Torontohye#153 july 2018 by Torontohye/Թորոնթոհայ

Ä¶. î³ñÇ ÂÇõ 9 (153), ÚàôÈÆê 2018 Øß³ÏáõÃ³ÛÇÝ, ÀÝÏ»ñ³ÛÇÝ, ²ÛÉ³½³Ý ä³ñµ»ñ³Ã»ñÃ

Aris Babikian becomes first Armenian to be elected to Ontario Legislature

Aris Babikian

Ontario Progressive Conservative (PC) leader Doug Ford has won the provincial election with a majority government, overtaking both NDP leader Andrea Horwath and incumbent Premier Kathleen Wynne. Just 15 minutes after polls closed, the PCs had a commanding lead. Ford successfully channelled populist sentiment in Ontario and galvanized voters anger towards the Liberals, who spent the last 15 years in power. Ford had banked on voters believing in his vision for change and pledges to cut government spending, slash taxes for the middle class and offer relief to minimum-wage workers. PC member Aris Babikian made history becoming the first Armenian candidate to win a seat in an Ontario provincial election. Long time community activist and former citizenship judge Babikian run as the PC candidate for Scarborough-Agincourt riding. Babikian is a retired Citizenship Judge, World Vision Canada Multicultural Council Ambassador, Chair of Levant Settlement Centre, and board member of the National Ethnic Press and Media Council of Canada. As citizenship judge, he has lectured on human rights, civic participation, tolerance, Canadian values and traditions. His unwavering commitment to volunteerism and to public service is well known. In recognition of his outstanding contribution to the Canadian civil society, the Canadian government awarded Babikian with Queen Elizabeth II Golden Jubilee, Diamond Jubilee Medals and Canada s 125th Confederation Commemorative Medal. As president of the Armenian National Federation of Canada and the first executive director of the government relations office (Ottawa) of the Armenian National Committee of Canada, he contributed significantly to the Canadian-Armenian community s political, educational, cultural, youth and sports domains.

Volume 13, No. 9 (153), JULY 2018 Toronto Armenian Community Newspaper

TO ADVERTISE IN CANADA s ONLY ARMENIAN MONTHLY NEWSPAPER CALL 416-878-0746

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Serving our Community for 30 years

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ì³ñÅ³ñ³ÝÇ ²Ù³í»ñçÇ »õ Ø³ÝÏ³å³ñï¿½Ç ²õ³ñï³Ï³Ý Ð³Ý¹¿ë. 9 ÚáõÝÇë 2018

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Myanmar Activist Wins Prize Created In Memory ûf Armenian Genocide (RFE/RL)- A veteran lawyer defending the rights of Myanmar s persecuted Rohingya Muslim minority received at the weekend an international humanitarian award created in memory of the 1915 Armenian genocide in Ottoman Turkey. Kyaw Hla Aung was declared the winner of the 2018 Aurora Prize for Awakening Humanity at a pre-dawn ceremony held near an ancient Armenian monastery, against the backdrop of Mount Ararat located just across Armenia s border with Turkey. He received the prize carrying a $100,000 personal grant during another solemn event held in Yerevan on Sunday evening. The support of the Aurora Prize serves as important recognition for all of the Muslim victims of human rights violations, he said. The annual award was established in 2015 by three prominent Diaspora Armenians: philanthropists Ruben Vardanyan and Noubar Afeyan, and Vartan Gregorian, the president of the Carnegie Corporation of New York. It is designed to honor individuals around the world who risk their lives to help others. The prize is named after Aurora Mardiganian, an Armenian genocide survivor who witnessed the massacre of relatives and told her story in a book and film. Armenia - The main official ceremony of the 2018 Aurora Prize for Awakening Humanity in Yerevan, 10 June 2018. Armenia - The main official ceremony of the 2018 Aurora Prize for Awakening Humanity in Yerevan, 10 June 2018. Kyaw Hla Aung was selected by an international committee from among 750 nominations submitted from 115 countries. The selection committee comprises dignitaries such as Mexico s former President Ernesto Zedillo, former French Foreign Minister

TorontoHye editor Karin Saghdejian with former WUC International Vice Chair Jill Longson and CNN hero Umra Omar, after presentation of the Aurora Prize, Ararat Valley, June 10.

Bernard Kouchner and former U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Samantha Power. Kyaw Hla Aung has for decades been trying to protect the Rohingya community against discrimination and grave human rights abuses committed by Myanmar authorities. He has spent a total of 12 years in prison as a result of his efforts. Kyaw Hla Aung is based in Sittwe, the capital of Myanmar s northwestern Rakhine state where more than one million Rohingya lived until a year ago. Myanmar s armed forces launched last summer a brutal crackdown on them in response to armed attacks by Rohingya insurgents. Nearly 700,000 Rohingya have fled to neighboring Bangladesh since August, creating

2018 Aurora Humanitarian Prize winner Rohingya lawyer Kyaw Hla Aung with Prize founders N. Afeyan, V. Grogorian and R. Vardanyan, Ararat Valley, June 10.

one of the world s largest refugee camps. The refugees have reported systematic killings, burnings, looting and rape committed by security forces. The United Nations and the United States have described the crackdown as ethnic cleansing - an accusation which Myanmar denies. Kyaw Hla Aung s work personifies the spirit of the Aurora Prize, said Mary Robinson, a former UN high commissioner for human rights and another member of the selection committee. Power, for her part, lamented what she called the international community s inadequate response to the Rohingya refugee crisis. An entire people has been systematically murdered, raped and deported

from their country, and no contact group has been formed, the former U.S. envoy said in Yerevan. Vardanyan, who is an Armenian-born Russian businessman, drew parallels between the plight of Rohingya Muslims and Armenians deported and massacred by the Ottoman Turks during the First World War. I think there was something symbolic [about the choice of the 2018 prize winner,] he told RFE/RL s Armenian service. But it was really not our decision. Like the previous two Aurora Prize winners, Kyaw Hla Aung was also awarded an additional $1 million to donate to organizations that inspired his work. He chose three charities providing medical and other relief aid to Rohingya refugees.

Humanitarian Leaders Convene at the Annual Aurora Dialogues Yerevan to Discuss Solutions to the World s Major Humanitarian Challenges On June 9, 2018 the Aurora Humanitarian Initiative hosted the third annual Aurora Dialogues, entitled Inspire, Empower, Impact. The conference was made possible by the support of the Federal Foreign Office of Germany and through the collaboration with the Global Perspectives Initiative (GPI). The Dialogues, attended by prominent humanitarian and human rights figures such as Co-Founder of Médecins Sans Frontières Bernard Kouchner and former US Ambassador to the United Nations Samantha Power, explored sustainable solutions to meeting the needs of vulnerable communities around the world. The Aurora Dialogues opened with welcome remarks from Jane Corbin, awardwinning BBC journalist and filmmaker, followed by an address from Aurora CoFounder Vartan Gregorian, who introduced the Dialogues, saying: Aurora wants to reach out, to remind people everywhere that conscience still matters. Value still matters; humanity still matters; dignity still matters. We re all creatures of the same humanity, but that comes with great responsibility. Samantha Power, Aurora Prize Selection Committee Member, then highlighted the importance of international diplomacy and grassroots action to make a difference to the refugee crisis. On changing the narrative around humanitarian issues Ambassador Power said, We need to put faces on crises. People are so overwhelmed right now by the scale of suffering and tragedy. The Inform panel saw the presentation of the 2018 Aurora Humanitarian Index, during which two members of the Aurora Selection Committee Kouchner and Ernesto Zedillo, former President of Mexico

BBC journalist Jane Corbin conducts a talk with Aurora humanitarian Initiative guests in Yerevan, June 9.

joined online site Refugees Deeply cofounder Preethi Nallu and Aurora cofounder Ruben Vardanyan, to discuss how information empowers individuals and organizations to drive change. Preethi Nallu reflected on the media s responsibility to provide insight into crises. So much information is thrown at us at such a rapid rate that we re often reducing very complex narratives and experiences into digestible content. We re creating black and white narratives that simply do not start the conversations that can help a lot of people at the heart of displacement, and rehabilitating their communities, she said. Alice Greenwald, President and CEO of the National September 11 Memorial and Museum, introduced a session of inspiring one-to-one conversations between members of the Selection Committee and the 2018 Aurora Prize Humanitarians.

At a time when lack of empathy for the misfortunes of others is routinely demonstrated, promoted, and even at times legislated, there is no more effective way to champion the value and urgency of action in support of others than to celebrate the stories of those who step up. These stories must be told, they need to be remembered, but most importantly, we need to learn from them, said Ms. Greenwald. Selection Committee Members Gareth Evans, President Emeritus of the International Crisis Group and Former Foreign Minister of Australia; Mary Robinson, former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and former President of Ireland; and Lord Ara Darzi, Director of the Institute of Global Health Innovation at the Imperial College London then interviewed the 2018 Aurora Humanitarians. Rohingya

rights advocate Kyaw Hla Aung; Prajwala co-founder Sunitha Krishnan; and La 72 founder Friar Héctor Tomás González Castillo explained the inspiration that drives them to continue fighting for the most vulnerable around the world. 2017 Aurora Prize Laureate Dr. Tom Catena; Hainan Cihang Charity Foundation President Philipp Rösler; Safari Doctors Founder and 2017 CNN Hero Umra Omar; and Fondation du Grand-Duc et de la Grande-Duchesse Director Mike van Kauvenberg, then gathered to analyze the best ways business, government, non-profit organizations and on-the-ground entities can work together to provide lasting solutions. I m a firm believer in local solutions for local problems. We are able to reach much bigger milestones in addressing community needs when we get this unconditional support that comes in, however small, versus large grants that have us focusing on the technical side of operation, said Umra Omar, Founder of Safari Doctors when discussing the impact of grassroots action. Aurora Co-Founder Noubar Afeyan concluded the Aurora Dialogues by saying: All of us are the beneficiaries of some sort of intervention that helped us achieve or survive. The more one achieves, the more one can feel a debt of gratitude that can get converted for those most in need. The more that creates impact, the more it will spread gratitude in action. The third annual Aurora Dialogues Ye r e v a n e v e n t w a s h e l d a t t h e Matenadaran, the Institute of Ancient Manuscripts, in Armenia as a part of a weekend of special events to celebrate the 2018 Aurora Prize.

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PERFORMING ARTS

Toronto AGBU Celebrates Aram Khatchaturian Anniversary with Unforgettable Concert By: isa basmadjian This year marks the 115th anniversary of the birth of the world renowned Armenian composer Aram Khatchaturian. It is also the 40th anniversary of the Aram Khatchaturian Museum in Yerevan. Because we all couldn t be in Armenia to commemorate these momentous events, the AGBU invited Armine Grigoryan, director of the Khatchaturian Museum, professor at the Yerevan State Conservatory and a member of the famed Khatchaturian Trio, to help us do so here in North America. Grigoryan was not the sole artist on the Toronto AGBU stage on the evening of June 15th. Joining her were two other astonishingly gifted pianists, Sona Barseghyan and Narine Mardoyan, as well as the prodigious saxophonist Ara Arakelyan. TorontoAGBU chairperson, Mihran Egavian, in his introductory address remarked that although it was Grigoryan s first visit to Toronto, the other performers on the program had graced the Toronto AGBU stage on other memorable occasions; all part and parcel of the AGBU s mission of commitment to Armenian art and culture as well as the support and promotion of its talented artists. The evening began with Grigoryan s unabashed recounting, in pictures and words, of Aram Khatchaturian s Armenian roots and their influence and inspiration in developing his talents, which ultimately earned him the esteem of his peers, the admiration of numerous illustrious personages, plus countless fans around the world. And in taking

Pianists Armine Grigoryan, Sona Parseghyan and Narine Mardoyan and Saxophonist Ara Arakelyan.

the spectator on a tour of the Aram Khatchaturian Museum in Yerevan using visual aids, Grigoryan reinforced her theme of the magnificence and uniqueness of this great composer. However, in the midst of her presentation, the unforeseen happened, a power failure. After a brief hesitation, Grigoryan, undaunted, continued with her presentations and visuals and microphone. The large crowd in the Babayan Hall applauded her perseverance. She then went to the piano to

continue with a performance of the beloved Komitas song, Krounk. In the dark, without any visual distractions, the power of the music somehow became even more poignant, more soulful, more meaningful. The audience was enthralled. Grigoryan s beautiful interpretation was just the beginning. Other exquisite renditions on the piano, mostly Khatchaturian compositions, followed, with Grigoryan performing duets with Mardoyan and then Barseghyan. And all of a sudden the lights came back on. The audience

gasped. Oblivious to it all, the performers continued playing. Now the audience could see them swaying to the rhythm of the music as if it had cast a spell on them; their expressions reflecting every nuance of the composition. We too were transported into the melodies. They conjured up thoughts and feelings of the past and of memories to be made. A new sound came on the scene with the masterful performance on the saxophone by Arakelyan. Whether he accompanied Barseghyan or Grigoryan, the effect was the same, bewitching. Although the evening s four performers are all serious professionals, they also demonstrated a charming sense of humour when, in their finale, Mr. Arakelyan, playing the role of a villain, unexpectedly charged on the stage brandishing a fake sabre, purportedly to attack the ladies. They, in turn, feigned shock and fear reminiscent of scenes in silent movies. At that time the ladies precipitated to the piano and Arakelyan picked up his saxophone and they all began to play, delighting the audience with a spirited rendition of Khatchaturian s Sabre Dance. They received a prolonged standing ovation and kudos at the end of their performance. At the onset of the program, Grigoryan had mentioned that Khatchaturian had wanted the world to learn about and to love Armenian music as he did. This unforgettable concert and its stars did just that; they made us love their performances, the music they played and so much more.

A lot of joy, but a lot of nostalgia: Toronto bids bittersweet farewell to TSO s Peter Oundjian (CBC)- As a violinist, conductor and music director of the TSO Peter Oundjian has created a legacy for himself while shaping one of the city s biggest cultural institutions over the past three decades. '3f In preparation of Oundjian stepping down as music director, The Toronto Symphony Orchestra (TSO) has been honouring him with farewell concerts for the month of June. It s always mixed feelings, Oundjian told CBC Radio-Canada. A lot of joy, but a lot of nostalgia. And after 14 years of international tours, music festivals and an overall rebranding of the orchestra, it was the city s turn to honour the conductor at one of his final concerts Friday afternoon, a free event called Thank You, Toronto! Mayor John Tory presented Oundjian with a key to the city and talked about his impact on the symphony. TSO musical director Peter Oundjian conducted one of his final Toronto Mayor John Tory said it was an honour to give Oundjian performances, a free event in Roy Thompson Hall called Thank You, He has brought a fresh reputation to a key to the city. (CBC Radio-Canada) Toronto! (CBC Radio-Canada). the TSO, not just in our hometown but in Morale was very low, Oundjian told which were both lacking. to small communities in northern Ontario. other parts of the world, Tory said. When CBC s Matt Galloway on Metro Morning last You don t actually create philanthropy, What I guess I ve worked on is to try to Peter took over the TSO in 2004, it was not Tuesday. They had a very very difficult you identify it. If someone isn t really create much more freedom, much more what you see and what you d experience previous few years, referring to the shortage interested in making a significant donation communication, much more joy in music today. of funding, sparse audiences and low to the symphony you re probably not going making and to also make the people who Oundjian was also given the status community interest. to persuade them, they have to be open to come to listen to us feel this positive energy, Music Director Emeritus, which means The musician started as a solo violinist it in the first place. positive vibe, in the room, he said. although he s leaving Toronto and stepping As for who s replacing him, that s still He s also credited for bringing in more down from the podium, he ll be back in years for the symphony in 1981. He still remembers to come to periodically conduct concerts. the atmosphere when he began conducting unknown, but Sir Andrew Davis, who was than half of the TSO s current musicians and the TSO s music director in the 70s and 80s, for creating two new music festivals, including Musically, and in every other way, they in 1998. I remember there was a real chilliness will fill in temporarily. the New Creations Festival, which showcases just became a stronger team, Oundjian said when I first came to conduct, Oundjian said. It s kind of like flying new Canadian and international orchestral of the TSO. Playing wise, there was always a huge Oundjian is known for touring the music. Morale was very low Tory also reminded the audience that amount of talent. orchestra throughout Europe, Israel, as well It s pretty magical; it s kind of like flying, Oundjian launched his career when the When he took the position of music as making two sold-out appearances in New he said about being part of the orchestra. It orchestra was going through some director in 2004, Oundjian said he worked to York City s Carnegie Hall. is one the most incredible examples of human challenges. increase the institution s morale and funds, Here at home, Oundjian took the TSO cooperation that anyone can imagine.

CANADA-ARMENIA

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Armenian Community Celebrates Heritage on Centennial of First Armenian Republic at Canadian History Museum On June 13, 2018, Armenian Canadian heritage was celebrated on the occasion of the centennial of the Republic of Armenia of 1918-2018. The event was held under the auspices of His Eminence Archbishop Papken Tcharian, Prelate of Canada who led a memorial service at the St. Onuphrius Ukrainian Church located in the History Museum s Canada Hall. Close to 120 special guests, representatives of the Government of Canada and the diplomatic corps participated in the event. Celebrating this important chapter in our community s and Armenia s history following the tragic 1915 Genocide at the Canadian Museum of History emphasises our strong collective commitment to remembrance, human rights promotion and condemnation of genocide, remarked the MC, Nora Arouchian, from the Armenian Prelacy s National Education Council. Welcoming dignitaries following grace, Archbishop Tcharian stated that independence from oppression is a sacred value, Armenia s first independence thus remains, above all, ideological in nature. The Prelate thanked Canadians and our successive governments for opening their hearts and receiving Armenian Genocide survivors and dislocated refugees and blessed both Canada and Armenia. A message for this occasion from Prime Minister Justin Trudeau was read: It was 100 years ago this May that Armenians declared independence and established the First Republic of Armenia. Only by overcoming many obstacles and enduring the hardships of the time that an independent Armenian

state was able to re-emerge. It was a truly significant achievement and one that held the foundation for the modern-day Armenian Republic. Canada s cultural diversity is one of our greatest strength and sources of pride. Canadians of Armenian descent have made and continue to make important contributions to our national fabric. Armenian Ambassador to Canada Levon Martirosyan, also addressed the crowd recognizing the role Canadians played after the Genocide and the significance of the first Armenian Independence. Two presentations on the historical context ensued. The first on Armenians in the Canadian Expeditionary Force: Volunteers and Draftees, was delivered by Fresno State University Emeritus Professor Isabel Kaprielian-Churchill. The speaker, who is a well-known researcher on Armenian immigration and culture in the Diaspora, is Archbishop Papken Tcharian, Prelate of Canada, leads a memorial service at the St. Onuphrius Ukrainian Church in the History Museum s Canada Hall, June 13, Ottawa. also the author of Like Our Mountains: A History of Armenians in Canada, and, Sisters of Mercy: Armenian Nurses, 1900-1930. The second presentation dealt with Canada s substantial interest in the fate of the Armenian people one hundred years ago. It was delivered by Aram Adjemian, author of The Call from Armenia: Canada s Response to the Armenian Genocide. The speaker talked about deliberations in Canada for assuming a mandate for Armenia and overall support provided to the junior ally . The special event was concluded with an exhibition and a reception at the Museum Hub, celebrating this historic milestone. Aram Adjemian

Professor Isabel Kaprielian-Churchill

Armenian Missionary Association Of America (AMAA) Celebrates 100th Anniversary The Armenian Missionary Association of America (AMAA) is Celebrating the 100th Anniversary of its Foundation with events taking place around the world from October 2017 October 2018. On Saturday, May 12th 2018, organized by the Armenian Missionary Association Of Canada (AMAC), with the efforts of Toronto Board Members and a Special Centennial Committee, the AMAA 100th Anniversary Celebrations were embraced by more than 275 attendees. The welcoming and opening remarks were made by the chair of the Organizing Committee, Dr. Ani (Janbazian) Hasserjian. She noted that the gathering was a Celebration of Faithful Service by the AMAA for a Century and by the AMAC for almost 35 years, of Commitment, To Serve the Physical and Spiritual needs of people everywhere . Mr. Zaven Khanjian delivered a message on behalf of the AMAA, which was followed by a DVD Presentation, reflecting A Legacy of Faith, Love and Service Of the Armenian Missionary Association of America for the past 100 years. The Program included A Musical Journey by talented Armenian Young Professionals. Dr. Hasserjian introduced Dr. Rupert Abdalian, who grew up with dreams of becoming a Concert Pianist. He graduated with High Distinction from McGill Music Conservatory. He has won many accolades in Canadian Music Festivals and Competitions. However, Dr. Abdalian did eventually find himself caught between a career as a doctor and a pianist. He realized his place was in the middle. He graduated from McGill University Faculty of Medicine and completed a postgraduate residency in Internal Medicine and Gastroenterology at University Of Toronto. He is currently chief of the Division of Gastroenterology at North York General Hospital, in Toronto and is an adjunct lecturer at University Of Toronto, in the departments of Medicine and Surgery. His performance of the Waltz and Nocturne (from Masquerade Suite) of Aram Khachaturian, as well as all the other pieces

of Alan Hovhannes, Arno Babajanyan and Frederic Chopin, proved in fact what Dr. Abdalian believes in: Music and Medicine are complimentary pursuits. His hopes were truly demonstrated, that one does not need to give up Arts to pursue a career in Medicine. The Soloist, Mrs. Sona Hovsepian, has studied piano from an early age under the tutorship of her mother. She is a graduate of the Komitas State Conservatory of Music Of Yerevan with an MA in Music. Now based in Toronto, she is a much sought after and loved performer as a soloist in various concerts and festivals. She also conducts children s choirs and is a teacher of piano and voice for all ages. Mrs. Hovsepyan was able to mesmerize the audience with a series of Armenian Memorable Songs and Habanera (from Carmen Opera) of George Bizet. Duduk player Vahan Ouroudyan, a graduate from Komitas State Conservatory of Yerevan, Gyumri Branch, played many solo breathtaking pieces from Komitas and other popular music on Clarinet and Duduk. He also accompanied the Soloist in some of the songs, which were truly enjoyed by all. Well known Pianist, Mrs. Talin Artinian Kelebozian is a graduate from the Damascus State Conservatory as well as from the Komitas State Conservatory of Yerevan. She accompanied the Soloist very professionally in all of her repertoire. All four of the musicians are regular contributors to Sunday Church Service Liturgy at Armenian Churches in Toronto. By the request of the audience, under the influence of the Long Standing Ovations , the Musical Program was concluded by the song How Great Thou Art , sung by Hovsepian, accompanied by Abdalian and Ouroudyan on piano and duduk respectively. The celebrations of the AMAA Centennial could not be possible without acknowledging the hard work and contributions of some members of the Armenian Evangelical Church of Toronto. Mr. Mihran Jizmejian was recognized by the Centennial Committee, with a Citation, as a sign of appreciation and respect, for the

hard work that he has done. He was given the consideration which was due, for everything that he has done in the Middle East and In Canada at Armenian Evangelical Schools, Publications, Churches, Christian Endeavour Societies, Youth Groups and others, as a Principal, a Teacher, an Editor, Minister s Assistant, Lecturer etc... . Specifically, Mr. Jizmejian was honoured for being a Founding Board Member, an Executive Secretary, an Executive Director and the Current President of the AMAC. His devotion to the goals of the AMAA and AMAC as a Volunteer for the past 35 years are exceptional and are greatly appreciated. The Citation was presented by Rev. Hovhannes Sarmazian. M r. A n t i b a s L o u s a r a r i a n w a s acknowledged for his contributions at the Armenian Evangelical Church of Toronto,

Mission Committee. The Plaque was presented by Rev. Yesayi Sarmazian. After the closing remarks, Dr. Hasserjian invited Rev. Serop Megerdichian for Blessings with a prayer. At the Rev. Dr. Movses Janbazian Church Hall, the Celebrations continued with the Cake Cutting Ceremony followed by an Exquisite Reception, prepared by the Organizing Committee with the help of the Church Ladies Auxiliary members and was served by the Youth of the Armenian Evangelical Church of Toronto. The fellowship continued until late into the evening, with those present enjoying a Silent Auction and a great Reception. Proceeds of the AMAA Centennial Celebration Musical Concert will be allocated to ASKERAN Kindergarten of Artsakh.

REQUIEM GARO KAVOUKIAN 29 March 1921 - 5 June 2018 Will be remembered at the Requiem Service following Holy Mass

15 July 2018 Holy Trinity Armenian Church 920 Progress Ave. Toronto

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VARIETY

ARS School Competes in Their 1st Track and Field Meet

The art of thinking...on one s feet! By: Talyn Terzian-Gilmour I m often surprised at the vastness of human interaction: in other words, it s amazing what boundaries people will cross when relating with one another. Specifically, my boundaries, which some may say are a little more narrow than others. And in the face of having my boundaries crossed, what s even more surprising is how often I find myself completely stunned, immobile and utterly incapable of thinking on my feet I remember when I d go clubbing with my girlfriends in my late teens. Back then it was pretty easy to get your hands on a fake ID in fact, with a little creativity one could easily create their own. In any case, there were three of us and we were inseparable. All week long we would talk about which clubs we d go to and with whom, plan outfits and so on and so forth. We were a lot more daring then And while the first was the pretty one and the second was the sweetheart, I always liked playing the part of, for lack of a better term, smart ass. Random beefcake: Hey. Howzit goin ? Can I get you a drink? Me: No thanks. Ugh. I m onto this guy he s definitely not interested in my world views Random beefcake: Puffing chest like a peacock. So, uh, you and your friends come here often? Me: Ya. Lame. Please go away. Random beefcake: You know honey, we didn t wait in line. I know some guys. Getting very full of himself. I could get you in whenever you like. Me: Hmmm thanks. That s ok. Oh. My. God. Gross. Feeling like I ve been drenched in slime. Turning to leave Random beefcake: Crosses boundary! Grabs my arm and getting a little feisty. So it looks like my friends are hooking up with your friends so how about Me: Looks that would shoot daggers and kill in an instant. Remove beefcake s hand from my person. How about what? Look, I m sure you re a really nice guy. But here s the thing. I m studying international relations and politics. I m planning on being a diplomat or a lawyer, ok? I don t think there s a match here. So how about you just move on? Oooooh harsh walk away. Now that s thinking on your feet. But somewhere along the way, that very selfassured girl took a bit of a back seat. Call it having babies, call it changed priorities, call it growing up and being immersed in environments where the rules perhaps aren t as clear In my XX years, situations seem more complicated, the stakes are higher and thinking on your feet means keeping your head in the game a game that knows no boundaries Like that certain person (we all know one) who, no matter what, will point out just how tired I look every single time I see them. EVERY. SINGLE. TIME. Monday morning? Tired. Friday afternoon? Tired. Dressed to kill? Tired. Always tired, tired, TIRED! Appalling.

And though this is a regular occurrence, it s still surprising. Is there no nicer way to greet someone? Now, I m not saying that one shouldn t show care or empathy, or even concern at my once-in-a-while or moretimes-than-usual haggard state. But since when did that kind of small talk replace the inconsequential talk about the weather?! I wish I could just reply, Ya, what of it?! I have this chronic condition, perhaps you ve heard of it, it s called: LACK OF WORK LIFE BALANCE-ITIS. You know, like PULLED IN A MILLION DIFFERENT DIRECTIONS-EMIA But relationships are complicated So instead, I do what I always do I acquiesce, half whimper and smile. Why be surprised? Why assume that everyone respects boundaries? Sadly, I m often most caught off guard while at work. And I think this has more to do with the fact that thinking fast and being on my toes just doesn t seem akin to developing marketing strategy, financial models and writing presentations or reports not terribly life or death situations, right? Wrong. For example, the other day I was told by someone that if I made a mistake, just one mistake, in a very important document that I was responsible for, a document that had taken over three weeks to craft, that they would kill someone nay (and here it comes) with slit eyes, dark face and bony finger pointing towards me that they would kill me! Now THAT S harsh. Despite the (hopefully probable) fact that it was an obvious turn of phrase and common colloquialism, my boundaries had not only been crossed, but pulverized, like after a nuclear attack. The situation was also just a little bit ridiculous. As soon as the words were out, I think I just stood there, mouth agape, and the only thing that I did or said again (DAMMIT!!) was half whimper and smile. Seriously. Like why couldn t I have responded with any of the following: 1. Wow, that seems kind of violent. 2. Whoah. You know that s against the law, right? 3. I think the last time I threatened to kill someone (obviously as a turn of phrase) I was highly hormonal, 16 and in high school. 4. Now that s not being much of a team player. Hey man, if I go down you go down. 5. Aha. I get that you would like for me to be like a robot or some kind of droid that is incapable of human error. I shall endeavor to rise to this impossible challenge. 6. @#$% YOU. Is it that I need more of a backbone? Is it that I just shouldn t care? Or is it the fact that perhaps I need to remember that boundaries, for some, are meant for crossing. So what if I just crossed my own first? What if, I put aside sweetness, politesse, empathy and consideration? Sounds like too big of a price to pay for not being me. Though I am all for some witty repartee here s a good summer project: time to get back in the game and master the art of thinking on one s feet!

ARS school track and field teams.

By: Sam Manougian For the past several years, the ARS Armenian private school has been expanding its athletic program, each year achieving additional success. The school groups started to win championships in volleyball, basketball and soccer as new championship banners started to decorate the gym. This year for the first time the athletics program was expanded to include grades 2, 3 and 4. After an excellent cross-country program in September and October, the school entered a team in the SSAF Track and Field meet for Under 10 and Under 12 age groups. Led by coaches McDowell, Borecky and Sam Manougian, the students were very excited and eager as they started their practices in preparation of their upcoming meets. The dates of the meets quickly arrived. The under 12 tournament was held on May 11 at the Toronto Outdoor Track and Field Centre at York University. Four athletes represented the ARS school. The top ARS runner for the under 12 team was Berge Marcarian who easily won his heat in the 400 meters and placed 4th overall. The under 10 tournament was held 3

weeks later on May 29 at the Terry Fox Track and Field Stadium in Brampton. The ARS school fielded a team of 35 athletes which was the maximum number of athletes allowed under the rules. A total of 30 schools were represented and they had brought their top athletes. The competition was extremely tough and the students had to deal with the difficult condition of long hours under a very hot sun. In spite of everything, all the ARS students performed extremely well. The top 4 athletes in each event earned valuable points for their school. The top runner for the ARS school for the under 10 category was Gayaneh Artounian. She easily won her heat in the 200 meters and crushed her opponents by over 20 meters at the finish line. Her time held up for a valuable 4th place finish overall which was an amazing result. As this was the initial year, the ARS team is developing in track and field. The team gained valuable experience this year and laid a strong foundation for next year s track and field team. The students are excited and looking forward to September for a successful cross-country and track and field season next year.

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DIASPORA

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Ethnic communities urge Quebec to adopt mandatory genocide curriculum The Jewish, Armenian, Rwandan and other communities that have suffered mass atrocities have coalesced to urge the Quebec government to make the study of genocide compulsory in all high schools. A campaign to raise $100,000 to develop curriculum materials for the proposed program was launched by The Foundation for the Compulsory Study of Genocide in Schools, a grassroots organization founded in 2014 by Heidi Berger to lobby for genocide education, on June 19. Berger, the child of Holocaust survivors, believes that education is the key to preventing hatred and radicalization, and is dismayed that only passing reference is made to it in the province s mandatory curriculum. Last October, after years of being told by politicians and bureaucrats that it could not be done, the Education Ministry offered to partner with the foundation to form a working committee to develop resources for teaching about genocide. That committee composed of ministry staff, teachers, experts and foundation volunteers has been meeting every since. However, Berger said it is the foundation s responsibility to fund those materials, including a teacher s guide and an educational video that s suitable for all schools. She is confident that these things will soon be available. The June 19 campaign launch was hosted by the Kandy Gallery and attended by about 150 guests, including representatives of the Rwandan, Armenian, and Cambodian communities. Also present were representatives of the Muslim community, to which the foundation has reached out, as well as Education Ministry official Sarah Mainich. No province has a mandatory genocide curriculum, Berger noted. The foundation s ultimate goal is to see that the subject is taught across Canada. The foundation is a registered charitable

organization that s administered through the Jewish Community Foundation of Montreal and relies solely on the private sector for funding. It grew out of Berger s personal mission to talk about the Holocaust in schools around the province, following the death in 2006 of her mother, Anna Kazimirski, a survivor from Poland who for many years spoke to young people as a Montreal Holocaust Museum volunteer. Berger came to realize that many teens do not know much about the Holocaust and other modern genocides. Many people don t even know what the word genocide means, she said. Survivors testimonies are not enough, said Berger, young people have to understand the steps that lead to genocide. Most teachers are reluctant to do that. They are either afraid, are not interested or say they don t have time, she said. Until last fall, education ministers and civil servants were dismissive of what the foundation was trying to do. Berger attributes the breakthrough to Education Minister Sébastien Proulx. There are only two short paragraphs in the Secondary V history course on Terrorism and Conflict, she noted. The Holocaust is only referred to as a movement to deprive Jews of civil rights. The foundation also speaks about the mass killings in Bosnia and Darfur, as well as those in Syria, Iraq and Myanmar. Mheir Karakchian, who s Armenian, praised what the foundation has accomplished: Three years ago, we had nothing. But we put our forces together and now we are a community, there is solidarity of the victims. Moses Gashirabake, a Tutsi survivor of the 1994 Rwandan massacre, also welcomed the initiative, saying that, It s not easy because Rwandan survivors do not like to speak out, but now, with the Jewish and Armenian communities, we can hold hands and support

Heidi Berger, left, greets filmmaker John Curtin, the director of Why the Jews? (Janice Arnold/The CJN)

each other. Holocaust survivors Sidney Zoltak and Marguerite Quddus also endorsed the foundation s work. However, another audience member, Roman Serbyn, a retired history professor at the Université du Québec à Montréal, wondered why the foundation has made no mention of the genocide that took place in his native Ukraine, referring to the Soviet Union s forced famine in the early 1930s. Foundation spokesperson Marcy Bruck told The CJN that it will be included in the curriculum that s currently being developed. The documentary Why the Jews? by Montreal filmmaker John Curtin was also screened at the event. In it, lawyer Alan Dershowitz, Israeli President Shimon Peres, Rabbi Jonathan Sacks of Great Britain and Rabbi Reuben Poupko of Montreal, among others, offer opinions on how such a tiny and

often persecuted group could have achieved so much. Curtin s father, who left Vienna in 1939, was Jewish, but the filmmaker was raised as a Catholic. The idea for the film began to germinate when he was a CBC reporter in Berlin and was surprised by the admiration Germans had for the Jewish people. In the panel discussion, Rabbi Poupko said Jews are mistaken in thinking that antiSemitism is rooted in jealousy. Anti-Semites dismiss those achievements because they see them as evidence of a Jewish conspiracy or influence, he said. Anti-Semitism is not despite, or in ignorance of, the accomplishments of Jews; it is because of those accomplishments. They remind anti-Semites of their failures, therefore they have to destroy those people. (Canadian Jewish News)

Landmark Turkish Divestment Bill Clears First Senate Hearing The Divestment from Turkish Bonds Act, Today, AB 1597, on Monday passed the Senate Public Employment & Retirement Committee by a vote of 4-0, with one abstention, continuing a historic movement to hold Turkey accountable for their continued denial of the genocide of 1.5 million Armenians. I am grateful for my colleagues for joining with me to fight for justice for the 1.5 million Armenian souls who perished in the Genocide, stated Assemblymember Adrin Nazarian. If Turkey continues to fund Armenian Genocide deniers they must be financially punished. AB 1597 prohibits the boards of the California Public Retirement System (CalPERS) and California State Teachers Retirement System (CalSTRS) from making additional or new investments, or renewing

existing investments issued, owned, controlled, or managed by the government of Turkey. For the past few years, the ANCAWestern Region has been diligently working closely with the Armenian Youth Federation and Assemblymember Adrin Nazarian on advancing the Divest Turkey initiative step by step, and we are gratified that AB1597 cleared one more hurdle today, said Nora Hovsepian, Esq., the chair of the Armenian National Committee of America-Western Region. We look forward to seeing California s investment policy come into alignment with its unequivocal policy calling for justice for the Armenian Genocide, and we will continue to do all we can to achieve this goal, added Hovsepian. The boards shall liquidate investments only upon action taken by the federal

government. More specifically, CalPERS and CalSTRS must liquidate any of the investments described above within six months of the passage of federal sanctions on Turkey. This bill also requires the boards of CalPERS and CalSTRS to submit reports to the Legislature and the Governor, within a year of when the federal government issues sanctions against Turkey. The report will detail a list of investments that they have already liquidated and a list of investments that potentially can be liquidated. AB 1597 will now be debated and voted on by the Senate Judiciary Committee. Adrin Nazarian represents the 46th Assembly District, serving the San Fernando Valley communities of Hollywood Hills, Lake Balboa, North Hills, North Hollywood, Panorama City.

State Assemblymember Adrin Nazarian

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Armenian Government, Parliament Move To Amend Election Law (RFE/RL)- Armenia s prime minister and parliament set up on June 20 separate working groups tasked with drafting amendments to the Electoral Code before anticipated fresh parliamentary elections. The commission formed by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian will be headed by his first deputy, Ararat Mirzoyan, and comprise other senior government officials, the chairman of the Central Election Commission (CEC) and civil society representatives. One of those civic activists, Daniel Ioannisian, told RFE/RL that the commission will publicize its first draft amendments to the code as early as next week after discussing them with the Council of Europe s Venice Commission. Ioannisian said he and several government officials will travel to Venice for that purpose. Ioannisian said the ad hoc body will essentially propose additional legal safeguards against multiple voting and a change of the existing mechanism for electing the National

Assembly. It will seek to ensure that Armenians vote only for parties or blocs, rather than their individual candidates running in nationwide constituencies. This change of the electoral system is supported by virtually all political groups except the former ruling Republican Party of Armenia (HHK). The latter is thought to have strongly benefited from the existing system in the last elections held in April 2017. Shortly after Pashinian s executive order, the four political forces represented in the Armenian parliament issued a joint statement saying that they have formed a separate task force that will also work on a reform of the electoral legislation. Each of them appointed three members of the working group. They expressed readiness to cooperate with the government commission. The policy program of Pashinian s cabinet approved by the National Assembly earlier this month calls for the conduct of pre-term general elections within one year. The premier

has made no secret of his desire to hold them this fall. Leaders of the parliamentary forces have been more vague on possible election dates. Senior representatives of the HHK, which

has the largest group in the current parliament, spoke out against snap polls until this month. But the former ruling party indicated three weeks ago that it is ready to embrace the idea in principle.

Pension Reform Bill Approved By Parliament (RFE/RL)- The National Assembly approved on Wednesday the new Armenian government s decision to complete an unpopular reform of the country s pension system which was launched four years ago. The new Western-backed system is to cover 280,000 or so Armenian workers born after 1973. It requires them to earn most of their future pensions with monthly financial contributions to one of two private pension funds operating in Armenia. Both funds are owned by European companies. The former government, which embarked on the pension reform in January 2014, said that the existing mechanism for retirement benefits is not sustainable because of Armenia s aging and shrinking population. But it decided to make the new system optional for private sector employees until July 2018 in response to angry street protests. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian defended the reform when he presented his newly formed cabinet s policy program to the parliament earlier this month. But in a major concession to Armenians affected by it, the cabinet approved on June 11 a bill that would temporarily cut their pension tax rate from 5 percent to 2.5 percent. The move prompted Labor and Social Affairs Minister Mane Tandilian, who was one of the organizers of the 2014 protests, to step down. Later, Tandilian withdrew her resignation after Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian pledged

to consider amending a new pension system that will become mandatory on July 1 for all Armenians born after 1973. Tandilian was one of the organizers of street protests in 2014 against the reform requiring those citizens to finance a large part of their future pensions through additional tax payments. The protests forced Armenia s former government to make the new system, recommended by Western donors, optional for private sector employees until July 2018. Finance Minister Atom Janjughazian presented the bill to the National Assembly on Tuesday. He insisted that the effective privatization of the pension system is the only way to ensure that people get pensions worthy of their work after retirement. The parliament passed the bill in the first reading by 78 votes to 2. Seven other deputies abstained. All of them represent the Armenian Revolutionary Federation, Pashinian s coalition partner which has opposed the reform. The ARF-affiliated Minister for Economic Artsvik Minasian openly objected to the bill on June 11. His objections clearly irritated Pashinian, who said that all ministers must share collective responsibility for government policies. Businessman Gagik Tsarukian s bloc, which is also part of the ruling coalition, has also criticized the reform in the past. Still, most of its deputies voted for making the new system mandatory for all Armenians aged 44 and

A session of the National Assembly in Yerevan, 8 February 2018.

younger. One of them, Mikael Melkumian, said Janjughazian s remarks on the parliament floor largely dispelled their misgivings for the time being. Deputies from the Yelk alliance, of which Pashinian is a leader, likewise voiced conditional support for the bill. Edmon Marukian, another Yelk leader, said he expects

the new government to consider modifying the new system later on. Pashinian made clear that he is open to such discussions. According to government officials, over 200,000 people are already covered by the new pension plan.

Armenian Agricultural Exports Jump In 2018 (RFE/RL)- Armenia s exports of fresh fruits and vegetables have doubled so far this year, with Russia remaining their principal destination, the Ministry of Agriculture said recently. Figures released by the ministry show that they totaled almost 67,300 metric tons as of June 15, compared with 33,820 in the same period of 2017. The National Statistical Service (NSS) reported earlier that Armenian agricultural exports more than doubled in monetary terms in the first four months of 2018. They fell by as much as 30 percent in 2017, to $71 million, due to poor harvests. Weather conditions have been more favorable this year. According to the Ministry of Agriculture, Armenia has exported 14,752 tons of apricots since the beginning of this year, sharply up from just 26 tons in the year-

earlier period. The ministry figures also show that over 95 percent of the 2018 agricultural exports went to Russia. Armenian exporters enjoy tariff-free access to the Russia because of their country s membership in the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). Russian President Vladimir Putin noted rising Armenian exports to Russia when he met with Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian in the Kremlin recently. Putin attributed that to Armenia s membership in the Russian-led trade bloc. Pashinian described his trip to Moscow as productive . The government and its bodies must work hard so that we fully realize the potential for [greater] fruit and vegetable exports because the Russian market needs that, he told a cabinet meeting in Yerevan. A worker at a commercial greenhouse in Ararat province, 19 Apr. 2017.

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Armenia s Revolutionary Government Steps Up Anti-Corruption Purge By: Grigor Atanesian (Eurasianet)- Armenia's authorities have accelerated their campaign against officials in the former government with a series of anticorruption arrests, heightening the battle between the new regime and the former elite. After Nikol Pashinyan was elected prime minister May 8 largely on the strength of an anti-corruption platform, his new team took a cautious approach toward allegedly corrupt former officials. Pashinyan's pick to head the National Security Service (NSS), Artur Vanetsyan, emphasized the need to tackle corruption but took a relatively nonconfrontational approach. Throughout May, the NSS publicly presented evidence of tax fraud committed by a number of companies, including those controlled by a former ruling Republican Party member of parliament. But Vanetsyan had said that he considered reimbursement of damages made to the state sufficient grounds for dropping criminal charges, and no highprofile arrests were made in connection to these charges. But in June, the campaign has taken a more aggressive turn. On June 14, the NSS arrested two senior officials in the Yerevan city government, which is still controlled by Republicans. On June 16, in the city of Etchmiadzin, the houses of Republican MP Manvel Grigoryan, a retired lieutenant general in the Armenian armed forces, and mob boss Artur Asatryan (known as Don Pipo ) were raided by masked NSS officers. Both men were arrested on illegal weapons procurement charges, with Asatryan also accused of kidnapping. Grigoryan s supporters and allies

mobilized after his arrest. RPA spokesperson Eduard Sharmazanov called the arrest unconstitutional and unlawful. His concerns were reiterated by Armen Ashotyan, another high-profile Republican MP (Ashotyan later deleted his Facebook post). At the same time, supporters of the detained general gathered to protest at NSS headquarters and even tried to close down a street. Returning from a short visit to NagornoKarabakh, Pashinyan also weighed in. In a Facebook live video, he claimed that at Grigoryan s mansion, the NSS found not only arms but also food sent by schoolchildren in April 2016, intended for soldiers on the frontlines in Nagorno-Karabakh. A few hours later, footage of the search of Grigoryan s house was broadcast by Armenian public television. The video shook the nation. At Grigoryan s

country house, a small arsenal of guns, sniper rifles, rocket-propelled grenades, some 12,000 rounds of ammunition, explosives, and hand grenades was stocked next to Hummer and Range Rover SUVs and vehicles donated to the army, including an ambulance car. The video also shows cans of food preservatives and first aid kits, labeled for soldiers and not for sale and accompanied by hand-written letters from kids. As head of the veterans union Yerkrapah, Grigoryan was responsible for delivering aid to the army. Instead, he used it to feed tigers and bears at his private zoo, the NSS said. The chilling effect of these accusations deeply undermined support for Grigoryan. In subsequent statements, the RPA s Ashotyan and Sharmanazov both appeared shaken and emotional. Grigoryan s lawyer stepped down, refusing to defend him. From jail, Grigoryan

addressed his fellow RPA lawmakers, asking them to strip him of immunity and promising to restore his good name. His son Karen Grigoryan, who served as a mayor of Etchmiadzin, resigned. Armenians appeared both shocked and overwhelmingly supportive of the arrests. Facebook, Armenia s primary space of political expression, exploded. Vanetsyan Artur rocks :) Yes, I never thought I d have a positive opinion about the NSS , wrote Daniel Ionnisyan, founder of the Union of Informed Citizens, a Yerevan-based watchdog group. How cool is that, when one feels safe because of the NSS, echoed Arek Keshishian, an Aleppo-born architect who repatriated to Armenia few years ago. The head of the NSS said that the agency is currently receiving thousands of job applications from citizens. For decades, the Grigoryans served as a symbol of ubiquitous corruption, lawlessness and systemic violence. They used to rule the city of Etchmiadzin, a home to the Mother See of the Armenian Apostolic Church, as a private fiefdom. Investigative outlets reported tax evasion; but city residents have been describing a grimmer reality, one in which Grigoryan and his cronies were assaulting, raping and torturing locals. The arrest and resignation of the Grigoryans were met with celebration in the city, Armenian newspapers reported. Meanwhile, Vanetsyan has warned that the service has received reports of criminal groups' plans to kill both him and Pashinyan. This suggests that Pashinyan s signature approachable style, including nightly walks in Yerevan's downtown, is likely to be restricted by the security services.

What Can Go Wrong: Internal and External Threats to the Armenian Revolution By: Mikayel Zolyan (EVN Report)- Recent events in Echmiadzin, and their continuation, namely the arrest of Member of Parliament Manvel Grigoryan on June 16, and the support he has received from the Republican Party of Armenia (RPA) faction in parliament, are a reminder that while the first phase of the revolution may have ended on May 8, many challenges still lie ahead. Historians know that one of the most dangerous periods in a revolution is when the old government has collapsed, but the new one has not taken root yet. Revolutionary governments often face threats both from the counter-revolution, i.e. the remnants of the ancien régime, and from radicals within the revolutionary camp. A country that has undergone a revolution also often faces external threats, from neighboring governments who may fear revolutionary contagion or may try to use the instability accompanying a revolution to settle old scores. Examples of such threats in history are abundant, from the royalist uprising in France s Vendee region and the war of Europe s monarchs against revolutionary France, to more recent cases, such as the Iran-Iraq war, that started in the wake of the 1979 Iranian Revolution, or the 2013 coup d etat in Egypt. These are theoretical considerations and historical examples, which, luckily, have no immediate connection to the situation in Armenia. The fact that the Armenian revolution was completely peaceful and the transfer of power was carried out in accordance with constitutional norms, also decreases the probability of violent incidents within the country, as well as that of an external intervention. Obviously, the threat of escalation in Artsakh is present, but this factor,

unfortunately, has been present for decades (we shall talk more about that in the second part of this article). So, there is no reason to panic. Yet, I believe, Armenian society needs to be alert to the possible dangers of the postrevolutionary situation. An obvious danger is the continued resistance of the remains of the ancien régime. One could argue that the survival of the former ruling party, acting in the capacity of an opposition, is not necessarily a bad thing for post-revolution Armenia, as it could help to balance the political system and prevent a possible slide into authoritarianism, which is something that often happens to revolutionary governments. However, I believe, this argument hardly applies to the Republican Party of Armenia (RPA), at least in its current state, or, more precisely, to Serzh Sargsyan's political team. The problem with RPA and Serzh Sargsyan s team is that they have been so closely intertwined with the informal networks of corruption and shadow governance, that their political survival is virtually impossible without the survival of these criminal-oligarchic networks. Dismantling the system of corruption and oligarchy is perceived as a mortal danger by many representatives of the ancien régime, so they can be expected to fiercely resist the new government's anti-corruption efforts and other reforms. The support that someone like Manvel Grigoryan, who has a reputation of an extremely corrupt local feudal lord, and who has virtually owned Echmiadzin for years, has received from the RPA faction, serves as a perfect example to prove that point. Besides, one should not underestimate the degree of revanchist sentiment among the ancien régime supporters. There is a famous quote, attributed to French diplomat Talleyrand, speaking about the Bourbon dynasty, which

returned to power in France after the abdication of Napoleon: They had forgotten nothing and learned nothing. In a post on Facebook, an experienced Armenian diplomat used this quote to describe Armenia s Republicans, after the (in)famous vote in Parliament on May 1. Arguably, this formula can describe the mindset of many of the ancien régime supporters today. Hence, since New Armenia does need a strong opposition to counter-balance Pashinyan s government, it is in the interests of the country that a new opposition is formed, which should be free of the criminal-oligarchic connections of the ancien régime. The best scenario for the country would be if this new opposition came from the ranks of participants of the Velvet Revolution as that would mean that no matter what the fate of the current revolution, no return to the corrupt authoritarian system of the past is possible. Such an opposition would not only enjoy the backing of at least a part of society, but also, it would perceive Pashinyan s government as competitors, and not as mortal enemies. However, as long as the Republican Party continues to resist the efforts of the new government, various political forces and groups that took part in the Velvet Revolution will remain in Pashinyan s camp, even if they disagree with Pashinyan on some issues, since adopting an opposition stance can be seen as treason of the values of the revolution and will not go well with the voters. Thus, the continued existence of RPA as a political force hinders the creation of a new opposition. In theory, it is also possible to imagine a situation, in which the Republican Party goes through a thorough transformation, rids itself of the criminal-oligarchic elements, recognizes and condemns the crimes and mistakes of the past, and becomes a respectable centerright party, which some of its younger members

claim it is. However, the fact that Serzh Sargsyan and his close associates still run the Republican Party makes such an optimistic scenario virtually impossible, at least in the foreseeable future. Sargsyan's team members control various important posts all over the country, including, for example, such key positions as the Yerevan Municipality. The Republican faction in the parliament still retains strong positions in the parliament, even though it ceased to be a majority. Serzh Sargsyan's allies, it seems, still have a foothold in many cities and regions of Armenia, as well as in the Republic of Artsakh. Arguably, officials loyal to Sargsyan can be found in various parts of the government apparatus. While the perspective of the return of Sargsyan s team to power seems implausible, still, they can sabotage the decisions of the new government and thus hinder the process of reform. The dynamic of the political process suggests that the danger of resistance from the remains of the ancien régime is diminishing. However, this is not the only factor that can hinder the success of post-revolution Armenia. Obviously, before the revolution corruption and oligarchy had not been confined to the Republican Party. While Republicans chose to resist till the end, various elements of the old system may still remain in place through a different path: that of aligning with the new government and nominally supporting its agenda, while in reality continuing their corrupt practices. To an extent, this is what happened in Ukraine under Poroshenko s government, being one of the reasons why the new government there has not been able or willing to eliminate corruption. Another danger, albeit purely theoretical at this point, is that a slow pace of change may lead to emergence of radical factions within the revolutionary camp. But these are topics for different articles.

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The Diaspora Could Use a Little More Velvet By: Shaunt Tchakmak (The Armenian Weekly)- I recently participated as a speaker for a forum in Toronto and Montreal, in which I was asked to speak about the 18 months I spent living and working in Armenia. The event offered me the opportunity to reflect on the impact this time had on me as a person, now that I am once again living in the Diaspora because when you return to the Diaspora, you start seeing things differently. There are many misconceptions floating around about what Armenia is versus what it should be. But at the center of this battle between fact and fiction, there lies an important tool: repatriation, or, the act of returning to one s home country. How repatriation is understood and spoken about should be at the forefront of our conversations in the Armenian Diaspora. It is the tool that can unite us. I was born and raised in Toronto, attended an Armenian private school for 11 years, and have been an active member of Toronto s Armenian community my whole life. My Armenian identity was introduced to me as a politically-motivated cause that I would constantly have to fight for. The more time I spent fighting for that cause by spending time at my community center, the more I felt would be in touch with my Armenian identity. In Aug. 2016, I completed a four-month volunteer term with Birthright Armenia. By the end of my volunteership, I was offered a yearlong contract with one of Armenia s leading non-profit organizations, Homeland Development Initiative Foundation (HDIF), which works with women in Armenia s rural communities to produce one-of-a-kind handicrafts sold around the world, providing jobs and promoting sustainable development. I returned home to Canada to consult my family, friends, and professional network about accepting the job offer. Within three weeks, the decision was clear. On Sept. 21, 2016 the 2 5 t h a n n i v e r s a r y o f A r m e n i a s r e independence I landed in Yerevan with two heavy suitcases, my saxophone, and one of the best years of my life ahead of me. By moving to Armenia, I suddenly found

Bio

Shaunt Tchakmak

Born and raised in Toronto, Canada, Shaunt has a background in political science and spent years as an active member of the Ontario political system. In May of 2016, Shaunt started a 18 month journey living and working in Armenia for one of the countries leading non profit organizations. Today, however, he has switched gears to help his brother run one of Toronto's most unique coffee shops. Since December of 2017, Antikka - Cafe & Records continues to bring together specialty coffee (including the Armenian variety), vinyl records and a live venue to create a music lovers paradise.

myself in a position that preserving my Armenian was a part of everything I did. In the Diaspora, we sing patriotic songs in a banquet hall. In Armenia, we listen to the newest interpretations of Armenian folk fusion at a local music venue. In the Diaspora, we preserve our identity by visiting Armenian community centers. In Armenia, I felt my identity preserved simply by walking down the street to the grocery store. In the Diaspora, we discuss possibilities for change in the country amongst a group of Armenian Diasporans. In Armenia, we discuss such topics with Diasporans, as well as non-Armenians, from all over the world, including those born and raised in the country. In the Diaspora, we preserve our identity by visiting Armenian community centers. In Armenia, I felt my identity preserved simply by walking down the street to the grocery store. In Oct. 2017, I moved back to Toronto to help my brother bring to life his vision of running one of the city s most unique coffee shops, but I am still finding new ways in which I was affected by the time I spent abroad. First, it gave me the chance to encounter and interact with others who had repatriated, either permanently or temporarily. I and everyone I spoke with experienced some kind of shift in their understanding that resulted in seeing Armenia as a real and tangible place.

Sometimes these individuals were making a physical connection with the country for the first time in over three generations. It takes a lot of bravery to rediscover one s roots after such a large gap. But also, living in Armenia freed space in my mind and time in my life that gave me the opportunity to be myself to an extent I had never experienced before. I began to realize that no matter who I became, I would still be Armenian. How connections and shifts of this nature can be achieved and what they might look like are limitless. We are constantly redefining repatriation and discovering new ways to make connections, but physically spending time in Armenia is and always will be crucial. We also, however, face some major obstacles here in the Diaspora. There are younger generations here who are taught about Armenia s reality by Diasporans who grew up during a time in which Armenia was for the most part inaccessible the Cold War years. The Soviet Union, of which Armenia was a part, was culturally very different from and at times hostile to the West. This alienated an entire generation of Armenians in Western countries. As a result, many of them did not have the opportunity to go to Armenia as young people and interact with it the way we can today through

programs like Birthright Armenia and Repat Armenia. This can be dangerous, because young people s desire to repatriate often depends upon how strong bridge of understanding is between the Diaspora and the country. I feel incredibly lucky that when I when I think about Armenia today, I think about my morning walk to work through specific streets of Yerevan. That I miss things like my usual hangouts, my friends, and the ease of getting around. These tangible thoughts encourage me to have a real interest in what goes on in my homeland and understand how I can best assist the country that made me the person I am today. Repatriation is an investment in yourself and in cultural preservation. And while it might seem daunting at first, it s crucial that we encourage Diasporans to put themselves in positions where they can logically approach the idea. That means getting out of your comfort zone, by taking meaningful trips outside of just Yerevan, by volunteering, running a workshop, or trying to spend your two-week trip to Armenia in a different city like Gyumri, Dilijan, or Vanadzor. Only by exposing yourself to the full picture, can you truly understand whether repatriation is right for you. The events that took place in Armenia two months ago were the epicenter of potential positive and sustainable change, and the Diaspora needs to play catch up in creating an environment for such change. In a youth driven and peaceful act of civil disobedience, the people of Armenia were able to come together and capitalize in the strength that comes with unity. The Diaspora must follow suit and eliminate divisions that exist. We can revolutionize cultural preservation by centering it around repatriation. Take the time to speak to anyone that has recently had the opportunity to live in Armenia or reach out to Repat Armenia, an organization dedicated solely to helping Diasporans integrate into Armenia socially and professionally. They will give you a whole host of different ways to help you define repatriation for yourself. In Armenia, the Velvet Revolution saw a youth-driven initiative take power away from outdated forms of authority and unite as a nation. I think the Diaspora could also use a little more velvet.

Back to the Basics in the Motherland; My Armenia Dr. Hilda Grigorian Yerevan- As thousands of Diaspora visitors flock to Armenia to celebrate the 100th anniversary of the independence of the first republic, I am pleased to share my story which will hopefully inspire many to return to Armenia. On a cold November night in 2012, sitting on the terrace of a lavish house in Kabul, Afghanistan, a light went off in my head signaling that I no longer desired to live in the U.S. but rather, would like to take a leap of faith and expand my horizon and move away from a country that I loved and adored for over 40 years. I was born and raised in Iran and left the country before the revolution (date) to settle in the U.S. Two kids, and two dogs later, I am proud to call myself a U.S. citizen, yet, there seemed to be a gap, a missing component, that I had to fill. The factors driving my decision were mainly due to the absence of human touch; the lack of cordial friendship and kinship and the stress imposed on people to consistently work and lead a meaningless life only to be part of a constant rat race with no time to enjoy simple things in life. What made me decide to leave the most powerful nation in the world was the fact that I could no longer deal with stress and ongoing drama in the country. Having seen misery, hunger, the poverty of developing nations and how people struggle simply to make ends meet, I could no longer comprehend why Americans make such a fuss over simple things. As I was pursuing my doctoral degree and needed to take a two-year sabbatical to conduct research and write my dissertation, I came to the realization that living in the most expensive state like California would not have

allowed me to accomplish my lifelong goal. In a matter of 6 months, I decided to pack and store my belongings, rent out my condo and move to the homeland in July of 2013. By that time, I had already been traveling to the country for over ten years and had established a good network of friends who greeted me with open arms. My life transformed from a more than adequate 1500 square foot lavish condo to a mere 300 square foot, one-bedroom, simple apartment on the fourth floor of a soviet built building with no elevator. It was then I realized that all I need is a comfortable bed, a clean shower and nothing more. Living and working in Afghanistan for almost seven years taught me the important lesson that less is more . I didn't face many challenges as I already knew the language and was familiar with the culture; however, my American lifestyle varied from a native Armenian. While I had a structured and routine lifestyle, it was not strange to receive a phone call from a friend, offering a midnight stroll in Yerevan, a concept foreign to my American lifestyle. Or, my next door and across the hall neighbors knocking at my door to make sure I was okay or if I needed anything. God forbid if I was sick, a big bowl of soup and medicine would be waiting for me at my doorsteps. While living in the U.S. for 41 years, I don't ever recall my neighbors being as caring or considerate. I loved the fact that I could walk in the streets comfortably, at any time of the night with no worries. I liked the fact that children were so free-spirited and enjoyed their childhood. I loved hearing the sounds of my neighborhood kids playing soccer in our local yard, and listening to their giggles which made me giggle. These innocent, playful sounds sent

me traveling down memory lane as I remembed my brothers playing soccer in our Tehran neighborhood. Not surprisingly, my neighborhood kids in Yerevan were always ready to extend a helping hand, to carry grocery bags, and to be happily compensated with candy or ice cream. I like the fact that neighbors sometimes become more important than blood family. I can't help but smile while walking around and greeting everyone and in return helping elders with their bags. The fact that children have no fear of kidnapping, being hurt, raped or becoming a victim of a school shooting is an undeniable weight taken off parents shoulders. Ever since my repatriation in 2013, I have been traveling to the U.S. every six months to visit my adult children, family and friends. Sadly, now when I visit, I feel out of place, and often change my return ticket to an earlier date. I feel like a stranger, a fish out of water, with much difficulty to integrate comfortably into a society where I lived for over 40 years. I don't see children playing out in the alleys nor hear sounds of innocent past times. Instead, I sense a great deal of stress and sadness among people as the nation becomes more and more divided with families and friends who are separated and fragmented due to political views. I barely manage to visit friends who live a few miles away, as they are over consumed with work and other activities and seem unable to allocate a few hours to rekindle a relationship. I often wonder what happened to friendship and human values? After all, am I not the one who traveled thousands of miles to reconnect with them? All in all, it seems to me that America has lost most of its core principals and integrity.

Cont. on page 27

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In the shadow of war: Life in Armenia s defensive corridor By: Bradley Jardine, Neil Hauer On April 4, 2016, Gevorg Azoyan was in the mountains of Karabakh riding in a troop transport to the frontline when an Israeli-made kamikaze drone slammed into his bus, killing nine and leaving several others, including Azoyan, in critical condition. Azoyan now wears protective bandaging to cover the burns across his body. Despite his injury he remains in good humor. Where the f--- are you? he asks a fellow veteran who called during an interview with visiting journalists. I m with two foreigners, they re going to help find you a French wife. But Azoyan's upbeat nature cannot erase the brutality of his wartime experience. That was my friend, he says, showing a gruesome image of the aftermath of the drone strike. He was blown to shreds. It was one of the most horrible days of my life. In Azoyan's homeland, Armenia s southernmost province of Syunik, war is never far from people s minds. We are always ready, he says. Our first thought is always the protection of our children. In April 2016, fighting flared between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh. Azoyan was among veterans of the first Karabakh war who volunteered during the outbreak of violence to support the region s young conscripts. We went to the frontline to help the army, says Ashot Avakyan, another veteran of the first Karabakh War, in a rustic bar in the center of Sisian. While the professional soldiers slept, we watched the frontlines. Some of us were old and couldn t do much I can t even run 200 meters these days. But we were there to boost morale. The Four-Day War, as it s become known, was the fiercest round of fighting between the two sides since a 1994 ceasefire ended six years of conflict. Wedged between Azerbaijan proper and its exclave of Nakhchivan, Syunik is Armenia s first line of defense should all-out war ever resume. People here understand that if they don t serve the army well, then there simply won t be a state, Avakyan says. There simply won t be. From backwater to bridgehead One of the largest per capita contributors of soldiers to the war effort is Sisian, Syunik s northern stronghold. Today, a monument to the first Karabakh war towers over the town a stark reminder of its fraught decades of independence. Known as the southern gateway to Armenia, Syunik has for centuries served as a strategic outpost. That it is even part of Armenia is thanks in large part to Garegin Nzhdeh, who fought with Turkish forces during the period of Armenia's first independent republic, from 1918 to 1920, and then led resistance to the Bolshevik takeover. He managed to hold off Moscow's forces for a few months in central Armenia, then retreated south and established the Republic of Mountainous Armenia, centered in Syunik. Nzhdeh eventually agreed to surrender the region to the Bolsheviks on the condition that it become part of Armenia, and not Soviet Azerbaijan as the Bolsheviks had planned. His efforts ensured that Armenia today retains its

Back to the Basics ... Cont. from page 27

There seems to be little quality life remaining as people are programmed to be robots, their daily lives consisting of constant rushing around to make a living to pay for expensive homes and cars or merely to make ends meet. People in America no longer work to live, they live to work, or only to survive. Kids are no longer kids having lost touch with the enjoyment

lifeline to Iran, a neighbor whose support has been crucial because Armenia's borders with Azerbaijan and Turkey are closed. Sisian itself suffered greatly during the first decade of independence. Prosperous to a degree rare for the provinces, Sisian was a model Soviet town. Its public parks and ornate government buildings attest to former splendor. We had a textile factory that employed thousands of people, says Hasmik AsatrianAzoyan, a community activist and local entrepreneur. You can see [what s left of it] on the edge of town. Asatrian-Azoyan's family, like most others in Sisian, was hit hard by the Soviet Union s collapse. Local industries, dependent on materials from Central Asia and markets elsewhere in the Union, were quickly shuttered following independence. Her father, an employee at the nearby hydroelectric plant, also lost his job. Unlike many others, however, he managed to transition to the demands of the new economy. At the age of 50 he taught himself economics and became a bank manager, Asatrian-Azoyan says with pride. Her mother, a teacher, also changed professions, working in the regional government of the newly independent state. But the cost of educating their four children was a difficult burden. They had to get up at 5 a.m. to work on the farm before they went to work. I could see them physically aging before my eyes, she says. For all this, conflict enveloped her family. Asatrian-Azoyan's father-in-law, Basentsi Azoyan, founded the Sisian battalion of volunteers when the first armed clashes began in Karabakh in 1988. The town s museum features him prominently, crediting him with saving the region. So 2016 reopened old wounds. My husband was among the volunteers who arrived after the first group were injured by the drone, she says. It really changes you as a family, sitting in terror, hoping and praying that you will all be together again. Preparing the youth For a defensive frontier, the imperative to train the next generation is strong. Arsen Avakyan, Ashot s brother, is himself an experienced fighter. In 2010, he founded a youth corps for the town s adolescents. It gives the children a sense of purpose and keeps them busy...there isn t exactly much to do around here, he says with a grin. These children come from different villages all-around Sisian to take part in physical training and learn about teamwork. The corps popularity is obvious. Walking around town, children in military uniforms mandated by the club are a common sight. Parents, too, see its appeal. They encourage their children to attend, says Arsen, though he s quick to insist that most of the children are happy to be involved. Asatrian-Azoyan is of a different opinion. The [children] don t want to be soldiers, they go because the military is mandatory, she says. Many from Sisian go to Yerevan to study, but when they come back they find there s no economy they can apply their education to. In a country with both mandatory military

of outdoor activities only to be continuously glued to their electronics. Parents are burdened with worries about their children s physical and mental well-being and the reality that there is no guarantee that their child will return home at the end of a school day. There is much stress and negative energy in the air which is suffocating. I pray to God to stay healthy during my annual visits; otherwise, I would have to spend my entire life saving to seek medical

FC Sisian plays in Sisian, Armenia. (Photo: Groundhopping Merseburg/CC BY-NC 2.0)

service and few job prospects outside the capital, the corps also provides a way forward. Many of those involved go on to join the army as professional soldiers. But some worry about the militarization of Armenian society. Last year, Armenian authorities passed a controversial new law that makes avoiding the military even more difficult. The law requires students to sign an agreement with the Defense Ministry promising to join the army upon finishing their studies. After graduating, they will be required to serve for three years. The bill came as part of a broader program, known as the Army Nation Concept, to further integrate the Armenian military into society. The laws provoked student protests across the capital. But Arsen Avakyan sees no issue with the concept. It s natural for our children to receive such training, he says. It has been this way since the Armenian genocide and our people have to be ready at all costs. Every nation has to protect itself. The genocide, carried out by the Ottoman Empire in 1915 against its Armenian minority, still resonates. In 2014, a march in Sisian commemorating the massacres saw toddlers burning a Turkish flag. For Ashot Avakyan, the latest round of war with Azerbaijan is part of Armenia s long struggle for survival. Read the history of Iran, of Byzantium, of Rome, he says. We ve always had to defend ourselves, and you ll see many references to how well we ve done so. The proximity of the borders reinforces the relevance of such a choice. An average day in Sisian sees a regular procession of military vehicles, either heading out toward the Nakhchivan border or further afield: east, toward Karabakh. As the conflict and trade embargo from Turkey and Azerbaijan continues, Armenians are losing touch with their previous years of living side-by-side with their Muslim neighbors. Friendship was imposed from above [by the Soviets], Avakyan says. In our souls, we were against each other, because the history of our conflicts cannot be forgotten. Azeris once populated the villages in Sisian s countryside; Azerbaijan s first president, Heydar Aliyev, reportedly even hails from one such hamlet. But this population is gone, having fled during the first years of the Karabakh conflict. For Ashot Avakyan, the answer of whether

treatment. (not sure if this last sentence fits). Positive energy has evaporated, and mental disorder has immensely exacerbated the reality because of constant pressure and stress to survive in the U.S. A black aurora hovering around the nation seems to have cast a dark, ominous shadow. Neighbors have become selfabsorbent avoiding socialization, and a family dining set has shrunk to a round table with four chairs, versus

life was better with the Azeris is an easy one. He is a member of the Dashnaktsutyun, the ultranationalist party that envisions a Greater Armenia whose borders encompass large portions of eastern Turkey, Georgia, and Azerbaijan. Aftermath Regardless of the pride Sisian s residents feel toward their military history, the town has suffered greatly because of it. One of the most pressing issues is that of healthcare for veterans. The state has no resources, Avakyan says. So care for veterans is insufficient. They [the state] understand that I went [to Karabakh], that I could have given my life, but they did nothing for me. Azoyan the troop-transport bus passenger is ambivalent. I receive a 50 percent discount for any services I need as well as access to sanatoriums, he says. I never ask for more and I still have my state pension. But his need for care is serious. The drone attack in 2016 left him with burns across 40 percent of his body, as well as shrapnel wounds in his back and stomach. He spent 12 days in intensive care as doctors in Yerevan fought to save him. Benefits, set by the ministries of defense and social welfare, are modest. Pensions range between 30,000 and 80,000 drams (around $73-$193) per month, an amount insufficient to cover a disabled veteran s medical needs. But Azoyan insists walking is the best medicine. I walk around the town every day, all of us do. We all see one another [Karabakh veterans] during our daily exercise routine. Ashot Avakyan is similarly nonchalant. The state may be stingy, but I m an optimist, he says. When the motherland is in danger we have to defend it. No matter what. With a state budget of just over $2.5 billion, the lowest in the south Caucasus, and a longstanding lack of jobs, Armenia claims that it cannot afford to grant veterans more. Despite the poor conditions, however, Sisian s residents still gravitate toward the military. My son dreams of becoming a general like his grandfather, Asatrian-Azoyan says. I guess it runs in the family. Bradley Jardine is a freelance journalist who covers the Caucasus. Neil Hauer is an independent security analyst focused on Syria, Russia, and the Caucasus.

a long table with 12 chairs in Armenia. Life is superficial, and people are judged based on the size of their home and the model of the car. I am blessed and privileged to live in my motherland and mostly overjoyed to have a magnificent view of Mt. Ararat from my balcony. I am delighted to walk the ground of a country that offers me nothing but a quality life, good friends, joy, and happiness. I am not suggesting that people

who are fed up with the government or the system should pack up and move to another country. But I am encouraging everyone who no longer is happy with their current lifestyle to take steps and seek a quality lifestyle, wherever that may be. It takes courage and bravery to make a significant change, but let's remember that we only live once, and this is not a dress rehearsal. Live your life to the fullest and make every day count.

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HUMAN RIGHTS

A Brief Global History of Genocide, Crimes Against Humanity and Human Rights Alan Whitehorn Introduction It is a great honour to be invited here at Glendon College of York University. I have happy family memories of this campus where my wife and I were married almost 50 years ago. It was a joyous occasion at Glendon in the lush green valley of the Don River. Sadly, many families elsewhere on the shore of the Mediterranean Sea have a vastly difference experience today. There are millions of refugees from the Syrian civilian war in the Middle East. Hundreds of thousands have fled across the sea to Europe, including countless numbers of orphans. Far too many have died in the attempted crossings, including very young children. I recall in particular in 2015 the heartbreaking image of a 3 year old Kurdish boy, Alan Kurdi, lying dead, face down, on the Turkish shoreline. He and his family had failed to escape on a flimsy rubber raft. As a grandfather, I have a grandson who, in that year, was the same age as that Kurdish refugee. Every time I looked at the photo of Alan, I thought how much he looked like my young grandson. It was heart wrenching. My agony was magnified for another important reason. In terms of different generations, I am not only a grandfather, but also a grandson who recalls that my grandmother my metzmama a hundred years ago was a refugee on those same shores. She was an orphan of a genocide in the Ottoman Empire. Her entire family was killed by a tyrannical nationalist regime that was intent of destroying an ethnic and religious minority the Armenian Christians. So I have a special task to tell her story, but also that of the history of other orphans of genocide. I will select a few examples from history, but there are many, many more. Far too many. Too few genocides are known sufficiently. The deeds predate the words How does one think about the unthinkable? How does one describe the indescribable? These are among the analytical and moral challenges in trying to understand genocide. As Raphael Lemkin, the originator of the concept of genocide, noted: Genocide occurred in history before the word genocide was created. The history of humans is marked by episodes of great cruelty and mass killings, where groups that were different were targeted for persecution and slaughter. Why do we fear others and harm them? In earliest times, humans lived in small clans or tribal communities. Technology was low and living conditions were often a great challenge. When confronted by Nature which appeared vast, unknown and powerful, it was natural for apprehension and fear to arise. Similarly when coming into contact with other peoples who were different, our instinct for survival often was to be cautious, perhaps apprehensive, or even outright fearful. When not speaking the language of others, it is far too easy for miscommunication. Fear and distrust of strangers are rooted in a lack of shared history and symbols. The perception of the other was that of being outside of our community. The emergence of the concepts of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes While initially formulated at different times in history, the three legal terms war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide are interrelated and overlap. They constitute key foundational pillars in international law relating to mass atrocity crimes. War was the common feature in the emergence of all three concepts. The concept of war crimes arose from the Hague conferences in Europe in the late 19C and early 20th centuries. These sessions sought to regulate the conduct of war in modern times. The 1907 Hague convention recognized the principle of the laws of humanity and the laws and customs of war that had been established among civilized

peoples . Amongst the acts prohibited were: the deliberate harming of unarmed civilians, inhumane treatment, torture, compulsory slave labour, and wilful killing of civilians. The concept of crimes against humanity emerged in 1915 during WW I, when the Russian, French and British governments issued a formal joint international declaration that warned the Young Turk government about the mass deportations and massacres of Armenians within the Ottoman Empire. Earlier massacres of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire had occurred in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, despite repeated protests from European foreign governments. During WW I, the Ottoman persecution and targeting of the Armenian Christian ethnic minority continued as hundreds of thousands were deported, starved, tortured and killed. In May 1915, Britain, France and Tsarist Russia issued a formal joint declaration about the ongoing massacring of Armenians and suggested these constituted new crimes of Turkey against humanity and civilization . The concept of genocide emerged in a book by Raphael Lemkin during WW II, but it roots go back earlier. Following WW I, Lemkin, a Jewish university student in Poland wondered: Why were there domestic laws for the punishment of the murder of one person, but not international laws against mass murder by political leaders, such as the wartime Turkish military dictators? A decade later in the 1930s, Lemkin proposed the precursor twin concepts of barbarism and vandalism . Amidst WW II, Lemkin formulated a synthesis of the two concepts with the creation of the new term genocide . This term first appeared in 1944 in a key book on the Nazi deportations and mass murder of Jews during the Holocaust. Main features of genocide In 1948, the United Nations passed the International Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide which included the following features: 1) killing members of a group; 2) causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of a group; 3) deliberately inflicting on a group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; 4) imposing measures intended to prevent births within a group; 5) forcibly transferring children of one group to another. A group focus was central to the definition and four groups were specifically listed for protection: national, ethnic, religious and racial. We can note the following observations: Random killing of individuals is not genocide. Genocide requires targeting of at least one of four types of groups. Not all possible groups are listed. In this regard, Crimes Against Humanity is a more effective law to cover horrific crimes of mass killing. In recent prosecutions at international tribunals and the International Criminal Court, the three terms War Crimes, Crimes Against Humanity and Genocide have tended to cluster together. They are important tools for punishing those guilty of past deeds and potentially deterring future genocides. It may be useful at this point to draw some examples from global history spanning several millennia to show how widespread genocide has been. Ancient Greece and Melos In the 5th BCE, the island of Melos was caught up in a war between Sparta vs. Athens. Athens issued an ultimatum to the people of the island of Melos. They must be part of an Athenian military alliance or suffer consequences. Melos refused. Athenian troops then killed all the men of Melos of military age, while women and children were sold into slavery. The now empty island was replaced with Athenian colonists. It was an annihilation of an entire ethnic community by another. An entire community was targeted and punished, including children. What survives of the Melosian culture, language, and history? Why do we remember Athens in a positive way? Why do we not usually recall or speak of the mass killings at Melos? Who writes history? What genocides do we remember and write about? What genocides are forgotten or

ignored? Historic Rome and Carthage In the 3rd and 2nd centuries BCE, Carthage was engaged in several wars with Rome. In the final war, Rome issued an ultimatum: Carthage must disarm, abandon its capital city, which was to be laid to ruin. This would be an economic catastrophe for the trading nation of Carthage and they refused. One Roman Senator boldly asserted: Carthage must be destroyed. The city endured a military siege, then destruction, with mass killings and finally dispersion of those who had survived. About 150,000 died; many starved, men of military age were killed, while surviving women and children were enslaved. The city largely disappeared from history and geographic records. Why do we remember the Romans in a positive way? What survives of the Carthaginian culture, language, and history? How many civilizations have been largely lost in this fashion? The Spanish and European Colonial Conquest of the Americas and its Indigenous Peoples In the 15C, Columbus landed on the shores of the Caribbean. His arrival commenced the conquest by Europe of the Americas and its indigenous peoples. Columbus claimed the lands, the resources and wealth for the king of Spain. Spain forcibly deported the indigenous populations, families were separated, women were assaulted, adults enslaved, ill-fed, and forced to do hard labour. Vast numbers were killed or died from terrible conditions. The Spanish rulers later brought in African slaves to replace the vast numbers of dead indigenous peoples. The slave trade is thus crucially linked to genocide. Other European imperial states also rushed in to grab indigenous peoples lands. The eventual overall death toll was tens of millions of the original first nations in the Americas. The process of colonial domination and exploitation occurred around the globe. These foreign imperialists claimed the lands as their overseas colonies. This was done in the name of a supposedly superior culture, religion, race, economy, technology and enforced by superior weaponry. The Spanish, Portuguese, French, Dutch, German and Russian empires grew and subjugated hundreds of millions of indigenous peoples, leading to untold millions suffering and dying. The painful legacy continued into later generations. Even the European settler colonies of the imperial states imposed their own genocidal rule. The histories of Australia, United States and Canada have needed to be rewritten to begin to recognize at long last these brutal facts. This is one of the hardest lessons to teach most Canadian students about genocide: the fact that many of our ancestors were guilty of allowing or doing such deeds. Imperial Germany and the Herero In the 19th and early 20C, European imperial states carved up Africa. A German colony was created in SW Africa (in what is now Namibia). With the discovery of diamonds, Germany began to build a railroad and gave German settlers ownership and water rights to the land on either side of the strategic railroad line. As a result, the Herero - the local indigenous people - lost their land and access to water in this arid region. They rebelled against such harsh and unjust foreign imperial rule. General von Trotha and the German military, utilizing vast superiority in weapons, drove the Herero further into the desert and prevented the Herero people s escape. Vast numbers of Herero died from lack of access to water, food and shelter. By 1911, most of the Herero people had perished. The European attitude was that of a sense of superiority over supposedly inferior African people who were portrayed as living in a more primitive culture and less advanced economy. Does one actually have to fire weapons to be charged with genocide? Why do so few persons know of this African example? The Ottoman Empire and the Armenian Genocide The Armenian massacres and

deportations of 1915 were much discussed during WW I and immediately after. Yet, half a century later in 1950s, it was referred by outsiders as the Forgotten Genocide. The year 2015 was the 100th memorial anniversary of the Genocide and once again more people are aware. The Armenian Genocide involved the attempted annihilation of a nation that historically had lived for thousands of years in these lands around Mt. Ararat in the South Caucasus. Today only a miniscule fraction of Armenians are left in the historic Western lands, which now form the eastern part of Turkey. The 1915 genocide occurred within the Ottoman Empire during WWI. There were several key causal factors. While the Ottoman Empire was one of the major multi-ethnic empires (14C to 20C), it declined dramatically in the 19th and 20th centuries and this caused increasing frustrations and tensions. Like all empires, the Ottoman regime was based on military conquest, political domination and social inequality, particularly in the form of ethnic and religious inequality and persecution. With the 1908 Young Turk coup and its violent revolutionary nationalism that sought to make Ottoman Turkey great again, the Christian religious minority Armenians were increasingly vulnerable. The declaration of war by the Young Turk triumvirate lead to increasingly ruthless dictatorial rule. There were are number of phases to the Armenian Genocide. In February 1915, Armenian conscript men in the Ottoman army were disarmed, put into labour units, and later most were killed. On April 24 in Constantinople (now Istanbul), hundreds of key Armenian leaders, clergy and intellectuals were arrested and most were later killed. By May, the mass deportations of the Armenians from their historic villages and towns occurred. Women, children and the elderly were sent out on long forced marches into inhospitable mountains and deserts (of what is now Eastern Turkey, Syria and Northern Iraq). In September, the now empty Armenian homes, farms and shops were confiscated by the Ottoman state. Several years later at the end of WW I, outside military intervention eventually stopped the genocidal slaughter. While most of the coverage has been focused on the Armenians, genocide of the Greeks and Assyrians also occurred during this period in the Ottoman Empire. To this day, the Turkish government denies that the Ottoman Turkish state committed genocide. To even write or speak about it is punishable within Turkey. How do we confront genocide denial? Does denial created new pain and further injustice and, in the words of Elie Wiesel, constitute a form of double killing ? Nazi Germany and the Holocaust Since the Holocaust is often written about and discussed at length, I will only make a few comparative comments. We should note that the number of victims during this period was vastly largely than what is usually stated. Millions of Jews were targeted and killed in the Holocaust, but millions of non-Jewish Russians, Poles and other East Europeans were also deliberately killed by the German Nazi regime. Hundreds of thousands of Roma (Gypsies) were targeted for death. Large numbers of other victims also were persecuted and murdered, but they are not listed under genocide. Rather they fall under another category: Crimes Against Humanity. Political rivals were the first targeted and killed by the Nazis. The handicapped were the first social group to be targeted for killing. Homosexuals were also arrested, ruthlessly treated and killed. To fully comprehend the magnitude of the Holocaust, the post WW II Nuremberg Tribunal used a number of categories of criminal charges: Crimes Against Humanity, War Crimes, War of Aggression (War Against Peace). The new term of genocide was mentioned, but was not formally part of the official charges. The German government had been central in three major genocides of the 20th

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century: the Herero slaughter in the first decade, the Armenian Genocide in the second decade and the Holocaust in the third and fourth decades. Why so? Belgian Colonialism and Rwanda Rwanda is a small ethnically diverse country in the Great Lakes region of central Africa. Like so much of Africa, it was ruled by a European imperial power (Belgium from 1916 to 1962). The Belgian colonial regime accentuated existing class and racial divisions by imposing formal ethnic identity cards in the 1920s. The two major groups were the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority. The Belgians used the Tutsi minority to help in maintain its colonial rule. With Rwanda s independence in the 1960s, there was a majority ethnic Hutu backlash towards the Tutsi. The inter-ethnic hostilities that emerged were mirrored in neighbouring Burundi. After a civil war, Peace Accords had been signed, but on way back from a ceremony, the Rwandan President s plane was shot down in 1994. This was a trigger for Colonel Bogosora s Hutu ultranationalist coup and a swift and brutal genocide. Vitriolic hate radio agitated and targeted the Tutsi minority who were portrayed as cockroaches . Within 100 days, 800,000 were killed; mostly Tutsi, but also moderate Hutus. The Hutu nationalist militias (Interhamwe) used machettes to slaughter their former neighbours. Amidst the reign of terror, UN peacekeepers under the leadership of Canadian general Romeo Dallaire tried to stop the mass slaughter (as described in his memoirs Shake Hands with the Devil), but the UN headquarters in New York and the major powers did not wish to get involved. The American public was more interested in the OJ Simpson celebrity murder trial. The Tutsi army (RPF) under General Paul Kagame eventually overthrew the Hutu nationalist genocidal regime to finally stop the mass killing. Subsequently, the International Tribune For Rwanda sought to convict those guilty. Conclusion There is insufficient time to cover more cases, but all genocides are important to remember. Some include Ukraine in the 1930s, Cambodia in the 1970s, the Balkans in the 1990s, Sudan and South Sudan during the first decade of this 21st century, Yazidi victims in Iraq in 2014, and the Muslim Rohingya minority in Myanmar (Burma) in 2017. To remember and know the history of genocide are key. We need to compare and find causal patterns, common paths and hopefully shared means of prevention. We can observe that there are a number of common reoccurring causal factors such as war, economic, social and political crises. There are also overlapping stages/phases of genocide, as I have described in the poem Verbs of Genocide. Psychologists try to understand the group dynamics of genocide in terms of three major roles: perpetrators, victims and bystanders. The perpetrators are the instigators and hostile aggressors. They are not necessarily the largest group, at least not initially. The victims are the vulnerable civilians, who are often a distinct ethnic, religious or racial minority. The bystanders are a large number, perhaps the largest in a society. Their role, therefore, is crucial. The bystanders are faced with several options: To join in the scapegoating and attacks. Or to stand up and try to stop the victimization. Or to continue to be indifferent. The reasons often posed for not caring include: it does not affect me directly; it is not my family or people; it is too far away, too distant. Or I am too busy and focused on something else. The sports celebrity OJ Simpson murder case in Los Angeles, not the mass murder of hundreds of thousands of Tutsis in Africa, is one such example in the 1990s. Somehow, we must resist sin of indifference . Just as others helped an orphan child such as my grandmother for ten long years in refugee camps and orphanages a century ago. So too, we must reach out to help others in urgent need today. It is our only hope to survive together on this precious planet. **** Speech to be presented at Glendon College, York University, Toronto, April 2018.

ÚàôÈÆê 2018 Ä¶. î²ðÆ, ÂÆô 153

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