The Tufts Daily - Tuesday, November 3, 2020 (Election Issue)

ELECTION GUIDE 2020

T HE T UFTS DAILY Tuesday, November 3, 2020

VOLUME LXXX, ISSUE 34

Mail Services works to ensure ballots reach students ahead of election

by Peri Barest

Contributing Writer

Through its partnership with JumboVote and the Jonathan M. Tisch College of Civic Life, Mail Services has worked to prioritize election-related mail in order for students to receive their mail-in ballots

promptly and cast their votes in the election.

This collaboration came into effect in the spring after issues with election-related mail. Many students living in Houston and Miller halls, which underwent renovations that changed how residents receive mail, had not been notified by

Mail Services that their ballots had arrived.

JumboVote Student Chair Lidya Woldeyesus explained that this miscommunication prevented some students from receiving their ballots right away. see BALLOTS, page 2

FEATURES

Schildkraut says competitive local elections key to healthy democracy

by Chris Duncan

al level. Students living downhill are in Somerville, part of the 27th Middlesex District of the Massachusetts General Court, and

Contributing Writer

Tufts is snuggled between two towns, in two different legislative districts at the state and feder-

see BARBER, page 4

Former ‘Spotlight’ Headlines from off the hill reporter Stephen Kurkjian talks free press, election

by Jillian Rolnick Associate Editor

by Yiyun Tom Guan News Editor

Stephen Kurkjian, a Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist and founding member of the investigative “Spotlight” team of The Boston Globe, spoke to the Tufts community on Oct. 29 in an event entitled “Free Press: Enemy of the People or Democracy’s Lifeblood?” The event was co-sponsored by Tufts’ Osher Lifelong Learning Institute and the Jonathan M. Tisch College of Civic Life.

Kurkjian opened the conversation by criticizing President Donald Trump for his attack on the credibility of journalists and the free press.

“In the last four years … we’ve had to withstand the most witheringly negative attack on our most important commodity as newspaper people — our credibility — in the history of the country, by perhaps our big greatest demagogue, Donald Trump,” Kurkjian said.

Citing Thomas Jefferson, Kurkjian argued that a free press is essential to a vibrant democracy, without which there could be dangerous consequences.

“As [Jefferson] saw it … whatever party was out of favor — the minority party — it would never be able to be heard unless it had an unrestrained see SPOTLIGHT, page 2

ELECTION 2020 / page 10

The Daily’s full electoral map on the 2020 presidential election

Amy Coney Barrett confirmed to the Supreme Court Justice Amy Coney Barrett was confirmed to the Supreme Court on Oct. 26 in a rush to fill the seat left by the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsberg before the election.

Barrett’s confirmation secures a conservative majority and is President Donald Trump’s third nomination to the highest court. It is also the second-closest Supreme Court confirmation to a presidential election in history and is the first time a Supreme Court justice was confirmed without bipartisan support since 1869. At just 48, Barrett has the potential to influence rulings on hot button issues, like health care and access to abortions, for generations to come.

Final election results will not likely be known tonight With the spike in early voting and the need for extra time to count votes, it is highly unlikely that the final election results for many races will be known tonight.

Though media networks try to call the races on the night of the election based on their own analyses, states continue to count ballots after the election and final results are often not made official until weeks later; legally, they do not need to be. However, this year, election experts are warning that, due to a large spike in mail-in ballots and specific election rules, counting will take longer than it typically does. NPR reported that the results in Pennsylvania, a key swing state, may not be finalized until Friday, Nov. 6, because counties are only allowed to begin pro-

ELECTION 2020 / page 13

Pay attention to these states this Election Day

OPINION / 16

Editorial: Implement ranked-choice voting in Massachusetts

cessing ballots on the morning of Election Day. For weeks, President Donald Trump and much of the Republican Party have been fighting to discredit early voting measures and pressuring news networks to call the election nightof, laying the foundation for him to challenge election results if he loses the presidential race.

Early voting breaks records As of Sunday morning, at least 92 million Americans already cast their votes for the election, almost twice as many early voters as in the 2016 election. In this election, early voting is expected to account for approximately the equivalent of two-thirds the number of votes cast in 2016, but several states are reporting much more than that fraction. In see HILL, page 2 NEWS

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THE TUFTS DAILY | News | Tuesday, November 3, 2020

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SPOTLIGHT

continued from page 1 press … [without which] there could be no peaceful transition of power,” Kurkjian said.

He later explained that as an Armenian American, journalism salvaged his family lineage.

He recounted the history of the Armenian Genocide of 1915 and noted that the New York Times’ reporting of the genocide enabled Armenians to escape to the sanctuary city of Aleppo and to receive support and sustenance from missionaries in the United States.

Kurkjian also discussed the importance of journalistic integrity to the development of Somerville.

He explained that in the 1960s, the city administration was plagued by corruption and nepotism, which led to stagnation in the city’s growth, but Somerville was revitalized after the Spotlight team broke the story about the city administrators’ giving no-bid contracts to relatives and friends.

“We broke that story, three or four or five days of articles, and it stirred the people, so much so that then when they had a public meeting … people would come in with little insignia [that says] ‘I believe in Spotlight,’” Kurkjian said. “The city started to come alive, and people wanted to go to Somerville. That’s

ANNABEL NIED / THE TUFTS DAILY

[Tisch College] made sure to start meeting with Mail Services in July, along with Residential Life,” Sánchez said. “We started to set up a plan.”

McKay said that now all students living on campus receive an email when they get election-related mail. Students living in Miller and Houston must retrieve their ballots at Mail Services, while students living in other residence halls have the choice to pick up their ballots at Mail Services or get them delivered to their mailroom.

Election-related mail and packages can also be delivered to students living in COVID-19 isolation housing who contact Mail Services, according to McKay.

To further ensure the successful delivery of ballots, Tufts Eco Reps, Tufts Labor Coalition and JumboVote sponsored an initiative called “Offline October.” “[Offline October] encouraged students to just hold off on nonessential purchases throughout the month of October, so that Mail Services, working at the capacity they have to work for COVID-19, could process things like election mail in an easier way,” Sánchez said.

Jen McAndrew, director of communications, strategy, & planning at Tisch College, said Tufts encouraged all students to return mail-in ballots two weeks before the election. Woldeyesus said that the current political climate necessitated this grace period.

“We were telling students because of the political climate that we’re in … that we recommend all students send their ballots within two weeks of election or two weeks of when their ballots were due,” Woldeyesus said.

McAndrew said that the collaboration between JumboVote, Tisch College and Mail Services was important to ensure the prioritization of general election mail this semester.

“Together, I think all these initiatives helped to prioritize election related mail during a very busy semester for mail services on campus,” McAndrew wrote in an email to the Daily.

Please rec ycle this newspaper!

what strong, authoritative reporting can do.”

Recalling the Spotlight team’s reporting of the child-molesting scandals by Catholic priests in the Boston area — the story that inspired the movie “Spotlight” (2015), in which Kurkjian is also a character — Kurkjian explained how journalists could convincingly have difficult conversations with their sources.

“I said to [one of the priests], Father … priests have been abusing kids and getting away for it for decades, and the only way it gets broken open will be if people like yourself whose lives have been ruined by this cycle of abuse speak about it,” he said. “[To talk to sources is to] appeal to their better angels, to say something good will come out of it. Yes, you may see your name in the paper, but something good will come out of it.”

The conversation later opened to questions from the audience.

Kurkjian bemoaned the financial downturn the journalism industry has faced in recent years, observing that while local reporting is the most vital to people’s lives, the Globe could not sustain its foreign bureaus for financial reasons.

He reassured the audience that the Boston Globe is committed to addressing issues surrounding

COURTESY WIKIMEDIA COMMONS

Stephen Kurkjian, former reporter for The Boston Globe, is pictured. racial justice, and he believes that the Black Lives Matter movement will bring positive change to Boston.

“I talked to my conservative friends, and they say, Black Lives

Matter is going to be the only thing that saves us because Black Lives Matter has credibility in the inner city. Nothing else does,” Kurkjian said.

Fauci criticizes White House COVID-19 response

HILL

BUSINESS Robert Kaplan

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continued from page 1 “Last year in the primaries in the spring, we did have a couple of issues with Mail Services,” Woldeyesus, a junior, said. “When you live in Houston and Miller you are supposed to go regularly check your mailbox in Mail Services, and people were getting ballots at Mail Services but weren’t going and checking that they had mail, and Mail Services, in turn, also was not communicating that mail was being delivered.”

Director of Facilities Operations Jeff McKay wrote in an email that, once identified, these problems were quickly resolved.

“Mail services started to collect all election materials and send an email to the recipients to let them know they arrived in the mailroom and they could be picked up there. Once that system was put in place the inquiries for lost election materials stopped,” McKay said.

To prevent the same confusion from hindering general election ballots, the groups established a voting mail working group that spent much of the summer and early fall creating a plan for the general election. Daniela Sánchez, student outreach coordinator at Tisch College, said that the prevalence of mail-in voting in the upcoming election made their work even more important.

“For this election, so many people might have been relying on vote by mail, more than ever.

Kurkjian discusses journalistic integrity, investigative reporting

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Election-related mail to be delivered to students living in COVID-19 isolation housing BALLOTS

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continued from page 1 Texas and Hawaii, the number of people who have voted early has already surpassed the total number of people who voted in the last presidential election. Swing states like Florida and Georgia have also surpassed this number; both states are reporting that the amount of early voters is equivalent to over 90% of total 2016 voters. So far, the majority of early votes have been cast by mail — approximately 59 million in comparison to 33 million in person — and Democratic can-

didates appear to have a leg up in early voting.

Fauci criticizes White House COVID-19 response Dr. Anthony Fauci, the nation’s top infectious disease expert, has openly criticized President Trump’s COVID-19 response for the first time.

“We’re in for a whole lot of hurt.

It’s not a good situation … you could not possibly be positioned more poorly,” Fauci said in an interview with The Washington Post. Fauci also said he no longer regularly briefs the president, who now fre-

quently meets with Dr. Scott Atlas, a controversial figure who has provided information that is contrary to what most medical experts have been saying. Trump has continued to downplay the virus and continues to hold maskless rallies. He even suggested at a Florida rally that he may fire Fauci after the election.

Some other things to know…

Hurricane Zeta, this season’s 27th storm, hit the Gulf Coast hard on Thursday, leaving at least six dead and over 2 million without power.

This week, several European countries, including France, Spain

and England, announced increased COVID-19-related measures following a surge in cases. Some restrictions include lockdowns in England, curfews and forced closures of businesses.

France is grappling with its second potential terror attack within the last couple of weeks.

On Thursday, a man stabbed three people to death in a Nice church.

Several weeks earlier, on Oct. 16, teacher Samuel Paty was beheaded for showing satirical cartoons of the Prophet Muhammad to students.

tuftsdaily.com

Features

3 Tuesday, November 3, 2020

Students weigh climate policy in 2020 election, prepare for postelection advocacy

by Sarah Crawford Staff Writer

As the 2020 presidential election approaches, concerns about climate change and sustainability are on many students’ minds.

The next administration will play a role in shaping the future environment for decades to come with the policies it implements over the next four years.

President Donald Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden have presented drastically different plans to address climate change. Biden has the goal of achieving net-zero emissions by 2050 and developing renewable energy resources. Trump, on the other hand, has reversed many of the climate policies implemented during the Obama administration. He does not seem to view climate change as an existential threat and has at times called it a hoax.

This vast difference in policy means that the results of the election could have two very different effects on the global environment.

SENATE DEMOCRATS / WIKIMEDIA COMMONS

see CLIMATE, page 5

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez speaks on the Green New Deal with Sen. Ed Markey in front of the Capitol Building in February 2019.

You Gotta Know: Amy Lischko prepares students for future of American health care

An interview with Kevin O’Connor, Republican candidate for Senate

by Alex Viveros

by Chris Duncan

Editor in Chief

It’s no secret the United States has one of the most complex health care systems in the world. For many undergraduate students, the intricacies of private insurance, Medicare, Medicaid, the Affordable Care Act (ACA) and other structures can quickly become confusing. With a 2020 election that will determine the future of American health care, the demand for a solid educational framework in the subject is arguably more important than ever.

Fortunately, the Department of Community Health has addressed this demand by enlisting the help of Amy Lischko, an associate professor in the Department of Public Health and Community Medicine at the Tufts University School of Medicine (TUSM). In her 13 years at TUSM, Lischko has taught several public health courses at the graduate level, including biostatistics, epidemiology and policy analysis.

Lischko has her fair share of accomplishments throughout her career. Prior to joining TUSM in 2007, she served as the commissioner of health care finance and policy and director of health care policy under then-Gov. Mitt Romney. Together, they passed a landmark Massachusetts health

care reform bill in 2006, which significantly expanded health insurance coverage in the state and set the stage for the passage of the ACA in 2010.

Last fall, Lischko took the opportunity to bring her expertise in public health policy to the undergraduate level. She began teaching Healthcare in America, a course designed for first-years and sophomores to understand the American health system, as well as apply that knowledge when comparing it to health systems of other countries.

Although Lischko had taught the course to graduate students before, she quickly found that the students on the Medford/ Somerville campus were keen to grasp the material.

“Basically, the course I teach at the undergraduate campus is very similar to the Healthcare in America class that I teach on the Boston campus,” Lischko said. “I find the undergraduates are very sharp.”

In addition to preparing potential pre-health students for their careers, Lischko said the primary goal of Healthcare in America is for her students to apply what they learn to both their academic endeavors as well as their personal lives.

“I also have a desire for all students to understand how their health plan works and how health insurance works,”

Lischko said. “Some students are still on their parent’s plan, and they rely on their parents to kind of help translate that for them.

Hopefully, the course also helps them navigate their own health care moving forward as they move into adulthood.”

Although she has significant knowledge in the health care policy sector, Lischko did not always know what exactly she wanted to do in public health.

In the first decade of her career, Lischko explored different opportunities, and said these experiences helped shape her as an academic.

“I like to share that my road to getting to where I am now was not a straight trajectory,” Lischko said. “Students like to hear that.”

In 1982, right after graduating from college with a degree in nutrition and food science, she joined the Peace Corps and traveled to Liberia. There, she worked in a rural village and witnessed firsthand the impact that public health could have at the community level.

“After the Peace Corps, I was really ginned up about public health,” Lischko said. “I wasn’t sure if I wanted to do global public health or domestic public health … I loved traveling, being in a new country, learning [about] new cultures.” see HEALTH CARE, page 6

Contributing Writer

Ever since the Sept. 1 Massachusetts primary election, there has been a dearth of high quality polling in the U.S. Senate race. To many voters, the result may seem like a foregone conclusion — there were, after all, more votes cast for the losing candidate in the Democratic primary than were cast for both candidates combined in the Republican primary.

An Oct. 26 poll from UMass Amherst and WCVB showed incumbent Sen. Ed Markey leading his Republican challenger Kevin O’Connor by 39 points.

That same day, I sat down with O’Connor to discuss his candidacy and his thoughts on the upcoming election.

“I expect we will win, and we will shock the country,” he said.

O’Connor, a lawyer residing in Dover, Mass., has never run for office before now, and he remains optimistic about his chances and the implications his victory would have. O’Connor disagrees with people who think Massachusetts is a lost cause for Republicans.

“That conventional thinking is really off the mark,” he said. “At times like this, when people want safe neighborhoods, and good jobs, and common sense, they turn to Republicans who demonstrate an ability to work across the aisle and get things done.”

O’Connor’s faith in his campaign comes from grassroots support.

“This is a citizen-powered campaign,” he said. “We have taken on the establishment and the empowered Washington D.C. interests and the entrenchment that Sen. Markey represents.”

O’Connor said that his win will send Washington a powerful message. “[My victory] will tell the entrenched that people are sick of the partisanship and the polarization, and that we want our government to serve the people,” he said.

O’Connor has been walking a delicate line for his entire campaign. He is an ardent supporter of President Donald Trump and popular Massachusetts Gov. Charlie Baker, both of whom have traded criticisms quite conspicuously and are quite unpopular with the other’s base of support.

But O’Connor continually bucks attempts to associate him with any particular figure within the GOP. “I am a free-thinking, independent-minded person. I will never carry water for any politician,” he said.

That being said, he doesn’t think Baker and Trump are as diametrically opposed as others believe.

“I support both of them, and I don’t see any real conflict see O’CONNOR, page 5

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THE TUFTS DAILY | Features | Tuesday, November 3, 2020

Lena Leavitt Little Bit of History Repeating

Voting by mail

tuftsdaily.com

Despite lack of electoral competition in Mass., voting remains important, Schildkraut says

A

merica is in crisis. A critical election looms, and hundreds of thousands of people cannot make it to their polling places. Calls for easier access to absentee voting are met with warnings of fraud and corruption.

The year was 1864.

Soldiers needed a way to get their votes counted as the Civil War raged. For the first time, Americans began voting absentee on a large scale. Some states allowed soldiers to vote by mail or name a proxy to vote for them at home. Clerks and state officials set up polling stations in encampments and field hospitals.

According to Donald Inbody, a political science professor at Texas State University, soldiers from Minnesota back then voted similarly to how we do today: “They marked their ballot, stuck it in an envelope, mailed it back to whatever county they were from … Then (county officials) dropped it into the ballot box with all the rest and counted them like all the rest.”

In that year, 19 Union states (mostly Republican-led) changed their laws to permit soldiers to vote by mail while hesitant Democrats called their efforts “a scheme … to gain some great advantage to their party.”

But expanding the access to vote is never fraudulent, and President Lincoln knew it. “We can not have free government without elections,” he told a crowd in 1864, “and if the rebellion could force us to forgo, or postpone a national election, it might fairly claim to have already conquered and ruined us” — a sharp contrast from President Trump’s tweets calling to “Delay the Election.”

Soldiers continued voting from afar during major wars in U.S. history, including both World Wars. Both Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Harry S. Truman supported voting overseas; over 3.2 million absentee ballots were cast during World War II. In the early 20th century, people began considering non-military reasons for being away from home on Election Day. At the 1917–18 Massachusetts Constitutional Convention, one delegate promoted access to absentee voting for laborers “in industry,” such as railroad workers and traveling salesmen. He argued that they, along with soldiers, were “toiling and sacrificing … for the common good.” Industrialization and more efficient transportation made it possible for people to live and work on the road. America was “becoming a much more mobile country,” according to John C. Fortier, author of “Absentee and Early Voting” (2006). As a result, states began to “make exceptions” for traveling workers and even people who were sick.

In 1978, California became the first state to allow voters to apply for a mail-in ballot without an excuse. Today, 29 states and Washington, D.C. allow no-excuse mail-in voting. Oregon, Colorado, Hawaii, Washington and Utah have all been voting entirely by mail since before the COVID19 pandemic began (Oregon, the first, since 2000).

Fears of false elections by mail do not have much backing: In 2016, one fourth of the ballots were mailed in. According to MIT political scientists who analyzed numbers from the Heritage Foundation’s Election Fraud Database, only 0.00006% of those 250 million votes were fraudulent.

Instances of absentee voting date back to the American Revolution. Its history is long and true.

Lena Leavitt is a first-year who has not yet declared a major. Lena can be reached at arlene.leavitt@tufts.edu.

NICOLE GARAY / THE TUFTS DAILY

An early voting sign is pictured in Davis Square in Somerville, Mass. on Oct. 25.

BARBER

continued from page 1 Massachusetts’ 7th Congressional District of the U.S. House of Representatives. Their representative in the General Court is Denise Provost, who is outgoing and will soon be replaced by Erika Uyterhoeven. Their representative in Congress is Ayanna Pressley, who defeated longtime incumbent and former Somerville Mayor Mike Capuano in 2018. Conversely, students living uphill are in Medford and live in the 34th Middlesex District of the Massachusetts General Court and Massachusetts’ 5th Congressional District of the House of Representatives. Their representative in the General Court is Christine Barber, and their U.S. Representative is Katherine Clark.

On top of that, all of Tufts lies within the 2nd Middlesex District of the Massachusetts state Senate, represented since 2005 by Sen. Pat Jehlen, and in the 6th District of the Massachusetts Executive Council, currently represented

by Terrence Kennedy.

For Tufts students, that makes for three legislators and one councilor at the state level, and two representatives at the federal level, Massachusetts’ two senators notwithstanding. All of them are on the ballot this year, except for the outgoing Rep. Provost. All but two of those names — Reps. Clark and Pressley — are running unopposed.

It might seem like general election season is uneventful in Massachusetts.

The state has a “solid democratic” rating from the Cook Political Report, and the last time Massachusetts went for a Republican president was in 1984.

Republicans in the state have little incentive to run candidates in races other than the governorship, where they historically win quite often, and select legislative districts.

Rep. Christine Barber faced an opponent in the primary, but like many of her colleagues, she advanced to the general election without any Republican or independent challengers. And for someone like Barber, a three-term incumbent serving on the Housing Joint Committee, the lack of competition has meant more time to address urgent problems at hand.

“Historically, at the state house, during this time of year in an election year, we have a much lighter legislative schedule, just because most of us are campaigning,” she said.

Barber noted that, with the arrival of the pandemic and economic crisis, the legislature extended its session through the fall.

“There is more to do,” she said. “But I think we have pivoted pretty quickly.”

For now, Barber’s priorities are obtaining relief for rent and food, making sure personal protective equipment is supplied to those who need it and raising money to fill the current and expected future budget shortfalls.

“This is not a time to be making cuts to programs,” she said.

In Barber’s case, a lack of electoral concerns might be helpful for keeping elected officials focused on the issues at hand.

Also, the logistical problems associated with campaigning during a pandemic have not escaped her.

“I usually canvas and go door to door even when I’m not campaigning just to see where people are at,” she said. “And my campaign decided it wasn’t safe to do that … So, we did most of our campaigning by phone, which was OK. It was still a good way to have conversations with voters about what they’re worried about and all the challenges right now.”

Barber, being subject to reelection every two years, must constantly maintain a campaign mindset.

“Honestly, with two years, you’re always running,” she said. “Even in that first year, you have to think about what’s my plan, how am I getting ready, how am I reaching people. You’re constantly doing that.”

This arrangement, Barber says, has its pros and cons.

“It is sometimes used as sort of an excuse to not do the legislative work,” Barber said.

Surely, as Barber knows, that excuse holds no weight when running unopposed.

However, this lack of competition is a problem that Deborah Schildkraut, chair of the political science department, says is ultimately unhealthy for democracy. She recalls that in 2004, her first time voting in Massachusetts, she saw now-Sen. Ed Markey running unopposed for reelection to his seat in Congress.

“Regardless of what I feel about the outcome and who I want to win, competition is healthy for democracy,” she said. “And the fact that one party didn’t even field a candidate, I thought that was troubling.”

Schildkraut is aware that Massachusetts is a firmly blue state and sees the evidence right on the ballot.

“Clearly, the Republican Party is weaker locally here in terms of just being able to recruit and field candidates,” Schildkraut said. “That’s often a sign of party strength and vitality, and that’s something that is lacking.”

This sentiment is echoed in the state’s Republican Party leadership as well. The Boston Globe quoted Massachusetts GOP Vice Chairman Tom Mountain earlier this month admitting that “2020 is not the ideal year for Republicans to run races in Massachusetts.”

But no matter what, Schildkraut says, students should never feel as if their votes will not matter.

“Competition is really important and signaling support for [opposition] candidates is affirming for the democratic process,” she said.

One state office where competition seems to thrive is the governorship. Gov. Charlie Baker, a Republican, may have won over 60% of the vote in his 2018 reelection, but he won his first term by less than two points. Historically, Republicans are competitive and often win Massachusetts gubernatorial elections, having occupied the governor’s seat for 21 of the last 29 years. “[Massachusetts] is a curious place in that regard,” Schildkraut said.

On their ballots, students will vote on contested propositions,, including Massachusetts ballot Question 2 on ranked-choice-voting. Schildkraut, however, points to more local questions as well. Voters in certain parts of Somerville have two additional questions on the ballot that will act as nonbinding recommendations for their representatives, but they may end up being important lanes through which to inform elected officials of the will of the people.

Schildkraut says there is an argument to be made that competition still exists in local Massachusetts politics, but that it is mostly reserved for the governor’s race.

Otherwise, competition occurs primarily among ideas rather than people.

“There can be this feeling of ‘Oh, my vote doesn’t matter because we all know how Massachusetts is going to go,’” Schildkraut said. “Even in those cases, it’s still important to vote.”

F e at u r e s

Tuesday, November 3, 2020 | Features | THE TUFTS DAILY

5

In long-shot bid, O’Connor remains optimistic O’CONNOR

continued from page 3 when you focus on substance,” O’Connor said.

At the same time, O’Connor is lightly critical of Gov. Baker’s shutdown policies to respond to the COVID-19 pandemic.

“I would favor opening up more than what we’ve seen,” he said. “I am very concerned about the impact of shutdowns on children and on small businesses and people who need to be physically present in order to make a living.”

Through our interview, O’Connor rarely missed an opportunity to take a shot at Markey, casting him as an unproductive career politician who’s become complacent over the years. “[Markey’s] never worked a day in the private sector,” he said. “He’s always worked in government and government is the answer to every question.” It is worth noting that Ed Markey did work briefly as a substitute teacher, and, as his campaign likes to highlight, an ice cream man.

Markey has been a legislator since 1973, the year after he graduated law school. He was relatively safe, occupying a strong Democratic seat in the U.S. House of Representatives and graduating to a strong Democratic seat in the Senate. Until Rep. Joe Kennedy III came along, Markey had never faced a serious electoral challenge to his incumbency.

This idea is key to O’Connor’s pitch. Career politicians, to O’Connor, are “the swamp” and “are moving us toward the politics of polarization, gridlock.”

O’Connor pitches himself as

more in tune with the opinions of Massachusetts voters.

“Sen. Markey with his extremism has really alienated the JFK Democrats,” O’Connor said.

O’Connor, on the other hand, describes himself as more down to earth. “I’m a guy … a person who lives in Massachusetts, who had the energy and the organization to run a campaign.”

There is relatively recent precedent for a Republican Senate victory in Massachusetts.

Republican Scott Brown won the special election to replace the late Democratic Sen. Ted Kennedy in 2010 in an upset that was quite shocking at the time. But the similarities between the candidates, aside from party allegiance, are few. Where Brown received an influx of out-of-state money for an open seat, O’Connor has been significantly outspent by every major-party candidate in the race, including his Republican primary opponent, and especially Markey. Where Brown was boosted by notable gaffes from Democratic nominee Martha Coakley, Markey is riding high off of his arguably historic victory over Kennedy.

For now, O’Connor maintains that Markey’s seat is vulnerable.

“I saw that he was beatable,” he said. “That’s the office where we need the most improvement.”

Time will tell if O’Connor’s prediction comes true, but the odds are against him.

“I’ll be fine either way,” O’Connor said. “I’m not worried about what happens if I don’t win, but I’m very confident that we will win.”

VIA KEVIN O’CONNOR FOR U.S. SENATE

Kevin O’Connor is pictured.

Students prepare for different election outcomes, push for policy at local CLIMATE

continued from page 3 According to Academic Dean of The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Kelly Sims Gallagher, the most dramatic policy change will be whether or not the United States reenters into the Paris Agreement. Trump has essentially withdrawn from the Paris Agreement, but the decision will not be official until Nov. 4, 2020. If Trump wins the election, the withdrawal from the Paris Agreement will become final.

Biden, however, has pledged to rejoin the agreement, should he be elected. Gallagher said whether or not the United States withdraws from the accord will have global implications for climate change, and the rest of the world is waiting to see what the United States will do.

While many environmentalists agree that a Biden victory would certainly be favorable to a Trump victory, some also worry that Biden’s policies may not be sufficient to reverse the course of climate change. Throughout the presidential debates, Biden claimed that he does not support all aspects of the Green New Deal and does not plan to ban fracking, which goes against progressive climate change reforms.

“I find it very frustrating,” Taite Pierson, a senior and EcoRep coordinator, said about

Biden’s lack of endorsement for the Green New Deal. “He’s clearly trying to get certain votes and not prioritizing the issues that really matter in terms of climate change.”

Gallagher said Biden has embraced many aspects of the Green New Deal, even if he has not given his full support. Biden is emphasizing creating jobs in renewable energy sectors, something that is important to many people given the economic downturn that came with the COVID-19 pandemic. However, this emphasis on job creation indicates Biden is less likely to outright ban fracking and may be moving toward sustainable targets at a slower rate than the Green New Deal proposes, Gallagher said.

Tufts students are aware this election will have serious implications for climate change, among other social and political issues.

“Climate change is a really pressing matter,” Pierson said.

“We’re seeing more and more effects every day. It’s here, so we’re already late on everything we need to be doing.”

This semester, the Office of Sustainability and environmental student groups have been mobilizing voters and providing students with information about the election. According

to Pierson, the Eco-Reps have been collaborating on projects with other student organizations, such as JumboVote, to ensure the timely delivery of ballots and to inform voters.

“JumboVote has come to all Eco-Rep meetings and events.

We worked with them on ‘offline October,’ which is where we were encouraging people to not order anything to keep the mailroom free for election mail,” Pierson said.

Eco-Reps each created their own project related to the environment and the upcoming elections. Junior Kathryn Ezeoha, the Eco-Rep for Houston Hall, worked on the Sustainable Voting Guide to inform students about Trump’s and Biden’s climate change policies.

“We wanted to create a clear voting guide that directly related sustainability and how climate change relates to voting in the election and who is representing us in government,” Ezeoha said.

The guide also highlights actions students can take to contribute to the campaigns of politicians who support sustainable policies. This includes Sen. Ed Markey, who co-founded the Green New Deal, and Rep. Ayanna Pressley, who represents the Medford/Somerville area.

Both are running for reelection and support clean air and renewable energy policies.

The guide also encourages students to vote, and to vote early or make an Election Day plan in advance.

“Vote, and don’t just vote, do your research. It doesn’t take very long … Voting is super [important] because policies are the biggest decider in how our communities function when it comes to climate change,” Ezeoha said.

Sunrise Movement Tufts, an environmental advocacy group on campus, has also been doing work in preparation of the election.

Sunrise Tufts Hub Coordinator Kate Murphy has led training sessions covering different possible outcomes of the election. “[One possibility is] there are no clear election results on the first night, but Trump is still claiming a victory. Then the Biden campaign is caught flat-footed and is unable to provide a powerful response,” Murphy, a junior, said.

If this is the case, students will need to work to combat the spread of misinformation, Murphy said.

Other possible outcomes include a clear Biden victory on election night, which Murphy said would be the best-case scenario, or a clear Trump victory.

Murphy discussed the actions that would take place in the event of Trump’s reelection.

“This is a distinct possibility that we need to be prepared for. We’d regroup, take care of one another, and probably readjust our plans more on the state and local level since it’ll be pretty difficult to get something through at the federal level,” Murphy said.

Murphy emphasized the importance of state- and local-level climate policy activism.

“It will be extremely hard to get climate legislation through the federal level with Trump in office, especially since he’s made it clear that he’s so against adopting these policies,” Murphy said.

“Biden’s not the strongest climate justice advocate, but from the outside, we can push them to take more steps.”

Outside of the presidential election, Murphy expressed the importance of “[pushing] the Senate and the House as well as the Massachusetts State House.”

Murphy also noted that climate change is not an isolated issue.

“Especially in this moment … any work we do, whether that’s related to climate justice, or sustainability or housing, we really need to take an intersectional stance on that, because these issues are so interconnected,” Murphy said. “Anti-racism always needs to be part of the conversation. That can’t be ignored.”

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THE TUFTS DAILY | Features | Tuesday, November 3, 2020

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Elements of ACA could survive potential Supreme Court overturn, Lischko says HEALTH CARE

continued from page 3 Upon returning to the United States, Lischko experimented with different job opportunities both related and unrelated to public health. At one point, she even found herself working as a quality control inspector at a fish factory in Boston.

“We had to wear boots and slosh around in fish water all day,” Lischko said. “So yeah, I didn’t last too long there.”

Soon after, Lischko returned to graduate school, where she received a Master of Science in health policy and management.

After earning her degree, she worked for the Massachusetts Department of Public Health before finding a position at the New England Health and Poverty Action Center at TUSM. It was during her time at the New England Health and Poverty Action Center that Lischko realized that in order to enact lasting change, she would have to find a job in public health policy. At the center, Lischko and her team worked with community-based centers on programs to benefit vulnerable and at-risk populations.

Although she witnessed the value the programs had on communities, she also noticed many problems remained unaddressed, such as those regarding children and proximity to violence.

“These programs were great, and I’m sure they were having an impact on the populations, but there were just so many problems that weren’t getting addressed,” Lischko said. “When these kids went back home, there was violence all around them, and poverty. It reinforced the idea that … to really have change, you had to work at a higher level in policy.”

With this in mind, Lischko waited until a position was open at the Massachusetts Division of Health Care Finance and Policy, where she started in 1993. Over the next several years, she rose through the ranks in the agency, where her team studied the health care system in Massachusetts and uninsured populations in the state.

Eventually, she was appointed as the commissioner of the agency

by Gov. Romney in 2006, after having served as the assistant commissioner for research and policy since 2003.

According to Lischko, when Romney assumed the role of Governor in 2003, he presented himself as a businessman determined to pass statewide health care reform.

“He came on and had heard from lots of business owners that health care was really a mess,” Lischko said. “His advisors were all saying ‘no, no, no, don’t do health care’ … But he really pursued this.”

With the support of the Massachusetts legislature, Lischko and her team worked for years to help formulate a plan that aimed to increase health care coverage by requiring most adults in the Commonwealth to have health insurance.

COURTESY AMY LISCHKO

Amy Lischko is pictured.

“It was several years of really working with the different parties trying to sell the idea and come up with an idea that was workable in the state,” Lischko said.

“It was a real entrepreneurial environment, where you would be at work at six in the morning and you would work until late at night. It was very intense for a long time.”

The bill passed with bipartisan support in 2006, granting near-universal health insurance coverage in conjunction with federal funding to subsidize coverage. Although the bill has been modified in years since, its impact remains apparent 14 years later. In 2019, Massachusetts had the lowest uninsured rate in the country, at 3%.

The law eventually became a model for the ACA, which was passed on the national scale in 2010 under President Barack Obama. However, unlike the 2006 bipartisan coalition in the Massachusetts state government, the ACA was immediately met with strong opposition from Republican lawmakers. In the past decade, the law has been challenged multiple times, even making its way to the Supreme Court in 2012. Romney himself has argued against the ACA. Lischko explained why she believes that health care reform is often polarized at the national

level. In reference to Romney’s 2006 bill, she attributed its success to a cooperative, bipartisan coalition that specifically tailored the law to Massachusetts, a feat that was harder to pull off at the national level.

“We [had] this kind of coalition that really agreed that even if things went south, they would pull back and look at [the law] again, and make the changes that needed to be made,” Lischko said. “That’s much easier to do in a state than it is to do at the federal level. At the federal level, there was no chance that if things went wrong with the Affordable Care Act, that the legislators would go back and revisit it.”

The ACA continues to face many challenges to this day. In the upcoming weeks, the law will face arguably one of its biggest hurdles yet as the Supreme Court is scheduled to hear oral arguments in California v. Texas on Nov. 10. The court will decide whether or not the individual mandate of the ACA — which, like the Massachusetts law in 2006, requires that most adults achieve minimum health insurance or be subject to a fine — is constitutional.

Proponents of the ACA worry that if the individual mandate is deemed unconstitutional by the now 6–3 conservative-leaning Supreme Court, the entirety of

the law could fall apart, potentially stripping millions of their health insurance.

Lischko said although she is not an attorney, she remains optimistic that key elements granted by the ACA can survive, regardless of whether or not the individual mandate is ruled to be unconstitutional. While she is uncertain of how the case will play out next week, she explained that many states have been preparing for a possible overturn of the ACA. “States have been preparing since the Supreme Court said that they were going to take that case,” Lischko said. “States that want to maintain the pieces of the ACA are going to put pieces in their place. And I’d say if Biden is successful, then [it] will be easier to have an administration that supports that.”

On the topic of the future of health care, Lischko emphasized the importance of today’s election.

“If [Democrats] win the House, the Senate and the presidency … it will make it much easier to move forward even if the ACA is struck down,” Lischko said. “I feel like [this] is a really important election, probably the most important one in a while.”

Lischko sees the United States eventually developing a health

care system where around 80% of the population will receive health insurance through some sort of public option. While she doesn’t anticipate such a change happening in the near future, she remains hopeful current undergraduates will see such a system implemented in the United States.

On her own time, Lischko is passionate about traveling the world and hiking with her family. Her background on Zoom is a mountain range in the Alps, which is a favorite for her.

“I love to hike in Europe, any of the Alps, we’ve been to most of them now,” Lischko said. “I love to go hiking there as I’ve gotten older, because you can take the gondola or the lifts up into the mountains and hike all day … there’s nothing as spectacular as [the] views.”

Lischko said health care reform in America is, at its core, a complicated structure. However, she also stressed the importance of learning about health care on a personal level, and encourages people to engage in discussions about their health care with members of their community.

“I still try to always talk to people about health care,” Lischko said. “Health care is really … more personal than some other things, so you can grab hold of it more and make sense of it.”

F e at u r e s

Tuesday, November 3, 2020 | Features | THE TUFTS DAILY

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State and national ballot initiatives

TYS SWEENEY / THE TUFTS DAILY

by Ryan Shaffer

Executive Features Editor

Massachusetts ballot questions Question 1: Motor vehicle mechanical data This “Right to Repair” law would require car manufacturers to install standardized telematics systems, or systems that collect data regarding a car’s operation and transmit that data wirelessly to either a phone, computer or other storage device outside the car. Independent car repair shops and car owners would gain increased access to the car’s data, allowing for repair, maintenance and diagnostic testing to take place at any independent repair shop. The current “Right to Repair” law from 2013 omits telematics systems from wireless accessibility by vehicle owners and independent repair shops.

Interestingly, this proposition is the most expensive on the ballot, with more than $50 million combined spent by both camps. A “yes” vote requires that standardized systems be installed starting with model year 2022, while a “no” vote keeps the law as is.

Question 2: Rankedchoice voting A “yes” vote for Question 2 would enact ranked-choice voting for state executive and legislative office, as well as some county offices, for all general and primary elections. A “no” vote would continue the use of the plurality system, in which the candidate with the most votes wins.

Ranked-choice voting allows voters to rank all candidates in a race in terms of preference. If no candidate receives 50% of firstplace votes in the first round of counting, then the votes cast for the candidate with the least support are reallocated to the second choice of the individuals whose votes are being reallocated. This cycle continues until one candidate receives more than 50% support. Proponents argue that ranked-choice voting gives voters more say at the ballot box, while opponents argue that it adds confusion to the elections.

Some opponents argue that runoff elections are a sufficient alternative to ranked-choice voting, while proponents say the system

ensures that the candidate with the broadest appeal wins.

National ballot initiatives to watch Marijuana Voters in five states will vote on seven ballot initiatives regarding marijuana legalization or medical marijuana usage. Montana, Arizona, New Jersey and South Dakota each have a ballot initiative that would legalize the use of marijuana for recreational purposes for adults aged 21 or older.

Mississippi and South Dakota each have an initiative to allow for medical marijuana usage in the state for certain medical conditions. Montana’s initiative includes regulations similar to that of alcohol in the state.

Redistricting Missouri, Virginia and New Jersey each have ballot initiatives regarding congressional redistricting, or the redrawing of congressional and state legislative districts. Virginia’s proposition, if successful, would establish a redistricting commission composed of eight citizens and eight legislators. The commission of legislators will be divided equally between the two major parties. If Virginia’s redistricting proposition is not passed, the redistricting process will remain the same, with electoral maps created and passed by the Virginia Assembly with veto power for the governor.

Missouri’s proposition would

repeal the position of a nonpartisan state demographer, which was created in 2018 via ballot initiative, and replace the position with two bipartisan redistricting commissions, one for each chamber of the state’s legislature with 20 members each.

Approval of the proposition would return Missouri to its pre2018 redistricting system. New Jersey’s Public Question 3 would postpone the state’s redistricting process until after the elections in November 2021 should the state receive census data after Feb. 15, 2021. Currently, New Jersey requires the submission of new maps one month after receiving census data, regardless of the date of receipt.

California Proposition 22: App-Based Drivers as Contractors and Labor Policies Initiative California’s Proposition 22 is the most expensive ballot measure in the nation, with more than $218 million raised by both camps, nearly $200 million of which has been raised by supporters of the initiative.

The proposition would consider “app-based drivers,” who are essentially drivers for ride-share companies such as Uber and Lyft, to be independent contractors rather than employees.

Independent contractors are not covered by various state laws, such as minimum wage, overtime, unemployment insurance and workers’ compensation.

NICOLE GARAY / THE TUFTS DAILY

The Lyft app is pictured.

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THE TUFTS DAILY | FALL PHOTOS | Tuesday, November 3, 2020

tuftsdaily.com

Photos of

Fall 2020

PHOTO CREDITS (CLOCKWISE FROM TOP LEFT): ANN MARIE BURKE / THE TUFTS DAILY, AVA IANNUCCILLO / THE TUFTS DAILY, LYDIA RICHARDSON / THE TUFTS DAILY, PATRICK MILEWSKI / THE TUFTS DAILY, SARAH GOLDSTEIN / THE TUFTS DAILY, GRACE LABER / THE TUFTS DAILY, EMMA BOERSMA / THE TUFTS DAILY

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Tuesday,Monday, November September 3, 2020 |14, FALL 2020 PHOTOS | News | THE TUFTS DAILY

PHOTO CREDITS (CLOCKWISE FROM TOP LEFT): NICOLE GARAY / THE TUFTS DAILY, PATRICK MILEWSKI / THE TUFTS DAILY, AVA IANNUCCILLO / THE TUFTS DAILY, AIDAN CHANG / THE TUFTS DAILY, NICOLE GARAY / THE TUFTS DAILY, ZOE GARDERET / THE TUFTS DAILY, JASON FENG / THE TUFTS DAILY, MENGQI IRINA WANG / THE TUFTS DAILY

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THE TUFTS DAILY | ELECTION 2020 | Tuesday, November 3, 2020

tuftsdaily.com

ELECTORAL MAP 2020 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

As of Nov. 2, President Donald Trump is projected to win 163 electoral votes, with 38 of those votes leaning toward him. Former Vice President Joe Biden is projected to win 290 electoral votes, with 64 of those votes leaning toward him.

Only 85 electoral votes are considered “toss-ups.” For more detailed coverage on states to watch, see page 13.

— Ryan Shaffer

WIS

RCP Po Trump Cook P

I O WA ( 6 ) RCP Polling Average: Trump 47.2%, Biden 45.8% Cook PVI 2017: R+3

ARIZONA (11) RCP Polling Average: Trump 47%, Biden 47.5% Cook PVI 2017: R +5

TEX

RCP Po Trump Cook P

E

CONSIN (10)

olling Average: p 44.1%, Biden 50.7% PVI 2017: Even

XAS (38)

olling Average: p 47.7%, Biden 46.5% PVI 2017: R +8

Tuesday, November 3, 2020 | ELECTION 2020 | THE TUFTS DAILY

11

MICHIGAN (16) RCP Polling Average: Trump 45.4%, Biden 50.2% Cook PVI 2017: D +1

P E N N S Y LVA N I A ( 2 0 )

OHIO (18)

RCP Polling Average: Trump 46.8%, Biden 49.3% Cook PVI 2017: Even

RCP Polling Average: Trump 47.4%, Biden 46% Cook PVI 2017: R +3

NORTH CAROLINA (15) RCP Polling Average: Trump 47.9%, Biden 47.4% Cook PVI 2017: R +3

GEORGIA (16) RCP Polling Average: Trump 47.8%, Biden 47.6% Cook PVI 2017: R +5

FLORIDA (29) RCP Polling Average: Trump 46%, Biden 47.7% Cook PVI 2017: R +2

GRAPHICS BY TYS SWEENEY / THE TUFTS DAILY

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THE TUFTS DAILY | ELECTION 2020 | Tuesday, November 3, 2020

tuftsdaily.com

Battle for the Senate: Nine races to follow 4

2 3 8 7

5

1

6

1

South Carolina: Polls show a tightening race between Republican incumbent Lindsey Graham and Democratic challenger Jaime Harrison, drawing Democrats’ attention to the state with hopes of ousting the anti-Trump-turned-Trump-loyalist Graham from office. Graham hopes his success in leading the Senate Judiciary Committee’s confirmation of Amy Coney Barret to the Supreme Court will boost his support, despite his low favorability ratings. As of mid-October, Harrison has outraised Graham by more than $30 million, raising more than $100 million in total and making the race the most expensive in U.S. history. Despite Harrison’s high favorability ratings, Harrison faces the challenge of overcoming the state’s decidedly conservative tilt and is relying on high turnout to sweep him into office.

2

Montana: Do not discount the libertarian ethos that makes up Montana politics. Popular Democratic Governor and failed presidential candidate Steve Bullock is challenging Republican incumbent Steve Daines, who was first elected in 2014. Democrat Jon Tester occupies the state’s other Senate seat, and Democrat John Walsh held Daines’ seat prior to Daines’ election, showing Montana’s bona fides as a purple state in terms of statewide legislative elections. Bullock, however, will have to overcome several hurdles to secure the seat for Democrats. Polls show Daines with a two-point advantage, well within the margin of error, but with Trump leading the ticket, the likelihood of split ticket voting is slim.

3

Iowa: Republican incumbent Joni Ernst is only slightly ahead in the polls, making it one of the nation’s closest races. Despite a lack of experience in elective office, Democratic challenger Theresa Greenfield has made the Iowa Senate race the most critical for Democrats in their fight for a majority in the U.S. Senate. With $47 million on the books, Greenfield has outraised her opponent by more than double as of mid-October, though recent polls have found Ernst with a widening advantage.

In recent ads, Ernst has tied herself to Trump, adopting attacks on China and the Affordable Care Act. Ernst knows her victory relies on high turnout from Trump’s base. While nearly 90% of likely voters have their minds made up, victory for Greenfield lies in the hands of late deciders and independents, whose support has fluctuated over the past few months. .

4

Maine: Democratic challenger Sara Gideon is leading Republican incumbent Susan Collins in the polls, making it Collins’ toughest Senate election since she first secured office in 1997. Gideon, speaker of the state’s House of Representatives, has outraised her opponent in an effort to oust New England’s only GOP senator. This seat is critical to the Democrats’ chances of gaining control of the Senate.

5a

Georgia special election: More than 20 candidates are vying for the seat vacated by former Sen. Johnny Isakson, who retired in 2019. However, only three candidates are competitive: one Democrat and two Republicans. In this “jungle primary” of sorts, the two Republican candidates — incumbent Sen. Kelly Loeffler and Rep. Doug Collins — have split the state’s Republican electorate, allowing Democrat Rev. Raphael Warnock to lead with more than 30% of the vote. Both Republican candidates have tried to outflank one another to the right. If no candidate receives more than 50% of the vote, the top two finishers will face off in a January runoff election.

5b

Georgia: Democratic challenger Jon Ossoff gained national attention in 2017 for an expensive and heavily contested special election for Georgia’s 6th Congressional District, losing the race by just three points. In an unusually close election for a statewide race, Republican incumbent David Perdue has a slight edge in the polls, though Ossoff leads handily in terms of fundraising with almost $11 million more than Perdue. Victory for either candidate is likely to depend on turnout in Atlanta and the Atlanta suburbs, and a win will only be declared if either candidate surpasses 50%.

6

North Carolina: Perhaps the most topsy-turvy Senate election this cycle, Republican incumbent Thom Tillis is in a dire straits, facing an uphill battle to fend off Democratic challenger Cal Cunningham. In early October, both campaigns were shaken up with unanticipated news: Tillis had contracted the coronavirus at Amy Coney Barrett’s Supreme Court nomination ceremony, and Cunningham’s extramarital affair from this summer came to light after text messages leaked. Despite these developments, the race remains in Cunningham’s favor, with recent polls indicating a three-point advantage. Though the state has a Republican tilt, it has a history as a purple state. In 2014, Tillis ousted Democratic incumbent Kay Hagan by less than 1.7 points. The state voted for Obama in 2008, though it voted for Romney in 2012. This election is viewed as a one that will likely deliver Democrats a 51-seat majority. .

7 8

Arizona: After losing the 2016 election to fill GOP Sen. Jeff Flake’s seat, Republican incumbent Martha McSally was appointed to fill late Sen. John McCain’s seat. Now in a special election to see who will finish out McCain’s term, Democrat Mark Kelly, a former astronaut and navy pilot, has held a consistent lead in state polls and has outraised his opponent by more than $30 million.

Colorado: Former Democratic Gov. John Hickenlooper is leading Republican incumbent Cory Gardner in a race Democrats have been eyeing since 2016. Gardner, an unpopular senator with a 48% disapproval rating, has trailed Hickenlooper in fundraising by more than $13 million this cycle.

— Ryan Shaffer

GRAPHICS BY TYS SWEENEY / THE TUFTS DAILY

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Tuesday, November 3, 2020 | ELECTION 2020 | THE TUFTS DAILY

STATES TO WATCH

13

2020 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

TEXAS With a growing Latinx population, the Lone Star State is becoming more of a toss-up. Demonstrated by former Rep. Beto O’Rourke’s competitive challenge to Sen. Ted Cruz in 2018, opposition and disapproval toward Trump and his allies have grown in the state, leading to a competitive election. Although it is predicted that President Donald Trump will win the state, if former Vice President Joe Biden were to emerge triumphant, it would be the first time Texas went blue since Carter’s election in 1976. This state will likely be one to watch in upcoming elections as the influence of Democrat-leaning voters with marginalized identities in the majority-minority state grows.

OHIO Trump won Ohio by eight points in 2016, but the race is much closer this year. Early in the summer, Biden was leading in national election forecast models. However, in September the tides turned, and Trump has gained steam since then. As one of the more conservative Rust Belt states, Trump is expected to perform better here than in Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania. While it is still a toss-up, Trump could very likely eke out a win. A Biden victory is contingent on turnout among young voters while also siphoning off support from Trump among older voters.

GEORGIA Long a Republican stronghold, Georgia is beginning to look like a swing state. Though Georgia is integral to a Trump victory, Biden is slightly favored to win the state, which has not gone blue for nearly three decades. While the rural areas typically go Republican, southwestern Georgia and the greater Atlanta area is supporting Biden in drives. Claims of voter suppression based on long wait times at early voting locations in predominantly Black neighborhoods that support Biden bring into question how the election will unfold in this swing state. If Georgia swings blue this election, it is likely indicative of a blue wave, with other toss-up states likely to fall in line.

I OWA Trump slightly leads this Republican-leaning state heading into Election Day, according to forecast models. The state went from supporting Obama in both elections to backing Trump in 2016. Disapproval with Trump has built up in Iowa and has made it a true swing state. A Trump victory in the Hawkeye State relies on heavy turnout among his base of white men and those without college degrees. A Biden victory relies on high turnout among voters ages 35 and younger, as well as a shift away from Trump among older voters. The election will likely be decided Tuesday night, with a clear picture of the winner, but ballots can be received up to six days after the election as long as they are postmarked by Nov. 3.

FLORIDA The winner of Florida will most likely be decided on election night, as it allows mail-in ballots to be processed prior to Election Day. Florida has always been a close competition, including in 2016 when Trump won by just over 1%. This year, Florida is considered a true toss-up state, with Biden leading but only within the margin of error on aggregate election forecast models.

Trump must win Florida for a chance at victory. If Biden wins the Sunshine State, Trump’s chances drop to almost zero.

NORTH CAROLINA Trump won the toss-up state in 2016 by nearly three points. The state was divided along urban-rural lines, with the counties near the North Carolina Research Triangle of the University of North Carolina Chapel Hill, Duke University and NC State University — a highly educated and affluent area — voting heavily for Hillary Clinton. The same trend is emerging this year based on polling. Biden holds just over a two-point lead in national election models. Despite accepting mail-in ballots until Nov. 12, the toss-up state will likely be decided on election night.

ARIZONA Trump won Arizona in 2016, but it is now leaning toward Biden — though within the margin of error — in national election forecasts. After electing Democrat Kyrsten Sinema to the Senate in 2018, Democrats have eyed the state to gain ground in the Sun Belt. The state has gone for the Democratic presidential candidate only once since 1952, but similar to Texas, its increasing Latinx population is tilting the state blue.

Current forecasts have Biden slightly favored to win by about 3%. However, claims of voter suppression against Latinx residents and Indigenous peoples, including a law prohibiting anyone from assisting a voter in filling out an absentee ballot, leave uncertainty in this election. Despite its election statutes allowing votes to be processed up to two weeks prior to Election Day, its results may not be known on election night.

WISCONSIN Just like Michigan, this state was neglected by the Clinton campaign and was won by Trump by less than 1%. Following Pennsylvania, Wisconsin is the most likely state to decide the next president. Biden holds a seven- to eight-point lead in the state according to election forecast models, but due to unfounded claims of voter fraud by Trump and the increased use of mail-in ballots, the election may not be decided until Wednesday at the earliest. A Biden victory is contingent on turnout in the Milwaukee area, as Wisconsin is one of more white and conservative Rust Belt states.

P E N N S Y LVA N I A From Pennsylvania-native Biden beginning his candidacy for the 2020 election on the Ben Franklin Parkway to Trump’s constant references to fracking in the presidential debates, Pennsylvania has been the focus of this election. Many see this as the deciding state in the Electoral College. After winning the state by less than 1% in the 2016 presidential election, Trump’s support has dwindled, particularly in the more educated suburbs of Philadelphia. While election forecasts predict Biden winning Pennsylvania, it is unlikely that Pennsylvania will be decided on election night, as election statutes prohibit the counting of mail-in ballots prior to 7 a.m. on Election Day, and seven counties will not begin processing ballots until Wednesday. Due to its importance in this election, both candidates have spent much of the past two weeks campaigning across the state, trying to secure a lead that could determine the result of the 2020 election.

MICHIGAN Like the rest of the Rust Belt, this state received minimal attention from Clinton’s 2016 campaign and was won by Trump with less than a one-point margin of victory. This year, however, the state appears to have swung blue, according to election forecast models. Polls for the state have been consistent, predicting a seven- to eight-point lead for Biden. The state received an abundance of requests for absentee ballots and allows early voting. Nevertheless, Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson stated that this will slow the counting process and results may not be clear on election night. Preliminary numbers may favor Trump, as Democrats are more likely to be voting by mail.

— Ryan Shaffer

GRAPHICS BY TYS SWEENEY / THE TUFTS DAILY

14

Arts & POP ARTS Pop CULTURE Culture

tuftsdaily.com

TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 3, 2020

Ameya Okamoto talks art, action, hope

by Devina Bhalla Arts Editor

Ameya Okamoto’s work lives at the intersection of art and action, of social justice and community, of hope and intentionality. With her art, she takes the world apart and puts it back together into tangible pieces that bring others into those intersections themselves.

Okamoto was born in New York, but at seven moved with her mother and sisters across the country to Portland, Ore. She experienced housing instability, changing schools six times in six years. In both New York and Portland, Okamoto grew up seeing a lot of injustice and violence, but she always had her loving mother and sisters as her strong foundation. She derives her inspiration to fight for social change from these experiences.

Her resume is incredibly impressive. Okamoto became a YoungArts Finalist in Visual Art and a U.S. Presidential Scholar in Art in 2018. She is also an Adobe Creativity Scholar and a Tufts Laidlaw Scholar. Because of her dedication to social justice and community action, Okamoto partnered with Don’t Shoot Portland and Black Lives Matter of Greater New York.

She has also spent time creating art to better represent

COURTESY AMEYA OKAMOTO

Okamoto’s piece “Halsey x WeToo”is pictured. victims of police violence and call others to action.

It is in creativity that Okamoto found the ability to say what she feels is important for the world to hear and that she cannot find the words to say otherwise. Her art, therefore, is her process and vehi-

cle to figure out how to communicate. But it goes beyond simply what she wants to say.

Her dedication to social justice amplifies the voices and stories of others.

“For me it’s not just about myself. It’s about how I can be intentional about my posi-

tioning in the world to create art for everyone, that speaks to everyone,” Okamoto said.

“At the basis of who I am and who I want to be in this world and everything I do is very much about how I can use my creativity and my creations to move us all forward.”

One of the main roles that her art has taken on is in relation to protests, becoming “colorful, responsive calls to action.”

Okamoto noted that her art has developed throughout her career. see OKAMOTO, page 15

COURTESY AMEYA OKAMOTO

Okamoto’s pieces “Elijah McClain” (left) and “Rayshard Brooks” (right) are pictured.

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Monday, Tuesday,September November14, 3, 2020 | Arts & Pop Culture | THE TUFTS DAILY

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Okamoto focuses on hope through artwork OKAMOTO

COURTESY AMEYA OKAMOTO

Okamoto’s piece “Notorious RBG” is pictured.

continued from page 14 “In the past I have often described my art as balancing between the gallery world and the protest world in the streets. Some of the most inspiring moments in my life have been being able to have the honor of printing a lot of my posters out with local grassroots organizations for protests and seeing my work being carried by hundreds of people,” she said.

In the midst of so much hopelessness in 2020, Okamoto and her art generate inspiration.

“Hope is a really beautiful thing …

I think people can hold on to when it feels like they have nothing,” she said.

“The general idea of [hope] is something that is really keeping me going.”

Now more than ever, people are struggling to find hope within all of the crises surrounding us. However, it is in this moment when artists play a vital role.

Okamoto discussed how artists can help in those difficult places and how she is “excited about a lot of artists beginning to create art that have deliberate call to actions … artists are really needed right now.”

Part of hope is wanting to live in a different type of world. In order to achieve that, Okamoto believes in intentionality, which is another crucial

element of her work. One of her hopes is that “we will get to a point where everything we are doing is very intentional.”

Because Okamato wants everyone to be active in their lives, she thinks of activism in a slightly different manner.

“I don’t self-identify as an activist.

I don’t feel very comfortable with that term because I think everybody is an activist or should [be] an activist in their own way, whether that’s advocating for something they truly believe in or advocating for themselves. I don’t say activist, I say that we’re just active,” she said.

The active part of her art plays well into her current explorations of performance art. One recent performative piece she created was for YoungArt’s “do it (home)” project where she drew a singular, nonlinear “doodle” with chalk from the Lower East Side up to Spanish Harlem. Even with her recent leaning toward performance art instead of visual, the foundation of her work stays the same.

“The basis of my work is always community based, interactive based, about and with other people,” Okamoto said.

Despite remaining hopeful, Okamoto emphasized how there is so much pain right now and we must find ways through it — she hopes her art is one of those ways.

Catherine Martin discusses radio crime-solving, the patriarchy

by Steph Hoechst Arts Editor

“I treat media as a large social subconscious,” Catherine Martin said of her work in media studies. “We deal with different, changing ideas through media, especially TV.” Martin, an adjunct lecturer in the film and media studies department, presented a chapter of her dissertation on Monday, Oct. 26 as part of the Boston Cinema/Media Seminar as the speaker from Tufts. The presentation, titled “‘I want to have some fun too!’: Gender, Genre, and Marriage in the Postwar Crime Sitcom,” looked at the influences of three radio “crime sitcoms,” as Martin categorizes them, that became incredibly popular from 1945 to 1954, and then vanished soon afterward.

“They’re sitcoms, like ‘I Love Lucy,’ but there are no children, and the husband is often a detective (though in one example he’s not a detective), but the wife wants to help him investigate, and to varying degrees she gets to help him investigate,” Martin explained in an interview prior to her talk.

“I look at the way that different working women were represented in crime dramas and were popular on radio in the 1940s and then completely written off of television in the 1950s.”

By examining the women from these crime sitcoms — Nora Charles from “The Thin Man” (1957–59), Pam North from “Mr. and Mrs. North” (1952–54), and Jean Abbott from “Adventures of the Abbotts’” (1946–47) — and their relationship to marriage and crime-solving, Martin argues that these shows eventually became too subversive for patriarchal standards in the postwar era.

“I argue that that the crime sitcom was dangerous in the postwar period — to broadcasters, at least, people invested in maintaining a patriarchal status quo — because it suggested that stereotypically feminine values like empathy or concern about peoples’ economic situations might influence the criminal justice system and bring it away from the

COURTESY JUSTIN TRAN

A poster for Martin’s presentation is pictured. law-and-order, ‘Dragnet’-style policing that eventually gained dominance in the postwar world,” Martin explained in her talk.

Martin highlighted how these crime sitcoms had elements of screwball comedies, marriage sitcoms and crime dramas. “I argue it’s an under-recognized sub-genre; it merges elements of the postwar crime genre with the emerging postwar marital sitcom, so part of my work explores the way that radio and television’s propensity for generic hybrids like the crime sitcom made room for positive, even revolutionary representations of crime-curious women in the decade after World War II,” Martin said.

This particular chapter comes from Martin’s dissertation on representations of women in postwar crime dramas. In the interview, Martin explained, “My larger dissertation is about representations of women in radio and television crime dramas after WWII leading up to second-wave feminism.

My more flipped way of defining my time is after women were being forced back into the

home after WWII (and by women I mostly mean white women, because Black women always worked, and middle-class women, because that’s who the broadcasters cared about) and before the TV networks recognized that working women existed — or that working women were worth measuring.”

After growing up listening to crime novels on tape during long car rides, Martin first became interested in studying radio as an undergraduate listening to podcast radio shows on the campus radio station, where she found the crime shows particularly interesting. After part of her master’s thesis — which was on adaptations of “The Maltese Falcon” (1941) — focused on the role female secretaries played in these crime shows, Martin decided to study representations of women in crime dramas. “[It was] looking at the way these shows mediated ideas about women’s work and gave women room to work and to imagine themselves working,” Martin said. She added, “Radio is one of those areas that I feel like has really

gotten overlooked — even in academia, radio studies is seen as such a niche, but it’s really fascinating how so many tropes that we still see on TV today were established in radio.”

Throughout her talk, Martin mentioned the implications of forcing women out of policing represented in the media, drawing a connection to the issues with the modern-day policing system. When traditionally feminine qualities are rejected in lieu of supposedly clear-cut, emotionless forms of policing, it reinforces crime-solving, as Martin puts it, as “one of the most emphatically masculine bastions of patriarchal power.” In the interview, Martin explained, “One thing that I find really interesting with these wives is that they sort of push a slightly different idea of justice that’s much more empathetic, and then that gets shut down.

It’s interesting how female detectives always have to embrace male traits, and maybe if we hadn’t made female detectives embrace male traits on TV, we would have a healthier view towards policing in the modern day.”

16 TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 3, 2020

Opinion

tuftsdaily.com

EDITORIAL

Vote ‘yes’ on Question 2 With increased political polarization and growing threats to the integrity of democratic institutions, many Americans seek a leader uniquely positioned to address society’s deep social divisions and inequality. They look to electoral processes to produce such a leader, making it critical that these systems best reflect the will of the people.

During the 2020 presidential primaries, many college students energetically mobilized for their candidate of choice, but some emerged from the process disillusioned about the current state of democracy. What happened to Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren, Pete Buttigieg and Andrew Yang? Out of the most diverse group of candidates seeking the Democratic presidential nomination in American history, the process culminated in a race between two white men in their 70s.

Because the United States is not a direct democracy, our electoral systems require updates to ensure they are reflective of constituent interests. Rankedchoice voting (RCV ), which is listed as Question 2 on the Massachusetts ballot this year, is one of the most viable methods of doing so, as it ensures that elected officials are the choice of the people and not merely the winners of a broken system. This general election, the Daily urges members of the Tufts community to vote “yes” on Question 2, implementing RCV in Massachusetts as a more democratic alternative to plurality voting.

Under RCV, voters rank candidates in order of preference.

A candidate wins if they receive more than 50% of first-choice votes. If no candidate receives a majority, then the candidate

BY VALERIA VELASQUEZ or candidates with the fewest first-choice votes are eliminated and their votes are redistributed to the next-highest ranked candidate on that voter’s ballot.

Rounds of this process continue until a candidate eventually receives a majority.

RCV has a long list of supporters, from former Democratic candidate Andrew Yang to electoral reform commissions across the nation. Proponents of RCV in Massachusetts include Rep. Joe Kennedy III, Attorney General Maura Healey and

Sens. Ed Markey and Elizabeth Warren. Alaska, Hawaii, Kansas and Wyoming used RCV in this year’s Democratic presidential primaries. Some cities have also adopted RCV for local elections.

In this year’s general election, RCV will appear as the second ballot question in Massachusetts. Voters will decide whether Massachusetts will become the second state, after Maine, to institute RCV in primary and general elections for state executive officials, state legislators, federal congressio-

nal representatives and certain county offices, beginning in 2022. Although RCV will not be used in presidential elections, voting to implement RCV for the election of other statewide offices will be an important step toward constructing a more democratic voting system from the bottom up.

In contrast to the current system of “first past the post” voting, RCV elects candidates who win the majority of votes rather than a plurality. This results in more representa-

tive processes that appeal to a broader base of voters and allow independent candidates to run without being called off as spoilers. Research suggests that RCV could even promote the election of diverse candidates: One 2018 study found that RCV increased the representation of women and candidates of color in California elections. With broader margins, candidates must also differentiate themselves from competitors, resulting in depolarization and an elevated focus on policy over partisanship in elections.

Most notably, RCV can increase participation among disillusioned voters, as it engages those who feel their interests are not represented by the two-party system. Many young Americans feel apathetic toward the current voting system, especially as widespread grassroots support for candidates, including progressive politicians like Sen. Bernie Sanders, has not always translated into political power. RCV presents a solution to this, as it bridges the gap between the “establishment” and candidates who do not typically receive establishment support. By giving voters more choices and making every vote count, RCV can increase voter turnout: Studies show that this increase can be as high as 10 points in general elections.

With civic engagement at the heart of Tufts’ values, it is critical that the Tufts community strives to cultivate more representative democratic processes.

Voting yes to implement RCV in Massachusetts this election is just one way to ensure that all candidates and voters are fairly represented in elections and, as a result, part of directing our country toward a brighter, more equitable future.

The Tufts Daily is a nonprofit, independent newspaper, published Monday through Friday during the academic year, and distributed free to the Tufts community.

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EDITORIALS Editorials represent the position of The Tufts Daily. Individual editors are not necessarily responsible for, or in agreement with, the policies and editorials of The Tufts Daily.

OP-EDS The Op-Ed section of The Tufts Daily, an open forum for campus editorial commentary, is printed Monday through Thursday. The Daily welcomes submissions from all members of the Tufts community; the opinions expressed in the Op-Ed section do not necessarily represent the opinions of the Daily itself. Opinion articles on campus, national and international issues should be 600 to 1,200 words in length and submitted to opinion@tuftsdaily.com. The editors reserve the right to edit letters for clarity, space and length. All material is subject to editorial discretion and is not guaranteed to appear in the Daily. Authors must submit their telephone numbers and day-of availability for editing questions.

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Tuesday, November 3, 2020 | Opinion | THE TUFTS DAILY

OP-ED

The 2020 election: How to stomach voting for Biden, what to do if results are contested ELLIOT TRAHAN Last week, I called a friend of mine from Texas to make sure he had a plan to vote.

I expected our conversation to follow my cookie-cutter “get-out-the-vote” template: Are you planning to vote? Have you heard about these down-ballot races? Will you take action with me if the election becomes contentious?

Question one was easy; he was already on his way home to Austin to vote when I called.

As a follow-up, I semi-jokingly said, “Do you mind me asking who you’re voting for?”

“I honestly don’t know,” he replied.

I was taken aback. Was my friend from high school, someone I used to hang out with, considering voting for Trump? I am no stranger to Trump apologism, but hearing it from him hit differently. This is someone who went to the same liberal bubble of a private high school that I went to, someone who I thought shared enough experiences with me to perceive the world through at least a somewhat similar lens.

Collecting myself, I asked him what was affecting his decision.

“Well, I clearly see a need to get Trump out,” he said as if it were mutually understood, “but I don’t really see any good reason to vote for Biden either. I might look into a third party candidate, but I’m really just not sure yet.”

The thing is, I shared his hesitations about voting for Joe Biden. As a young person, there are very few compelling reasons to vote for a senile white man who, despite branding himself as a champion of racial and environmental justice, has said he supports increasing

police funding and surrounds himself with pro-industry fossil fuel executives, among other things. Therefore, to try to convince my friend how awesome Biden is would be both an insult to his intelligence and a flat-out lie.

Thankfully, I did not have to do any of that. Instead, I borrowed a framework from my housemate (inspired by the words of abolitionist organizer Angela Davis) to talk about the election in a way that is more genuine and, in my view, empowering.

In this framework, we see any elected official as our enemy. Any. Elected. Official.

Even if you drove up to New Hampshire to canvass your heart out for them, even if you changed your Facebook profile picture to show all your friends that you were voting for them, even if you have worked alongside them as a fellow organizer — I am calling myself out on all three of these things — and even if that candidate signed all the pledges and got all the endorsements, once they are in office, they are there to do a job, and that job is to unapologetically advocate for your interests. They are there to do everything in their power to create conditions in which all of us — that means ALL of us — can live a happy and fulfilled life.

Therefore, when we vote, we neither choose a champion nor someone to speak on our behalf; we choose the enemy we would rather organize against. If they are allied to our cause or movement, great — then it is strategic for us to ensure that they get into office. If not, then we must ask ourselves: Are they the most likely (of the candidates who have a winning chance) to be pushed by grassroots organizing? Might they sway with the political wind, just as prominent Democrats did after decades of organization

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Matt Rice The Countdown

3 Tufts students making the difference

by the LGBTQ+ rights movement made support for same-sex marriage mainstream? If so, then it is in our best interest to vote them into office.

In this year’s presidential election, the enemy I would rather organize against is Joe Biden. I am not saying it will be easy; in fact, it will most likely be insanely difficult, exhausting and even demoralizing to get him to advocate for anything beyond the little he and Obama did during their “glory days” together.

But, if we can get this old geezer in the White House, we will at least have the opportunity to walk this journey. We have the chance to build from centuries of anti-colonial struggle and advocate for things like police and prison abolition, a Green New Deal and Medicare for All, without having to continually fight off increasingly constant and deepening attacks on our fundamental rights. It is important to note that though these ideas have recently entered the mainstream, none of them are new, and all of them have their origins in a long tradition of organizing and movements that originated before us.

That said, for any of this to be possible, we have to first shift our thinking about the role of elections in creating change. We have to see voting as one step of a much longer process in which we all have a role to play.

We have to see ourselves in the context of all those who came before us, those on the front lines now and those who will carry the torch after us.

So, to share a line from Angela Davis herself, “The election will ask us not so much to vote for the best candidate, but to vote for or against ourselves. And to vote for ourselves I think means that we will have to campaign for and vote for Biden.”

Great, I’ll get my friends to grudgingly vote for Biden. But what next? What do we do in the likely scenario that the results of the election are still a toss-up when we go to bed tonight, and team Trump tries to invalidate any results that favor Biden?

Thankfully, a group called the Transition Integrity Project has done some thinking about what may happen. The main two takeaways from their report are that we likely will not know the results of the election on Nov. 3, and that there will be a battle over who has legitimate claim to the White House in January 2021.

While the details of how we as everyday folks can respond will depend on outcomes we can’t predict, there are things we can do to prepare ourselves to take action. First, we must ask ourselves where we are best positioned to act. Are we in a place to lead? To follow? To be on the streets, putting our bodies on the line? To support remotely, giving our time and resources to mutual aid or legal support for those taking direct action?

Second, we must also ask ourselves: Where do we go when it is time to act? Who will know how to help?

This will look different depending on where you are. There are some national coalitions forming, but I recommend looking local. Below is a short list of some groups in Boston to look into, many of which will be in communication and solidarity with one another. It is by no means comprehensive; it is only a sample of groups that are doing work around the election. They all do great work — the most important thing is to find one that feels most like home to you.

Freedom Fighters Coalition Protect the Results Coalition Boston Sunrise Movement Boston

ufts has a centuries-old history of political organizing and activism.

From our campus’ ties to abolitionist John Brown in the 19th century to the Sunrise Movement today, many members of the Tufts community have worked diligently to better our communities and country. For this Election Guide, I talked to three Tufts students about their political organizing, the 2020 election and what brought them to their respective campaigns.

Hannah Kahn (LA’20), sophomore Amanda Westlake and junior Jennifer Best were on the executive board of Tufts for Warren during the 2020 Democratic presidential primaries.

Kahn told me she had no intention of studying politics or getting involved in campaigning when first coming to campus. This all changed when Donald Trump got elected in the fall of her first year at Tufts.

“I fell in love with Elizabeth Warren,” Kahn said. “She’s so good at explaining those [progressive policies] and making them accessible to people like me who did not hop from campaign to campaign.”

Kahn started at Tufts as an English major with hopes of working as a political journalist, but her time leading Tufts for Warren brought her to take on the role of press secretary on Dave Cavell’s congressional campaign and eventually do some communications work for Rep. Max Rose.

During her senior year, Kahn led the Tufts for Warren group with then-first-year Amanda Westlake. After Warren dropped out of the presidential race, Westlake got involved with Sen. Ed Markey’s re-election campaign and helped lead the online, student-led digital effort to support him. Westlake is also involved in other forms of organizing, including Tufts’ chapter of the Sunrise Movement.

When asked about how the 2020 campaigns affected her, Westlake explained the importance of making connections in campaigning.

“The way I’ve come to think about organizing is not just as [being] about winning … but also things I think are so important are the stories that we tell and the people we connect with,” she said.

This passion shines through in Westlake’s deeply personal essay about her father’s Alzheimer’s diagnosis as a cause for her support for Markey, which his campaign paired with a moving digital ad.

Jennifer Best was also involved in theWarren and Markey campaigns. She worked as the communications director for Tufts for Warren before eventually working for Markey’s campaign this past summer. She is currently working on a coordinated Democratic campaign to get Democrats elected across the country. “[The Markey campaign] taught us how to bring more people into campaigning, which I think is very, very important,” she said. “The Markey campaign did a really, really good job at bringing young people into the picture, and young people were the people who won him the campaign.”

These stories reflect Tufts’ deep-rooted history of civic engagement. From abolitionism to supporting political campaigns to fighting for Earth’s survival, the Tufts community has made impactful change. As this year’s campaigns have shown, Gen Z voters have been and will continue to be instrumental in determining the outcome of elections. Kahn, Westlake and Best are living proof that Tufts’ spirit of engagement and activism lives on, unimpeded.

Elliott Trahan is a junior studying American studies. Elliott can be reached at elliott.trahan@tufts.edu.

Matt Rice is a senior studying political science. Matt can be reached at matthew.rice@tufts.edu.

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LATE NIGHT AT THE DAILY Rebecca: “Elephants deserve so much better.”

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Difficulty Level: Trying to have a peaceful election. Go vote!

By Julia Baroni

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CROSSWORD

S Matt Goguen Keeping up with the 617

Jaylen Brown’s powerful influence

A

s the country experiences a period of social change and turmoil, various athletes have used their platforms to broadcast many “get out the vote” movements and participate in the Black Lives Matter protests following the death of George Floyd. Although many Boston athletes are becoming prominent figures in social change, one stands out among the crowd — Jaylen Brown. Not only is he a silent leader on the Boston Celtics, Brown is relatively active regarding social change movements. Specifically, in the wake of

Tuesday, November 3, 2020 | Sports | THE TUFTS DAILY the deaths of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor, Brown drove 15 hours to Atlanta, Ga. in order to lead peaceful protests. He is praised for his charity work around the Boston area and wore “Liberation” on his jersey during the latter part of the 2019– 20 NBA season to display his support for the ongoing protests.

Hailing from Marietta, Ga., Brown received various offers from Power Five schools and eventually landed at the prestigious University of California, Berkeley.

While at Cal, Brown was praised for his cerebral game style and his curiosity in the classroom. As a true freshman, he averaged 14.6 points per game and 5.4 rebounds. Following being named as the Pac-12 Freshman of the Year, Brown waived the remaining years of his NCAA eligibility and entered the 2016 NBA draft.

Danny Ainge and the Boston Celtics then drafted Brown at No. 3 overall, one of the better picks from this draft.

One of the more prominent personalities on the Celtics, Jaylen Brown is a fan favorite among the Boston faithful; he plays with such tenacity and intensity on the court, making him a challenge to an opposing defender. Although Brown has suffered various setbacks and slumps through his early career in a Celtic uniform, his attitude and infectious smile make him hard to root against.

In an interview prior to the 2016 NBA draft, Brown stated: “I’m not going to change my values and change my approach because someone feels uncomfortable. I am not going to be disrespectful or step on any toes. But I am going to be me.” His sentiment still echoes today; Brown is outspoken on the many issues that are currently plaguing our country.

After the shooting of Jacob Blake, Brown and fellow teammate Jayson Tatum suggested that the City of Boston utilize the vacant TD Garden as a voting station for

19

the 2020 election. Jaylen Brown also hopes to eliminate voter suppression among historically marginalized groups, which is an issue that is prominent especially during this election season.

In the current period of American history, common people and athletes alike are looked upon to provide change for future generations. Jaylen Brown is a perfect example of an athlete who is using his powerful platform to his advantage; he is voicing strong messages on voter suppression, racial injustice and police reform.

He truly is an important part of what this country needs to maintain a strong future; he demonstrates exemplary influence over the many issues he has stances on and will be crucial to the social reform needed in this country.

Matt Goguen is a sophomore who has not yet declared a major. Matt can be reached at matthew.goguen@tufts.edu.

Athletes’ impact on political climate throughout history ACTIVISM

continued from back 2016, Trump said NFL protesters had a lack of respect for the United States and should leave the country. In September 2017, a month after a white supremacist and neo-Nazi “unite the right” rally incited violence in Charlottesville, Virgina, Trump referred to NFL players who kneeled as ‘sons of b------‘ and said that NFL owners should fire them.

In the past, athletes typically protested individually or in small groups. However, after the killings of Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor and George Floyd this year, players protesting social injustices have reached an unprecedented level, and athletes across the United States’ major sports leagues are more united than they’ve ever been.

After the video of Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin kneeling on George Floyd’s neck for eight minutes and 46 seconds was released, protests erupted in cities across the United States. Many professional athletes, including NBA players Jaylen Brown and Malcolm Brogdon, were at the front lines of these protests, marching through the streets and speaking to crowds with megaphones.

Jacob Blake was shot in the back seven times by a Kenosha, Wis. police officer as he tried to get into his car on Aug. 23. A horrifying video of the shooting captured by a neighbor went viral on social media.

In response to the shooting, the top-seeded Milwaukee Bucks decided not to play their playoff game on Aug. 26 in protest. Other teams and leagues followed suit and games in the NBA, WNBA, MLB and MLS were

cancelled or postponed. As teams returned to their respective courts and playing fields, countless players have continued to demonstrate by kneeling during the national anthem, wearing the names of victims of police brutality on their uniforms and using their press conferences solely to speak about social issues.

In the lead-up to the 2020 presidential election, athletes have turned their protests into actions, specifically related to getting out the vote. NBA players agreed to continue playing during the playoffs on the condition that owners would agree to work with local government officials to turn their arenas into safe polling locations for the Nov. 3 election. Chris Paul, president of the NBA players association, reported that 90% of the league’s players had registered to vote in the upcoming election. Viewers tuning into

NFL games each Sunday are peppered with advertisements encouraging people to vote, featuring star players like Deshaun Watson and Cameron Jordan. LeBron James, who was told by Laura Ingraham in 2018 to “shut up and dribble” after criticizing President Trump, founded the voting rights group More Than a Vote with the goal of protecting voting rights for Black Americans.

President Barack Obama recently went on James’ HBO show “The Shop” to talk voting.

“You’ve got Jackie Robinson, Muhammad Ali, folks like Bill Russell in the NBA, Arthur Asche in tennis. Then for a while I think there was a suspension of activism,” President Obama told James. “To see this new generation without fear in speaking their mind and their conscience, I think you guys are setting the tone for a lot of young people … and it made me real proud.”

20 TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 3, 2020

Sports

tuftsdaily.com

A history of athlete protests, activism

by Alex Sharp

Assistant Sports Editor

Months after the assassinations of Martin Luther King Jr. and Bobby Kennedy, two sprinters wearing Team USA navy blue singlets rounded the far turn of Mexico City’s Olympic track and burst onto the home stretch on Oct. 16, 1968. Tommie Smith won the 200-meter race and his teammate John Carlos finished third.

Smith finished in 19.83 seconds, a world record and the first legal sub-20-second 200-meter performance in history. However, the race isn’t remembered for the impressive time or the two American medals, it’s remembered for the medal ceremony.

Smith and Carlos stood on the podium wearing black socks to raise awareness for Black poverty, and Carlos wore beads around his neck to protest lynching. When the national anthem began to play the duo bowed their heads in prayer and raised their black-gloved fists high to bring awareness to the suffering of Black Americans and oppressed people worldwide.

The backlash for the American athletes was swift and harsh.

They were suspended by the U.S. Olympic team and sent home, received death threats and were criticized by the media. Brent Musberger, a prominent American sports commentator, then a columnist for the Chicago American newspaper, compared Smith and Carlos to Nazis. “Smith and Carlos looked like a couple of black-skinned stormtroopers,” Musberger said.

The photo of Smith and Carlos with their fists raised in protest is one of the indelible images of the 1960s, but the history of athletes’ protesting social injustices did not begin — or end — in Mexico City. In 1961, the Boston Celtics traveled to Kentucky for an exhibition game. The team’s Black players, including Hall of Famer Bill Russell, were refused service at a restaurant and responded by boycotting the game. Russell, Jim Brown, Lew Alcindor (later Kareem Abdul-Jabaar) and several other well-known Black athletes met in Cleveland in 1967 to support Muhammad Ali, the heavyweight boxer who refused induction into the U.S. Army as a conscientious objector during the Vietnam War. After being banned from boxing and convicted of a felony charge for draft evasion, Ali became an outspoken civil rights advocate, often giving speeches at colleges and universities.

Many athletes’ historic protests and social justice efforts are less well known. In 1970, nine Black football players at Syracuse University sat out the season to protest inequality in the program.

In 1976, the Yale women’s crew team went into their athletic director’s office, removed their shirts, and read a statement to protest poor conditions and Title IX violations. NBA player Craig Hodges

ANGELO COZZI / WIKIMEDIA COMMONS

American sprinters Tommie Smith and John Carlos, along with Australian Peter Norman, are pictured during the awards ceremony of the 200-meter race at the 1968 Summer Olympics in Mexico City, Mexico. gave President George H. W. Bush a letter imploring the president to take action to combat racism and poverty when the Bulls visited the White House after winning the championship in 1992. When Ethiopian marathon runner Feyisa Lilesa crossed the finish line of the 2016 Rio Olympic marathon in second place, he crossed his

wrists above his head, a symbol of defiance against the Ethiopian government’s treatment of the Oromo ethnic group. With fear for his safety, Lilesa went into exile for two years after the Olympics.

San Francisco 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick began kneeling during the national anthem in 2016 to bring attention to systemic

racism and police brutality in the United States. Kaepernick’s protest quickly gained the attention of the national media, and other players in the NFL, like Kaepernick’s teammate Eric Reid, began taking a knee. Just four years after leading the 49ers to Super Bowl XLVII, Kaepernick went unsigned after the 2016 season.

Kaepernick has not played in the NFL since 2016, but a handful of NFL players continued to kneel, and the issue of NFL anthem protests became a hot button political issue, thanks in large part to the words of President Donald Trump. While campaigning in see ACTIVISM, page 19