for people who make R20000 per month, nobody here can afford that, so I stay here, because I believe in justice for my people.
Caregiver
I live here with two of my five kids, the others live with family because this is not a good place for them, I only see them on holidays. I have no other place to go, I don’t have an income because I care for the little ones all day, but I have friends here and we look out for each other. All I want is a safe future for my children.
Construction worker
I used to be homeless, but after I moved to AKH, I found a full-time job, I work for people in GreenPoint with construction. It feels like I am good enough to work for the people who have houses here, but not good enough to live in the same area. I love to paint, so now I am giving something back to AKH by painting the halls in the evenings.
Figure : Character Drawings. Authors. Fictional characters based on conversations with AKH community
Elderly resident
I used to work my whole life as a gardener in the local neighbourhood, but when I pensioned, I had to move out of the place my employer provided. I didn’t have a palace to go, so I came here. I live alone, and I don’t speak English but most of the residents speak xhosa, so I have a social life in the house.
Children
My older sister is doing her homework in our room, so I can’t be there, but its okey, I like to play with the other girls in the yard! We play outside, and we do our homework outside. I like school, and we walk together there every day, it takes 30 minutes one way. Maths is my favourite subject and when I grow up, I want to be a teacher.
Youth
I make things that I sell on the market, I make it by hand here in my room. It gives me some extra income, my part time job cleaning the streets for the city does not pay enough to pay rent in the area, but also not for transport. I wanted my business to be formal, so I registered it, but nobody taught me to do taxes, so now I am stressed they will fine me
3. Theories and Methods
This chapter begins with a section outlining our theoretical framework working with this report. Subsequently, we present an overview of the research methods employed, before concluding with the limitations connected to said methods.
3.1 Theories
This section is a shortened description of the theories presented in our submission for the course Theories in Urban Ecological Planning (Gaudé et al, 2024) and provides an overview of the essential theoretical frameworks related to spatial equity that have informed and influenced our approach to this research.
UN’s sustainable development goal 11 - Make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable (UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs, n.d.) defines the key objective that has formed this report. Firstly, SDG 11, target 1 states that “By 2030, ensure access for all to adequate, safe and affordable housing and basic services and upgrade slums”, meaning that adequate affordable housing is important to reduce inequality, by ensuring people their human right to safe and affordable home (UN-Habitat, n.d.). In the context of this work, in relation to affordability, location and safe tenure, it is our understanding that ensuring that cities are inclusive, does not solely revolve around access to housing, but must include equitable access to public space, and decision-making around urban development.
Democratic urban spaces
The book Demokratiske Byrom (Democratic Urban Spaces) by Millstein and Hansen (2021), emphasises that publicly accessible spaces serve as important meeting grounds for diverse urban groups. By sharing public spaces, individuals gain a deeper understanding of one another’s differences, thereby promoting social cohesion. Further, these spaces also play a vital role in enabling political expression and forming active citizenship, supporting democratic participation (Millstein and Hansen, 2021). This is highlighted in the subgoal, 11.7: “By 2030, provide universal access to safe, inclusive and accessible, green and public spaces ...” (UN Department of Economic
SDG 11, target 3 further states that “By 2030, enhance inclusive and sustainable urbanization and capacity for participatory, integrated and sustainable human settlement planning and management in all countries” (UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs, n.d.). This reinforces the idea that citizen participation in urban planning processes is essential to ensure inclusivity and equity. This topic is highlighted in the article “What makes urban governance co-productive? Contradictions in the current debate on co-production” (Galuszka, 2019). The author argues that while policymakers and planners frequently employ the term participation, it’s ambiguous definition and lack of a consistent framework leads to inconsistent implementation and often results in a lack of trust. Our understanding is that although public participation is highlighted as an important objective in Cape Town, there is contradiction in how participation policies are actually implemented in planning processes and urban development.
Maslow’s Pyramid of Needs
Based on: Maslows pyramid of needs and Social Affairs, n.d.). It is our understanding that, to achieve the goal of inclusion for all people in the urban landscape of Cape Town, common public spaces are crucial.Collaborative Governance:
In line with these frameworks, Maslow’s Pyramid of Needs helps to contextualise the importance of addressing basic needs before moving towards self-actualisation. Adequate housing meets the basic physiological and safety needs, but access to public spaces and participatory processes enables the realisation of higher-level needs, such as belonging, esteem, and self-actualisation (McLeod, 2024). In Cape town these opportunities are often limited to wealthier groups, reinforcing inequalities.
SELFACTUALIZATION
SELF-ESTEEM
LOVE AND BELONGING
SAFETY AND SECURITY
PHYSIOLOGICAL NEEDS
Figure : Figure 13: Maslow’s Pyramide of Needs. Author’s modification from McLeod, S. (2024)
Next Page: Figure 14: Project Timeline.
Figure 15: Picture from Needs Assessment Workshop.
3.2 Methods
This research aimed to investigate the main socio-economic issues excluded communities of urban poor face in their daily lives. To achieve a comprehensive understanding of the AKH residents, the site, and its context, we employed a mixed method approach. Using both qualitative and quantitative methods we aimed to complement the limitations of the two different approaches, to ensure the quality of the data collection.
The methods used for this project are a combination of data collection through secondary sources, and primary sources such as participatory workshops, site visits, and interviews with different stakeholders. Desktop studies were conducted both before, during and after the fieldwork. This work consisted of literature research about topics like informality, housing policies and participation legislation, in addition to existing research about the AKH community. This chapter is an overview of the methods used in this project, followed by a section with the different issues and limitations connected to those.
Desktop research: We conducted desktop research to gather data about Cape Town and AKH and inform our theoretical perspectives during the project work. A significant source of data for our research on AKH is a report produced by Ndifuna Ukwazi (2024b) involving data from surveys with 105 residents of AKH participating in 2022 and 157 in 2024. This survey provides valuable data regarding resident origins, income levels and employment aspirations, enabling a deeper understanding of trends in the community. This data has been used as a part of the basis for our solution proposals.
Additionally, we studied different official documents from the City of Cape Town such as frameworks, plans and legislation documents, to gain insights about the political context of Cape Town and AKH.
Figure 16: Picture from Group Conversation. Authors
Transect walks with leaders and residents: During our time at AKH, we conducted two transect walks (UNaLAB, n.d.), guided by one of the community leaders. During these walks we were shown how different residents live and move around in the building. We got the opportunity to see different rooms, how they cook and how they have painted and made themselves a home.
Walk to identify empty plots: One of our methods when researching empty plots in the area around AKH, was a walk conducted without stakeholders to observe these spaces and their relationship. This walk was a way to triangulate the data received from NU on underutilised plots in the neighbourhood, and to value if it they could be suitable for developing housing and public spaces, as we were planning to make solutions for housing and public spaces.
Guided visits/transect walks in other areas: During the fieldwork we conducted a number of different transect walks and guided tours with community members of different neighbourhoods in Cape Town. Through this we gain insights about the history, policies and the big variety of cultures in the city. Guided tours in Khayelitsha and Belville South, gave us the opportunity to see several state funded housing solutions in practice.
Stakeholder mapping: To understand the landscape of stakeholders invested in AKH, a stakeholder mapping exercise was conducted. This involved identifying and documenting all relevant stakeholders engaged with or impacted by the community. Additionally, a power-interest diagram was made to visualise and analyse the varying levels of interest and influence held by different stakeholder groups, thereby highlighting potential areas of conflict and cooperation.
Informal conversations: A main source of qualitative data comes from informal conversations with residents, both during workshops and visiting the site. To have the opportunity to speak to different people in the settlement, gave us valuable insights in their everyday lives, thoughts and struggles. This was an important data collection method in this project: giving the residents a space to freely and unfiltered tell their life stories, also gives us as researchers important data that can be combined with more quantitative or structured methods. Informal or unstructured conversations with representatives from NU was also a valuable source of information and contextual understanding.
Formal interviews: During our fieldwork, we got the opportunity to formally interview different stakeholders, which provided us with a comprehensive overview from various perspectives. One of the interviews was conducted with the ward councillor representing the ward in which AKH is situated. She shared her experience and the governments approach to informal settlements, housing practices, and their implementation of participatory planning processes involving with communities such as AKH. Further we got the opportunity to interview another city official, to gain his insights on the housing situation and the participation processes in Cape Town.
Participatory workshops: During the fieldwork we arranged four participatory workshops. As participation is vital for inclusive urban planning (The Hague Academy for local governance, n.d.), the research was conducted with the residents at AKH to develop solutions by getting to know them and their stories, as well as their opinions and needs. Despite a limited number of participants on each workshop, they became a valuable source of data.
Nee ds assessment workshop: The first workshop conducted was a needs assessment workshop, based on a needs assessment method (The UN Refugee Agency, 2017), aiming to identify what the residents’ want and need, in addition to what they appreciate within the site today. This data was later used as a base to address issues and develop further strategies and solutions for this project. During the workshop we used tools such as drawing, voting and writing on Post-its, while gathering valuable insights through informal conversations.
Mapping workshop: Following, we organised a mapping workshop to gain insights into residents’ understanding and use of the building, their familiarity with one another, and their sense of community belonging. We divided the workshop participants after what floor they live in, and sat down with them to talk, draw and put icons on a map of their floor. The participants were both adults and children.
Survey workshop: As our third workshop, we conducted a survey to map their individual assets, skills and motivation for living in an alternative affordable housing with more shared spaces. The survey was divided in two parts: one about affordable housing and one about public space and amenities. By this survey we aimed to identify current usage patterns and future needs for both housing and shared public spaces. The initial survey, consisting of ten questions, allowed residents to respond either in writing themselves or with our assistance. The survey had 37 participants.
Simultaneously, we engaged some of the children through games to gain insights from the children’s perspective. They were asked simple yes/no questions where they could answer by moving to the left or right. Approximately 10 children between the age of 5 and 14 were present. The questions asked were both about their life within AKH and about their engagement in the city, such how they travel to school. The initial questions were followed by non-structured follow-up questions, which provided a better understanding of their relation to other residents, their schools and their use of public space and amenities.
Neighbourhood survey: After a successful survey with the residents of AKH, we decided to conduct a similar survey for the neighbourhood residents of Sea Point and Green point. The aim was to compare the attitudes and ideas around affordable housing, as well as mapping their using patterns and needs of public spaces. The number of participants were 16, from different locations in Green Point and Sea Point.
Exhibition: In the last week of out fieldwork, an exhibition was arranged at the University of Cape Town. Here we presented two posters describing the work, preliminary analyses, and draft solutions of the possible use of currently empty plots. Residents and leaders, as well as city officials we had previously engaged with, were invited. No one from the AKH community had the opportunity to join us, but we did receive feedback from residents from the occupation at Cissie Gool House and representatives from NU and RTC that gave us valuable data for our further work.
Figure : Previous Page: Figure 17: Methods Timeline. Next Page: Figure 18: Picture Collage from Mapping Workshop.
Group discussion workshop: On our fourth and last workshop at AKH, we wanted to gather more data about the use of public spaces. We arranged a group discussion with pictures of common public spaces, mapping how the participants use their neighbourhood spaces and what they would like to have access to in the future. We gathered data from both adults and children, engaging in conversations about the different pictures.
3.3 Limitations of Methods
A possible limitation of the data collected from workshops is the potential for miscommunication with residents leading to different outcomes in answers. To avoid this, we tried to communicate as clear as possible, without leading the residents’ answers.
Lack of different resident groups and representative participators
The fragmented community structure and limited social cohesion could result in a small subset of residents feeling responsible, engaged, and willing to participate in research. This self-selecting group of participants may not accurately reflect the diverse experiences and perspectives of the wider community, leading to data collection biases and potentially underrepresenting significant segments of the resident population.
Safety
Due to the insufficient security measures at the gates, there was a safety issue at AKH. This led to our project group being dependent of one of the leaders guiding us when visiting the site and going home before dawn. With leaders having day jobs outside AKH, this led to a natural limitation of our accessibility to the site.
Survey participation
An important limitation of our two surveys is the small number of respondents and limited diversity of participants. While the AKH survey included a more diverse group of participants than the workshops, the overall number of respondents remains relatively small with 37 respondents and may not accurately represent the broader AKH community.
Stakeholder contact and lack of information
Engaging with a diverse range of stakeholders proved challenging at times. We were not able to communicate with as many stakeholders as desired. This limitation hindered our ability to gather a broader spectrum of perspectives, which would have enriched our understanding of the issue.
Gaps in existing data
As a secondary source of data, the numeration from NU has some limitations due to the data collection methods. In our own experience with arranging workshops, it was a small group of residents who participated, while a big number of residents did not participate. This can lead to different groups of residents being underrepresented in the surveys. This potential bias, excluding potentially more vulnerable and less resourceful residents who may be less likely to participate, can skew survey findings. For instance, a high percentage of respondents reporting paid employment may not accurately reflect the overall employment situation within the community. As the initiator of the occupation and an advocate for the AKH community, NU’s perspective may not be entirely objective, which could potentially introduce additional biases into the data.
Given potential limitations in the representativeness of the data from NU’s numeration, this report interprets the findings with caution and avoids drawing definitive conclusions from it. Instead, they are considered as valuable indicators of potential trends within the community, providing a foundation for further investigation and analysis.
4. Case Study Findings
In light of this context, the theoretical framework presented and through the lens of inclusion, this report centres around the interconnected issues of housing, public space, and participation. By exploring these three topics, we aim to show how each contributes to the systemic inequalities present in Cape Town. Following Maslow’s hierarchy of needs, we recognise that housing fulfils basic physiological and safety needs, representing the foundation of well-being (McLeod, 2024). However, for individuals to realise self-actualisation, access to public space and amenities becomes essential. Today, many of these opportunities for self-realisation are limited to wealthier groups in the inner city, where communities like the AKH residents are excluded from both spaces and decision-making. Housing alone can therefore not lead to a truly inclusive city, public spaces and participatory processes must also be in place to allow all individuals to thrive and feel a sense of belonging. These elements are connected as inclusive public spaces offer more than just leisure; they are essential for fostering social cohesion between different user groups. The following section will start with an overview of the AKH occupation and continue with analyses of these three themes: provision of affordable housing, access to public space, and participation in urban planning.
Figure 20 : Picture Collage, Interior of AKH
4.1 An Overview of Ahmed Kathrada House
The occupation of the former Helen Bowdens Nurses’ Home started as an act of activism by RTC. The property is owned by the Provincial Government, Department of Public Works, and the building was standing empty prior to the occupation (Charles, 2023). The plot is part of the Somerset precinct, it is in prime location and has some of the highest land value in Cape Town (Scheba, Turok and Visagie, 2021), The department of public works has initiated to sell the land to private developers and allow for high density development (Western Cape Government Department of Public Works, 2016). RTC situates the limitations of Black and Coloured communities’ opportunities for quality education, jobs, and public services (Reclaim the City, n.d.). Initially, the occupation was planned to be temporary; however, today it has developed into an informal settlement where people have appropriated the space as a home (Ndifuna Ukwazi, 2024b).
Through the engagement with the community, we learn that many of the resident’s work in service, domestic and construction labour, in the affluent areas in proximity to the occupation. Many residents expressed that they found jobs only after moving into AKH and were previously unemployed. Moreover, the numeration done by NU shows that the employment rate of the community was significantly higher in 2024 than 2022 (Ndifuna Ukwazi 2024b). This highlights the need for affordable housing close to economic opportunities that are predominantly available withing the inner city.
While the current residents of AKH have made a “home” of the space, the study showed that the living conditions are not sustainable. There is no electricity, only eight water taps officially installed in the yard, and portable toilets as the only sanitation facilities. Residents report that there was electricity when the occupation first started, but that the landowner, the provincial government, turned it off after a few days. Provincial government spokesperson Mbingeleli noted in an interview with News 24, in 2023 that access to free electricity is not a constitutional right, and since the occupation is deemed illegal, the provincial government has refused to provide power. However, to mitigate the issue, the government installed exterior lighting and distributed solar lamps to the
residents (Charles, 2023). Residents report these measures have done little to address the broader challenges faced by those occupying the site; The small lights malfunctioned quickly, and the solar lights in the yard provide insufficient lighting for the building’s interior. Access to services is therefore still limited, but the leadership is currently working on several ways to enhance the living conditions of the building. These measures are conducted through community-based approaches, such as installing lights in the stairs and corridors, in addition to painting. These interventions are financed through monthly contribution by residents and allocated by the leadership. Residents have also individually, illegally, connected to water pipes, and one part of the building now has water drawn to toilets and taps. Some residents have also installed private solar panels and have, in this way, ensured electricity in their own rooms.
Figure : Previous Page: Figure 20: Origin Map of AKH.
Figure 21: Picture, portable toilets.
Challenges within the occupation
During one of our transect walks within AKH, we learned that although RTC has implemented house rules and elected house leaders to uphold them, there are still significant challenges in effectively maintaining order, cleanliness, and safety within the occupation. There have been troubling reports of assault, violence, and sexual abuse in the settlement (van Dijk, 2020). A number of residents reported that they do not feel safe in the occupation, mainly during the dark hours. Despite these hardships, residents remain committed to stay in the occupation. The occupation represents an act of activism, but it’s important to understand that not all residents are necessarily active participants in this movement. For many, the primary function of the house is to provide shelter for people facing the threat of homelessness.
Figure : Previous Page Figure 22: Picture, Fence at AKH.
Figure 23: Picture from Needs Assessment Workshop.
City official’s perspectives
Through formal interviews with city officials, we learned that there are apparent conflicts of interest regarding the site. The occupants are deemed illegal and are said to hinder the implementation of affordable housing rather than helping the cause (City official 1, interview 2024). The occupations cause polarisation between occupiers and local residents. The occupation also imposes financial costs on the local government. For example, in an interview in 2020, the provincial government revealed that it had spent R18 million on security at the site between July 2018 and June 2019 (van Dijk, 2020).
Acknowledgement of the occupations impact
Despite this, meeting with city officials they have acknowledged that the occupations help keep the topic of affordable housing in the inner city on the political agenda. In 2023, a spokesperson for the Western Cape Department of Human Settlements and Infrastructure stated that the department intends to redevelop the plot as part of the Somerset Precinct redevelopment, focusing on affordable housing. He further stated that the current building housing the occupation is slated for demolition, but this action can only be taken once the unlawful occupants have vacated the property (Du Toit, 2023). The occupiers contend that decades of the city’s neglect in constructing well-located, affordable housing options now leaves them without viable alternatives. They have firmly stated their opposition to relocation to distant sites such as Wolverivier (Reclaim the City, n.d.).
Occupiers and activist groups perspectives
The persistent delays and unfulfilled promises by the government to build affordable homes in the inner city are a major issue in Cape Town. Residents of AKH shared that many are left with no choice but to occupy land. RTC, NU, and the residents emphasised the severe shortcomings of Cape Town’s affordable housing options, which are mostly located on the city’s outskirts. These peripheral areas lack adequate access to jobs and recreational facilities and suffer from significantly higher crime rates than those in the city centre (Trenchard, 2022). Although buildings like AKH lack basic services such as electricity and running water, residents argue that living in such conditions is still preferable
Figure 24: Picture, Guards.
to being pushed to the city’s fringes without access to economic opportunities. The non-structured conversations with the residents portray the resilience and determination of these communities to secure a dignified existence in the inner city. Residents repeatedly emphasise that they do not seek rent-free housing. Instead, they demand housing that is genuinely affordable for them, a standard they believe the planned Somerset Precinct development will fail to achieve.
4.2 Analysis of Housing
The tensions between the city’s approach to housing and the lived experiences of the occupiers highlight a significant gap in Cape Town’s housing policy. While city officials focus on the legal and financial challenges posed by the occupations, the residents’ struggle reflects the underlying issues of affordability and accessibility in the city’s housing market. The lack of suitable, affordable housing in well-located inner-city areas is part of a broader housing crisis in Cape Town, which enhances social inequalities. The following analysis will explore how these challenges manifest both at the city and neighborhood scales and offer a deeper insight to how AKH functions as an informal housing option in the inner city.
Figure 25: Income graph. Authors’ modification from Ndifuna Ukwazi (2024b)
4.2.1 City Scale: The Big Backlog
Cape Town is facing a housing crisis, with a backlog of around 350.000 units reported in 2023 (Villette, 2023). The issue isn’t just the shortage of housing, it’s also the nature of the housing market. Luxury properties valued at over R1.2 million make up 43% of the market, while entrylevel housing, valued at R300,000 or less, accounts for only 13% (Centre for Affordable Housing Finance in Africa, 2021). According to the World Bank Group (2024), many residents of Cape Town cannot access private housing without public assistance, and the resident of AKH is one of those groups. The enumeration done by Ndifuna Ukwazi (2024b), show that the main resident group at AKH can pay between R1,000 and R2,000 per month, which aligns with approximately 20% of Cape Town’s population (City of Cape Town, 2012). Despite widespread criticism that the city isn’t doing enough for low-income earners, there are numerous policies, laws, and regulations at all government levels meant to ensure housing for these groups.
Laws, policies and regulations
The foundation for housing rights in South Africa lies in the Constitution from 1966, which states that everyone has the right to access adequate housing and place the obligation on the state to regulate this. Additional laws have been implemented over time, with some of the most comprehensive being the Housing Act (1997), the Social Housing Act (2008), the Breaking New Ground: A Comprehensive Plan for the Development of Sustainable Human Settlements policy and the Upgrading of Informal Settlements Programme (2024) (Ngwenya, 2024). Additionally, policies such as the Integrated Development Plan (City of Cape Town, 2022b), aim to reduce inequality, improve informal settlements, and facilitate access to the housing market (Ngwenya, 2024). While these legislations and policies are designed to address shortages and the needs of the low-income and informal population, their effectiveness is often limited. As a city official put it in an interview, “South Africa has some of the most liberal policies regarding housing; but the implementation is not happening” (City official 2, interview 2024).
Figure 26: Current Housing Model Drawing. (City of Cape Town 2022)
Gaps in the current housing programs
The housing programs and typologies shown in the diagram are intended to meet the needs of various vulnerable income groups. However, the publication A Call for Transitional Housing for Evictees in Cape Town (Ndifuna Ukwazi, 2017), highlights some of the issues related to the different programs and how they fail to address their realities. This publication aligns with observations we have done in the field and conversations with citizens waiting for housing.
A major concern regarding housing is the term “affordability.” While policies aim to provide affordable housing, people in the AKH income bracket (earning between R1,000 and R2,000) are often excluded. Although policies propose various housing programs to cater to different income levels, the reality is that the demand for housing far exceeds the government’s capacity to finance these programs. This leaves many people in a constant state of struggle and frustration.
Our interactions with the AKH community and NU, reveal that information about these housing programs is hard to find and any people are unaware of which program they can access. Aligning with our own experience researching housing types and eligibility, where we found contradicting information.
Through guided field trips in different Cape Town neighbourhoods, we’ve observed the implementation of some of these housing programs. Learning that these solutions often provide just houses, with no programmed spaces for community-building, either inside or outside. This lack of programming and activation frequently leads to the neglect of in-between spaces, which then become sites for informal occupations such as backyard dwellings or larger informal settlements.
The most prominent issue with government-provided housing is location as developments are situated on the outskirts of the city. This gives residents high costs for commuting. Furthermore, the sites we visited were not planned with accessibility in mind. They offer limited access to public spaces, amenities and mobility options, hindering communities inclusion into the broader urban environment.
4.2.2 Neighbourhood Scale: A Luxury Market
Green Point is perceived as a “good locations.” The area is well connected to the Central Business District (CBD), and the local area provides several opportunities for income. Many AKH residents report that they work within the area but cannot afford to live there. Low salaries make it unsustainable to live in the outskirts of the city, and AKH is just one example of informal housing in the area. Additionally, we have observed a plot further up Granger Bay Boulevard with a small development of informal structures. Green Point, like other inner-city areas, does not have any state-subsidised housing programmes. The available housing in this area, both existing and newly built, predominantly falls in the luxury category (Centre for Affordable Housing Finance in Africa, 2021).
There is little political will to build truly affordable units in the area. The planned development of the Somerset Precinct suggests that affordable units should be included (Western Cape Government Department of Public Works, 2016). However, “affordable,” according to the Western Cape Government, means anything that caters to households earning up to R22,000 (Western Cape Government, n.d.). During our engagement with local residents and users of the area, we understood that there is generally more negativity towards the term “social housing” than “affordable housing”, in line with the description made by the ward councillor (City official 1, interview 2024) due to a fear of it leading to lower quality on their neighbourhood. The ward councillor explained during our interview that the occupation has led to increased fear and uncertainty among the local population, who express concerns about littering and anti-social behaviour. On the other hand, the occupants expressed in conversation that they feel diminished and looked down on by other citizens. Our surveys also indicated that there is a mismatch between the local residents’ expectations of what the urban poor can pay, and the realities faced by the AKH population.
Figure 27: Land Prices and Informal Settlements Map. (Scheba, A., Turok, I., Visagie, J. 2021)
4.2.3 Site Scale: Occupation
AKH is an occupation that must be understood as an informal settlement in the inner city, with unique challenges and opportunities. Its issues and strengths need to be evaluated within this context.
Basic Services and UISP Implementation
AKH has received basic services connected to the UISP programme as presented in the section 4.2, including water, sanitation, and waste management provided by the provincial government. However, the settlement still faces significant challenges. Some residents have made illegal water connections and others report having to pay up to R200 per month to individuals for access to bathrooms on their floor.
Safety Concerns
Safety is a major issue, particularly regarding outsiders accessing the building, as mentioned earlier in section 4.1. Residents have responded by barring fire stairs to restrict access near their rooms and by installing burglar doors in corridors. While this improves immediate security, it poses a fatal risk in case of an emergency. There is also the lingering threat of eviction, meaning there is no security of tenure.
Allocation of Space
Allocation of housing at AKH is determined by a first-come, first-served system rather than individual need. This has led to unjust living conditions, with people reporting up to 5 individuals sharing one room while single individuals occupying larger spaces, such as the former communal kitchen. All available space has been occupied as rooms, including toilets. Leaving the community hall the only free space for collective activities, these stories from residents show the issues connected to limited privacy and overcrowding.
Figure 28: Picture, Man in Stairs.
Self-Governance
While AKH has a community leadership system with task groups, house leaders, and floor managers, this structure appears to lack effectiveness. During our visits and observation of a leadership meeting, it was evident that maintaining order and engaging residents in everyday tasks and larger commitments to better their living situation remains a struggle. This can be connected to the lack of social cohesion amongst residents within the building and a lack of space for meetings and communal activities. During one of our transect walks we learned that common floor meetings happen in the hallway.
Immediate Needs vs. Long-term Solutions
As previously discussed, AKH is not merely an act of activism, but also serves as a temporary solution to the immediate need for shelter for many residents. It meets only the lowest level of Maslow’s hierarchy of needs, providing minimal basic needs, but falling short of offering safety, security and long-term stability or growth opportunities (McLeod, 2024).
Potential for positive change
Despite the challenges faced by AKH, there are several positive aspects that can be built upon, as revealed through our workshops and surveys. The residents possess a variety of skills that they are willing to share with others, which could be leveraged to create job opportunities and generate income. For example, residents are already making food within the building and selling it to passersby through a window facing the street. This initiative could be expanded to include other areas, such as a communal garden, where food could be produced both for personal use and for sale. This not only generates income but also contributes to the broader neighbourhood.
The surveys with AKH residents also highlighted a strong desire for more shared recreational and service areas. Despite a perceived lack of strong neighbourly bonds among many residents, a smaller circle of close relationships frequently emerges within the community, often centred around existing familial, friendly, or social ties. Children, in particular, spend a significant amount of time together across the entire occupation, reinforcing the potential for stronger community ties.
Through engagement with the community, it became clear that many residents share responsibilities within the building, such as cooking for several families or cleaning the hallways and communal areas. While these practices are often born out of necessity, such as not every family having cooking facilities, residents have expressed that they enjoy and value living communally. The willingness to live in a more shared manner in order to save costs and remain in the inner city is high, according to the survey results. However, it is also important to note that within this community, there are diverse needs and preferences, with some residents desiring more privacy in their everyday lives.
Figure 29: Picture, Woman Buying Snacks.
4.3 Analysis of Current Public Spaces
Urban projects are governed by various regulations, that differ in nature, legal standing, and the institutions responsible for implementing them. Laws are legally required to follow and consider. Policies and regulations are, on the contrary, not legally binding but rather strategic in nature, serving as guidelines for urban development. In the context of Cape Town, the urban and spatial aspects of the city are governed by laws such as the Spatial Planning and Land Use Management Act (South African Government, 2013). There are also local laws known as by-laws, such as the Municipal Planning By-Law (City of Cape Town, 2015). Due to their rigid nature, revising these laws is a slow process. As a result, they are not often revised or updated. Other regulations provide further clarification but are not compulsory, like the Municipal Spatial Development Framework (City of Cape Town, 2023). Finally, the urban development of Cape Town is strongly influenced by the Integrated Development Plan (City of Cape Town, 2022b) and the Urban Design Policy (City of Cape Town, 2024c), defining the city’s long-term vision and goals.
4.3.1 City scale: good intentions, slow implementation.
The Integrated Development Plan (IDP) outlines a clear vision for the city’s future. It reflects the municipality’s ambitions to create a more equitable and sustainable city by setting out its key objectives. The IDP covers a broad range of topics, such as economy, safety, housing, public space, mobility, and public participation. The IDS is revised every 5 years, and the current framework is valid for 2022-2027 (City of Cape Town, 2022b).
The Urban Design Policy (UDP) provides a framework to implement the goals of the IDP 20222027 regarding urban development. It can be used as a guideline for project developers or other stakeholders seeking to influence the city through physical interventions. The City of Cape Town approved its latest urban design policy in August 2024. To achieve the goal of creating inclusive public spaces for all, the report outlines policies classified into nine themes corresponding to different objectives such as “create good quality open space through placemaking” or “promote intensity, diversity and adaptability of uses” (City of Cape Town, 2024c, p. 2).
Given that these documents are revised every five years, these policies can adapt and evolve in response to the changing needs of residents (City of Cape Town, 2024c). Both the IDP and the UDP address major urban topics, using powerful notions and keywords. For example, the UDP touches on inclusivity, multifunctionality, adaptability of uses, integration of informality, safety, and respect for heritage. The intentions demonstrated in this document for a more equitable city are good. However, the fact that they are not compulsory results in little implementation of the established objectives.
“Increasingly urban design is mindful of bioclimatic design, natural resource consumption, and social impacts such as equitable access to housing, jobs, public amenities and the ‘right to the city’.”
“Urban design is a collaborative and fluid process undertaken by a range of role players, including public, private, formal and informal, professionals and non-professionals in response to real and perceived needs and opportunities that change over time.”
“The City’s IDP (2022-2027) envisions a resilient city, that is more spatially integrated and inclusive, with a capable and collaborative city government.”
(City of Cape Town, 2024c, p.8-10)
These quotes from the City of Cape Town’s Urban Design Policy, last revised in August 2024, address concepts that are highly relevant to our problem statement. These statements show an understanding that public spaces are important for creating a just and sustainable city. However, the documents propose these ideas without providing clear guidance on how to implement them. Topics are not fully explored, but rather briefly mentioned. Further we have found that, although the IDP highlights the importance of participation, this topic is only minimally included in the UDP.
Furthermore, our research highlights another issue with these policies: project developers are not obliged to follow them but may engage with these objectives on a voluntary basis (City of Cape Town, 2024c, p. 11). Because these policies are not mandatory, they do not effectively encourage the creation of more inclusive projects. Instead, developers tend to focus on projects driven by economic benefits, that fulfils binding laws. As we observed during our many visits to different neighbourhoods in Cape Town, whether in the inner city or the outskirts of the capital, inclusive public spaces are few, and most of the high-quality recreational, sports, and entertainment spaces are privately run and therefore not accessible to the urban poor.
INCLUSIVE PUBLIC SPACES
ACCESSIBILITY
Figure 30 : Inclusive Public Spaces Diagram. Authors.
4.3.2 Neighbourhood Scale: Exclusive Public Spaces
Our initial research into Cape Town and AKH revealed that the concept of public space is highly contested. The legacy of deliberate segregation during apartheid still affects urban spaces and the daily lives of residents. Before our fieldwork, we aimed to understand the context of Cape Town and Green Point, where AKH is located. Green Point, one of the city’s most popular districts, is just a short walk from the Waterfront and the DHL Stadium, making it a meeting point for diverse groups from various neighbourhoods.
Internet searches for images of Cape Town often show aerial views of Green Point and Sea Point, highlighting expansive green spaces, the ocean, and surrounding mountains. These photos, commonly used in tourism promotion, create the impression that public spaces are abundant and accessible. However, during our fieldwork, we learned that many of these green spaces are managed by private sports clubs (City official 1, interview 2024). Additionally, spaces near the ocean are dominated by tourism, with shops and hotels making them less accessible to local residents.
On a city scale, the lack of public spaces and services in the outskirts drives the urban poor to reclaim housing in the inner city, as seen with the AKH community. Yet, living in Green Point does not guarantee equitable access to public spaces. During our walks through Green Point and Sea Point, we observed that the Green Point Urban Park consists largely of privately managed leisure and sports areas requiring memberships or entrance fees, leading to unjust use pf public lands. This inaccessibility is highlighted by AKH residents’ wishes for more sports facilities, despite living adjacent to these green spaces.
A need for inclusive and accessible public spaces
These observations led us to focus on the need for more inclusive spaces, especially accessible for the urban poor. Our conversations and workshops with the residents at AKH helped us understand the barriers and needs of this group. Leading to the conclusion that they need to be designed around three key concepts: participation, mixed-use and accessibility. Further resident at AKH express that there is no integration of users in the design, construction, and maintenance processes
of public spaces in the area. This lack of consideration of them results in the spaces not catering to their wished use. As observed during walks in the neighbourhood, different groups use spaces differently and do not necessarily have the same wished and needs for their surroundings.
During our fieldwork, we observed that most public spaces were focused on one specific use and were not designed to support diverse ways of using the space or to accommodate various needs. The community of AKH express a wish to have spaces where the can be together, for example spaces that can cater for caretakers and their children at the same time. However, they also tend to prefer spaces for different age groups to be adjacent to each other rather than shared. While they appreciate proximity, they feel it is important for each group to have its own designated area, still allowing for visual and social contact without disrupting the distinct needs of each group.
Figure 31 : Mixed Use Diagram. Authors.
Next Page: Figure 32: Picture Diagram of Empty Plots
Thresholds for use
The main limitation the community expressed to accessing spaces was related to costs however, residents express that there is also psychological limitation to why they do not use spaces. Where spaces that are programmed for consumerism, such as the waterfront area, doesn’t feel inviting. Another example regards the beach - The residents explained that the beach is frequently used because they feel safe there, even in the dark hours, as long as they are in a group. It serves both children and adults. However, other residents expressed that this space is primarily appropriated by two groups: the wealthy local residents and homeless individuals. In that context, they are grouped together with the homeless.
Empty plots
Our initial computer analysis, conducted before we arrived in Cape Town, led us to our hypothesis “there is a lack of access to public spaces for the urban poor in the GreenPoint and SeaPoint neighbourhoods”. This was supported by the resident at AKH, and by researching the peoples land map created by NU, and through walks in the neighbourhood we verified this data and have identified several empty plots with the potential to be developed.
4.3.3 Site Scale: What is a Meeting Ground?
We introduced the notion of public space in our workshops with the community at AKH, with the aim to understand what spaces they used in the neighbourhood, what they would like to change, and what types of spaces they would like to be able to access. Through observation we also saw how the community have appropriated the shared spaces and how they use the yard for play.
Public spaces the AKH community wants to have access to
The results of our survey enabled us to identify three types of space that the community was particularly interested in having greater access to in the neighbourhood: play areas, gardens and sports areas. Residents were also interested in having access to indoor public spaces such as libraries and communal centres. Based on the residents’ responses to the surveys, we presented them with visual examples of spaces within these categories. These were spaces that already exist in proximity to AKH, and examples of projects from other cities in South Africa and other countries.
Figure : Previous Page: Figure 33: Current uses and Empty Plots Map
This Page: Figure 34: Picture, Yard AKH.
The group discussion workshop both confirmed and contested findings from our survey. In the survey few expressed a wish for an “urban farm” however when presented as a “communal garden for food production” in the workshop, participants were very engaged. Additionally, the conversations allowed us to understand the spaces they use in the neighbourhood, how they use them and what limitations exist in accessing them. Using photos of projects located outside Cape Town, they were able to share their views and opinions on their potential integration into the neighbourhood. The findings highly align with the bases of public space presented by the South African organisation Safer Spaces (SaferSpaces, n.d). The community’s knowledge of the contextual barriers and limitations in Cape Town was crucial in understanding whether certain solutions could be feasible, helping us avoid being overly idealistic.
Existing Public Spaces Graph
Green Point, Cape Town
1. Inclusive spaces mean that spaces are shared by everyone, meaning all residents from the neighbourhood is included. One participant stating that a current issue is that “they build either for the rich or the poor, never for everyone”
2. The safety of these spaces is a critical concern. Public spaces should be designed as secure and welcoming environments that contribute to the well-being of their users. They should be closed at night and have sufficient lighting.
3. Colours play a significant role, bringing vibrancy and joy to spaces. The residents of AKH have a strong connection to colours and say they help brighten their lives and stay hopeful.
4. Play areas can be created with very limited resources, using structures and elements made from natural or recycled materials. Children will always find ways to enjoy themselves. Moreover, basic play elements avoid dictating how children should play, allowing more opportunities for them to stimulate their imagination and take ownership of the structures.
5. Community gardens are an opportunity to bring people together and foster interactions with others, regardless of gender, age, culture, or language. Moreover, it is an enjoyable activity. These spaces can also generate tangible benefits, directly by producing fruits and vegetables for the user themselves, or indirectly though income generation through sales.
6. Productive spaces could be utilised by marginalised populations, allowing them to gain greater visibility in the neighbourhood and contribute to its value. It can help show how they take care of spaces, changing the idea that the occupation is disruptive.
7. Mixed- use spaces where play areas, sports facilities and gardens are linked would encourage greater interaction between different users engaging in a variety of activities. It could also support caregivers by providing opportunities for children to stay active.
8. Regarding sports spaces, the residents expressed their frustration with the numerous sports facilities in the neighbourhood being exclusive, they suggested opening them up, and that new public spaces could offer possibilities for sport, such as netball.
9. Indoor public spaces could provide easy access to resources and information, for example in libraries or community centres, highlighting the need for places to charge lights and electronics, and access to Wi-Fi.
Figure 37: Wished Public Spaces Graph
AKH residents Seapoint residents
4.4 Analysis of Public Participation and Governance in planning
Public participation is a key aspect of our research, as it ensures that the voices of all residents, are included in decision-making processes. By examining public participation, we aim to highlight its role and shortcomings in creating more inclusive urban development. This analysis acknowledges the importance of involving communities in shaping their environments, fostering a sense of ownership and active citizenship. This section is a shortened description of the research findings presented in our submission for the course Theories in Urban Ecological Planning (Gaudé et al, 2024).
4.4.1 City Scale: Barriers to Participate
The Integrated Development Plan (IDP) is Cape Town’s primary strategic planning tool, outlining municipal priorities for 2022-2027. The IDP is built on three principles:
1. A capable and collaborative government,
2. A more spatially integrated and inclusive city, and
3. A resilient city (City of Cape Town, 2022b).
While these goals sound promising, the IDP does not clearly define collaborative governance or how it should be implemented in practice. As required by the Municipal Systems Act 67 (City of Cape Town, 2022b), the city is obligated to involve local communities in identifying development priorities when drafting the IDP. However, Participation remains limited to data collection and feedback phases. The two-phase public engagement strategy for the 2022-2027 IDP recorded 32,000 survey responses in Phase 1 and 19,000 comments in Phase 2 (City of Cape Town, 2022b). This approach reflects a low level of participation on Arnstein’s Ladder of Participation—primarily Informing and Consultation— where citizens’ roles are limited to offer feedback without any direct influence on decision-making (The Citizens’ Handbook, n.d.). In addition, heavy reliance on online, written input excludes many residents, particularly the urban poor and informal actors, who may lack digital access.
To underline two of the objectives from the IDP regarding participation and collaboration:
16.2.D “Resident Mobile App Project: The City plans to develop a mobile app for residents to access routine processes, track complaints, provide feedback on services, and rate service standards. The goal is to include all public participation processes into this app in the future.”
16.7.A “Public engagement project: This initiative seeks to empower residents to influence planning, budgeting, and government projects. It includes staff training to facilitate public consultations and tools for reaching diverse stakeholders, especially through digital platforms.”
(City of Cape Town, 2022a)
Both policies outline a heavy reliance on digital formats, which a city official draws from experience likely will lead to less participation from less resourceful citizens (City Official 1, 2024).
The IDP further outlines residents’ responsibilities across various priority areas; economic growth, safety, basic services, housing, public spaces, transport, and resilience, but place a strong emphasis on individual actions such as reporting crimes, conserving resources, and reducing carbon footprints. And referring to this as “participation” (City of Cape Town, 2022a). While these roles highlight the importance of active citizenship, it lays the responsibility on individuals instead of focusing on whether it has systemic support. Such ambiguous use of the term participation may also lead to unmet expectations. For example, reducing personal waste or conserving resources requires public systems like accessible recycling programs, and reliable public infrastructure, however all resident of cape town do not have such systems available.
4.4.2 Neighbourhood Scale: Exclusion of Informailty
In an interview with the ward councillor for Ward 54 (City official 1, interview, 2024), she describes her role as focused on providing services to residents and facilitating public participation. While she initially met with the leadership structure of AKH upon assuming office in 2021, after there have been no engagements with this group. Instead, her interactions with residents are typically limited to private matters, such as assisting with proof of address. She emphasises that her services are open to all and outlines several ways for stakeholders to engage with her including email, WhatsApp and other digital forums, as well as office visits, and mobile offices in camps bay and the sea point civic centre. The ward council forum
Councill forums are held every two months to address ward-level issues. Annually the forum allocates R1000.000 (City of Cape Town 2024a). Participation in the council forum is open to any Community based Organisation (CBO) that meets specific criteria: a formal constitution, an Annual General Meeting, and demonstrated community representation (City official 1, interview, 2024). However, this structure limits engagement to formal organisations, excluding informal groups or community members who may not have the resources to form a registered CBO. The ward describes that the forum’s discussions often focus on safety, particularly policing, which we can also see in the distribution of the resources in 2024/25 that allocated nearly 50% of the budget to CCTV cameras (City of Cape Town, 2024b). Residents of AKH expressed dissatisfaction with these priorities, as they do not address their needs.
This focus on formal participation channels places ward-level engagement at the lower rungs of Arnstein’s Ladder typically Consultation or Placation, where participation exists but lacks meaningful influence (The Citizens’ Handbook, n.d.).
The ward councillor outlines that the ward system generally facilitates public participation through Information distribution through social media, the City’s database of CBOs, and ratepayers’ associations and organising open days or public meetings revolving around specific issues. Despite these efforts, the reliance on formal organisations and digital outreach limits the inclusivity of participation, especially for residents in informal settlements or those without access to these channels. By engaging with both residents at AKH and the Ward councillor, we see that there is not a coherence in what is perceived as assets or pressing issues. One example is that the ward councillor mentions the Sea Point Pavilion as a valuable community asset that all resident use. However, community feedback indicates that they do not access this space due to entrance fees.
Figure 38: Enabling Diagram.
4.4.3 Site Scale: Provision Without Participation
At the site level, our research with the AKH community illustrates the consequences of top-down service delivery without meaningful participation. One clear example is the security company that protects the building structure but not the residents themselves. Further, the community has expressed concerns about inadequate water and electricity provisions and a pressing need to improve lighting inside the building to enhance safety. However, they lack formal channels to voice these needs or influence decision-making processes.
As informal actors and illegal occupants of the site, residents have been excluded from discussions about the building’s future, their potential relocation, and the development of affordable housing units in the area. This exclusion has deepened their distrust in governing bodies, particularly regarding the ability of these institutions to deliver housing solutions that meet their specific needs.
Our research shows that despite the AKH community’s efforts to improve site conditions, such as water, electricity, and lighting, these attempts have been largely ineffective. While NGOs like NU and RTC offer support, residents still struggle to navigate formal channels and address their needs. This highlights a gap in collaboration between the community and governing bodies. This reveals that current site-level participation aligns with Arnstein’s lower rungs, particularly Informing, where residents are merely recipients of services without the opportunity to actively shape their living conditions or future.
5. Socio-Spatial Solutions
The proposed solutions in this chapter are cantered on equitable access to GreenPoint and Sea Point for the AKH community. The proposed strategies address barriers to inclusivity and are therefore also relevant to other inner-city neighbourhoods and groups of urban poor. This objective focuses on three key aspects: housing, public spaces, and participatory policies. For each, we propose solutions at three levels: site-specific interventions for public space and housing, neighbourhoodspecific strategies for Green Point and SeaPoint and general city-level revisions of policy and planning. To support these solutions, we’ve identified several publicly owned empty plots in the neighbourhood that can be developed, with participatory practices, to meet the public’s needs.
These three elements; housing, public space, and participation, must be addressed as interlinked solutions. AKH provides a form of housing, but in its current state, it is not sustainable and fails to integrate residents into broader urban life. Due to the positionalities of local residents, lack of political will, and a general lack of understanding of this community’s needs, the potential development of affordable housing first requires addressing social cohesion. Therefore, we propose addressing inclusive public spaces first. These spaces will serve as meeting grounds for different socioeconomic groups, helping mitigate NIMBYism, reduce polarisation, and foster a more understanding and open neighbourhood.
However, building public spaces in a wealthy area without addressing the housing needs of the urban poor risks reinforcing existing inequalities on a larger scale. While public spaces are crucial, affordable housing remains the central issue. The development of public spaces must, therefore, be closely tied to affordable housing initiatives to ensure genuine inclusivity.
Finally, achieving equitable access to the inner city does not only concern space; it also involves access to decision-making. Public participation policies and practices must ensure the urban poor are included in decisions regarding the allocation of public resources. Through this three-way approach, we can create sustainable, inclusive solutions that meet the needs of all citizens and build trust among stakeholders.
Figure : Previous page: Figure 39: Picture, Man Fetching Water
Next Page: Figure 40: Housing Neighbourhood Map
5.1 Revised Housing Program
The South African government have numerous programs in place to assist Capetonians in their right to adequate housing. However, slow deliveries, tedious procedures, conflicts of interest between the different stakeholders, overcrowded houses and rooms, and far away locations are hindering the efficiency of the programs. Vulnerable populations facing housing insecurity often lack adequate support systems, leading to a cycle of poverty and instability.
Ensuring equitable access to urban areas means making inner-city living possible for everyone, regardless of income. To address this, we propose a refined housing strategy and associated policy reforms aimed at fostering mixed, inclusive, and diverse communities in Green Point. These solutions are specifically designed to tackle inequalities in housing access and affordability that disproportionately affect low-income groups, such as the AKH residents. Our approach aims to create a city where development benefits everyone, not just those with greater resources, countering the exclusionary patterns of the history of Cape Town.
5.1.1 Site scale: Intentional community
Initially, the AKH occupation functioned as a community, with clear rules, goals, and governance, as activists worked together towards a common objective. However, prolonged issues within this informal housing have made continued cohesion difficult. The primary challenges they express include a lack of safety, high turnover of inhabitants, and poor access to basic services, which place both emotional stress and time constraints on the residents. Combined with the lack of response and engagement from government bodies, these factors have caused significant fatigue among residents. As a result, the community has become more diverse, and their focus has shifted away from collective goals. Based on these issues, along with the uncertainties off the integrity of the building structure, we propose a development of an intentional community on a new site in the neighbourhood.
The term “intentional community” was introduced by AKH residents, who value the lifestyle and bonds they have created, and it centres around a co-living strategy. The idea builds on the cooperative housing model, where residents share ownership and governance of housing projects. This aligns with the vision of inclusive, community-driven developments. However, given the financial constraints faced by the low-income earners of AKH a rent-based solution is required. We propose a public- private partnership where the public sector provide long term leasing of the land and partly finance rent allocation, while the private sector manage construction and maintenance, alongside the residents. The financial burden on individual residents is in this way alleviated, while they are still allowed to take part in decision-making processes and maintaining a sense of ownership of the structure.
Figure 41: Inclusive housing Collage.
Learning from a cooperative housing
Studying co-operative examples from South Africa such as The Newtown Urban Village we have gained several positive learnings to be considered in building an intentional community.
The Newtown Urban Village in Johannesburg is a cooperative housing project from 2005. Surveys conducted with residents of the development after its completion offer key insights on the positive changes of this development. Residents of Newtown appreciated the affordability, benefiting from flat rates for utilities such as water and electricity. The location stood out, it was built in proximity to the city centre, making it easy for residents to access shops, schools, and public transportation. Safety was another significant factor, with 97.5% of residents reporting they felt safe in the compound, during all hours, thanks to 24-hour security. Lastly maintenance was highlighted, with residents commenting on the cleanliness of the buildings, both inside and outside, thanks to a dedicated cleaning service (Tonkin, 2008). This survey shows how several of the expressed issues by the AKH community could be addressed in a formal collective housing setting.
Cooperative housing also demonstrates how intentional communities can succeed when residents understand their rights and responsibilities. According to the Development Action Group (DAG), sustainable housing projects benefit from residents participating in cleaning, maintenance, and waste removal, which also supports local economic growth. Additionally, maintaining financial stability through savings clubs and regular monthly service payments is crucial. Finally, having democratically elected and accountable leadership plays a significant role in the long-term success of these communities (Tonkin, 2008).
Figure : Next Page: Figure 42: Space Syntax Diagrams.
Spatial divisions and connections
The space syntax illustrates how an intentional community can be spatially organised. The examples demonstrate flexibility in meeting diverse needs, ensuring inclusivity and adaptability within the same structure. Public spaces, such as libraries, community rooms, or fitness centres, are designed to serve mixed user groups and promote inclusivity. Semi-public spaces offer secure leisure areas for residents even in dense developments. Semi-private areas allow smaller networks within the building to come together over shared needs and adapt the space accordingly. Collective spaces help keep costs low while ensuring that everyday tasks are shared by a manageable number of cohabitants. In addition, the units are diverse in size and layout to accommodate different family structures and income levels. Room allocation in such structures need to be based on family needs, ensuring adequate living space and avoiding overcrowding caused by financial constraints. Residents should have the possibility to move within the building as units become available, accommodating changes in family structures or living conditions. Given that housing units will be allocated by the community itself, the process is transparent and aligns with the values of the residents, fostering a sense of ownership and collective responsibility.
Governance model
The governance model of an intentional community could draw from the lessons of this the Cooperative initiative (Tonkin, 2008): ensuring that residents actively participate in managing communal spaces and making decisions about maintenance and social activities. These Degrees of governance already exist within the AKH, where governance is divided on different floors, the overall leadership structure, and task groups.
As the proposed spatial divisions are connected to the levels of governance, it can help the effectiveness of this structure. We propose a new leadership framework that builds on an annual election through a majority vote. This ensures democratic representation and accountability within the community. The leadership structure will be responsible for organising information sessions and learning opportunities for newcomers to the community, helping them integrate and understand the governance structure. In the big picture, the community’s formal governance structure can allow residents to become actors in local governance, such as participating in the ward committee. This will provide them a stronger voice in municipal decision making, affecting their living conditions.
Establishing an intentional community for AKH residents in Green Point would help maintain the bonds and identity they have built over the seven years of living there. This approach would allow them to continue strengthening the social ties and practices that already exist within the informal settlement. However, participation in this community should be reserved for those willing to actively contribute. Individuals who prefer a more private lifestyle should have the option to live in other mixed income housing developments.
Figure : Previous Page: Figure 43: Diagram from AKH Survey. This Page:Figure 44: Governance Intentional Community Diagram.
5.1.2 Neighbourhood Scale: Mixed-Income Housing
Based on the results of our case study the proposed strategy for Green Point focus on mixedincome housing. This approach combines market-rate and subsidised units to promote diversity and ensure financial sustainability for developers. Including various socioeconomic levels within the same building challenges the historic idea that limited interaction reduces conflict. Subsidised units enhance inclusivity, while market-rate units help cover costs, making the project viable even in high-priced areas such as Greenpoint.
Implementing mixed-income housing would diversify the neighbourhood by providing sustainable housing in a well-located area for low-income earners, such as domestic workers. Additionally, fostering interaction in public spaces within and around the development could help reduce NIMBYism by promoting social cohesion and breaking down barriers between different socioeconomic groups. Through engagement with the community at AKH, we have found that within this group, there are many different needs and wishes, and housing solutions therefore should provide options to live either collectively or individually. However, spatially, we propose that all housing should have the possibility to access common areas and be connected to public spaces, to reduce living cost, and so that sharing practises are possible.
Which spaces are you willing to share with your community?
Levels of publicness
The strategy revolves around community-oriented shared spaces to build social cohesion and reduce living costs. Surveys with AKH residents highlighted the desire for shared recreational and service areas. The strategy therefore includes varying levels of publicness to ensure privacy while encouraging interaction, supervision, and resource-sharing.
The housing section illustrate how these spaces interact, with yellow representing public spaces open to all, such as libraries, community rooms, or fitness centres. These spaces encourage social interaction and inclusivity. The purple highlights semi-public areas accessible only to residents, providing security and leisure activities. Semi-private areas are designed with views of semi-public spaces to encourage autonomy while maintaining access to supervision or support. This layout allows caregivers to watch their children while attending to other responsibilities.
Figure : Previous Page: Figure 45: Diagram from AKH Survey
This Page: Figure 46: Housing Section, Levels of Publicness
Next Page: Figure 47: Diagram from AKH Survey.
Maintenance
Maintenance of shared spaces can be facilitated through job opportunities for residents. Building managers could hire tenants for maintenance tasks in exchange for a rent reduction or salary. In semi-private areas, residents can either share maintenance duties or hire help through building management, creating additional job opportunities.
Housing allocation
The goal of implementing affordable housing in central areas, such as Green Point, is to break with the segregation induced during apartheid and foster a more inclusive city where different communities can share the same spaces and live together. There are multiple ways to ensure justice when allocating these inclusionary housing units, we propose that access must be prioritised for people who do not have access to housing now and who are generally eligible for state-funded housing solutions. First, individuals and communities that already have a connection to the local area should be allocated housing opportunities. This was presented as a good example of social housing during our transect walk in Bellville South. This practice safeguards existing income, opportunities, and social ties.
5.1.3 City Scale:
Affordable Housing Strategy
To overcome the delays associated with housing delivery the strategy advocates for stronger publicprivate partnerships to ensure inclusivity and efficiency in development. The City cannot meet the current housing demand on its own, which is why effective partnerships with developers are essential. However, current partnerships often prioritise higher-income tenants within the program brackets to secure profits. Since developers are private companies, their primary goal is profitability. As a result, when they build housing for government programs such as social housing, units are frequently allocated to tenants who can afford to pay R5,500, even though the bracket includes incomes as low as R1,500. This practice excludes many who should have access to these programs.
The city can incentivise developers by offering long-term leases on public land, allowing them to profit from these projects without needing to purchase the land outright. To ensure subsidised units remain truly affordable, rent should be capped at 30% of household income, in line with global housing standards set by UN-Habitat (2019). This income-based rent calculation provides tenure security by adjusting rent when tenants face financial challenges, reducing the risk of eviction. These lease agreements are only valid if this affordability is upheld.
Studying the research of NU, we learn that delays in public private partnerships are often a result of divided ownership leading to complicated and time consuming technical and legal procedures, such as infrastructure connections (Ndifuna Ukwazi, 2024a). A policy should be introduced to delegate such bureaucratic responsibilities to developers. This would help eliminate unnecessary delays in obtaining building permits. However, these delegated rights must still align with the legal requirements to ensure developers adhere to the standards of the new housing strategies and not compromise the public ownership of the land.
A policy ensuring true affordability must also be established. When the government allocates land for housing development, it should serve the public interest. To achieve equity, housing units must reflect the income distribution of Cape Town’s population, ensuring representation from each segment of the socioeconomic spectrum. This policy would hold developers accountable and ensure that delegated housing projects meet the standards and needs of Capetonians, delivering the right to adequate housing for the urban poor. While prioritising equity, the policy should also allow developers and the City sufficient flexibility to maintain project feasibility.
Figure : Figure 48: Housing Delivery System Diagram. Authors’ modifications from Ntshanga, N. S. (2014)
Green Point, Cape Town
Community Leader
The leadership in the intentional community shares the responsibility better, we have good space to meet now, and spaces to do activities. The residents are much more active, and the work feels more appreciated. It is good to know someone will take over if I decide to quit the leadership in the next annual meeting.
Caregiver
Living in an intentional community allows me to get support and help. I now live with my friends who are in a similar situation as me. We share the kitchen and bathroom, and we have been able to create a system where one person looks after the kids and another cook, saving a lot of time and energy. It allows me to work a little and have an income.
Construction worker
With my knowledge I can do the reparations in the house, the bulding owner pays me for the work I do, and it is a good source for extra income. I also teach some of the youth, so that in the future they can find both jobs and help the community with upkeep.
Figure : Character Drawings. Authors. Fictional characters based on conversations with AKH community
Elderly resident
I didn’t want to move to the intentional community, I wanted to go about my day according to my own plans, as I did when I was still working. I have a room and a bathroom to myself and close to my house there is a communal garden that I help look after, here I meet people from all over the neighbourhood.
Children
Even though we still live in a small room, I now have a place to play and do my homework when my siblings is at home because we have a room on the floor that we share with the other families here, and in the ground floor there is a library where I can do my homework.
Youth
Living in an intentional community that has public spaces has enabled me to open my business to the public without travelling far. and I can combine it easily with the community activities. We made a network of business owners and now we help each other with administrative things.
5.2 Public Space for Inclusion
Despite good intentions, Cape Town’s urban policies are rarely implemented in a way that creates inclusive public spaces. Slow action and the framework nature of these policies often leave them as empty promises rather than practical solutions. Our research shows that leisure amenities, sports facilities, and public spaces in the inner city often remain exclusive and inaccessible, particularly for the urban poor. When urban planning and design fail to genuinely involve and consider the needs of marginalised groups, it reinforces their exclusion from the benefits of urban development. Additionally, public spaces designed for one single use fail to accommodate a variety of activities and needs, limiting their ability to bring together people from different cultural and social backgrounds and foster a sense of community.
Currently, the free accessible public spaces in the city are often designed for one specific use. This limits their ability to act as meeting grounds for diverse socio-economic classes and culture groups. Based on discussions with community members and the surveys conducted within both the AKH community and Green Point residents, our strategic plan emphasises mixed-use public spaces accessible for users from different social and cultural backgrounds. These public spaces, whether indoors or outdoors, are free, near homes, open to everyone, accessible at various times, and designed to foster interaction between the diverse user groups. Moreover, they remain safe through active use throughout the day, lights in the dark hours, limited accessibility at night, and design strategies such as visual connections. We propose that public spaces support mixed uses based on residents’ real needs identified through participation. These spaces should integrate shared services like water access and public toilets, promote knowledge-sharing with facilities like libraries and Wi-Fi, and offer income-generating opportunities like communal gardens.
Figure : Next Page: Figure 51: Mixed Use Diagram.
Learning from good examples
There are some spaces, such as the Battery Park, that were designed with a broad range of residents’ needs and wishes in mind. The Battery Park is highly valued by AKH residents and the wider community as it offers multifunctional features: sports areas, shaded spots for relaxation and socialising, greenery, and playgrounds. Our new public space model for the Green Point and Sea Point areas is based on this notion of mixed-use. In an interview, the ward councillor (City official 1, interview 2024) explained that the Sea Point Civic Centre is very popular and that there isn’t enough space, making it difficult to find available rooms and time slots for communal activities.
5.2.1 Site Scale: Meeting Grounds
The public spaces we propose in proximity to AKH are based on needs established with the community at AKH. These are both outdoor, such as the public space just outside AKH, and indoor, such as the new civic centre at Green Point as shown in figure xx
Outdoor public space
The unused area near the bus stop by AKH is an ideal plot for transformation. The community of AKH have expressed two main thresholds to using public space: costs and distance. This plot lies in close proximity to the occupation. We propose converting it into a multifunctional space based on the preferences expressed by the AKH community. This space will include a communal garden, seating areas for rest and conversation, and a playground.
Community garden
A communal garden has the possibility to generate both income and knowledge. It can bring together people of different backgrounds and of all ages; older people can teach younger people how to garden, and the fruit and vegetables produced can be sold to local residents. The communal garden is run communally, and a governing structure needs to be developed to ensure that it is maintained. A task and leadership group should form in partnership with the project developers to create an associative structure that will enable the area to be managed autonomously after completion. This communal organisation should be developed over time, where leadership is voted annually. Regular meetings should be open to all participants and others who are interested.
Seating for rest and conversation
Certain areas with benches, some in the shade and others in the sun, can be used for different purposes: watching children, waiting for the bus, chatting with friends. In addition, a meeting ground linking the different areas includes a water access point. Visual connections are possible between the different zones.
Figure : Next Page: Figure 52: Outdoor Public Space Collage.
Playground
Public leisure spaces are essential for children, especially for those who are less privileged and may not have enough space to play at home. The play area created in this space is colourful, and design without restricting instalments. The children at AKH have expressed that they prefer to use play spaces as they wish, and the proposed structures are therefore designed to allow multiple uses without dictating a specific function. Additionally, as observed during our visits to AKH, children enjoy using structures with different levels. The design of play areas should allow children to use them collectively, fostering interaction and inclusion for all, rather than relying on structures that encourage solitary play, such as swings.
Figure 53: Playground Collage.
Next Page: Figure 54: Civic Centre Collage.
Indoor public space: Green Point Civic Center
We propose building a civic centre in Greenpoint, as our research shows the neighbourhood lacks such a facility, while the one in Sea Point is so frequently used that residents struggle to find available space. A civic centre offers a wide range of spaces and uses. If located on the ground floor of one of the proposed inclusive housing projects, it promotes inclusion both in space and use.
Spatially, several rooms are accessible to the neighbourhood throughout the day, creating a platform for active civic engagement and learning. In the hall, booklets and flyers provide information on local events, while participatory surveys on neighbourhood projects encourage residents to voice their opinions and contribute to decision-making. The civic centre should also include a library, meeting and working spaces, and rooms with computer stations and Wi-Fi access, ensuring that all residents have equitable opportunities to access resources, and practice their rights as active citizens.
5.2.2 Neighbourhood Scale: Strategic Use of Public Land
By researching the peoples land map, and through transect walks in the neighbourhood we have identified several empty plots in the area, with the potential to be developed. Based on the notion of mixed use, and inclusivity, we propose development of policy and space for public use in the neighbourhood to ensure they are accessible to all, ensuring the principles of equitability and diversity. As our research has shown that there are many recreational and sports spaces in Green Point and Sea Point that are privately run, the leasing contracts between the city and the sports clubs need to be revised. Contracts should include ways to make sure they are accessible for the entire public. This can be done through free activities and subsidised memberships for low-income earners.
These new public spaces are connected to both the existing and new housing developments. The main roads linking these areas are being revitalised, making them more pleasant and safe for pedestrians and active modes of transport, while maintaining access for cars, which remain essential in Cape Town. Some of the smaller streets now prioritise walking to ensure accessibility. These streets also connect to the existing school, the Sea Point civic centre, sports facilities, the beach and the battery park, which are spaces that already function as meeting grounds.
Figure 55: Public Spaces Neighbourhood Map.
5.2.3 City Scale: Refined Policy and Planning
The urban strategic plans such as the IDP and the UDP play an important role in the city’s development and have an impact on all urban projects. Although they are not mandatory in nature, they can influence larger-scale decisions and shape future laws. The objectives defined within them can be used as a basis for selecting projects to develop, with municipalities aligning their rules to choose projects that meet these goals. Given that these documents help structure the long-term and short-term vision for the future of the city, urban policies should be revised to adapt to our proposed public spaces.
Use of public land
Publicly owned land should be publicly accessible and therefore available for use by all residents, regardless of their social and cultural backgrounds, including disadvantaged groups. When public land is leased to organisations or private management there needs to be policy in place that support continued access for low-income residents.
Mixed use
We propose that this mixed-use aspect of public spaces be clearly integrated into the IDP and UDP, so that planners, developers, and designers understand that their projects must meet a variety of needs. The policy should be revised to ensure that spaces are programmed to meet the needs of different user groups, by creating various spaces positioned next to each other and supported by a common and necessary infrastructure such as access to water and public toilets where people interact.
Interlink law and policy
When implementing urban projects, there must be an obligation to ensure they follow policies appropriately. These means policies should have a more mandatory character, addressing the issue of faulting implementation. Policies and can be revised in the next drafting of the IDP and UDP.
Figure : Next Page: Figure 56: Picture, Waterfront.
Participation
In the official documents about the development of the City of Cape Town, urban design is defined as a tool to make better and more accessible places, and they mention the notion of participation However, they do not really explain the tools to be used. Participatory methods and tools need to be integrated and explained in more detail within these strategic documents which will be addressed in the next chapter.
Community Leader
Every month, my association and I get together in one of the reserved rooms at the Civic Centre. The civic centre is actively used by many associations, and it is a real platform that encourages residents to get involved in civic life and assert their rights.
Caregiver
As a mother, it’s important for me to be able to keep an eye on my children when they’re playing, while at the same time being able to do something for myself. The new playground close to the house make it possible to go more often.
Construction worker
Helping each other is very important, we have to support each other in the city. I have a lot of knowledge about construction, so every month, I share my knowledge with unemployed people, maintaining public space or as workshops in the civic centre.
Figure : Character Drawings. Authors. Fictional characters based on conversations with AKH community
Elderly resident
Having the communal garden close to the house has given me access to do something good with my days, I meet here with others during the day and we take care of the space as a community.
Children
After school, I can either go to the civic centre and get help with my homework, or go play in the playground, both are on the way home, so it is convenient. All the kids come here, not only us from AKH, it is nice to have a place to be together.
Youth
“Since moving to the inner city, I’ve started my own business. Living in a small space, I find the rooms in the civic centre a good contribution, I also make use of the computer stations there for administrative work, as I don’t have my own.
5.3 Participation for Collaborative Governance
As the City of Cape Town’s overarching goal is to be inclusive, this must apply to both space and decision-making. The City of Cape Town’s current work with participation can be seen as focused on collecting data and sharing information rather than fostering real community involvement. In addition, the Ward Councillors approach relies heavily on structured, top-down processes that make it hard for informal or grassroots groups to have a voice, leaving little room for shared decisionmaking. It falls on the bottom of Arnstein’s participation ladder (The Citizens’ Handbook, n.d.).
While the efforts to create accessible communication channels and hold structured forums show a willingness to engage, they fall short of being inclusive. To address the shortcomings in the participation processes, the following chapter will propose reform of methods and policies, on city and ward level, as well as regarding the occupation at AKH.
Figure 58: Arnstein’s Ladder of Participation Diagram. Authors modification from Citizens Handbook (n.d.)
5.3.1 Site Scale: Collaboration with Leadership Structure
At the site level, the community and the leadership structure are struggling to access formal channels of participation, as demonstrated by their wishes and needs not being met. Meaningful participation could be rooted in the existing leadership structures and the “intentional community” dynamics already present in AKH. The current leadership, with their knowledge of community needs and their determination to create a stronger community, offers a foundation for bridging the gap between residents and decision-makers. By recognising and supporting these leaders, the city could better understand what the community truly needs, and trust between residents, leadership and decisionmakers could be enhanced. Site-level governance can in this way move beyond mere informing (lower rungs of Arnstein’s ladder) to more involving and collaborative participation. This shift ensures that residents are not just recipients of services but active contributors to decisions that shape their living conditions.
For example, leadership structures can facilitate regular, small-scale meetings where residents voice concerns about safety, infrastructure, and living conditions. These gatherings can provide direct feedback to city officials and service providers, ensuring that participation is consistent and not just a one-time consultation. Through face-to-face meeting between decision-makers and the leadership structure. In addition, the existing collaboration between the community and NGOs like NU and RTC, who already support the occupation with legal and administrative work, could be further enhanced. One way is to bring workshops and knowledge-sharing directly to the community, rather than the other way around. This approach could help build better trust between the residents and the NGOs.
Participatory budgeting offers a way to involve informal actors in decision-making about their surroundings. Since the Ward councillor already allocate R1000.000 annually to address community issues, the key requirement is to structure and facilitate participatory budgeting effectively. The practice aligns with our notion of inclusivity, as it allows both resourceful and marginalised actors to participate in the same decision-making space. It provides a platform where differing perspectives meet, leading to a deeper understanding of diverse needs, uses, and priorities between various user groups. This process aligns with the upper rungs of Arnstein’s ladder of participation, specifically Citizen Control, where residents have direct influence over project selection and fund allocation (The Citizens’ Handbook, n.d.). By enabling communities to express their needs and see tangible results, participatory budgeting can cultivate a sense of ownership and trust between the AKH community and governing bodies (United Nations, 2022). This process encourages collaboration among activists, leaders, and other residents, fostering unity around a common cause. Moreover, it can alleviate the emotional strain of navigating inaccessible formal channels.
EVALUATION
Allow for community members to give input to formating next years process.
DESIGN THE PROCESS
A committe of residents, together with NGOs and the Ward councillor, design the rules and engagement plan for the process
IMPLEMENT
and the
Ideas are collected trough both public meetings and online tools.
DEVELOP PROPOSALS
Focus groups act as ”budjet delicates” to make ideas into feasible proposals.
COLLECT IDEAS
Ward Councillor
City of Cape town fund and implement selected projects
5.3.3 City Scale: Suggestions for Existing Participatory Processes
This research showed that public participation at the city level is often limited to data collection. In addition, information is difficult to access, and many platforms are only available in English. Data collection relies heavily on written contributions, and the latest IDP proposes shifting all interaction to an app-based solution. We propose that the participation strategy should rather lean towards interactive participation methods that are tailored to the needs of specific participants.
On the right, we present specific methods and models to ensure participation for different individuals and groups throughout the urban development process. These methods are based on the insights gained from workshops with the AKH community, where we mapped assets such as construction skills, limits such as language barriers and wishes such as the possibility to appropriate space by painting, hosting events, or organising community gatherings.
Figure : Previous Page: Figure 59: Participation Budgeting. Authors modification from United Nations (2022)
This Page: Figure 60: Participation Collage.
Next page: Figure 61: Participation Methods.
Figure 62: Picture, Participation in Practice.
Green Point, Cape Town
Community Leader
I work to bridge the communication gaps between the city and the residents. My role is to facilitate participation by supporting task groups and helping them organize events in public spaces. I know my community’s needs and can identify the right people to participate effectively. Being an activist, participatory budgeting gives me a real platform for change.
Caregiver
For me, as a caretaker, having the city come to spaces I already use in my daily life makes participation easier. I don’t have to spend time or money traveling. When city officials show up in my community, I can see what they are doing, and it feels more relevant to engage.
Construction worker
As a construction worker, I bring my skills and knowledge to development projects in the community. I’ve gathered a group of young people to help paint and build new public spaces. These projects give us a chance to participate in meaningful ways. We don’t just receive services — we help create them.
Figure : Character Drawings. Authors. Fictional characters based on conversations with AKH community
Elderly resident
Being an elder, having translators at public meetings makes all the difference. Before, I felt overlooked, but now I can understand what’s happening and share my thoughts. It’s empowering to know my input matters, and this kind of inclusive participation helps me trust that the city is listening to us.
Children
I remember being part of a meeting where we drew pictures of our dream homes. Later, they showed us a big model of our area and asked where we wanted to play. I said I wanted a netball court — and now we have one! Being included in decisions like this makes me feel like I can help shape the places where we live.
Youth
As a young person, I contribute to participatory budgeting with my budgeting and organizational skills. Being involved means we get to decide how money is spent in our neighbourhood. This helps us learn new skills, work together, and I have made connections to like-minded people.
6. Conclusion
How can equitable access to the inner city be achieved for the urban poor through the development of inclusive housing, accessible public spaces, and participatory decision-making?
These solutions—mixed-income housing, accessible public spaces, and inclusive participation processes—collectively address the research question. Inclusive housing ensures that lowincome residents can live in central areas, maintaining access to jobs, education, and services. Being in the inner city is the baseline, however current conflicts of interest, lack of knowledge and understanding, NIMBYism, and lack of trust hinders development of housing that is affordable for the urban poor.
Equitable public spaces therefore need to be developed, as that the public spaces can serve as meeting grounds. Creating shared environments where diverse groups can interact tackle these problems. Finally, participatory decision-making can help empower marginalised communities, and it ensures that state provided development actually leads to wished outcomes for this marginalised group.
The proposed strategies in this project therefore do not only address immediate needs, but challenge structural inequalities, offering pathways to a more inclusive city, in space and decisionmaking. Aiming for Cape Town’s vision of an inclusive city moving from rhetoric to a lived reality.
Our research was constrained by the limited timeframe of six weeks for on-site data collection. In addition, we were reliant on the availability of community leaders and NU representatives for site visits, which restricted our ability to organise workshops. Furthermore, navigating the complexities of a foreign cultural and political landscape consumed substantial time and resources. Our perspectives and interpretations may have been influenced by our cultural backgrounds and could potentially introduce biases into our understanding of the AKH community and Cape Town’s socio-political context. These biases may have impacted our identification of issues and proposed solutions, potentially leading to an oversight of certain dynamics and priorities.
Due to the lack of structural assessments or architectural drawings of the AKH building, we could not evaluate the safety and feasibility of long-term occupation. This gap, in addition to the politically charged nature of the AKH occupation and related housing issues, have impacted the scope of this research and the interventions we have proposed. The high turnover of residents in the occupation means that the findings reflect a specific moment in time.
The limited engagement with both residents and stakeholders mean that the proposed strategies are based solely on the interactions we were able to facilitate. These strategies might not be the most suitable for all residents or stakeholders, making their feasibility questionable. The engagement should preferably at least have reached: developers to understand their position as well as the financial aspect of implementation, the provincial government to understand the possibility of leasing properties and assigned contract, and employers to understand the benefits of having the AKH community in GreenPoint.
This report focuses on shared spaces and decision-making. However, our proposed interventions are based on consultation rather than co-design. We acknowledge that we did not reach a higher level of participation in planning and designing these strategies and spaces.
7.1 Suggestions for Further Research
Suitability Analysis of Empty Plots
Due to a lack of access to GIS data, we couldn’t perform a suitability analysis of empty plots in the area. A suitability analysis, which rate suitability of locations based on certain criteria (Esri, n.d.), could provide more reliable data on the feasibility of developing these plots.
Building assessment
A thorough assessment of the structural integrity of the AKH building is necessary. As architects, we acknowledge that the building has quality, both in design and spatial layout. In theory, this structure could accommodate an intentional community or mixed-income housing. Understanding the technical and structural issues—and whether they can be resolved—should be done before making final decisions on whether the building should be demolished.
More Comprehensive Engagement with AKH Residents
Deeper engagement with AKH residents would likely lead to more reliable data. This could be achieved by arranging more workshops, particularly with focus groups to voice different opinions and needs.
Understanding Neighbourhood Dynamics
Engaging more with residents of Green Point and Sea Point, as well as city officials and employers could give a better understanding of neighbourhood-level dynamics. This would help confirm or challenge the idea that the AKH community is unwanted in the inner city.
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| Green Point, Cape Town | Equitable Access to the City
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| Green Point, Cape Town | Equitable Access to the City
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| Green Point, Cape Town |Equitable Access to the City
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| Green Point, Cape Town |Equitable Access to the City
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| Green Point, Cape Town | Equitable Access to the City
Figure 3: Subsidised Housing and Apartheid Map. Authors. (Scheba, A., Turok, I., Visagie, J. 2021)
Figure 4: Urban Typologies illustration. Authors. Pictures from https://earth.google.com/web/
Figure 5: Schools and Apartheid Map. Authors. (Scheba, A., Turok, I., Visagie, J. (2021)
Figure 6: Mobility map. Authors.
Figure 7: Collage of Signs. Authors. Pictures from https://google.com/maps
Figure 8: Nolli Map. Authors.
Figure 9: AKH Timeline. Authors.
Figure 10: Stakeholder Power/Interest Diagram. Authors modification of Friedman, A. L., Miles, S. (2002) Developing Stakeholder Theory. Journal of Management Studies, 39(1), pp. 1-21. Doi: https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1467-6486.00280
Figure 11: Stakeholder Issue Diagram. Authors modification of Friedman, A. L., Miles, S. (2002) Developing Stakeholder Theory. Journal of Management Studies, 39(1), pp. 1-21. Doi: https:// onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1467-6486.00280
Figure 12: Character Drawings. Authors.
Figure 13: Maslow’s Pyramide of Needs. Author’s modification from McLeod, S. (2024): https:// simplypsychology.org/maslow.html
Figure 14: Project Timeline. Authors.
Figure 15: Picture from Needs Assessment Workshop. Authors.
Figure 16: Picture from Group Conversation. Authors
Figure 17: Methods Timeline. Authors.
Figure 18: Picture Collage from Mapping Workshop. Authors.
Figure 19: Picture Collage, Interior of AKH, Authors
Figure 20: Origin Map of AKH. Authors.
Figure 21: Picture, portable toilets. Authors.
Figure 22: Picture, Fence at AKH. Authors.
Figure 23: Picture from Needs Assessment Workshop. Authors.
Figure 24: Picture, guards. Authors
Figure 25: Income graph. Authors’ modification from Ndifuna Ukwazi (2024b): Ahmed Kathrada House (AKH) Enumeration Data Analysis and Visualization Report. Unpublished.
Green Point, Cape Town | Equitable Access to
Figure 26: Current Housing Model Drawing. Authors. City of Cape Town (2022). Allocation Policy: Housing opportunities. Available at: https://resource.capetown.gov.za/documentcentre/ Documents/Bylaws%20and%20policies/Allocation%20Policy%20-%20Housing%20Opportunities%20-%20(Policy%20number%2011969)%20approved%20on%2025%20March%202015.pdf (Accessed: 19 November 2024).
Figure 27: Land Prices and Informal Settlements Map. Authors. (Scheba, A., Turok, I., Visagie, J. 2021)
Figure 28: Picture, Man in Stairs. Authors.
Figure 39: Picture of Woman buying Snacks, AKH. Authors.
Figure 30: Inclusive Public Spaces Diagram. Authors.
Figure 31: Mixed Use Diagram. Authors.
Figure 32: Picture Diagram of Empty Plots. Authors.
Figure 33: Current uses and Empty Plots Map. Authors.
Figure 34: Picture, Yard AKH. Authors.
Figure 35: Existing Public Spaces Graph. Authors. Based on authors’ own survey.
Figure 36: Picture, The Battery Park Skate Park. Authors.
Figure 37: Wished Public Spaces Graph. Authors. Based on authors’ own survey.
Figure 38: Enabling Diagram. Authors.
Figure 39: Previous page: Picture, Man Fetching Water,. Author.
Figure 40: Housing Neighbourhood Map. Authors.
Figure 41: Inclusive housing Collage. Authors
Figure 42: Space Syntax Diagrams. Authors.
Figure 43: Diagram from AKH Survey. Authors.
Figure 44: Governance Intentional Community Diagram. Authors.
Figure 45: Diagram from AKH Survey. Authors.
Figure 46: Housing Section, Levels of Publicness. Authors.
Figure 47: Diagram from AKH Survey. Authors.
Figure 48: Housing Delivery System Diagram. Authors’ modifications from Ntshanga, N. S. (2014): https://researchspace.ukzn.ac.za/items/30f67756-3a29-4bc9-b3a9-1d5fd8291d64
Figure 49: Picture, Friends in AKH. Author.
Figure 50: Characters Drawing. Authors.
Figure 51: Mixed Use Diagram. Authors.
Figure 52: Outdoor Public Space Collage. Authors.
Figure 53: Playground Collage. Authors.
Figure 54: Civic Centre Collage. Authors.
Green Point, Cape Town | Equitable Access to the City
Figure 55: Public Spaces Neighbourhood Map. Authors.
Figure 56: Picture, Waterfront. Authors.
Figure 57: Characters Drawing. Authors.
Figure 58: Arnstein’s Ladder of Participation Diagram. Authors modification from Citizens Handbook (n.d.): https://citizenshandbook. org/arnsteinsladder.html
Figure 59: Participation Budgeting. Authors modification from United Nations (2022) Participatory budgeting. Available at: https:// www.oidp.net/docs/repo/doc1198.pdf (Accessed: 16 december 2024).
Figure 60: Participation Collage. Authors.
Figure 61: Participation Methods. Authors.
Figure 62: Picture, Participation in Practice. Authors.
