Alfred 2018

ALFRED EDITION 7 | VOLUME 1 | SUMMER 2018

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Welcome from the Editors Cassie Shaw and Tom Shuttleworth

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Discuss the cognitive and emotional outcomes of children born very preterm Aimee Rawding BSc Psychology

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To what extent do The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas and Schindler’s List act as effective resources to teach Judaism and the Shoah in British schools?

Becky Craggs MA Death, Religion and Culture

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‘Nearly all Middle English literature was written with instruction as its primary aim’ (James H. Morey).

Using at least two (but preferably more) texts, discuss the extent to which you agree with this statement Claire Munn BA English Literature

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On the 27th November 2016, U.S. Congressman Joe Walsh tweeted, ‘If Jesus was back among us, he’d be a lawabiding gun owner. He’d support the Police. And he’d say “Merry Christmas” not “Happy Holidays.”’ What does this comment tell us about the role of Jesus in contemporary political discourse?

Emily Millis MA Death, Religion and Culture What are the limitations to the effectiveness of the Responsibility to Protect Doctrine?

Shuvham Bhandari BA Politics and Global Studies Critical commentary of ‘The Landscape of Silence: Sexual violence against men in war’

by Amalendu Misra Hege Lauvsland BA Global History and Politics Stereotypes: The driving force behind car accidents, or just media misrepresentation?

Jessica Beale BSc Psychology

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The problematic representation of race at the World’s Fair and nature at the American Museum of Natural History Rob Godfrey BA American Studies

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Replication Failure and Publicity Bias in Academic Publishing Katie Rudge BSc Psychology

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Behavioural Analysis in Law Enforcement Anonymous

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Critically assess the view that personal testimony and fiction are valuable ways of representing the Holocaust Laura Watson BA Education Studies

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The power of the consumer: An Assessment of the introduction of a levy for single-use carrier bags Marie Lyons-Wake Executive MBA

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Transgender People in Sport and Society in the UK – a Bourdieuian Perspective Meike Leitch BA Education Studies and Sports Studies

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Using relevant, contemporary issues has the broadening and deepening of the security agenda gone too far?

Paul Brookes BA Geography

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What advantages and disadvantages does social media present to the modern writer?

Gemma Saunders MA Creative and Professional Writing

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Crying Wolf: Does the law surrounding sentencing offenders of false rape allegations provide enough justice for the victims or is rectification needed?

Samantha Laken LLB Law

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Potential impact of touchscreen media use on young children’s development.

Sandra Mansfield BSc Psychology

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Get Yid! Anti-Semitic abuse at Tottenham Hotspur Football Matches.

Bonita Lunn BA Sports Studies

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How should disability be represented in Children’s Fiction (8+)?

Sharon Fuller MA Writing for Children

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Online Brand Communities on Social Media: Exploring Strategies to Increase Consumer Engagement Harry Lander BA Business Management

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process, and we would like to begin by thanking everyone who submitted articles, papers, essays, and creative works to us. It has been a real pleasure to read them all.

Hello and welcome to the seventh Edition of Alfred, Winchester’s student journal.

Alfred exists to showcase the exceptional work of students from all disciplines and levels of the university. We hope you find the contents as fascinating and engaging as we have.

In this edition of Alfred, you will find papers on the use of big data in law enforcement, the media’s role in the crisis facing study replication, and the limitations of the UN’s responsibility to protect doctrine. The intellectual diversity of the journal reflects a desire to showcase the spectrum of academic excellence here at Winchester.

There is also a commitment within the journal to open discussion, even of difficult or distressing topics, so some readers may wish to omit reading certain submissions.

2017/18 has been another wonderful year for the journal, with more submissions than ever before. The process of narrowing down which submissions would make it into Alfred was a correspondingly difficult 5

For a third year now, the journal has been overseen by a staff-student editorial panel.

We would like to thank Beth Sennett, Brenda Sharp, Catriona Young, Charmaine Martin, Elliot Grime, Eloise Willis, Emily Jordan, Emily Whitaker, James Vaughan, Lewis Jones, Niall Thomas, Savannah King, and Summer Young for all their hard work in reviewing so many pieces and helping to form this year’s journal.

For those interested in publishing your work, or seeing your student’s work published in the 2019 edition of Alfred, please get in touch at alfred@winchester.ac.uk We hope you enjoy the journal.

Cassie Shaw and Tom Shuttleworth Co-editors of Alfred

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Discuss the cognitive and emotional outcomes of children born very preterm Aimee Rawding BSc Psychology The World Health Organization (WHO) defines preterm birth as babies born before 37 weeks of gestational age.

Statistics from WHO (2012) show that more than 1 in 10 babies are born prematurely each year. The great majority are born between 32 and 37 weeks of gestation, 1.6 million of ‘very preterm (VPT)’ babies are born between 28-32 weeks and 780,000 are born ‘extremely pre-term’ before 28 weeks.

Although the survival rate of preterm babies has increased dramatically since the advances in obstetric and neonatal care, the future health and well-being of preterm children still produce interest in the long-term sequelae of prematurity.

This essay will discuss the relationship between VPT birth and the cognitive and emotional outcomes of the child.

Between 23 and 32 weeks of pregnancy, an unborn baby’s brain is at a critical stage of development. Babies who are 7

born during this period, are at a far greater risk of suffering brain abnormalities, especially white matter damage compared to full-term babies.

In a study by Inder (2003), an MRI study confirmed that a high incidence of white matter abnormality in premature infants was linked to major perinatal factors including; perinatal infection (particularly maternal fever and infant sepsis), and hypotension with inotrope use. These neonatal brain abnormalities, particularly deep grey matter abnormalities, have been associated with developmental cognitive deficits.

Global abnormality score (sum of pathology in cerebral white matter, cortical grey matter, deep grey matter and cerebellum) in VPT children appears to have an impact on memory and learning ability (Omizzolo et al, 2013). At four and six years old, VPT children without cerebral white matter abnormalities showed no apparent neurocognitive impairments relative to their full-term peers (Woodward et al, 2012) but VPT children with white matter abnormalities had performance deficiency across all measures of

cognitive ability (IQ), language development and executive functioning skills (Woodward et al, 2012). As the global abnormality score increased, so did the risk of cognitive impairment.

At age 7 years, white-matter, cerebral grey-matter, and cerebellum abnormalities were weakly associated with poorer performance on memory measures (Omizzolo et al, 2013).

However, deep-grey matter abnormality was the strongest predictor of memory functioning (Omizzolo et al, 2013).

Recent findings have suggested that both basal ganglia and thalamic activations are present during verbal immediate/working memory (Moore et al, 2013). Therefore, it is reasonable to suggest that damage to these areas and their structures may comprise memory and learning ability (Omizzolo et al, 2013), contributing to the poor scores that VPT children with this type of brain damage produce across all the outcome measures. This explains the differences in scores between VPT and full-term children at 7 years old, more so than at ages four and six, because the brain abnormalities are compromising the

ability to learn more complex information at age 7 compared to their full-term cohorts.

A cognitive skill involved in learning is the ability to sustain and shift attention on and between tasks. Landry et al (1988) found that VPT children were less able to shift their attention from one toy to another when examining the toys alone. Other studies have shown that VPT children have lower levels of sustained attention in problem solving tasks compared to their full-term cohorts (Clark et al, 2008). These types of problems in attention feed into other difficulties involved in executive functioning (EF) of VPT children, including processing speed and working memory. Schools require tasks such as reading, that involve different areas of EF, but VPT children who have problems with their EF ability appear to struggle in these tasks increasing the risk of poorer academic outcomes (Rose et al, 2012). Early interventions employed in school will enable identification of VPT children with difficulties and give them specialised support to complete the tasks using alternative strategies 8

that may reduce the cognitive demand on working memory.

The impact that VPT birth can have on cognitive development has been linked to effecting life in adulthood. In a study

by Basten et al (2015), VPT children had lower achievement in mathematics, reading and IQ tests in primary school, compared with their full-term peers.

These decreased academic abilities predicted decreased educational qualifications and subsequently lower wealth at 42 years of age (Basten et al, 2015). Notably, mathematic achievement in primary school was directly associated with wealth in adulthood independent of later educational qualifications (Basten et al, 2015). It is likely that these cognitive deficits of VPT children may lead to the development of some learning difficulties (Basten et al, 2015) which puts these children at risk of following a pathway of underachievement. In the same study, it showed that preterm individuals who had problems in dealing with increased memory workload (e.g. mathematics) may make them less successful in their work because of the higher demand 9

placed on cognitive ability (Basten et al, 2015). In addition, poor numerical skills may mean that individuals might exhibit problems with financial judgements, including effecting the ability to manage their personal finances adequately (Banks & Oldfield, 2007; Basten et al, 2015). This demonstrates that VPT children need cognitive support throughout their childhood, youth and into adulthood where cognitive tasks are becoming increasingly complex (e.g. financial decisions).

Children born VPT who have a higher social risk (e.g. lower scores based on; family structure, language spoken at home, education level, occupation and maternal age of birth) and biological problems (e.g. aberrant cerebral development) may mean that VPT children may struggle with their socialemotional development (Taylor et al, 2017). A variety of findings on socialcognitive skills relate to the underdevelopment of Theory of Mind (ToM) in VPT children (Taylor, 2017).

Findings suggest that VPT birth can reduce and often delay activation in certain brain regions. For example, the

ability to inhibit personal belief to gain perspective of someone else’s belief activates the temporal-parietal junction (Taylor, 2017). In VPT children MEG imaging showed that instead they recruit primarily temporal brain regions to complete tasks involving change of perspective suggesting underutilisation of the mentalizing network which could explain impairments in ToM (Taylor, 2017).

Early on in life ToM is developing along with the ability to understand and interoperate other’s emotions. VPT preschool children at age 2, exhibit difficulties in social competence (Spittle et al, 2009) and were at an increased risk of hyperactivity/inattention, emotional and peer problems (Delobel-Ayoub et al, 2006). The ability to understand that other people have different opinions is a factor in maintaining friendships. If the child does not appear to show this understanding or have difficulty in adjusting it may contribute possible decay of friendship groups. At age four, VPT children showed difficulties in being able to recognise emotions in other children (Witt et al, 2014) with the

children being less accurate naming facial expressions of emotions compared to full term cohorts.

Confirmatory studies show that this lack of being able to identify certain emotions could contribute to later problems in VPT children around the ability to interoperate other people’s emotions (Williamson & Jakobson, 2014).

If the child does not understand other people’s reactions or emotions it could lead them feeling socially rejected, either by themselves or by their peers.

Thus, it is important that schools encourage emotional understanding in children and that for other children one emotion or reaction could mean something else. The positive emphasis on difference will hopefully encourage children not segregate others based on behaviour or emotions but rather be more accepting and understanding. This type of education could start in early years of school and proceed through into secondary school with the intention to reduce the potential of bullying.

Positive peer cohesion will provide a platform for VPT children’s emotional and social growth without the fear of being rejected or targeted.

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However, not all VPT children are at an increased risk of poor social competence. Experiencing positive parenting and parent-child interactions facilitates resilience in children with a range of risk factors (Masten & Coatsworth, 1998). Children who are born VPT are often placed in incubators or intensive care facilities which places them at an increased risk for less optimal dyadic interactions (PoehlmannTynan et al, 2016) This separation and social withdrawal may mean that the mother may experience elevated depressive symptoms and stress. Early in life, VPT babies are less alert and not as able to provide social cues making them easily stressed than healthy fullterm infants (Poehlmann-Tynan et al, 2016). Although the quality of their social interactions begins to improve with age, it is essential that positive parenting is continued throughout the child’s development (Poehlmann-Tynan et al 2016; Spittle et al, 2009) to allow social growth and to improve the dyadic relationship with the parent.

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Parenting has long recognized as a robust indicator of future developmental outcomes in preterm infants (Poehlmann-Tynan et al, 2016). Parental warmth and sensitivity predict children’s likelihood of resilience across multiple domains of development (Spittle et al, 2009). Whereas, insensitive parenting has been shown to place VPT children at risk of emotional dysregulation (Jones et al, 2013). Although resilience involves a degree of genetic predisposition, modifiable factors such as parenting behaviour and environment can be shaped to encourage growth of resilience (Jones et al, 2013). For example, Bradley et al (1994) found that VPT infants living in poverty were more likely to show resilience when they received more responsive, stimulating and organized care giving. To promote growth and resilience interventions should target factors that can be changed (e.g. parenting) for children who are at high risk of adversity (e.g. poverty).

A limitation to many of the studies that explore social-emotional abilities of very young VPT children is the overreliance

on parent reports. It is challenging to obtain reliable measures of socialemotional difficulties from very young children as they are not in formal care outside of the home meaning that there is a reliance on the parent’s own observations. An issue with this is that maternal mental health has been linked with over-reporting externalizing difficulties in their children (Breslau & Chilcoat, 2000). This has been linked to affecting the perception of the affect the child’s behaviour has on the family making it more likely to influence the parenting report (Breslau & Chilcoat, 2000). These parental reports need to be treated with caution when trying to research objectively so often they are used alongside other measuring instrument.

A further limitation to the research in this area is that it is based on a deficit approach. Instead, research should move towards exploring factors that contribute to resilient outcomes. In light of this interventions can then be created to mediate risks and improve outcomes starting from neonatal care right into adulthood. An example is the research

into the benefits of skin-to-skin contact, also known as kangaroo care demonstrate how advancements in early care of VPT children can improve aspects of their, and their caregivers, social relationship. More research is needed for VPT children born into higher risk situations, as responsive parenting alone was not able to moderate the risk for these children (Spittle et al, 2009).

To conclude, information into the cognitive and emotional consequences of VPT birth on child development is important. Not only will it teach parents about the child’s potential disadvantages socially and in school, but it will encourage parents to make appropriate changes to their parenting styles and social environment to support their child’s growth and resilience. It also provides evidence that interventions are needed to minimise the impact of memory and learning impairments on academic performance in VPT children.

Specialised educational support will help VPT children identify areas of school they may struggle with (e.g. mathematics) and encourage them to 12

develop strategies they could use in the future to help them with the complex cognitive process.

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Understanding Pensions: Cognitive Function, Numerical Ability and Retirement Saving. Fiscal Studies, 28(2), 143-170. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.14755890.2007.00052.x Basten, M., Jaekel, J., Johnson, S., Gilmore, C., & Wolke, D. (2015). Preterm Birth and Adult Wealth. Psychological Science, 26(10), 1608-1619. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095679761559 6230 Bradley, R., Whiteside, L., Mundfrom, D., Casey, P., Kelleher, K., & Pope, S. (1994).

Early Indications of Resilience and Their Relation to Experiences in the Home Environments of Low Birthweight, Premature Children Living in Poverty.

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Breslau, N., & Chilcoat, H. (2000).

Psychiatric sequelae of low birth weight at 11 years of age. Biological Psychiatry, 47(11), 1005-1011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s00063223(99)00312-1 Clark, C., Woodward, L., Horwood, L., & Moor, S. (2008). Development of Emotional and Behavioral Regulation in Children Born Extremely Preterm and Very Preterm: Biological and Social Influences. Child Development, 79(5), 1444-1462. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.14678624.2008.01198.x Delobel-Ayoub, M. (2006). Behavioral Outcome at 3 Years of Age in Very Preterm Infants: The EPIPAGE Study.

PEDIATRICS, 117(6), 1996-2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1542/peds.20052310 Inder, T., Wells, S., Mogridge, N., Spencer, C., & Volpe, J. (2003). Defining the nature of the cerebral abnormalities in the premature infant: a qualitative magnetic resonance imaging study. The Journal of Pediatrics, 143(2), 171-179.

http://dx.doi.org/10.1067/s00223476(03)00357-3 Jones, K., Champion, P., & Woodward, L. (2013). Social competence of preschool children born very preterm. Early Human Development, 89(10), 795-802. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.earlhumdev.

2013.06.008 Landry, S., & Chapieski, M. (1988). Visual attention during toy exploration in preterm infants: Effects of medical risk and maternal interactions. Infant Behavior And Development, 11(2), 187204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s01636383(88)80005-5 Masten, A., & Coatsworth, J. (1998). The development of competence in favorable and unfavorable environments: Lessons from research on successful children. American Psychologist, 53(2), 205-220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037//0003066x.53.2.205 Moore, A., Li, Z., Tyner, C., Hu, X., & Crosson, B. (2013). Bilateral basal ganglia activity in verbal working memory. Brain

And Language, 125(3), 316-323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bandl.2012.0 5.003 Omizzolo, C., Thompson, D., Scratch, S., Stargatt, R., Lee, K., & Cheong, J. et al.

(2013). Hippocampal Volume and Memory and Learning Outcomes at 7 Years in Children Born Very Preterm.

Journal Of The International Neuropsychological Society, 19(10), 1065-1075. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s13556177130 00891 Poehlmann-Tynan, J., Vigna, A., Weymouth, L., Gerstein, E., Burnson, C., & Zabransky, M. et al. (2016). A Pilot Study of Contemplative Practices with Economically Disadvantaged Preschoolers: Children’s Empathic and Self-Regulatory Behaviors. Mindfulness, 7(1), 46-58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12671-0150426-3 Preterm birth. (2017). World Health Organization. Retrieved 12 December 2017, from

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http://www.who.int/mediacentre/facts heets/fs363/en/ Rose, S., Feldman, J., & Jankowski, J. (2012). Implications of Infant Cognition for Executive Functions at Age 11.

Psychological Science, 23(11), 1345-1355. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095679761244 4902 Spittle, A., Treyvaud, K., Doyle, L., Roberts, G., Lee, K., & Inder, T. et al.

(2009). Early Emergence of Behavior and Social-Emotional Problems in Very Preterm Infants. Journal Of The American Academy Of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry, 48(9), 909-918. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/chi.0b013e31 81af8235 Taylor, M., Anagnostou, E., Dunkley, B., Lerch, J., Sled, J., & Urbain, C. et al.

(2017). Impaired theory of mind associated with very preterm birth – an invisible handicap. Canda. Retrieved from http://researchfeatures.com/wpcontent/uploads/2017/11/Dr-MargotTaylor-University-of-Torontoneuroscience.pdf

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Williamson, K., & Jakobson, L. (2014).

Social perception in children born at very low birthweight and its relationship with social/behavioral outcomes.

Journal Of Child Psychology And Psychiatry, 55(9), 990-998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcpp.12210 Witt, A., Theurel, A., Tolsa, C., Lejeune, F., Fernandes, L., & de Jonge, L. et al. (2014).

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To what extent do The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas and Schindler’s List act as effective resources to teach Judaism and the Shoah in British schools?

Becky Craggs MA Death, Religion and Culture In 2015, UCL’s Centre for Holocaust Education found that although 85% of year 10 students had ‘learned about the Holocaust within school’ (Foster et al., 2015:1), most were unclear on the facts.

It was reported 68% of pupils could not define ‘antisemitism’, 10.3% thought there were fewer than 10,000 victims, and only 7.4% correctly identified causes (Foster et al., 2015:2-3). By the same age, 76.2% of students had seen films on this subject, 30.2% had seen Schindler’s List (Spielberg, 1993) and 84.4% The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas (Herman, 2008) (Foster et al., 2015:80). Both films are widely used in British schools, although recently The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas has become more prominent (Foster et al., 2015: 97). Despite the film’s popularity, little has been written about its impact as a teaching resource (Gray, 2014:111). For this reason, although the 17

focus will be The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas, this essay will also draw on Schindler’s List to argue that these films are problematic when used as a sole resource to teach the Shoah. Three arguments will be presented: neither film presents theological issues of the Shoah, the role of Christian antisemitism is ignored, and Jewish culture is overlooked. Finally, recommendations on using these films effectively will be suggested. Although the term ‘Holocaust’ is widely used in Britain, it is considered an inappropriate term since the biblical definition ‘burnt offering’ has connotations of the cremation of Jews at concentration camps (Garber and Zuckerman, 2004:6). Therefore, the more appropriate term of ‘Shoah’ (Garber, 2004:149) will be used wherever possible.

One problem of Schindler’s List and The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas is that neither discuss the causes that enabled the Shoah (Horowitz, 1997:122; The Holocaust Education Trust, n.d.:13).

When children study these films, they view the Shoah in a vacuum, devoid of historical or theological context. The

theological question of why the Shoah occurred is one that Jewish theologians have explored at great length (Davis, 2005:52). Davis (2005:56) outlines Teitelbaum’s views that ‘the Holocaust was God’s punishment of the Jewish people for the sins of “Reformers and Secularists” who had betrayed the tradition’. This is somewhat supported

by Rubenstein (1992:217) stating ‘the Holocaust can quite legitimately be interpreted as God’s punishment’ although, unlike Teitelbaum, Rubenstein rejects the belief of a merciful God (Rubenstein, 1992:3). In a similar argument, Breslauer (1987:141) proposes that the Shoah may have been a test by God to see who would remain faithful.

Greenberg (1977:24) supports this, suggesting the Shoah purified Jewish faith, commenting ‘there is no faith so whole as a faith shattered- and refused’. A third argument claims God is limited in the capability for intervention since this would eradicate the possibility of man’s free choice (Reiss, 2006:272).

However, Gottschalk (1987) expresses his concerns with this as ‘it involves a drastic jettisoning of the element of God’s sovereignty’ (Gottschalk, 1987:78).

Blumenthal (1998:97, cited in Reiss, 2006) shares a different perspective, arguing God is not limited in power but in propensity for good, and simultaneously criticises those who believe the Shoah was punishment for Jewish sin. The expansive range of theodicies also include the gendered argument of Raphael (2003:4) that ‘postHolocaust theology… has been produced by and for men on patriarchal premises’ and those who contend that the Shoah is beyond the scope of theology (Langer, 1989:54). Ultimately, as Reiss (2006:271) notes, ‘God is… mysterious and it would be foolish to claim that we could ever finally know what God is like’.

Despite these many theories, using Schindler’s List and The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas as teaching resources denies students opportunities to explore Jewish theological issues. As Jackson (2013:11) explains, ignoring the wider context of the Shoah leaves children “unable to develop an informed answer to the question ‘Why were the Jews murdered?’”. The issue with teaching theodicies, Berryman (2007:10) notes, is that pupils’ abilities to understand 18

complex theological issues is not always fully developed. However, he firmly believes ‘avoidance is no solution’ (Berryman, 2007:6) as children must form their own theological opinions (Berryman, 2007:11). Likewise, Hansell and Jenkins (2012:1) argue theodicies ‘deserve to be embraced, explored and understood’ since silence on suffering implies indifference (Hansell and Jenkins, 2012:2). Therefore, although it may be difficult, it is important that pupils explore theological arguments.

Whichever approach is taken to question why the Shoah happened, both The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas and Schindler’s List have been criticised.

Cesarani (2008:3) condemns The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas as a ‘distortion of history’ while Horowitz (1997:133) notes that Schindler’s List ‘ignores the effect of the Holocaust on contemporary Jewish theology’. By distorting or ignoring the many complex causes and theological arguments surrounding the existence of the Shoah, these films do not allow children to explore their own understanding.

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Despite criticism, there is support for using these films as resources to teach the causes of the Shoah. Baker (2013:72) explains children often have difficulty understanding the triggering events and praises The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas (2008) for its ability to ‘help students visualise and comprehend history’. He quotes director David Herman in suggesting the film ‘might make the Holocaust comprehensible to young children’ (Baker, 2013:72). Goldstein (1994:60) encourages teachers to use Rubenstein’s theological arguments alongside Schindler’s List to question racial hatred, while Gray (2015:49) suggests both films could provide a broader historical context. Although film may well provide a visual element that is lacking from other sources, it may be prudent to choose factual documentaries rather than inaccurate, fictional portrayals (Gray, 2015:50).

In misrepresenting causes of the Shoah, The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas and Schindler’s List erase the complex relationship between Christianity and Judaism, specifically the role Christian antisemitism played in the Shoah. Foster

et al. (2015:1) found pupils are largely unable to define ‘antisemitism’. Perhaps this is unsurprising, since the definition is subject to ongoing debate (White, 2016).

Wiese (2010:167) identifies the distinction between religious anti-Judaism and racial antisemitism, although Horowitz (2015:105) argues the two cannot be separated as Nazi antisemitism was caused by historic Christian antiJudaism. Ruether (1974:222) shares this view, commenting that ‘the racial theory [of Nazism] was new, but the stereotypes of hatred were old’.

Recently, Theresa May has adopted an official definition for Britain, summarised as ‘a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred towards Jews’ (Walker, 2016). However, this definition is not without its criticism, with suggestions that it limits opposition of political conflict between Israel and Palestine (White, 2016). This continuing debate demonstrates the need to open discussion within the classroom so children can explore religious and racial attitudes that led to the Shoah (Foster et al., 2015:133).

‘What did Christianity contribute to make the Holocaust possible?’ asks Greenberg (1977:11). He admits a fear for their lives and an attitude of helplessness compelled Christians to assist the Nazis, but ultimately condemns Christianity for creating a culture of antisemitism, declaring the faith as ‘fatally tainted with collaboration with genocide’ (Greenberg, 1977:13). As Horowitz (2015) notes, antiJudaism is rooted in early Christianity, quoting Freud in suggesting this is due to ‘the jealousy which the Jews evoked… by maintaining that they were the firstborn, favourite child of God’ (Freud, cited in Horowitz, 2015:94). Ruether (1974:260), meanwhile, argues that historic antisemitism is central to Christian identity as true followers of God and the origin of anti-Judaism ‘lies in the theological dispute between Christianity and Judaism over the messiahship of Jesus’ (Ruether, 1974:28). Whalen (2013:60) criticises Ruether, claiming her sources are used out of context and ‘leaves readers with a very incomplete history of Jewish-Christian interactions’ (Whalen, 2013:71). According to Whalen (2013:67), historic antisemitism allowed German Christian leaders to convince 20

worshippers they were free of sin during the Shoah and this, combined with a lack of reproach from the Pope, meant the church failed to ‘equip its followers to act out of God’s mercy and love in the world’ (Whalen, 2013:68). However, Sperber (1994:351), claims the lack of Catholic intervention was justified due to fear, suggesting critics are ‘being a bit harsh on priests who tried to defend themselves against Nazi attacks by insisting on their patriotism’. In intervening years, Christian responses have continued to cause concern. Davis (2005:53) condemns the ongoing silence in the Christian church and asserts that Christian-Jewish relations depend on reflection of the Shoah. Although Gregerman (2013:443) acknowledges that Popes John Paul II and Benedict XVI ‘offered some of their most important teachings on both suffering and the relationships between Jews and Catholics’, he observes that these have been vague, often with sacrificial language implying that ‘Jewish suffering is beneficial for others, such as Christians’ (Gregerman, 2013:447). It would seem historic prejudice against the Jewish fostered an atmosphere in 21

which Christians were largely unwilling to challenge the Nazis.

Since it could be argued that Christian antisemitism supported the Shoah somewhat, it is striking that both The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas and Schindler’s List misrepresent this.

Cesarani (2008:30) asserts that in The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas, the ignorance of German protagonist Bruno, unaware of what is happening to the Jews, is ‘utterly implausible’. Rather than addressing antisemitism, the story is ‘full of Germans who know nothing’ (Cesarani, 2008:30). In agreement with Cesarani, Gray (2014:122) implores that the Shoah must not be ‘trivialised for the sake of literary goals’. In contrast, Schindler’s List has been criticised for its use of ‘anti-Semitic clichés... the “haggling Jews” in the synagogue and rich businessmen’ (Classen, 2009:91).

Similarly, Struk (2005:189) suggests Schindler’s List exaggerates antisemitism in Poland, leading western European nations to ‘shift the blame’.

Hanlon (2009:61) takes a different approach to fault Schindler’s List as an inappropriate teaching resource,

observing that teenagers may have difficulty responding sensitively to antisemitism. For this reason, Jackson (2013:11) advocates teaching pupils the historical causes of antisemitism, allowing them to more effectively understand why Jews were targeted.

Neither film provides opportunities for this, leaving students unable to explore the wider context.

Although antisemitism is misrepresented in both films (Cesarani, 2008; Classen, 2009), several teaching guides suggest they could be used to learn why Jews faced discrimination.

Bulbeck and Goodwin (2013:4) advise pupils watching The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas research the meaning of antisemitism, but this is merely one of many suggested words and not developed elsewhere. More encouragingly, Mosatche (n.d.:10) devotes a page of her guide to prejudice and recommends asking pupils ‘why were [Jewish people] made scapegoats?’. Presumably children would find this difficult to answer without further research given the lack of an explanation within the film. In his

teaching suggestions for Schindler’s List, Robinson (1997:51) addresses the role of antisemitism in the Shoah and asks ‘Is there any evidence in the film of Oskar Schindler harboring anti-Semitic prejudices?’. Unlike the questions proposed by Bulbeck and Goodwin (2013) and Mosatche (n.d.), this allows pupils to reflect on how antisemitism is portrayed. These examples show that while The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas and Schindler’s List may open discussion on antisemitism, they cannot be relied upon as a teaching strategy.

This is apparent in the findings of Foster et al. (2015). Although a large percentage of children had seen the films, ‘many students remained perplexed as to why the Jews of Europe had been murdered’ (Foster et al., 2015:126).

As well as failing to address why Jews were targeted, The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas and Schindler’s List largely ignore Jewish culture. Koven (1999:6) illustrates the insensitivity of the opening scenes of Schindler’s List, containing one of the few references to Jewish culture: ‘a Jewish family, intoning the Sabbath prayers have vanished’ while 22

candle smoke ‘signifies, in the Jewish imagination, the smoke from the death camps’ (Koven, 1999:6). The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas, meanwhile, presents Jewish characters as ‘denuded of individuality’ (The Holocaust Education Trust, n.d.: 13). In contrast, both films have notable, positive depictions of Christianity. Bresheeth (1997:201) argues that in films such as Schindler’s List it is ‘incorrect to have as the main hero a successful Nazi who is presented positively’. Cesarani (2008:30) notes that The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas also portrays Christians favourably: ‘the filmmakers manage to turn Germans into victims of the Holocaust’. This shift in focus from Judaism to Christianity is problematic because it eradicates Christian antisemitism and portrays Jews as ‘extras in their own tragedy’ (Bresheeth, 1997:202).

Despite this insensitive elimination of Jewish culture, there is support for the positive portrayal of Germans. Bulbeck and Goodwin (2013:4) claim that in The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas, ‘Bruno’s life is full of barriers’ and recommend exploring these, yet throughout the 23

teaching guide there is not one reference to the barriers of Jewish characters. This lends support to Cesarani’s (2008) argument that the Germans are portrayed as victims. Gray (2014:126) also addresses this role reversal but argues it ‘does do an effective job in humanising the perpetrators’. Zuroff (1995:42) would argue there is no need to humanise perpetrators since ‘every individual living in Europe at that time had freedom of action and could decide between good, apathy and evil’. In a similar activity for The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas, Mosatche (n.d.:6) suggests discussing the innocence and naivety of German characters. Considering very few Germans would have been ignorant to the treatment of Jews (Cesarani, 2008), it is perhaps surprising that Mosatche (n.d.) chooses the terms.

Unsurprisingly, there is little support for the use of these films as resources to learn about Jewish culture, presumably because there are so few sensitive references (Koven, 1999; The Holocaust Education Trust, n.d.). In using The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas and Schindler’s List as teaching resources, children are

exposed to positive messages surrounding Nazis at the expense of accurate portrayals of Jewish culture. It is no surprise that pupils ‘have no real understanding of who [the victims] were’ (Foster et al., 2015:105).

Although The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas and Schindler’s List are problematic in their portrayal of Judaism and the Shoah, they are not necessarily meritless in the classroom. Film can be used to help pupils ‘engage [with learning] more effectively and easily’ (Gray, 2015:47) but they need to be approached sensitively. Baker (2013:77) discusses the contrast between fact and fiction in The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas, suggesting pupils ‘discuss the arguments for and against reinterpreting stories in different media’. However, this goes against the arguments of Gray (2014) and Cesarani (2008) that it is paramount to portray the Shoah accurately, even in fictional works. This could be addressed by encouraging students to reflect on the inaccuracies and discuss why they are problematic (The Holocaust Education Trust, n.d.:14).

Robinson (1997) bases his Schindler’s

List teaching guide on learning about Oskar Schindler rather than the Shoah.

Although this goes some way to avoiding inappropriate portrayals of the Shoah, it also changes the focus from Judaism to Christian rescuers, which Bresheeth (1997) warned against.

Instead of ignoring Jewish voices, having them placed at the centre of learning provides authentic perspectives. The National Holocaust Trust suggest inviting survivors to schools (National Holocaust Trust, n.d.:6), although as Holocaust Learning (2013:3) identify, ‘inevitably, as time goes on, survivor speakers are becoming an increasingly scarce resource’. A third suggestion is using a range of authentic sources alongside the films, allowing pupils to access accurate material to develop a wider understanding of the Shoah (Foster et al., 2015). Gray (2015:49) recommends viewing extracts of the films and using a wider range of sources to reflect critically. It seems that both films could be of some worth in allowing students to engage with Shoah education. However, they should be approached carefully to ensure learning notes the fictional aspect, places 24

emphasis firmly on Jewish voices and provides a range of different sources to assess.

In conclusion, it would appear The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas and Schindler’s List are inappropriate resources to rely on for Shoah education. Neither film addresses the wide range of post-Shoah theodicies or provides context for why the Shoah happened. In this way, pupils are unable to form their own theological opinions. Furthermore, the role of historic Christian antisemitism is misrepresented in both films. The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas ignores antisemitism altogether while Schindler’s List relies on Jewish stereotypes, meaning children are illequipped to understand why Jewish people were targeted. In contrast, Germans are presented positively as victims and heroes. For this reason, learners are exposed to distorted perceptions about the complex relationship between Christianity and Judaism. Although Schindler’s List has lost popularity in British schools (Foster et al., 2015:97), it seems unlikely that The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas is going to 25

disappear soon (The Holocaust Education Trust, n.d.:14), so strategies to address these issues are essential.

Acknowledging and critiquing the fictional aspect allows children to understand the problems in inaccurate portrayals of the Shoah, as does using a range of authentic sources to gain a Jewish perspective. Finally, placing Jewish voices at the centre of Shoah education, perhaps by inviting survivors to visit, ensures the focus is on those who were targeted. It is imperative children learn about the Shoah accurately and sensitively but, as Gray (2015:133) notes of The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas, these films are ‘a curse and not a blessing for Holocaust education’.

Educators must acknowledge these issues if they are to equip the next generation with an accurate understanding of the Shoah.

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Berryman, J. W. (2007) Talking Theodicy with Children without Arresting their

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Bresheeth, H. (1997) The Great Taboo Broken: Reflections on the Israeli Reception of Schindler’s List. In Loshitzky, Y. (ed.) Spielberg’s Holocaust: Critical Perspectives on Schindler’s List.

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Breslauer, S. D. (1987) Theodicy and Ethics: Post-Holocaust Reflections.

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Teaching the Holocaust in English.

London: The Holocaust Education Trust, 30- 31.

Classen, C. (2009) Balanced Truth: Steven Spielberg’s Schindler’s List Among History, Memory and Popular Culture. History and Theory, 47, 77- 102.

Davis, J. J. (2005) The Holocaust and the Problem of Theodicy: An Evangelical Perspective. Evangelical Review of Theology, 29, (1), 52- 76.

Foster, S., Pettigrew, A., Pearce, A., Hale, R., Burgess, A., Salmons, P., and Lenga, R. A. (2015) What Do Students Know and Understand About the Holocaust?

Evidence from English secondary schools. London: Centre for Holocaust Education.

Garber, Z. (2004) Teaching Shoah Matters: A Personal Memoir. In Garber, Z. and Zuckerman, B. (eds.) Double Takes: Thinking and Rethinking Issues of Modern Judaism in Ancient Contexts.

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Garber, Z. and Zuckerman, B. (2004) Why do we call the Holocaust ‘The Holocaust’? An Inquiry into the Psychology of Labels. In Garber, Z. and Zuckerman, B. (eds.) Double Takes: Thinking and Rethinking Issues of Modern Judaism in Ancient Contexts.

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Horowitz, S. R. (1997) But Is It Good for the Jews? Spielberg’s Schindler and the Aesthetics of Atrocity. In Loshitzky, Y. (ed.) Spielberg’s Holocaust: Critical Perspectives on Schindler’s List.

Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 119- 139.

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Teaching the Holocaust in English.

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ideological involvement and political complicity’. In C. Wiese and P. Betts (eds.) Years of Persecution, Years of Extermination: Saul Friedländer and the future of Holocaust studies. London: Continuum, 157–92.

Zuroff (1995) “Righteous Among the Nations”: A Tool for Teaching Moral Development. In Grobman, A. (ed.) Those Who Dared: Rescuers and Rescued. Los Angeles: Martyrs Memorial and Museum of the Holocaust, 40- 45.

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Nearly all Middle English literature was written with instruction as its primary aim Claire Munn BA English Literature While many texts written in the Middle English period (c.1100- 1500) did contain an instructional aim, Morey is unwise to group ‘nearly all’ texts within this one purpose. When investigating the purpose of Middle English texts, it is important to consider the definition of ‘instruction’ used within this contemporary context. From analysing the uses of sixteen attestations of the word ‘instruction’ in the Middle English Corpus, it becomes clear that they are divided into two meanings; knowledge and commands. The principal employment of the term ‘instruction’ within the corpus will be used in this essay, and can be classified by the third definition listed in the Oxford English Dictionary, as ‘That which is taught; knowledge or authoritative guidance imparted by one person to another’.1

Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. ‘instruction’, [online: accessed 13/10/2017 1

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Although most Middle English texts do have an objective which aims to convey knowledge, it is not necessarily their ‘primary’ aim. Generally, it is texts from the Latin literary traditions that demonstrate a primary instructional aim, and those stemming from French traditions that contain instruction as a secondary aim. This can be evidenced with specific reference to John Mirk’s religious instructional manuscript Instructions for Parish Priests and the medical prose of Lanfrank’s Science of Cirurgie, which derive from Latin religious practices. These are contrasted with texts originating from French literary traditions, such as Malory’s romance Morte Darthur and Chaucer’s fabliau The Miller’s Tale, which alternatively emphasise entertainment as a primary purpose, rather than instruction.

Many texts composed in the Middle English period did contain instruction as their primary aim, an example being the genre of religious instruction. Camargo and Woods argue that English http://www.oed.com/view/Entry/97148?redirectedFr om=instruction#eid].

vernacular religious instruction, particularly sets of sermons such as John Mirk’s Festial, stem from the Latin artes praedicandi format.2 Defined as ‘a work that deals with preaching… and gives guidance’,3 artes praedicandi connects the Latin tradition to the Middle English meaning of instruction as imparting ‘knowledge’. Specific works of Latin instruction also had an influence on the didactic purpose of the English vernacular texts. Goldie argues that Instructions for Parish Priests, another text written by Mirk, ‘draws on William of Pagula’s Oculus Sacerdotis’,4 a ‘highly technical’5 Latin text written by an English lawyer, designed to educate priests. The original Latin text is written in prose, but Mirk’s interpretation is in

verse. This is a regular pattern in the translation of religious texts from Latin into English, especially within medieval education.6 Targoff argues that writing in verse instead of prose demonstrates ‘a fundamentally didactic impulse’,7 as it renders the content clear and simple for lay people to comprehend.

2

Review of Church History, 83 (2003), 104-127, p.107.

6 Camargo and Woods, ‘Writing Instruction in Late Medieval Europe’, p.129.

7 Ramie Targoff, Common Prayer: The Language of Public Devotion in Early Modern England (London: University of Chicago Press, 2001), p.60.

8 Christopher Cannon, Middle English Literature: A Cultural History (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2008), p.152.

9 Kirsty Campbell, ‘Reginald Pecock and the Religious Education of the Laity in FifteenthCentury England’ in Studies in Philology, 107 (2010), 48-73, p.48.

Martin Camargo and Marjorie Curry Woods, ‘Writing Instruction in Late Medieval Europe’, in A Short History of Writing Instruction: From Ancient Greece to Contemporary America ed. By James J. Murphy (New York: Routledge, 2012), p.115.

3 Siedfried Wenzel, Medieval ‘Artes Praedicandi’: A Synthesis of Scholastic Sermon Structure (London: University of Toronto Press, 2015), p.3.

4 Matthew Boyd Goldie, Middle English Literature: A Sourcebook (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing ltd, 2003), p.232.

5 Robert Swanson, ‘Pastoralia in Practice: Clergy and Ministry in Pre-reformation England’, in Dutch

It is important that religious instructional texts were translated and created in the English vernacular, as it was a ‘crucial mode of access to religious truth’8 for a lay audience, who could not understand Latin. The spread of vernacular English as a mode for religious instruction underlines the didactic aim of the genre.

Christian ‘’truth’’ was therefore able to ‘transfer… knowledge and learning’9 from

32

the few members of the Clergy to the mass of lay folk in England. The language of Mirk’s Instructions for Parish Priests itself is a testament to its instructional aim. Referencing the bible throughout the text validates the instruction expressed. There is a citation of Matthew 15:14 in lines 2-3 of Mirk’s text: ‘That whenne þe blynde ledeth þe blynde, / In-to þe dyche þey fallen boo’,10 which can be translated as ‘that when the blind lead the blind/ into the ditch they both fall’. This gives higher authority to Mirk’s teachings, indicating that these instructions are not only a product of Latin religious traditions, but are also validated by God’s word. In addition to expressing ‘instruction’ of ‘knowledge’, this manuscript also encompasses the second most frequent meaning of ‘instruction’ in the Middle English corpus, ‘an authoritative order to be obeyed’.11 This is highlighted by its

high frequency of imperative verbs, such as in the sentences ‘thow moste on thys werk’ [you must work on this] and ‘what þe nedeth hem to teche’ [what you need to teach them].12 The modal verb ‘moste’ or ‘must’ coupled with the direct address of ‘thow’ commands the audience to pursue the knowledge encompassed in the text, signifying the fulfilment of its instructional aim as a text of religious instruction.

10

13

John Mirk, Instructions for Parish Priests by John Myrc ed. By Edward Peacock (New York: Kraus Reprint, 1981), p.1.

11 Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. ‘instruction’, [online: accessed 13/10/2017 http://www.oed.com/view/Entry/97148?redirectedFr om=instruction#eid].

12 Mirk, Instructions for Parish Priests by John Myrc, p.1.

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Medical texts from the Middle English period also stemmed from a Latin religious instructional tradition, and indeed, ‘cannot be separated from’13 this tradition. Original Greek and Arabic medical texts were increasingly translated into Latin,14 and then from Latin into English, impacting on vernacular medical traditions. Agrimi and Crisciani discuss the influence of the Latin terms caritas [charity] and infirmitas Linda Ehrsam Voights, ‘Medical Prose’ in Middle English Prose: A Critical Guide to Major Authors and Genres ed. By A. S. G. Edwards (New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1984), p.315.

14 Danielle Jacquart, ‘Medical Scholasticism’ in Western Medical Thought from Antiquity to the Middle Ages ed. By Mirko D. Grmek (London: Harvard University Press, 1998), p.215.

[sickness] on medieval English medical writings.15 The concept of charity centred on the principles taught in Matthew 25 that discuss not only providing for the poor physically, but also spiritually, ‘primarily through communication’ and teaching. 16 Lanfrank of Milan’s text Science of Cirurgie connects the features of religious instruction with the medical, by relating physical sickness to the sickness of the soul. The Latin original of this text was translated into Middle English to explain how to become successful as a surgeon. Within this instruction, there are allusions to several deadly sins, when it is stated: ‘Be he no glotoun, ne noon enuyous, ne a negard;’17 which can be translated as ‘he should not be a glutton, nor envious, nor a greedy person’. This teaches that ‘health of the soul’18 is required as a

medieval medical professional. The emphasis on avoiding sin and purity of the spirit connects the medical with the Latin religious instructional traditions and the notion of caritas. Not only does this text ‘offer guidance’19 to the audience regarding the treatment of their patients, but recommends spiritual guidance to the reader themselves. This connection is not only seen in Middle English texts, but in medieval buildings.

Henderson describes a medieval hospital in Bologna as including a ‘combination of ecclesiastical and secular buildings’,20 used to cure both the body and the soul. This emphasises the importance of instructing surgeons in religious morals during the medieval period.

Jole Agrimi and Chiara Crisciani, ‘Charity and Aid in Medieval Christian Civilization’ in Western Medical Thought from Antiquity to the Middle Ages ed. By Mirko D. Grmek (London: Harvard University Press, 1998), p.170.

16 Agrimi and Crisciani, ‘Charity and Aid in Medieval Christian Civilization’, p.171.

17 Lanfrank of Milan, Science of Cirurgie, ed. By Robert V. Fleischhacker (Michigan: University of Michigan Library, 2006), p. 8.

18

15

An increase in medical instruction came about with an increase of universities in Agrimi and Crisciani, ‘Charity and Aid in Medieval Christian Civilization’, p.173.

19 Francisco Alonso-Almeida, ‘The Middle English Medical Charm: Register, genre and Text Type Variables’ in Neuphilologische Mitteilungen, 109 (2008), 9-38, p.19.

20 John Henderson, The Renaissance Hospital: Healing the Body and Healing the Soul (London: Yale University Press, 2006), p.12.

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Europe which ‘institutionalized the idea of medicine as a body of text-based knowledge’.21 This increase and intensification of the teaching of medical texts led to an increase in English vernacular translations of those texts.

Lanfrank’s text emphasises the significance of charity in the medical profession, asserting that ‘Pore men helpe he bi his myȝt, and of þe riche men axe he good reward’,22 translated as ‘he should help poor men by his might, and of the rich men ask a good reward’. The importance of teaching and aiding lay people as an act of charity in this text highlights the medieval concern ‘with mobilizing medical expertise for the benefit of the larger community’.23 Therefore, the instruction in Lanfrank’s Science of Cirurgie links Middle English medical texts with Latin religious

instruction, including the Latin notion of caritas.

Katharine Park, ‘Medical Practice’, in The Cambridge History of Science: Volume 2, ed. By D. Lindberg & M. Shank (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), p.619.

22 Lanfrank of Milan, Science of Cirurgie, p. 9.

23 Park, ‘Medical Practice’, p.624.

24 George R. Keiser, ‘The Romances’ in Middle English Prose: A Critical Guide to Major Authors and Genres, ed. by A. S. G Edwards (New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1984), p.278.

25

21

35

Medieval romance has been analysed as an instructional genre by many critics, including George R. Keiser, who claims that ‘a considerable point of their appeal was the guidance that they offer’24 regarding morality and chivalry.

Demonstrating this perspective, some manuscripts contain romances written alongside religious instruction. The Auchinleck manuscript includes sixteen romances together with texts ‘which are primarily devotional and hagiographical’.25 Another example is the romances of Sir Amadace, Sir Ysumbras and Sir Gowther,26 which are written ‘in the same ink and same sized hand’ in conjunction with extracts from The Lay Folk’s Mass Book.27 Shaner Julia Boffey and A. S. G Edwards, ‘Middle English Literary Writings, 1150–1400’ In The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, ed. By Nigel J. Morgan and Rodney M. Thomson (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge: 2008), p.388.

26 Mary E. Shaner, ‘Instruction and Delight: Medieval Romances as Children's Literature’ in Poetics Today, 13 (1992), 5-15, p.5.

27 Shaner, ‘Instruction and Delight: Medieval Romances as Children's Literature’, p.9.

argues that these were positioned together to be intentionally instructional, and therefore that the romances are ‘religious didacticism’ intended to ‘indoctrinate’.28 However, her argument constantly refers to ‘instruction with delight’29 which can be seen as evidence against her case. This suggests that the ‘instruction’ instead refers to the excerpts of the Lay Folks Mass Book, and the ‘delight’ refers to the romance stories in between. Therefore, the primary aim of these romances themselves is this ‘pleasure’ or entertainment, with a secondary purpose of instruction, shown through its relation to the didacticism. Similarly, Burlin attempts to illustrate medieval romances as instructional of ‘chivalric code’.30 This concept stems from the French ‘chivalric ideal’ which was ‘nourished by the court of Burgundy’31 and can be seen in Malory’s Morte Darthur, through the portrayal of Launcelot as a heroic knight. In his

argument, Burlin suggests that romances ‘do more than entertain: generally, they reinforce received notions about how we should behave’.32 Despite his intention of highlighting the instructional purpose of Middle English romances, this conclusion reinforces the opposite argument. He unwittingly underlines instruction as a secondary purpose, supplementary to the alreadyestablished objective of entertainment.

Shaner, ‘Instruction and Delight: Medieval Romances as Children's Literature’, p.11.

29 Shaner, ‘Instruction and Delight: Medieval Romances as Children's Literature’, p.5.

30

28

Notwithstanding its chivalric ideals, the Morte Darthur focusses on action and providing amusement. When describing Launcelot’s exploits, the active voice is used, such as in ‘syr Launcelot wounded syr Mordred and he fledde with alle his myghte / And thenne syre launcelot retorned ageyne vnto the Quene’ [Sir Launcelot wounded sir Mordred and he fled with all his might/ and then Sir Launcelot returned again to the

Robert B. Burlin, ‘Middle English Romance: The Structure of Genre’, in The Chaucer Review, 30 (1995), 1-14, p.4.

31 Keiser, ‘The Romances’, p.274.

32 Burlin, ‘Middle English Romance: The Structure of Genre’, p. 13.

36

queen].33 This highlights the focus on the action of the text, rather than its didactic inferences. Furthermore, the constant listing of verb phrases without punctuation gives the text a fast pace, to illuminate the action of the story for the audience’s pleasure. Wyatt contends that other purposes are ‘subservient’ to the action in the text, which focuses on ‘lengthy descriptions of bloodshed’.34 She continues her argument, suggesting that finding the instructional meaning in Malory’s text is ‘dependant on active reading’.35 This is supported by Bruckner’s argument that the themes in the French romances, which influenced the English, cannot be discussed without ‘fully engaging the play shapes’36 of the text’s action. These critics highlight this instruction as

secondary to entertainment, which is shown through the importance of action, and is already established as the primary aim. In addition, Lynch suggests that even the emotional aspects of this romance are inferior to the action, so much so that the emotion turns into its own ‘narrative trajectory’.37 The action, and therefore the entertainment, is revealed as superior to all other aspects of romance. Most importantly, Caxton’s preface of the Morte Darthur itself states that within this romance, the audience ‘shall fynde many Ioyous and playsaunt hystoryes’38 [shall find many joyous and pleasant histories], which illuminates the argument that the primary purpose of medieval romance was in fact entertainment, and not instruction.

33

L. Krueger (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p.28.

37 Andrew Lynch, ‘’What Cheer?’ Emotion and Action in the Arthurian World’ in Emotions in Medieval Arthurian Literature: Body, Mind, Voice, ed. By Frank Brandsma, Carolyne Larrington and Corinne Saunders (Cambridge: Boydell&Brewer, 2015), p.62.

38 William Caxton, ‘Caxton’s Preface’ in Sir Thomas Malory, Le Morte Darthur, ed. By Oskar H. Sommer (Michigan: University of Michigan Humanities Text Initiative, 1997), p.3.

Sir Thomas Malory, Le Morte Darthur, ed. By Oskar H. Sommer (Michigan: University of Michigan Humanities Text Initiative, 1997), p. 803.

34 Siobhan M. Wyatt, Women of Words in Le Morte Darthur: the Autonomy of Speech in Malory’s Female Characters (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016), pp. 1-2.

35 Wyatt, Women of Words in Le Morte Darthur: the Autonomy of Speech in Malory’s Female Characters, p.2.

36 Matilda Tomaryn Bruckner, ‘The Shape of Romance in Medieval France’, in The Cambridge Companion to Medieval Romance, ed. by Roberta

37

The comedic genre of the French fabliau can be regarded as exhibiting an instructional aim, with comments on its frequent use as a medium of ‘social commentary’.39 In his review of The Scandal of the Fabliaux, Edwards states that fabliau ‘participates in the subversion of social norms’,40 and can therefore be understood as a critique of those norms. Farrell furthers this, describing fabliaux as, not just a comment on, but an ‘attack on…institution[s]’41 such as the church.

This didactic aim is highlighted by Nicholas’s use of biblical beliefs to deceive John in Chaucer’s The Miller’s Tale. He uses the threat of a fictitious flood ‘that half so greet was nevere Noees Flood’ [that Noah’s Flood wasn’t half as large as],42 with the reference to Genesis 7 as a ploy to cuckold him.

Using the biblical allusion in this manner mocks the church, and even Christianity

itself, by relating it to the ignorance of John. Chaucer could be criticizing the church as an institution that renders its believers ignorant, like Nicholas in his deception of John. However, Cannon argues that fabliaux are ‘fundamentally invested in plot’,43 and narratives that prioritize comedic action over the expression of didactic or religious themes. Furthermore, Wright maintains that the instructional purpose cannot overtake humour as a primary aim, as didacticism ‘violates the fabliau ethos’.44 The genre of fabliau itself is defined, according to Bédier, as ‘des cantes a rire en vers [humorous tales in verse]’.45 This emphasises the purpose of entertainment, through the comedic plot, as more significant than any inferences of instruction. Chaucer accentuates the comedy in the action of the plot through his frequent use of scatological humour such as ‘Nicholas

Glenn Wright, ‘The Fabliau Ethos in the French and English Octavian Romances’ in Modern Philology, 102 (2005), 478-501, p.485.

40 Robert R. Edwards, Review of The Scandal of the Fabliaux by R. Howard Bloch in The Georgina Review, 40 (1986), 1047-1049, p.1047.

41 Thomas J. Farrell, ‘Privacy and the Boundaries of Fabliau in The Miller's Tale’ in ELH, 4 (1989), 773795, p.773.

42

39

Chaucer, ‘The Miller’s Tale’, in The Canterbury Tales ed. By Robert Boeing and Andrew Taylor (Toronto: Broadview Press, 2008), p.97.

43 Cannon, Middle English Literature: A Cultural History, p.169.

44 Wright, ‘The Fabliau Ethos in the French and English Octavian Romances’, p.485.

45 Bédier, in Farrell, ‘Privacy and the Boundaries of Fabliau in The Miller's Tale’, p.175.

38

anon leet fle a fart/ As greet as it had been a thonder dent’ [Nicholas let out a fart/ as great as if it has been a thunderbolt].46 It is difficult to find an instructional purpose among such humorous scenes as this.

Equally, the genre of fabliau focuses on naturalism, which underlines its purpose of providing entertainment rather than instruction. Miller claims that the pleasure of The Miller’s Tale derives from Chaucer’s illustration of the ‘natural facts of human animality, bodiliness, and desire’.47 This is demonstrated by the character of Absolon, who ‘with his mouth he kiste hir naked ers / Ful savourly, er he was war of this’ [with his mouth he kissed her naked arse/ and enjoyed it greatly before he was aware of this].48 He acts on his desire for Alisoun without first assessing the situation, leading to comedic

Chaucer, ‘The Miller’s Tale’, p.101.

Mark Miller, ‘Naturalism and its Discontents in the Miller’s Tale’ in ELH, 67 (2000), 1-44, p.1.

48 Chaucer, ‘The Miller’s Tale’, p.100.

49 Miller, ‘Naturalism and its Discontents in the Miller’s Tale’, p.4.

50 Melissa Furrow, ‘Middle English Fabliaux and Modern Myth’, in ELH, 56 (1989), 1-18, p.16.

46 47

39

circumstances, where his animalistic ‘instinct takes the place of reason’.49 Moreover, this tale also utilises traditional features derived from the French fabliaux to entertain. Furrow argues that instead of employing his fabliaux as commentary on romance stylistics, as some critics proclaim, Chaucer ‘was independently influenced

by French fabliaux’50 from his time spent in France. Arner notices that in the opening of The Reeve’s Prologue, ‘the pilgrims express approval… by laughter’51 at the adventures of Nicholas and Absolon. Chaucer writes that ‘diverse folk diversely they seyde, / But for the moore part they loughe and pleyde’ [different folk said different things/ but for the most part they laughed and played],52 which implies that although the pilgrims discoursed on the text, they all enjoyed themselves. This illustrates that it was Chaucer’s aim to provide

Timothy D. Arner, ‘No Joke: Transcendent Laughter in the "Teseida" and the "Miller's Tale"’ in Studies in Philology, 102 (2005), 143-158, p.157.

52 Chaucer, ‘The Reeve’s Prologue’, in The Canterbury Tales ed. By Robert Boeing and Andrew Taylor (Toronto: Broadview Press, 2008), p.103.

51

laughter to the audience, who are reflected by the fictional pilgrims. Olson argues that amusing fabliaux were also composed by authors of didactic literature, such as the French Jean De Conde. These tales can nevertheless be understood as purely ‘trivial entertainment’53 for an audience who ‘do not seek to profit one’s soul’.54 Therefore, it is not simply Chaucer’s fabliaux that express the primary aim of entertaining rather than instruction, but the genre more generally.

In conclusion, the primary aim of religious instruction and medical texts from Latin origins is instruction, whereas the primary purpose of traditionally French romances and fabliaux is to entertain. Through exploration of John Mirk’s Instructions for Parish Priests, the Latin literary tradition artes praedicand and individual Latin texts are illustrated as influential on the religious instructional aim. Similarly, analysis of Lanfrank’s Science of Cirurgie Glending Olson, ‘The Medieval Theory of Literature for Refreshment and Its Use in the Fabliau Tradition’ in Studies in Philology, 71 (1974), 291-313, p.312.

53

demonstrates the close relationship between Latin influences on both religious instruction and medical texts, through the term caritas. Both religious and medical texts were translated into the vernacular as a result of their instructional aim, to reach lay people without an understanding of Latin.

However, though both romance and fabliau have been interpreted as instructional by some critics, looking closely at those criticisms or the primary texts contradicts this reading. Both Malory’s Morte Darthur and Chaucer’s The Miller’s Tale place direct emphasis on action and humor respectively to entertain the audience, any deeper instructional meaning must be drawn out through further analysis.

References Primary sources: Chaucer, ‘The Miller’s Tale’, in The Canterbury Tales ed. By Robert Boeing and Andrew Taylor (Toronto: Broadview Press, 2008).

Olson, ‘The Medieval Theory of Literature for Refreshment and Its Use in the Fabliau Tradition’, p. 313.

54

40

Chaucer, ‘The Reeve’s Prologue’, in The Canterbury Tales ed. By Robert Boeing and Andrew Taylor (Toronto: Broadview Press, 2008).

Lanfrank of Milan, Science of Cirurgie, ed.

By Robert V. Fleischhacker (Michigan: University of Michigan Library, 2006).

Malory, Sir Thomas, Le Morte Darthur, ed.

By Oskar H. Sommer (Michigan: University of Michigan Humanities Text Initiative, 1997).

Mirk, John, Instructions for Parish Priests

by John Myrc ed. By Edward Peacock (New York: Kraus Reprint, 1981).

Secondary sources: Agrimi and Crisciani, ‘Charity and Aid in Medieval Christian Civilization’ in Western Medical Thought from Antiquity to the Middle Ages ed. By Mirko D. Grmek (London: Harvard University Press, 1998).

Alonso-Almeida, Francisco, ‘The Middle English Medical Charm: Register, genre and Text Type Variables’ in

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Neuphilologische Mitteilungen, 109 (2008), 9-38.

Arner, Timothy D., ‘No Joke: Transcendent Laughter in the "Teseida" and the "Miller's Tale"’ in Studies in Philology, 102 (2005), 143-158.

Boffey and Edwards, ‘Middle English Literary Writings, 1150–1400’ In The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, ed. By Nigel J. Morgan and Rodney M. Thomson (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge: 2008).

Bruckner, Matilda Tomaryn, ‘The Shape of Romance in Medieval France’, in The Cambridge Companion to Medieval Romance, ed. by Roberta L. Krueger (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006).

Burlin, Robert B., ‘Middle English Romance: The Structure of Genre’, in The Chaucer Review, 30 (1995), 1-14.

Camargo, Martin and Woods, Marjorie Curry, ‘Writing Instruction in Late Medieval Europe’, in A Short History of Writing Instruction: From Ancient Greece

to Contemporary America ed. By James J. Murphy (New York: Routledge, 2012).

Campbell, Kirsty, ‘Reginald Pecock and the Religious Education of the Laity in Fifteenth-Century England’ in Studies in Philology, 107 (2010), 48-73.

Cannon, Christopher, Middle English Literature: A Cultural History (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2008).

Caxton, William, ‘Caxton’s Preface’ in Sir Thomas Malory, Le Morte Darthur, ed. By Oskar H. Sommer (Michigan: University of Michigan Humanities Text Initiative, 1997).

Edwards, Robert R., Review of The Scandal of the Fabliaux by R. Howard Bloch in The Georgina Review, 40 (1986), 1047-1049.

Farrell, Thomas J., ‘Privacy and the Boundaries of Fabliau in The Miller's Tale’ in ELH, 4 (1989), 773-795.

Furrow, Melissa, ‘Middle English Fabliaux and Modern Myth’, in ELH, 56 (1989), 1-18.

Goldie, Matthew Boyd, Middle English Literature: A Sourcebook (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing ltd, 2003).

Henderson, John, The Renaissance Hospital: Healing the Body and Healing the Soul (London: Yale University Press, 2006).

Jacquart, Danielle, ‘Medical Scholasticism’ in Western Medical Thought from Antiquity to the Middle Ages ed. By Mirko D. Grmek (London: Harvard University Press, 1998).

Keiser, George R., ‘The Romances’ in Middle English Prose: A Critical Guide to Major Authors and Genres, ed. by A. S. G Edwards (New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1984).

Lynch, Andrew, ‘’What Cheer?’ Emotion and Action in the Arthurian World’ in Emotions in Medieval Arthurian Literature: Body, Mind, Voice, ed. By Frank Brandsma, Carolyne Larrington and Corinne Saunders (Cambridge: Boydell&Brewer, 2015).

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Miller, Mark, ‘Naturalism and its Discontents in the Miller’s Tale’ in ELH, 67 (2000), 1-44.

Olson, Glending, ‘The Medieval Theory of Literature for Refreshment and Its Use in the Fabliau Tradition’ in Studies in Philology, 71 (1974), 291-313.

Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. ‘instruction’, [online: accessed 13/10/2017 http://www.oed.com/view/Entry/9714 8?redirectedFrom=instruction#eid].

Park, Katharine, ‘Medical Practice’, in The Cambridge History of Science: Volume 2, ed. By D. Lindberg & M. Shank (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013).

Shaner, Mary E., ‘Instruction and Delight: Medieval Romances as Children's Literature’ in Poetics Today, 13 (1992), 515.

Swanson, Robert, ‘Pastoralia in Practice: Clergy and Ministry in Pre-reformation England’, in Dutch Review of Church History, 83 (2003), 104-127.

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Targoff, Ramie, Common Prayer: The Language of Public Devotion in Early Modern England (London: University of Chicago Press, 2001).

Voights, Linda Ehrsam, ‘Medical Prose’ in Middle English Prose: A Critical Guide to Major Authors and Genres ed. By A. S. G. Edwards (New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1984).

Wenzel, Siedfried, Medieval ‘Artes Praedicandi’: A Synthesis of Scholastic Sermon Structure (London: University of Toronto Press, 2015).

Wright, Glenn, ‘The Fabliau Ethos in the French and English Octavian Romances’ in Modern Philology, 102 (2005), 478-501.

Wyatt, Siobhan M., Women of Words in Le Morte Darthur: the Autonomy of Speech in Malory’s Female Characters (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016).

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On the 27th November 2016, U.S. Congressman Joe Walsh tweeted, ‘If Jesus was back among us, he’d be a law-abiding gun owner. He’d support the Police. And he’d say “Merry Christmas” not “Happy Holidays.”’

What does this comment tell us about the role of Jesus in contemporary political discourse?

Emily Millis MA Death, Religion and Culture The Republican Party, also referred to as the Grand Old Party (GOP), are one of two major political parties in the United States of America. Of the two (the other being the Democratic Party), the Republican Party have a reputation for being the more conservative party. The current ideology held by the GOP is one of American Conservatism1. This platform supports free market capitalism, fiscal conservatism, and restrictions on labour unions2. As well as this, the Republican Party is socially conservative and seeks to uphold 1

Grand Old Party, Republican National Committee, [Internet].

2 Grand Old Party, Republican National Committee, [Internet].

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‘traditional family values’, according to current president Donald Trump,3 which are based on Christian Ethics.

Christianity features heavily in Republican ideology, which will be explored.

In the last 10 years, the Millennial generation have grown up and taken an interest in politics, bringing with them their own platforms for discussion and sharing

opinions - one of the most popular being Twitter. However, it is not just Millennials taking to Twitter to air their opinions any Benjamin Wallace-Wells, ‘Donald Trump vs Family Values’, New Yorker, May 12 2016, [Internet].

3

more, and the platform has grown more and more popular with other demographics. This essay centres around a tweet sent out by former Republican Congressman Joe Walsh (@WalshFreedom) 4, claiming that if Jesus were alive today, he would be a law-abiding, gun-owning, anti’-Happy Holidays’ citizen of, presumably, the United States.

Throughout this essay tweets from Walsh will be included, as will responses to him, newspaper and online articles, and scholarship, which will be used to show the level of political and religious engagement these kinds of statements have, and how Jesus and conservative America are so often intertwined5.

This essay will be set out into 3 sections.

The first will explain who Joe Walsh is and will give a brief summary of some of his more controversial tweets and the reactions to them. The second section will break down the afore mentioned tweet to analyse the evidence that supports and disputes Walsh’s claims.

The third will use the evidence from the analysis of the tweet and scholarship from Liberation Theologians to show what kind of role Jesus has in contemporary American political discourse.

Section 1 Joe Walsh and his Twitter controversies.

Former Congressman Joe Walsh is an American conservative radio talk show host. He served one term in the United States House of Representatives for Illinois from January 2011 to January 20136. Though Walsh is a Republican, he received little Republican support in his campaign to gain access to the House of Representatives, and instead received backing from the Tea Party Movement, a libertarian, populist, conservative movement7. Whilst Walsh was serving

4

7

Joe Walsh, Twitter Post, 27 November 2016, 6:15pm.

5 Joe Walsh, Twitter Post, 19 April 2017, 12:16am.

6 Biographical directory of the United States, Joe Walsh, 2017, [Internet].

Michelle Boorstein, ‘Tea Party, Religious Right Often Overlap, Poll Shows’, Washington Post Online, 2010

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as a Congressman he was a harsh critic of the Obama Administration, particularly accusing Obama of severing the relationship between the U.S and Israel, of whom Walsh is a supporter.

In 2014, Walsh was removed from his radio show for using racially charged language8, however he was allowed to return the next day claiming he was using the slurs as examples, and not to Mollie Reilly, ‘Joe Walsh was Apparently Kicked off His Own Show for Using Racial Slurs’, Huffington Post Online, 2014, [Internet].

9 Mike Riopell, ‘Walsh Will be Back on the Air Tonight’, Daily Herald Online, 2014, [Internet].

8

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be derogatory9.

On July 7th 2016, the night of the 2016 shooting of police officers in Dallas, Walsh tweeted: ‘This is now war. Watch out Obama. Watch out Black Lives Matter punks. Real America is coming after you’10.

This tweet was interpreted by newspapers as threatening and blaming the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement for the deaths of the police officers11.

The tweet was later deleted, however Walsh claims that it was Twitter, not himself, that removed the tweet. The next morning, he clarified that he was 10

Joe Walsh, Twitter Post, 7 July 2016, 8:56pm.

Jason Silverstein, ‘Former Illinois Rep. Joe Walsh Threatens “War” on Obama and Black Lives Matter Protesters, Blames them for Deaths after Dallas Attack’, NYDailyNews Online, 2016, [Internet]).

11

not inciting violence against BLM, but defending police12.

On May 2nd 2017, Walsh wrote on Twitter ‘Sorry Jimmy Kimmel: your sad story doesn’t obligate me or anybody else to pay for somebody else’s health care’13, regarding a monologue by TV host Jimmy Kimmel discussing his son’s congenital heart defect and his belief that covering pre-existing health complaints is an important part of healthcare in the United States. Walsh has since been slammed by

12

Joe Walsh, Twitter Post, 8 July 2016, 6:21am.

Joe Walsh, Twitter Post, 2 May 2017, 6:39pm.

14 Katie Scott, ‘Joe Walsh Tweets about Jimmy Kimmel’s “Sad Story”, Receives Major Backlash’.

GlobalNews Online, 2017, [Internet].

15 Jason Blocher and Darrell Miller, ‘What is Gun Control? Direct Burdens, Incidental Burdens, and 13

newspapers and on Twitter for his ‘heartless’ and ‘disturbing’ comments14.

Section 2 Jesus and Gun Control.

It is consistently found that the number of guns owned in the south of the United States is disproportionate15 .

Simply, Southerners are more likely to own guns than people in northern states. Coincidently, Southerners are also, by majority, Republican, as shown by the latest Presidential election in 2016 when every state legislature in the south was Republican controlled16. Since Mr Trump’s presidential victory, the the Boundaries of the Second Amendment’ The University of Chicago Law Review 83.1. (2016), 295-355 (296).

Jeff Simon, ‘How Trump Ended Democrats’ 144Year Winning Streak in One County’, CNN Online, 2016, [Internet] 16

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U.S.A has been portrayed as a Christian country under siege by Islamist Terror by news outlets across the country. In 2015 after the mass shooting in San Bernardino, California, The NRA (National Rifle Association) released a video during the Presidential campaigns called ‘The Godless Left’ in which the protagonist appears to argue for Christian gun use, Only hours after an attack of radical jihadi terror on American soil, [when] the majority of Americans turned to earnest prayer for the dead, the wounded… political and media elites joined forces to insult and mock and disparage them. And laid bare the utter moral depravity of the Godless Left […] they openly demonise Christmas and Christianity17.

Fred Barbash, ‘The NRA, accused by N.Y. Daily News of Waging “a Sick Jihad”, Strikes Back at “Godless Left”’, The Washington Post Online, 2015, [Internet].

18 Pew Research Centre, February 23 2016, [Internet].

17

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What the NRA are advocating appears to be the same as Joe Walsh, though in far harsher terms. The ‘Godless Left’ are, according to the NRA, the enemy to the right wing, to America, and to Christianity. This attitude is common in more conservative Republican areas, largely the Deep South of America (South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi) and particularly with the somewhat infamous Christian strand of Southern Baptists18. In 2014, the Kentucky branch of Southern Baptists drew attention to themselves by attempting to usher in crowds to their church with a ‘gun giveaway’19. The Sunday school teacher for the church in Paducah, KY, David Keele, was quoted as saying ‘We’re doing two things here.

One, we’re going to talk about the Second Amendment to bear arms. But that isn’t the primary thing, the primary thing is who Jesus is’20. Keele also mentioned that everyone he knows at church owns a gun21. In this Paducah Blake Farmer, ‘Kentucky Southern Baptists Draw Crowds with Gun Giveaways’, NPR, 2014, [Internet].

20 Farmer, ‘Kentucky Southern Baptists’, [Internet].

21 Farmer, ‘Kentucky Southern Baptists’, [Internet].

19

Baptist Church, based on what Keele says, church and guns go hand in hand.

It would then seem logical to assume that, according to this church’s ideology, the congregation of this church would subscribe to the idea that Jesus would own a gun.

Though there are many church websites and Christian articles written claiming that Jesus would own a gun (or in some cases, what kind of gun Jesus would own)22, there is very little biblical evidence to support the claim. There are papers that argue that biblical interpretation is down to the individual and therefore if they believe Jesus would own a gun, like the Paducah Baptist Church, it must be possible;23 however there is no scholarship that outright states that a contemporary Jesus would own a gun. Biblically it is far easier to pick out a verse where Jesus asks his followers not to use violence (Luke 9:51-56) and to love their enemies

22

Robb Brewer, Would Jesus Carry a Glock?, 2015, [Internet].

23 Louis Seidman and Louis Michael Seidman, ‘Let them have Gods and Guns’ The World Today 69.6 (2014) 42-43 (42).

(Matthew 5:38-48), than it is to find a passage that can be twisted into a modern interpretation for the use of guns. I argue that when Walsh claimed that Jesus would own a gun, he did not mean that Jesus would own a gun because it is a Christian thing to do, but because it is an American thing to do, and that to the United States, Christianity and Americanism have become synonymous, according to Stephen Prothero24, to the point where Jesus is associated with gun ownership. While many Christians do not subscribe to the idea of a gun-owning Christ, one cannot dismiss the relationship between Americanism and Christianity that could lead to the justification of Walsh’s claim Jesus and the Police As well as claiming Jesus would own a gun, Joe Walsh also asserted that Jesus would be law-abiding and support the Police. There are few people today who would claim that Jesus was anything but

24

Stephen Prothero, American Jesus: How the Son of God Became a National Icon (NA: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2004), 4.

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Jewish25, and therefore one can assume he kept to Jewish law. He visited temple regularly (Mark 3; Luke 13) and kept the Jewish high holidays, particularly Passover (John 2:13, 6:4, 11:15; Luke 2:4143). The famous verse in Matthew (21:12) when Jesus flips the tables of those selling and changing money in the Temple adheres to Jesus’ keeping of the Jewish law as he was angry that the Temple had become a ‘den of robbers’ (Matt. 21:13), and that Jewish law had been broken. This is widely accepted in contemporary Christian thought26, however, it is also accepted by Christians that Jesus angered the authorities, and was ultimately put to death for it. It appears that Jesus would have kept his religious law but, according to Eagleton and Fraser, he also kept some ‘pretty shady’, ‘antiEmpire’ and ‘anti-imperialist’ friends, leading to the potential conclusion that Jesus would not have always followed

the law of the land27.

James Crossley, ‘A Very Jewish Jesus’ Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus 11.NA (2013) 109-129 (110).

26 Amy-Jill Levine, The Misunderstood Jew: The Church and the Scandal of the Jewish Jesus (California: HarperOne, 2007) 17.

27

25

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Presumably, when Walsh was tweeting about Jesus supporting the police, he means in relation to the ongoing clashes between police and BLM protestors as per his previous tweets (see section 1).

Lisa Isherwood’s work on contemporary Black Christology gives an historical context to the issue of racism in the United States that gave rise to movements like BLM. Isherwood writes that The Reformation in the sixteenth century did nothing to dissuade the Catholic Church from allowing slavery, due to the belief that black people were descended from Ham, Noah’s son, who was cast out for seeing Noah’s nakedness while Noah was drunk28.

Though the United States are largely a Protestant nation, the history of slavery in the country is prevalent, and the idea of black people being inferior is still present and perpetuated both by Terry Eagleton and Giles Fraser, The Gospels: Jesus Christ (NA: Verso, 2007) vii.

28 Lisa Isherwood Liberating Christ (Ohio: The Pilgrims Press, 1999) 23.

outdated religious ideology29 and the recent shootings of black people by the police30. Isherwood explains that racism was not the cause of slavery but rather is the result31, and that religion has been part of fabricating the ideology of slave ownership32. It is difficult to imagine a Christ figure who regularly spent time with undesirables and blessed the poor, advocating for police brutality and the killing of black children. However, the Jesus of the Bible is nothing if not forgiving. Forgiveness is a central part of the teachings of Christ (Matt. 6:14-15; Luke 6:37, 23:33-34; John. 8:7). The police in America have become like a Zacchaeus the tax collector figure, unpopular and widely disliked because of their profession33 34. Yet, Jesus chose to stay with Zacchaeus who welcomed him (Luke 19:5-6). It would not be unreasonable to suggest that Walsh is right about Jesus supporting the police,

however, it is fair to suggest that Jesus would also support the poor and the disadvantaged of today (Luke 6:20-21), some of whom are represented by BLM. There is little known about the biblical character of Jesus that suggests he would side with one over the other.

Based on Walsh’s previous behaviour and opinion (see section 1) of BLM, it can be assumed that this is not what Walsh meant by the tweet. This will be further explored through the ‘whitewashing’ of Jesus in American politics in section 3

29

33

Isherwood, Liberating Christ, 24 Lucy Pasha-Robinson, ‘Jordan Edwards: Texas Police Officer Charged with Murder of Black 15year-old Leaving House Party’, The Independent Online, 2017, [Internet].

31 Isherwood, Liberating Christ, 23 32 Isherwood, Liberating Christ, 23 30

Merry Christmas vs Happy Holidays Twitter offers several replies to Joe Walsh’s claim that Jesus would say ‘Merry Christmas not Happy Holidays’, many of which share the opinion of K O’Shea (@osheamobile)35, that Jesus would say Happy Holidays and wish everyone well on their respective holidays.

Jerome Murphy-O’Connor, ‘Jesus and the Money Changers (Mark 11:15-17; John 2:13-17)’ Revue Biblique 107.1 (2000), 42-55 (43).

34 I acknowledge that there are many more issues surrounding the position of the police in American society, however this essay is focused only on the recent violent clashes between police and BLM. 35 Osheamobile, Twitter Post, 28 November 2016, 2:18pm.

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Aside from being a very universalist view, this notion does fit with the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. The First Amendment guarantees religious freedom and expression and forbids Congress from promoting one religion over another36. Crudely put, if Walsh believes Jesus would be a law-abiding American, then Jesus would have to be universally inclusive and therefore say Happy Eid, Happy Hanukkah and so on.

This of course, does not play out in practise, and in the 1950s the U.S Congress inserted the words ‘Under Legal Information Institute, ‘U.S Constitution: First Amendment’, 2017, [Internet].

36

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God’ into the Pledge Of Allegiance37, promoting what George W. Bush would later call an ‘Abrahamic nation under one Judeo-Christian-Islamic God’38, which while promoting Abrahamic faiths dismisses others. Because, for obvious reasons, Christmas is not mentioned in the Bible, there is little biblical evidence to be offered over whether Jesus would have said Happy Holidays. However, it would not be unreasonable, based on the biblical character of Jesus and his tendency to meet with people of different backgrounds (John 4; Luke 37), to assume that Jesus would have wished people of all faiths well on their holidays. However, as mentioned earlier in the section, Jesus was Jewish (John 2:13, 6:4, 11:15; Luke 2:41-43), and therefore it can be argued that he would more likely be a ‘Hanukkah Shalom’ American, than a ‘Merry Christmas’ American.

Section 3 Jesus in American Politics.

Joe Walsh’s tweet garnered a generally angry response. Many of the Americans 37 38

Prothero, American, 4.

Prothero, American Jesus, 3.

who tweeted back to Walsh were not amused by Walsh’s claims, largely stating that Jesus was Jewish and therefore would not say ‘Merry Christmas’ and that he was killed by the Romans so would not support the police. It seemed unusual that so much of the anger over this tweet was directed at the ‘Merry Christmas’ statement and not at the idea of a Christ figure brandishing an assault weapon.

But more than just simply anger much of Twitter, Walsh’s tweet gives insight into Jesus’ role in white American politics, which will in turn offer an answer as to why Jesus with a gun is not an odd concept to much of America. Walsh’s claim that Christ would be a gunowning, law-abiding, anti-BLM American is a mere projection of himself on to the idea of Jesus39. He has whitewashed Jesus in a bid to make the Middle Eastern, ‘social justice warrior’ more relatable to the white Republican Peter Head, ‘The Nazi Quest for an Aryan Jesus’ Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus 2.1 (2004) 55-89 (56).

40 James Cone A Black Theology of Liberation (NY: Orbis Books, 2010), 111.

41 Joe Walsh, Twitter Post, 7 July 2016, 8:56pm.

39

mindset to which he is trying to appeal, and of which he is a part. In claiming that Jesus was white, which Walsh is doing (perhaps inadvertently) by projecting his own views and privileges as a white American on to Jesus, Walsh uses Christ as a means of oppression40. As mentioned in section 1, Walsh is not a supporter of BLM; though he maintains he did not call for violence against BLM, he insinuated that black Americans are not ‘real Americans’41. This kind of prejudice in the United States is recognised as being largely due to the colonial history of North America where white settlers enslaved and murdered Native Americans42, and partook in the slave trade43. James Cone writes that ‘white conservatives and liberals alike present images of a white Jesus that are completely alien to the liberation of the black community’44. If one were to pit Cone, a black American theologian known best for his work in black liberation theology, against Walsh, an 42

Michael Prior, The Bible and Colonialism: A Moral Critique (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999), 24.

43 Cone, A Black Theology of Liberation, 11.

44 Cone, A Black Theology of Liberation, 11.

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ex-Congressman who was thrown off his own radio show for racism and is an active protestor against universal healthcare, it is a shock to nonAmericans that Walsh’s view on life and politics is more regularly associated with Jesus in America45. However, in the U.S it is more acceptable to use Jesus as a symbol of white privilege than it is to see him as a figure of liberation46.

(Gen. 13:14-15; Exod. 15.17-19; Num. 21:13), and it is this attitude, coupled with the far too recent history of the degradation of people of colour49 in the United States, that has forced white Americans to appropriate Jesus for themselves.

This, I argue, is how and why Walsh has concluded that Jesus would be a gunowning, law-abiding, police-supporting, ‘Merry Christmas’, American.

Jacquelyn Grant writes, ‘The image that Blacks were inferior and that they were intended to service white Americans remained intact [after slavery was abolished])’47. It is this attitude that is one of the factors that has led to the whitewashing of Jesus for use in American politics. Another is that white America was built on colonialism, which was undertaken under the premise that God had promised America to the colonists and that anyone else must be eradicated48. This kind of narrative can easily be found in the Hebrew Bible

Conclusion To conclude, this essay has shown, with the use of Twitter, newspapers, blogs, and scholarship, that Joe Walsh’s tweet was a mix of desired whitewashing, selfprojection, and some potential truths. I have shown, through analysis of the tweet, that Jesus’ place in white Republican politics is a far cry from where black theologians (and many others) would put a modern-day Jesus.

This essay has demonstrated that colonial attitudes are still rife and that the degradation people of colour is still

Rachel Revez, ‘Kansas Republican Law Maker says Poor People Do Not Want Health Care’, The Independent, 2017, [Internet].

46 Cone, A Black Theology of Liberation, 12.

47 Jacquelyn Grant, White Woman’s Christ and Black Women’s Jesus: Feminist Christology and 45

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Womanist Response (Dusseldorf: Scholars’ Press, 1989), 198.

48 Frederick Hoxie, Encyclopaedia of North American Indians (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1996). 568.

49 Grant, White Woman’s Christ, 198.

very real in certain American circles50. By whitewashing Jesus who, as shown by the church group that attract new members with gun shows, is a central figure to many gun-owning Americans, and portraying him as an enemy of people of colour, shown by Walsh’s blatant disregard for BLM, Jesus has been used as a weapon of division51.

Jesus’ place in American political discourse, based on Joe Walsh’s tweet, is a place of division, inaccuracy, and personal opinion. Though many on Twitter did disagree with Walsh, it was largely a display of upset that Jesus was Jewish so would celebrate Hanukah not Christmas; an unintentional but latent division between black and Jewish Americans, and the disregard of black Jewish Americans all together.

Of the 300 responses I read, not one person called out the idea of ‘white privilege Jesus’. Based on the responses to the tweet, I would argue that the whitewashing of Jesus for political Grant, White Woman’s Christ and Black Women’s Jesus, 197.

51 Cone, A Black Theology of Liberation, 11.

50

purposes has worked, and that his place in American Republican politics is a place of divisive derision. 52

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52

BoCoTrav, Twitter Post, 29 November 2016, 2:17am.

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Blocher, Jason. Miller, Darrell A.H. ‘What is Gun Control? Direct Burdens, Incidental Burdens, and the Boundaries of the Second Amendment’. The University of Chicago Law Review Vol 83, Issue 1, (2016), 295-355.

BoCoTrav, Twitter Post, 29/11/16, https://twitter.com/BoCoTrav/status/8 03422698017869825.

Boorstein, Michelle, ‘Tea Party, Religious Right Often Overlap, Poll Shows’, Washington Post Online, 2010, Accessed: 06/05/17. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wpdyn/content/article/2010/10/05/AR20 10100501491.html.

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Brewer, Robb, ‘Would Jesus Carry a Glock?’, Blog Post, Accessed: 08/05/17, http://www.robertbrewer.org/wouldjesus-carry-a-glock/.

Crossley, James, ‘A Very Jewish Jesus’.

Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus Vol. 11, Issue: NA, (2013), 109-129.

Cone, James, A Black Theology of Liberation (NY: Orbis Books, 2010).

Eagleton, Terry and Fraser, Giles, The Gospels: Jesus Christ (NA: Verso, 2007).

Farmer, Blake, ‘Kentucky Southern Baptists Draw Crowds with Gun Giveaways’, NPR, 2014, Accessed: 06/05/17, http://www.npr.org/2014/03/10/28731 1237/kentucky-southern-baptists-drawcrowds-with-gun-giveaways.

George, Varghese, ‘In God and Guns They Trust’, The Hindu, 2016, Accessed: 06/05/17, http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lea d/In-god-and-guns-theytrust/article14005414.ece.

Grant, Jacquelyn, White Woman’s Christ and Black Women’s Jesus: Feminist Christology and Womanist Response (Dusseldorf: Scholars’ Press, 1989).

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Head, Peter, ‘The Nazi Quest for an Aryan Jesus’ Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus 2.1 (2004) 55-89 (56).

Isherwood, Lisa, Liberating Christ (Ohio: The Pilgrims Press, 1999).

Pasha-Robinson, Lucy, ‘Jordan Edwards: Texas Police Officer Charged with Murder of Black 15-year-old Leaving House Party’, The Independent Online, 2017, Accessed: 08/05/17. http://www.independent.co.uk/news/ world/americas/jordan-edwards-texaspolice-officer-roy-oliver-chargedmurder-black-15-year-old-teenagera7721071.html.

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Prothero, Stephen, American Jesus: How the Son of God Became a National Icon (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2004).

Reilly, Mollie, ‘Joe Walsh was Apparently Kicked Off His Own Show for Using Racial Slurs’, Huffington Post Online, 2014, Accessed: 06/05/17. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/ 06/19/joe-walsh-racialslurs_n_5513574.html.

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61

What are the limitations to the effectiveness of the Responsibility to Protect Doctrine?

Shuvham Bhandari BA Politics and Global Studies The expression, 'Responsibility to Protect' was first presented in the report of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) set up by the Canadian government in 2001. After the horrific genocide in Rwanda and Balkans in the 1990s, that killed thousands of people due to ethnic and political tensions, consequently led to the reformulation of the ideas concerning states sovereignty and the extent of its jurisdictions in international politics (Outreach Programme on the Rwanda Genocide and the United Nations, 2014). According to Article 39 and 51 of the United Nations' charter, the state has the right to govern its territory and defend against any aggression perpetrated against it, without the sanctions of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC).

However, Contradicting Article 51 of the UN charter, the doctrine of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) states

that individual state has the primary responsibility to protect its citizens within its borders, in congruence with international humanitarian laws. In failure to perform its primary duty, the state relinquishes its right to sovereignty, thus shifting the responsibility to a broader international community (United Nations, 1972, [online]). The present framework of global governance, established after the culmination of Second World War, puts a high emphasis on human rights and provides a nascent stage for world government.

However, implementations of international laws at present on issues like genocide, R2P, climate change, the proliferation of nuclear and biological weapons still requires the participation of individual states and its apparatus to sustain the current system of global governance. According to Gokhan Ozkan (2016), the success of any international mission depends upon the financial, material and ideological succour of individual states to the cause, which invariably depends upon global realpolitik necessities than on ideological grounds. Furthermore, as the present global governance dispensation 62

does not possess the necessary autonomy to implement its agendas and its reliance on member states has undermined the implementation as well as a detailed formulation of R2P as a legitimate policy in international politics.

This essay will look into different international relation theories such as realism, liberalism and democratic peace theory to explain the limitations to the effectiveness of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine. Similarly, it will also look into the convention on Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, as a predecessor to R2P, its drawbacks as international law to prevent and punish for the crime of genocide. Lastly, this essay will examine R2P doctrine and compare and contrast with the Convention on Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide 1948.

Realists do not believe in the effectiveness of the international law in bringing about peace and prosperity.

According to a Realist, the international arena is anarchic, and states have to look after their interest themselves (Collins, 2016:14). Similarly, John 63

Mearsheimer (2014) reiterates the fact that current global politics based on state system and states tend to fight and secure power for themselves. The anarchic nature of international order pushes states to accumulate as much power as possible to secure and sustain themselves leads states into conflict. For a Realist, the state reigns supreme, as it is the most important actor in international relations. The idea of balance of power and the use of military power is the way realists operate and argue that hard power is the only currency viable in global politics. For a realist, the idea of 'offshore balancing', using regional allies is a more feasible proposition than utilising the doctrine of R2P and intervening in the name of human rights and international law.

However, liberals disagree with the assessment of the realist that international system does not work practically. On the contrary, liberals believe that through the development of international system and institutions, a norm of co-operative behaviour has been established (Baylis et al., 2014:113).

Unlike realists, liberals believe in the

power of institutions to propagate values like justice, freedom, liberty and toleration in international relations.

Additionally, Andrew Heywood (2014) and Serhii Polkhy (2015) argue that liberal institutions working to advance values like democracy, freedom, liberty and human rights after the end of the cold war have made the world a more peaceful and secure than it was before the 1990s. According to Polkhy, after the demise of the Soviet Union, the proliferation of liberal values in East European nations like Ukraine and Poland shows the validity of the claim that liberal institutions and international system helped avoid ethnic and regional violence. The stability and cohesiveness brought in by the institutions like the UN along with the help of United States of America in former satellite states of the Soviet Union at the end of cold war support the views of the liberals.

Promotion of international laws and institutions automatically promotes peace and stability as shown during the end of cold war. However, the contention within the international community is the methodology of implementing these conventions and

doctrines. According to Gareth Evan and Mohamed Suhnoun (2002), the idea of humanitarian intervention has not evolved enough as a policy formulation and does not have any grievance redressal mechanism within the policy in international law for the aggrieved member states to avail too. The lack of redressal mechanism makes the doctrine of R2P very likely to be misused and appropriated by rival member states for their vested interest.

A corollary to the point made by Gareth and Mohamed, Richard Falk (2004) challenges the legitimacy of the United Nations as well as that of the United States of America to initiate regime change in the pretext of humanitarian intervention/R2P. The invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan by the US and its allies has led to thousands of deaths, mass migration and displacement of people on a large scale (Pankaj Mishra, 2014).

Similarly, Andrew Williams (2012) has observed, during his investigation on tortures committed by the US forces in Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq. According to Williams, the limitations of R2P and the doctrine of humanitarian intervention is 64

that it does not find faults in the socalled liberating/humanitarian/peacekeeping forces. The atrocities committed by peacekeeping forces are never brought to justice as the international organisation, or doctrines like the R2P are inept in dealing with consequences of its creations.

On the contrary, Michael Cox and Dough Stokes (2012) presents an alternative, narrative which shows the dichotomy within Liberalism. On the one hand, it talks about promoting democratic ideals, toleration and non-intervention foreign policies and upholding doctrines like Responsibility to Protect. On the other, some strands of Liberalism argue for interventionist foreign policies and strong institutions to promote liberal values through hard power as seen during the debates in America before the invasion of Iraq in 2003.

David Laws (2016) a former minister in the last coalition government of 2010 elaborates on the issue in his book while talking about the situation in the Middle East and particularly in Syria and Libya.

65

David Laws argues that the fixation of the liberals in promoting democratic values zealously, outmaneuvering international institutions like the UN started the process of political and social upheaval in many countries like Iraq and Syria. Therefore, unlike Realist, liberals believe in the international institutions and have an optimistic view about human nature and international institutions and maintain that it is the most viable political solutions and disapprove of war as a political instrument. However, the interventionist strand of Liberalism in their zest to promote liberal values and institutions in the name of 'Responsibility to Protect' has undermined the whole doctrine as the use of R2P has ushered in an era of violent regime change, mass killings through the use of drones and blatant disregard for international law and norms. Thus, discrediting the whole doctrine of Responsibility to protect as western propaganda used for intervention in the name of just cause and democracy and human rights (Dutt, 2015).

Similarly, Visser Bethany (2007) denounces the 'Just War' narratives of Washington in invading Iraq in 2003 by outlining the transgression and omission committed by the political leadership as well as the military. Secondly, systematic torture, killings of civilians and violation of human rights with the use of unmanned drones and huge loss of lives and property warrants as aggression by a foreign invader into the affairs of a sovereign state with no legal or moral rights. Mary Kaldor cited in Heywood (2014) concurs with the view of Bethany that violent means to gain access or control the state lead to a mass violation of human rights, with violence being carried out in the name of identity and mainly being directed against civilians. The argument of Kaldor perfectly sums up the debate regarding the limitations to the effective use of Responsibility to Protect. From the war on terror to the Arab Spring, the use of R2P has been by western powers furthering their geopolitical interest.

Sanjay Baru (2014) concurs with Kaldor's view that R2P as an idea has been discredited as it is increasingly seen as America's foreign policy instrument

used for global hegemony than stopping genocide. Especially after the Arab Spring and the mayhem caused by western intervention, R2P as an instrument of international politics is perceived skeptically, due to the effects of War on Terror and the Arab Spring.

The post-cold war world has changed dramatically, and international laws and international institutions are not as adept at handling conflicts and assessing different types of conflict. Mary Kaldor cited in Heywood (2014) suggests that the nature of conflict has changed and it cannot be seen through the prism of cold war ideals. According to Kaldor, the new types of conflicts are not happening between two states but between two ethnic groups within a state. Similarly, Victor Cha (2000) concurs with Kaldor's argument and adds that the new security environment in the 21st century will operate between two spheres: globalisation and national identity. The changing nature of security threats, merely promoting international law would not create a harmonious world, as institutions based on certain ideologies will not be able to intercept 66

new challenges and find a solution to them. The use of R2P should not be from the international community for it to succeed. The effectiveness of R2P solely rests upon individual state and in its ability to use it effectively when the time arises.

One of the weaknesses of international law and conventions and doctrines like the human rights and Responsibility to Protect is that there is no independent judiciary or international police to monitor and implement these laws on the global scale. The role of the individual state, members of the Security Council deciding the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court engulfs these institutions and doctrines into political partisanship. Thus, the International Criminal Court has no original jurisdiction making it somewhat a quasi-judicial entity, which needs consent from other international organisations to carry out its duties.

Making it highly unlikely for conventions on R2P and genocide to make an actual difference on ground zero. Allen (2010) confirms the long and tedious process the ICC has to go through before it can 67

prosecute countries like Kenya for crime against humanity. However, one of the drawbacks of the ICC is that it cannot prosecute nations like China and USA as they are not within its jurisdiction first and secondly both the countries are the member of the Security Council, making it extremely unlikely for any of the member state being prosecuted or tried in the ICC. Lastly, doctrines like R2P and Genocide convention do not make any difference in preventing mass atrocities on the general public as these conventions are framed inadequately and do not possess any legislative power to function on its own. According to Martin Shaw (2011), the Genocide Convention, as well as R2P, does not have any effect on people lives, as these doctrines do not advocate preventive measures.

These doctrines are inadequate as they give a theoretical background on genocide and prescribe a tedious and cumbersome judicial process to punish the perpetrators after the crime has been done.

Similarly, Jake Lynch (2011) suggests that convention on Genocide and R2P has not been able to bring a lot of dictators and people responsible for mass atrocities to justice. However, these conventions have been used in the past with hidden agendas and a purpose and willingness to discourage political dissent.

As a conclusion, Responsibility to Protect (R2P) on a theoretical level is a novel attempt at making an individual state more accountable towards their people. However, due to the limited capabilities of supranational organisations like the UN and the ICC doctrines like R2P cannot function effectively as the agendas dictated by individual states, which are driven by their interests. Secondly, the selective applications of R2P used by countries like the US and the United Kingdom during the invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan have significantly impacted the credibility of R2P as an instrument to stop genocide and mass killings. The discourse initiated by R2P regarding state sovereignty versus human rights is an important topic, which has the

potential to bring about lasting changes in countries, which does not value human rights. However, the effectiveness of R2P on ground zero without an autonomous organisation from the state politics will remain an elusive dream for the foreseeable future.

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Roberts, A. (2016) The Arab spring: why did things go so badly wrong? The Guardian. Available at: http://www.theguardian.com/comment isfree/2016/jan/15/arab-spring-badlywrong-five-years-on-people-power [Accessed 8 October 2016] Roberts, A. (2016) The Arab spring: why did things go so badly wrong? The Guardian. Available at: http://www.theguardian.com/comment isfree/2016/jan/15/arab-spring-badlywrong-five-years-on-people-power [Accessed 25 March 2016] Rosato, S. (2003) The Flawed Logic of Democratic Peace Theory. The University of Chicago, 97, (4), 585-602.

Servcie, R. (2008) Comrades: Communism: A World History. London: Pan Books.

Service, R. (2010) Lenin: A Biography. 2nd Edn. London: Pan Books, 15-16.

Sharma, R. (2016) The Rise and Fall of Nations: Ten Rules of Change in the 74

Post-Crisis World. New York: W.W. Norton and Company.

Smale, A., Erlanger, S. (2016) As Obama Exits World Stage, Angela Merkel May Be the Liberal West’s Last Defender.

The New York Times. Available at: http://www.nytimes.com/2016/11/13/ world/europe/germany-merkel-trumpelection.html?_r=0 [Accessed 1 December 2016]. thunghiem (2015) Masters Of Money 3 Karl Marx BBC Documentary Series.

Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1Nj 26cHCWoI [Accessed 21 November 2015] Tikriti, N. (2008) Middle East Institute US Policy and the Creation of a Sectarian Iraq. Available at: http://www.mei.edu/content/uspolicy-and-creation-sectarian-iraq.

[Accessed 8 October 2016] United Nation (1974) 3314 (XXIX).

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United Nation Organization (2015) The Millennium Development Goals 2015.

Available at: http://www.un.org/millenniumgoals/20 15_MDG_Report/pdf/MDG%202015%20r ev%20(July%201).pdf [Accessed 25 March 2016] Walker, M . and Quartely, W. (2006) The Revenge of Shia. The woodrow Wilson centre for Scholars, 30, (4). Available at: https://learn.winchester.ac.uk/pluginfil e.php/473030/mod_resource/content/ 1/University%20Wide%20Harvard%20Re ferencing%20Guide%20Revised%207-915.pdf. [Accessed 8 October 2016].

Webb, R., Westgaard, H., Torbe, K. & Steel, L. (2008) AS LEVEL SOCIOLOGY. 2nd Edn. Brentwood: Napier Press Sociology, 16-30

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Critical commentary of ‘The Landscape of Silence: Sexual violence against men in war’ by Amalendu Misra Hege Lauvsland BA Global History and Politics Sexual violence against men and boys in times of conflict is often ignored or swept under the carpet as a consequence of war. Misra aims to explore the meaning and role of the male body prior to its abuse, the contexts of conflict in which men sexually violate men, and asks the question of whether such violence can ever be prevented because of inadequate jurisprudence. Misra maintains that his book, ‘The Landscape of Silence: Sexual violence against men in war’ is the first systematic attempt to develop a general theory of male sexual violence in conflict scenarios. Misra states that there is a gap in people’s knowledge on sexual violence, due to overwhelming research and analysis into the role of women as victims in conflicts. Male rape ‘is in fact, endemic in many of the world’s conflicts,’ (Misra, 2015:1) and its scope is far wider than one could ever imagine. Using a 77

multidisciplinary approach of political theory, anthropology, philosophy, sociology and law, Misra addresses issues such as the psychology of the perpetrator, the function of law, and memory. The analysis is based on theoretical work and his own interviews with victims and perpetrators of such violence.

The following analysis is based on the chapter ‘The Legal Conundrum.’ Misra begins the chapter by stating that ‘sexual violence against men in armed conflict usually invokes an endless set of questions about both the nature of the violence and the retreat of the jurisprudence which facilitated the introduction of such violence.’ (2015:137) The absence of legal measures to prevent and to deal with such violence is at the centre of the debate surrounding sexual violence, he argues.

The chapter examines the exclusion of protecting men from sexual violence in emerging international laws, the marginalisation of men in definitions and legal documents regarding sexual violence, the subsequent legal loophole of such marginalisation and the gender

predisposition which has been established in which female victims are favoured, and the stigmatisation of male victimhood.

fails to encompass the reflection of the debate on sexual violence, and subsequently to create a general theory of sexual violence against men.

The three statements or ideas that stand out in this chapter, which form the basis for this critical evaluation are: firstly, that there has been a female “monopolisation” of sexual violence and academic literature on the topic (Misra, 2015:164); secondly, that the current theoretical framework developed by feminist theorists is problematic when used for male sexual violence (Misra, 2015:156); thirdly, he argues that jurists and upholders of law, which are mostly men, have a tendency to “homosexualise” male victims’ identities and condemn instead of victimise (Misra, 2015:143). This critical commentary will explore both supporting and contradictory academic research relating to the issues of the preceding statements, and conclude that while Misra has strong ideas which resonate within academic literature, it could be argued that there is perhaps an inclination of one-sidedness against female violence in literature. This both

Misra states that there has been a female “monopolisation” of victimisation from sexual violence and of academic literature on the topic. He makes a palpable claim, considering much of the research done on female victims so far asserts the men as perpetrators.

However, there are various explanations as for why this has occurred. Touquet and Gorris (2016:42) confirm that women and girls are prioritized, as they are disproportionately affected by this sort of crime, which creates a blanket of invisibility for male victims. In addition, Oosterhoff et al. (2004:75, 68) explain that this is ‘something of an open secret’, meaning that sexual torture of males is known to occur. However, Krahé et al.

(2000:142) reason that a major factor in the failure to recognize both genders as victims of sexual violence is the ‘slowness of institutions to recognise that male victims exist’. Moreover, they both add that legal definitions of rape have been traditionally restricted to only 78

encompass female victims and changes in legal regulations are slow to be implemented. This is consistent with Carpenter (2006:97) who argues that culturally constructed gender roles have caused a failure to adequately condemn and respond to male sexual violence as a human rights and human security problem. Reinforcing this view by drawing on strong evidence, is Crawford’s claim that the framing of sexual violence and how it is defined is important to how the international community will react to it. He uses the example of the implementation of Resolution 1325 by the UN Security Council, which switched the focus from sexual violence as a women’s issue, to an international issue of security. One can argue that this created substantial international attention around the topic, but because not all victims and perpetrators ‘fit within the dominant image’ of victims and perpetrators, they are left out (2013:510,515).

Diverging from these explanations, Dolan (2016:629) claims that the fact that women and girls are widely subjected to sexual abuse and assault should not be 79

used, explicitly or implicitly, to overshadow the widespread abuse of men, boys, and others. He states that ‘the pursuit of one rights agenda should not be allowed to obscure the rights of others,’ (2016:629). Capers offers a challenging understanding of the issue, by describing how feminist scholars have a reason for not discussing male sexual violence, because it would mean acknowledging that many assumptions would need reanalysis. It would, for example, call into question the claim about how rape is a mechanism for the male domination of women. Capers further states that it would be to admit that women ‘do not have a monopoly on sexual victimisation.’ (2011:1295). To conclude, Misra’s statement of female “monopolisation” is to some extent credible, however, it is mostly due to the disproportionate number of females that are victims of these crimes.

Furthermore, culturally constructed gender roles have resulted in legal frameworks worded in the favour of females, thus it can appear as a “monopolisation” of victimisation.

Continuing on the topic of frameworks, Misra asserts that the current feminist framework for sexual violence works against men and boys because the lack of research on the topic is a disadvantage, which hinders fair and just treatment. Rumney (2007:482, 484) suggests that there may be a link between feminism and how the fundamental characteristic of creating gender-neutral reforms and sexual assault laws, only underline that the definition includes female perpetrators and male victims. They are ‘neutral’ in the sense that potential rapists and victims can be of both genders, yet does little to minimize gender bias or jurisprudence. It has little impact on public acknowledgement of male rape, which impacts the ability of male victims to recognise their own victimhood.

Furthermore, DelZotto and Jones (2002 [Online]) support this view, arguing that the promotion of feminism often fails to recognise the oppression of non-elite males, which ‘ironically, helps to further the interest of elite males’. The presumption is made that the advocacy of feminism and victimisation of females, further overshadows male victims which

in turn promote the ‘ideal, heterosexual elite male’. Likewise, Pretorius (2009:577,579) contends that while feminism has contributed greatly to our understanding of rape in general, it has established the theories, vocabularies and constructs of masculinity which effectively silence the male as a victim.

Anderson (2007:241-2) corroborates the aforementioned views, and states that while female and male rape are conceptualised differently, and each bear certain associations and consequences, they are both necessary in order to gain further understandings of the social responses to rape. Vojdik (2014:924,952) challenges DelZotto and Pretorius, arguing that by using masculinities theory put forward by feminists in conjunction with further research into male victimisation, it can deepen the understanding of the topic, and in time illuminate sexual violence against both genders. Dolan and Javaid maintain that feminism has created gendered frameworks for understanding hegemonic masculinity, and how it functions as the main core expression of patriarchy. They deduce that all victims 80

of sexual violence are interconnected, because their victimisation is the result of hegemonic masculinity (2016:628; 2014:283,291). Touquet and Gorris (2016:37) emphasise that the growing number of evidence proving male sexual violence necessitates a more inclusive understanding, but it cannot come at a cost to women and girls, who remain the disproportionately affected.

Turchik et al. (2015:134,143) reason that while the current conceptualisations and definitions assume male perpetrators and female victims, creating a gender inclusive framework would be pertinent to reaching equality within sexual violence theory. It can be concluded that there is substantial debate surrounding whether feminism has helped or hindered the recognition of male sexual violence. However, one can argue sexual violence would not be on the agenda had it not been for its theories and advocacy for sexual violence justice. Misra’s argument is contested, but makes a palpable claim about the need for a new framework.

Furthermore, Misra addresses the issue of gender bias in jurisprudence, which is 81

connected to feminist frameworks and lack of academic research on genderneutral sexual violence. He presents the argument that jurors - which are often males - have a tendency to “homosexualise” male victims. Kramer (1998:294) reinforces this view, explaining that despite an increase in literature about rape and law, legal commentators rarely discuss male same-sex rape - in part because they are less common than female rape - and thus reduce male sexual violence to a footnote, but also because legal courts have failed to recognise and act upon the fact that society has ‘unique biases’ against gay men. One influencing factor to general gender bias may be the layout of international law, which has been traditionally male-dominated, according to Chappell (2014:185).

However, as Askin (2005) argues in her article Gender Crimes Jurisprudence in the ICTR, there has been significant progress in the prosecution of gender crimes, but they are not consistent and many indictments fall short of including rape charges. Moreover, there is often a cultural stigma attached to being the victim of such an assault, especially in

the case of men, as connotations of homosexuality become implicated (Kramer, 1998:314-5). One example, provided by Capers (2011:1300), states that male victims are more unlikely to press for criminal prosecutions because male jurors have a tendency to not convict male-on-male rapists. This is consistent with Mitchell et al. and Lyons who both have found that people repeatedly hold rape victims somewhat more responsible for their fate. Research has shown that in contrast to race, gender and sexuality in crimes with sexual associations, do not elicit sympathy from respondents. In addition, homosexual victims are blamed more, which correlates to stigma attached to homosexuality (1999:369; 2006:41,55).

King and Greening (2007:1066) challenge these views and suggest that all male panels give lengthier sentences by approximately 106 months if there is a male victim, than panels including female jurors. The findings of their research deduce that female judges do not protect male victims in the same way as male jurists, which diverges from the aforementioned research.

Sivukumaran (2005:1289,1304) offers a useful summary of why unjust jurisprudence exists in relation to gender: he argues that victimisation and masculinity are considered incompatible ‘in the belief that men cannot be victims’.

This is tied to a failure of distinguishing homosexuality from sexual conduct between males, and thus society might consider all male/male rape to have homosexual characteristics. He states that ‘given the considerable homophobia present in society, these aspersions of homosexuality amount to a “taint”’. It can be concluded that the current jurisprudence and its legal frameworks are struggling with gender prejudice, towards both sexes.

The problems with Misra’s assertions about feminism and female monopolisation is that it suggests that these theories and frameworks actively work against male victimisation and have done nothing to further the international debate surrounding broadening the gender inclusion, which has been proved to be contested. His claim that there is gender bias in jurisprudence may be considered 82

unanimously supported, yet leaning towards different genders as the basis of partiality, necessitating an equal understanding and acceptance of both male and female victimisation.

References Anderson, I. (2007) What is a typical rape? Effects of victim and participant gender in female and male rape perception. British Journal of Social Psychology, 46, 225-245.

Askin, K. D. (2005) Gender Crimes Jurisprudence in the ICTR. Journal of International Justice, 3, (4), 1007-18.

Available at: https://academic.oup.com/jicj/articlelookup/doi/10.1093/jicj/mqi061 [Accessed 22 October 2017].

Capers, B. (2011) Real Rape Too. California Law Review, 99, (5), 1259-1307.

Carpenter, R. C. (2006) Recognizing Gender-Based Violence Against Civilian Men and Boys in Conflict Situations.

Security Dialogue, 37, (1), 83-103.

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Chappell, L. (2014) Conflicting Institutions and the Search for Gender Justice at the International Criminal Court. Political Research Quarterly, 67, (1), 183-196.

Crawford, K. F. (2013) From spoils to weapons: framing wartime sexual violence. Gender & Development, 21, (3), 505-517.

DelZotto, A., Jones, A. (2002) Male-onMale Sexual Violence in Wartime: Human Rights’ Last Taboo? Paper presented to the Annual Convention of the International Studies Association (ISA), New Orleans. Available at: http://adamjones.freeservers.com/mal erape.htm [Accessed 9 March 2018].

Dolan, C. (2016) Inclusive gender: why tackling gender hierarchies cannot be at the expense of human rights and the humanitarian imperative. International Review of the Red Cross, 98, (2), 625634.

Javaid, A. (2014) Feminism, masculinity and male rape: bringing male rape ‘out of the closet’. Journal of Gender Studies, 25, (3), 283-293.

King, K. L., Greening, M. (2007) Gender Justice or Just Gender? The Role of Gender in Sexual Assault Decisions at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. Social Science Quarterly, 88, (5), 1049-1071.

Krahé, B., Schutze, S., Fritsche, I., Waizenhöfer, E. (2000) The Prevalence of Sexual Aggression and Victimization among Homosexual Men. The Journal of Sex Research, 37, (2), 142-150.

Kramer, E. J. (1998) When Men Are Victims: Applying Rape Shield Laws to Male Same-Sex Rape. New York University Law Review, 73, 293-332.

Lyons, C. J. (2006) Stigma or Sympathy?

Attributions of Fault to Hate Crime Victims and Offenders. Social Psychology Quarterly, 69, (1), 39-59.

Misra, A. (2015) The Landscape of Silence: Sexual violence against men in war. London, C. Hurst & Co. Mitchell, D., Hirschman, R., Nagayama Hall, G. C. (1999) Attributions of Victim

Responsibility, Pleasure and Trauma in Male Rape. The Journal of Sex Research, 36, (4), 369-373.

Oosterhoff, P., Zwanikken, P., Ketting, E. (2004) Sexual Torture of Men in Croatia and Other Conflict Situations: An Open Secret. Reproductive Health Matters, 12, (23), 68-77.

Pretorius, G. (2009) The Male Rape Survivor: Possible Meanings in the Context of Feminism and Patriarchy.

Journal of Psychology in Africa, 19, (4), 575-580.

Rumney, P. N. S. (2007) In Defence of Gender Neutrality Within Rape. Seattle Journal for Social Justice 6, (1), 481-526 Sivukumaran, S. (2005) Male/Male Rape and the “Taint” of Homosexuality”.

Human Rights Quarterly, 27, (4), 12741306.

Touquet, H., Gorris, E. (2016) Out of the shadows? The inclusion of men and boys in conceptualisations of wartime sexual violence. Reproductive Health Matters, 24, (47), 36-46.

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Turchik, J. A., Hebenstreit, C., Judson, S. S. (2015) An Examination of the Gender Inclusiveness of Current Theories of Sexual Violence in Adulthood: Recognising Male Victims, Female Perpetrators, and Same-Sex Violence.

Trauma, Violence & Abuse, 17, (2), 133148.

Vojdik, V. K. (2014) Sexual Violence against Men and Women in War: A Masculinities Approach. Nevada Law Journal, 14, 923-952.

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Stereotypes: The driving force behind car accidents, or just media misrepresentation?

Jessica Beale BSc Psychology If you were told you couldn’t drive, would you expect it to double your chances of having a car accident? That is what Yeung and von Hippel (2008) seemed to find in two driving simulation experiments. Their study was designed to test driving skills (speed and lane positioning), as well as the ability to avoid hitting jaywalkers. Over 160 women participated, with half told that women were worse drivers than men (stereotype condition) and half told there were no gender differences. They found that stereotyping had no effect on general driving skills, but stereotyped participants were twice as likely to collide with jaywalkers.

This effect is known as ‘stereotype threat’ – individuals feeling susceptible to confirming negative stereotypes about their group, in turn hindering their performance (Steele & Aronson, 1995).

Stereotype threat has been criticised, as 87

people have reviewed research and failed to find the effect. With the media relying on psychological findings to inform the public, it is important to evaluate whether or not the researchers’ claims are justified. So are stereotypes really a threat to performance, or is it a case of psychology research taking a wrong turn?

Yeung and von Hippel suggested two mechanisms for how stereotypes hinder performance. Firstly, they suggested that participants put in excessive effort when trying to disconfirm a negative stereotype, which interferes with the task and hinders performance. However, doubt has been placed on whether this is true for all scenarios, as sometimes participants may not put in excessive effort and therefore their performance may not decrease. Skorich et al. (2013) found that the amount of effort depends on how stereotypes are introduced. If blatant, as in Yeung and von Hippel’s research, participants reported decreased effort and consequently performance. However, if stereotypes were subtle, which is more likely in real

world situations, effort increased which actually boosted performance.

The second mechanism involves working or short-term memory. Yeung and von Hippel suggested that on difficult tasks, working memory is already operating at full capacity. When a negative stereotype is introduced, this overloads the memory and hinders performance. However, the driving simulator itself was designed to be difficult, with sharp bends and the pressure of being assessed. Yet participants’ driving skills were not negatively affected by the stereotype; it was only jaywalker collision rates that increased. If the working memory mechanism applied here, one would expect the lane positioning and speed to be affected too.

A further concern is that the driving skill findings were not reported by the media, and the title of the paper contained only jaywalker collision rates.

This smacks of publication bias, or the tendency for everyone to emphasise statistically significant findings, a common issue in stereotype threat research (Flore & Wicherts, 2015). Some

researchers suggest that the effects of stereotype threat are smaller than suggested due to this bias (Ganley, Mingle, Ryan, Ryan, Vasilyeva & Perry, 2013). One review suggested that although stereotype threat appears to exist, the effects are tiny and frequently exaggerated (Spencer, Logel & Davies, 2016). Yeung and von Hippel found a moderate effect size in terms of the odds ratio, which perhaps reflected the stress and difficulty of avoiding the pedestrians.

Yeung and Hippel claimed that the stereotyped group improved performance on lane positioning, when actually this finding was non-significant; this suited them as they had theorised that the stereotype-disconfirming motivation would improve general skills.

They also ignored the base rate of collisions when interpreting their results.

They designed the jaywalker simulation to average a 50% collision rate. Yet the stereotyped group hitting jaywalkers 59% of the time was considered astonishing. Although that is double the non-stereotyped group’s average of

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29%, it is not much more than the pilot test’s 50% collision rates.

Finally, most stereotype threat research has been conducted in laboratories, giving it low ecological validity, or generalisability to the real world. The media reports suggested that stereotype threat is a real-world issue (Telegraph, 2008) which may be true, but few researchers have actually investigated it. Instead they have generalised laboratory findings to the real world without empirical evidence.

As shown by Skorich et al. (2013), the mechanisms which underpin stereotype threat vary according to the situation.

Therefore, stereotype threat may perform completely differently in the real world.

Unfortunately these issues often go unnoticed by the media, due to journalists’ lack of subject knowledge and reliance on ‘experts’ in psychology to accurately report findings. In future, it is vital that researchers do not use sensationalist titles and press releases that do not accurately represent all of their findings. Also essential is that journals address publication bias, 89

allowing researchers to publish a largescale replication of stereotype threat research, no matter what the findings show. Stereotypes can only be defeated with careful, well-reported science.

References Flore, P., & Wicherts, J. (2015). Does stereotype threat influence performance of girls in stereotyped domains? A metaanalysis. Journal Of School Psychology, 53(1), 25-44. doi: 10.1016/j.jsp.2014.10.002 Ganley, C., Mingle, L., Ryan, A., Ryan, K., Vasilyeva, M., & Perry, M. (2013). An examination of stereotype threat effects on girls’ mathematics performance.

Developmental Psychology, 49(10), 1886-1897. doi: 10.1037/a0031412 Telegraph (2008, March 29). Moaning men to blame for bad women drivers.

The Telegraph. Retrieved 27 November 2017, from http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/ukn ews/1583206/Moaning-men-to-blamefor-bad-women-drivers.html Skorich, D., Webb, H., Stewart, L., Kostyanaya, M., Cruwys, T., McNeill, K., . .

. & O’Brien, K. (2013). Stereotype threat and hazard perception among provisional license drivers. Accident Analysis & Prevention, 54(1), 39-45. doi: 10.1016/j.aap.2013.02.002 Spencer, S., Logel, C., & Davies, P. (2016).

Stereotype threat. Annual Review Of Psychology, 67(1), 415-437. doi: 10.1146/annurev-psych-073115-103235 Steele, C., & Aronson, J. (1995).

Stereotype threat and the intellectual test performance of african americans.

Journal Of Personality And Social Psychology, 69(5), 797-811. doi: 10.1037//0022-3514.69.5.797 Yeung, N., & von Hippel, C. (2008).

Stereotype threat increases the likelihood that female drivers in a simulator run over jaywalkers. Accident Analysis & Prevention, 40(2), 667-674. doi: 10.1016/j.aap.2007.09.003

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The problematic representation of race at the World’s Fair and nature at the American Museum of Natural History Rob Godfrey BA American Studies American Modernity (1880-1940) is the period of American history during which the foundations of what we understand as modern America were laid. Both in terms of infrastructure such as transport, technology, economy, politics and labour relations and in a more abstract sense through the formulation of culture and ideology.

Importantly, many see these concepts as aspects of history that have indeed remained in the past, suggesting that American society has progressed. In a sense, that is true and advancements, especially in terms of technology and tangible infrastructure, are easy to track.

However, culturally and ideologically, America might not have moved on as much as the average citizen might like to think. Because of the pervasiveness of ideologies founded in modernity, it is worthwhile to study how particular

concepts, such as race and nature, were represented at this epochal time.

During the development of American Modernity, many ideas and concepts were in flux for a variety of reasons. The fundamental drivers of modernity – industrial development and advances in technology – were essentially affected by immigration. In turn immigration problematized and began to reconstitute notions of national identity, creating conflict between classes, races and ethnicities. Additionally, as part of the broader processes of industrialisation, immigration altered the relationship between nature and humanity. The march of pioneers West, industrialisation and immigration as a set of linked processes caused America to shift from a wild and challenging environment, based upon an agricultural economy, to a civil and industrialised one in just a few decades.

Industrialisation particularly resulted in the growth of cities and an increase in railroads and intra-urban transport which propelled the city space and urban economy ahead of its agricultural predecessor. The increase in city 92

population caused by these processes meant that a greater number of American’s now viewed nature in this alternative modern way.

problematic facets of American Modernity and the misrepresentation of threat which is still present in contemporary America.

This essay will evaluate the ways in which race and nature became conflicting and contestable ideas in the period of American Modernity and will make the case that they were in fact misrepresented in order for the White Anglo-Saxon Protestant (WASP1) majority to maintain a degree of dominance and control over them. The (mis)representation of race and nature will be evaluated separately in two arenas: Race at the 1893 World’s Fair, especially at the Midway Plaisance, and nature at the American Museum of Natural History particularly through the paradigm of Carl Akeley’s African Hall.

At its conclusion, the essay will highlight the existence of a bridge between these

In finding the linking factors between race and nature, the essay seeks to highlight the intertextuality of American Modernity and the relevance of the somewhat mythic ideas which percolate much of America’s modernising trajectory. In an interview, race theorist George Yancy has speculated that,

Although the term ‘WASP’ was not used in critical literature until the 1950’s, I will use it in this essay retrospectively in order to address the White AngloSaxon Protestant demographic that have, from the very inception of America been the privileged, ruling class. The White Anglo-Saxon protestant majority have perpetually held the influential power both socially and political and in the industrial, corporate and religious facets of American life. Although

‘WASP’ ignores the important divisions of gender and class, throughout the essay I will utilise the term to neatly investigate the problematic aspects of this ethno-religious dominance in terms of race and nature.

2 Maria del Guadalupe Davidson and George Yancy, ‘Thinking about Race, History and Identity: An interview with George Yancy,’ The Western Journal of Black Studies 40, no. 1 (2016): 4.

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All grand historical narratives, to some extent, have embedded within them certain myths, where such myths function to provide people with a coherent and intelligible sense of who they are.2

When taken in the context of the ‘grand historical narrative’ that is American Modernity, race and nature are interacted with as mythic ideas with the function which Yancy alludes to above.

Where myths appear to be inherent and problematic, the importance of evaluation is paramount.

Firstly, to interpret the concept of race, the essay draws on Manning Marable’s reading, which argues that race is Rooted in the structures of exploitation, power and privilege.

‘Race’ is an artificial social construction … which was deliberately imposed on various subordinate groups of people at the outset of the expansion of European capitalism into the western hemisphere five centuries ago. The racial consciousness and discourse of the West was forged above the 3

Manning Marable, Race, Reform and Rebellion: The Second Reconstruction and Beyond in Black America, 1945-2006 (Mississippi: UP of Mississippi, 2007), 185.

bowels of slave ships as they carted their human cargoes into … the Americas.3 Marable’s articulation is important in framing the analysis of race and its representation via a cultural paradigm because it indicates how the mythic character of race was constructed by the social elite. Similarly, immigration was central to the shaping of race during this period. Modernity saw the birth of the nation state and in defining nationality and citizenship it concurrently defined the foreigner.4 This distinction “endangered the modern figure of the foreigner”5 by creating a polarised society in which questions of nationality and citizenship resulted in a sense of exclusion based upon various differences such as ethnicity and language. In an analogous way, modernity challenged the traditional concepts of nature because industrialisation and technological advancements caused a change in 4

Rogers, Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany, (Massachusetts: Harvard UP, 1992.) 46.

5 Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood, 47.

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labour, moving many people from farming to factory and office work. From the rural, wilderness locale to the urban metropolis.

In order to analyse the problematic representation of nature, we must frame the idea of ‘true nature.’ One can follow Cronon’s assertion that, “the place where we are is the place where nature is not.”6 And so, we can define true nature as the locale before the ideological and tangible presence of ‘America’ problematised the authenticity of wild, natural spaces and later as the concept that collided with the trajectory of American Modernity. This conceptual space is clearly articulated in the landscape paintings of Thomas Moran, specifically in Grand Canyon of the Yellowstone,7 similarly, one might see the landscape of the native Indian tribes as a legitimate embodiment of true nature.

William Cronon, ‘The Trouble with Wilderness: Or, Getting Back to the Wrong Nature,’ Environmental History 1 no. 1 (1996): 17.

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7

Thomas Moran, Grand Canyon of the Yellowstone, 1872. Available at: https://americanart.si.edu/artwork/the-grand-

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Furthermore, philosopher, naturalist and writer Henry David Thoreau (1817-1862) was important to the period of modernity because his book, Walden, and essay, Civil Disobedience, affirmed notions of self-sufficiency and liberty for American’s during a time in which these values were challenged by growing corporations and capitalism. Thoreau endorsed the importance of understanding and aligning oneself with true nature, as a way of framing the “restoration and repossession of Eden.”8 Although Thoreau’s romantic notion of true nature is significant here as a basis for the American understanding of nature, during this period nature was more commonly recognised as something to be tamed and civilised as part of the modernisation process. For the purpose of this essay, it is important to present true nature from the perspective of wilderness and civility – canyon-of-the-yellowstone-17832 [Accessed, 19.11.17.]

8 Ronald Wesley Hoag, ‘Thoreau’s Later Natural History Writings,’ The Cambridge Companion to Henry David Thoreau Ed. Joel Myerson.

Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1995. 159.

as void of ‘America’ and void of humanity. Just as Cronon summarised; “If nature, to be true, must also be wild, then our very presence in nature represents its fall.”9 When evaluating the work of Akeley in African Hall and whether it contests a faithful representation of nature, it is essential to understand and define true nature along these lines and form a distinction between it and the nature that is presented in African Hall.

as President Trump refutes the political importance of climate change, and members of his administration deny its very existence, the relationship between nature and humanity remains particularly relevant in 21st century America.11 Thus, understanding how nature and race have been represented in America in the past is central to understanding how they might be situated as concepts in the present and future.

Finally, this essay will show the continuing resonance of these debates in contemporary American politics. The Black Lives Matter movement and the recent ‘take a knee’ protest – and the ideologies which drive these movements10 – indicate how race continues to be a contentious issue which challenges the inclusivity of American identity and society. Equally,

The misrepresentation of Race at the Midway Plaisance.

The World’s Columbian Exposition – or World’s Fair – was an event which marked the 400th anniversary of the completion of Christopher Columbus’ voyage to America and was, more importantly, a demonstration of industrial innovation and American optimism. At the heart of

Cronon, ‘The Trouble with Wilderness,’ 17.

See, Rob Godfrey, ‘A Nation on its knees?’ The Picket Fence Post, (Nov. 2017): https://www.picketfencepost.com/singlepost/2017/11/13/A-Nation-on-its-Knees [Accessed, 19.11.17.]

11 See; Lisa Friedman, https://www.nytimes.com/2017/10/04/climate/trumpclimate-change.html and

https://www.nytimes.com/2017/11/12/climate/bonnclimate-change.html [Accessed 19.11.17.] and Ian Johnston, http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/ us-politics/donald-trump-climate-changecensorship-global-warming-administration-latestscientist-warns-a7918011.html [Accessed, 19.11.17.]

9

10

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the fairgrounds sat the White City which enclosed an array of 41 “great buildings,”12 that were designed in the neoclassical architecture style and whitewashed. Within the many buildings were exhibits of electrical engineering, manufacturing, anthropology, agriculture and transportation to name a few. Via its aesthetic and the focus of the exhibits, the White City embodied American exceptionalism and presented an image of the model American city.

So, in essence, in Jackson Park, Chicago 1893, stood the very manifestation of Winthrop’s shining city on a hill, a physical representation of American exceptionalism for all the world to see. It is doubtful that the organisers named the attraction based on the preferred ethnicity of those who would frolic and gawp there, but the name is notably ironic nonetheless. For the White City was a simulation, a dramatisation of American Modernity that had been constructed by the ruling classes – the rich and the influential – for the pleasure

of white majority America. It was far from a truism; the plaster and cement compound once painted white provided a gleaming façade to the buildings which congruently created a mythic façade over the actual building blocks of American Modernity. The stylistic choice of gleaming white can’t be termed as insidious, but it certainly inhibited an understanding of the world of the people of colour who helped construct White City.

Joseph M. Di Cola and David Stone, Chicago’s 1893 World’s Fair, (Illinois: Arcadia, 2012.) 17.

13 Christopher Robert Reed, ‘The Black Presence at "White City": African and African American

Participation at the World's Columbian Exposition, Chicago, May 1, 1893 - October 31, 1893,’ Roosevelt University, 1999,

12

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This disparity between truth and the façade can be examined through the role of people of colour in building and serving the fair versus their representation within it. They found employment as “laborers in clearing the marshlands of the debris that was to become Jackson Park” and were relegated to familiar servitude as “waiters of the fairgrounds in restaurants” and as “Pullman porters on train runs.”13 However, because they were not allowed to visit the White City

and were limited to menial labour jobs, they were excluded by race from the entirety of the industrial sector and so job expectations had to be tempered to fit the reality of the times.14 A damning reality then, which sought to serve and empower the white majority classes and, intentionally I would argue, trivialise and misrepresent the identity of ethnic minorities.

In order to reach the White City, one would have walked down the Midway Plaisance, the most popular part of the Exposition. It is at the Midway Plaisance that the self-representation of the model American experience became particularly problematic in terms of race.

Whilst the masses gazed at the frivolous novelty of the White City void of the various excluded ethnicities, at the Midway Plaisance such ethnicities were exoticised as spectacles in exhibits which included hokum music and African and Asian dance. Thus, the http://columbus.gl.iit.edu/reed2.html [accessed 10.03.17.]

14

Ibid.

relationship between races was defined by whites ‘gazing’ at non-whites. As in human zoos of the period, race was mythicized as novel and inferior. With this disparity between white, middleclass dominance at the centre and racialized misrepresentation on the periphery, the Fair set to profit from this problematically racial, “commercialised exoticism”15 under the guise of education and amusement.

By investigating this misrepresentation of race at the Midway Plaisance further it becomes clear that it is a binary discussion. The architect of the scene, Sol Bloom, played on the dualistic opposition between the civilised and the uncivilised – the white frontiersman versus the savage. Bloom made a nostalgic play on the frontier Ideology that had so fundamentally shaped American identity; that being the frontier as the “meeting point between savagery

15

Robert Rydell, John E. Findling, and Kimberly D. Pelle, Fair America: Worldʹs Fairs in the United States (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 2000), 38‐39.

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and civilization.”16 It is on the basis of these founding American values that Bloom constructed his attractions to exploit the mythically enhanced, unbalanced relationship between the dominant WASPs and the apparently inferior ‘others.’

In continuing to investigate this troublesome binary, I would point to the wider context and how the positioning of the WASP at the top of the social hierarchy was in fact a motif of American Modernity, indeed, the social stratification of the Fair simply represented the social hierarchies of American Modernity in microcosm.

Whilst an 1893 article in Harpers Weekly claimed that a concern of the Midway Plaisance was, “presenting the world in all its diversity, based on observation and actual interaction,”17 I would argue Frederick Jackson Turner, ‘The Significance of the Frontier in American History,’ 1893, http://www.people.virginia.edu/~tsawyer/DRBR/turn er.html [accessed 10.03.17.]

17 ‘The Fair as Educator,’ Harperʹs Weekly 37, University of Illinois at Urbana‐Champaign Library; New York: J. & J. Harper, (June 10, 1893): 543, text‐fiche.

16

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that the greater concern was a more insidious one which illuminated the damaging, social Darwinist world view that was characteristic of modernity.18 I agree with and extend Cole’s assertion that Bloom, in designing the Midway Plaisance as he did, created “a visual hierarchy of race with Anglo‐Saxons at the top of civilization”19 and diverse ethnicities at the bottom. This, on one hand, helped to create the dramatic simulation of American Modernity for visitors of the Fair and on the other, grossly undermined and misrepresented race and its importance to the American Modernity narrative.

The problematic representation of nature in Carl Akeley’s African Hall.

African Hall, now referred to as Akeley Hall of African Mammals, is an exhibition in the American Museum of Natural 18

See; Richard Hofstadter, Social Darwinism in American Thought (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1944). 31-50 and 51-66.

Josh Cole, ‘Cultural and Racial Stereotypes on the Midway,’ 14, http://www.eiu.edu/historia/cole2.pdf [accessed 10.03.17.]

19

History in New York City. Its 28 exhibits show taxidermies of African mammals, including elephants, rhinos, lions and a gorilla, within meticulously painted landscape dioramas of their original habitats. The mammals were hunted and killed by parties, led predominantly

by Carl Akeley, in various African locales including the Serengeti Plain, Upper Nile and Belgian Congo. Akeley himself was the mastermind of the project and he was a great proponent and master of the art of taxidermy.

However, similarly to race at the Midway Plaisance, the representation of nature is contestable in the American Museum of Natural History. Although the relationship between humans and nature represented by African Hall might seem controversial to us now, at the time it symbolised the problematic, yet normative, ideology. And so, it is in the motives behind the production of these stuffed mammals that we can analyse the ideologies of the society Dorothy S. Green, ‘Carl Akeley: Sculptor – Taxidermist,’ The American Magazine of Art 15 no.

3 (1924): 130.

20

that both invested in and visited the attraction as well as the preservationist rhetoric of Akeley. It should be noted here that Akeley was influential and there was certainly nuance to his character. He helped to set up the first national conservation park in Africa, Virunga National Park (formerly Albert National Park), and advocated hunting for science and education, rather than sport. However, there is also validity to be found in a reading of Akeley such as Donna Haraway’s in which she presents a deliberately adverse view to the largely uncritical, celebratory appreciation of Akeley and his work – more commonly recognised for working “with authority and with eloquence”20 he was generally held in the highest regard, the majority believed that “the stamp of genius dominated all that he did.”21 Conversely, Haraway highlights Akeley’s apparently perpetual desire to document and record his life via memoirs and the grandiose retelling of his adventures in Africa. In these details, C. W. H., ‘Carl Akeley’s Africa by Mary L. Jobe Akeley,’ The Geographical Journal 77 no. 6 (1931): 573.

21

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she presents an alternative view of Akeley, one which suggests a degree of self-centred egotism and a concern with the presentation of his own masculine image.22 As was the case with race at the Midway Plaisance, I would argue that Akeley’s taxidermies in African hall misrepresented true nature and instead constructed a simulation based on his and his peers’ ideology. In this case, nature was replicated in a way which mirrored the desires of the top echelon of WASP male society. To this effect, Haraway claims that, “they made dioramas of themselves,” the majestic Giant of Karisimbi nothing more than a mirroring of, “the wealthy in their ideal incarnation.”23 Such an assertion speaks to the mythic construction of nature in this context and reinforces the relevance of frontier mentality to this debate. In encountering nature – specifically wilderness and exotic

Donna Haraway, ‘Teddy Bear Patriarchy: Taxidermy in the Garden of Eden, New York City, 1908-1936*,’ in Cultures of United States Imperialism, ed. Donald Pease and Amy Kaplan (Duke University Press, 1993), 261.

22

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animals – as the new frontier, white social elites in the period of modernity found it a requirement to outwardly project their own masculine desires to achieve dominance and control over these new media of uncertainty. The perpetual gaze of the white American, in the likes of African Hall, was reversed and as William Cronon asserts the “reflection of our own unexamined longings and desires”24 was projected back. This mirroring effect caused a misrepresentation of nature for those who viewed it in African Hall and thus problematized the idea of killing animals and disrupting nature in order to enable a deeper understanding and appreciation of it.

Another troublesome aspect of African Hall is the ironic mission behind its construction which appeared as a noble undertaking to Akeley and his peers: In an era in which Akeley’s methods were logical and normalised, Haraway

Haraway, ‘Teddy Bear Patriarchy,’ 261.

William Cronon, ‘The Trouble with Wilderness: Or, Getting Back to the Wrong Nature,’ Environmental History 1 no. 1 (1996): 7.

23 24

captures his genuine preservationist principles in a claim of his own commitment to conservation. “As a naturalist,” he said, “I was glad to do anything that might make killing animals less attractive.”25 However, the killing and subsequent re-representation of animals as a means of preservation – destroying something to preserve it – may, with the benefit of hindsight, seem paradoxical. In search of the root of these ideologies then, one might return to a perversion of American exceptionalism. As America marched through modernity, there was a continued reliance on the constructed antiquity that had begun with the colonials and maintained a strong degree of relevance. The European architecture of The White City was a convincing example of its sustained importance. In at least one respect though, Americans sensed that their

country was different: American wilderness had no real counterpart in the Old World26 of Western Europe.

Therefore, Akeley’s contradictory quest, apparently a literal science concerned with the prevention of decadence and biological decay,27 seems to be more aligned with a sense of masculine right to dominate and thus preserve wild African nature as an “American asset.”28

Haraway, ‘Teddy Bear Patriarchy,’ 247.

Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982), 67.

27 Haraway, ‘Teddy Bear Patriarchy,’ 245.

28 Nash, Wilderness, 67.

29 Robert S. Michaelson, ‘Dirt in the Court Room: Indian Land Claims and American Property Rights,’

in American Sacred Space ed. David Chidester and Edward T. Linenthal (Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1995), 53.

30 John Locke, ‘Of Property’ The Second Treatise of Government, ch, V, § 34. 357. See ‘Two Treatises of Government’ The Works of John Locke (1823 reprint, Aalen: Scientia Verlag, 1963).

25 26

It is likely that Akeley followed a Lockeian belief that the natural world was a wild and unrealised resource to be tamed and exploited29 and so he sought to tame it and return it to the safety of civilised, white society. In Lockeian terms, God “gave it [the wild locale] to the use of the industrious and the rational;”30 an assertion which may have been realised in Akeley’s paradoxical ‘lethal preservation,’ both as the American fantasy and a justification

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of his work as modernist progression based on the most wholesome American values.

If African Hall represents nature as ‘product,’ as a new, conquerable frontier, it also highlights the altered representation and reading of nature which accompanied the driving progression of American Modernity. In speaking to the criticisms of late nineteenth century Chicago and its development, Cronon writes that the youth of America should be wary of “metropolitan sophistication” as “false, a deceit against honest men and women drawn to the city’s shining surface.”31 He later asserts that being amongst nature, in the country, “was the natural wellspring of a good and moral life.”32 Similar philosophical shifts in the representation of nature are identifiable when analysing African Hall. Whilst nature used to bring “good and moral life,”33 African Hall suggests that a more selfish look at nature had taken ascendency, typical of the individualism of American Modernity. The mirrored 31

William Cronon, Natures Metropolis: Chicago and the Great West (New York: Norton, 1992), 358.

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desires of those who return the gaze of the stuffed beasts in the dioramas seemingly signify that this mythic representation of nature had become a more egotistical and self-centred idea during American Modernity, an adversary to the moral structure which true nature should represent.

Similarly, it is interesting that African Hall sits itself on the ‘city’s shining surface’ that Cronon alludes to; no longer was nature interacted with in a pure form in the country setting. In modernity, nature was problematically constructed by the monopolisers of WASP society in the urban domain and thus those who visited and gazed at it were subject to a mythic misrepresentation of true nature, cultivated by the likes of Akeley and his misconceived ideology.

Conclusion This essay made explicit the links between the misrepresentation of race at the Midway Plaisance and nature in the American Museum of Natural History. It is evident that race at the 32 33

Cronon, Natures Metropolis, 359.

Ibid.

Midway Plaisance was misrepresented and exploited via dramatic simulation and in similar fashion, nature in African Hall was constructed to mirror the masculine desires of those whom created and endorsed the work. The link between the two themes lies in their combined maintenance of the WASP status quo which dominated and shaped the direction of American Modernity whilst simultaneously masking or misrepresenting the importance of various factors outside of the preferred remit – such as true nature or racial diversity.

The misrepresentation of race and nature are further linked by their function as embedded myths which provide people with a sense of who they are.34 Although not limited to the debates of this period or America as a location, race and nature – both problematically constructed based on societal myths – were inherent to the

Davidson, ‘Thinking about Race,’ 4.

Paul J. Pope, ‘Sense of Siege: Federal Supremacy and the Case of Syrian Refugees,’ Presentation, The Pacific Northwest Political 34 35

way in which Americans interacted with the nuances of the modernising nation.

Finally, the evaluation and analysis in this essay appears to be relevant to an analogous misrepresentation cultivated by American politicians today (an extrapolation of the monopoly-holding WASPs who dominated the hierarchy of American Modernity.) This time the misrepresentation is in terms of threat, especially from immigrants and refugees, again, to maintain the status quo of control. In 2015 twenty-nine state governors opposed the federal government’s authority to place foreign refugees within their states, often citing ‘state’s rights’ and the fear that refugees are terrorists in disguise as a justification.35 In this we see the construction of a mythic “sense of siege”36 which wholly misrepresents the actual threat posed by immigrants and refugees entering Science Association Conference, Portland, Oregon, November 2016. 2.

36

Pope, ‘Sense of Siege,’ 6-7.

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America which, in turn, problematically alters the very image of immigrants and refugees in the eyes of society. This is a phenomenon strongly comparable to the misrepresentation of both race and nature – and the consequences thereof – which this essay has posited as essential to American Modernity.

References ‘The Fair as Educator,’ Harperʹs Weekly 37, University of Illinois at Urbana‐ Champaign Library; New York: J. & J. Harper, text-fiche (1893).

Barthes, Roland, Camera Lucida: Reflections on Photography. London: Vintage, 1993.

Brubaker, Rogers, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany.

Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1992.

C. W. H., ‘Carl Akeley’s Africa by Mary L. Jobe Akeley,’ The Geographical Journal 77 no. 6 (1931): 573-574.

Cole, Josh, ‘Cultural and Racial Stereotypes on the Midway,’ 105

http://www.eiu.edu/historia/cole2.pdf [Accessed 10.03.17.]

Conn, Peter, Divided Mind: Ideology and Imagination in America, 1898-1917. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983.

Cronon, William, ‘The Trouble with Wilderness: Or, Getting Back to the Wrong Nature,’ Environmental History 1 no. 1 (1996): 7-28.

Cronon, William, Natures Metropolis: Chicago and the Great West. New York: Norton, 1992.

Davidson, Maria del Guadalupe and Yancy, George, ‘Thinking about Race, History and Identity: An interview with George Yancy,’ The Western Journal of Black Studies 40, no. 1 (2016): 3-13.

Di Cola, Joseph M., and Stone, David, Chicago’s 1893 World’s Fair. Illinois: Arcadia, 2012.

Friedman, Lisa, “As U.S. Sheds Role as Climate Change Leader, Who Will Fill the Void?” New York Times, Nov. 12th, 2017. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/11/12/

climate/bonn-climate-change.html [Accessed 19.11.17.]

Joel Myerson. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995.

Friedman, Lisa, “Trump Takes a First Step Toward Scrapping Obama’s Global Warming Policy,” New York Times, Oct. 17th, 2017. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/10/04 /climate/trump-climate-change.html [Accessed 19.11.17.]

Hofstadter, Richard, Social Darwinism in American Thought. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1944.

Godfrey, Rob, ‘A Nation on its knees?’

The Picket Fence Post. Nov. 2017. https://www.picketfencepost.com/sing le-post/2017/11/13/A-Nation-on-itsKnees [Accessed 19.11.17.]

Green, Dorothy S., ‘Carl Akeley: Sculptor – Taxidermist,’ The American Magazine of Art 15 no. 3 (1924): 125-130.

Haraway, Donna, ‘Teddy Bear Patriarchy: Taxidermy in the Garden of Eden, New York City, 1908-1936*,’ in Cultures of United States Imperialism, ed. Pease, Donald and Kaplan, Amy. Duke University Press, 1993.

Hoag, Ronald Wesley, ‘Thoreau’s Later Natural History Writings,’ The Cambridge Companion to Henry David Thoreau Ed.

Johnston, Ian, “Trump Administration’s Censorship of Climate Change Should ‘send chill Down your spine’, Top Scientist Warns,” Independent, Aug 29th, 2017. http://www.independent.co.uk/news/ world/americas/us-politics/donaldtrump-climate-change-censorshipglobal-warming-administration-latestscientist-warns-a7918011.html [Accessed 19.11.17.]

Locke, John, ‘Of Property’ The Second Treatise of Government, ch, V, § 34. 357.

See ‘Two Treatises of Government’ The Works of John Locke. 1823 reprint, Aalen: Scientia Verlag, 1963.

Michaelson, Robert S., ‘Dirt in the Court Room: Indian Land Claims and American Property Rights,’ in American Sacred Space ed. Chidester, David and

106

Linenthal, Edward T, 43-97. Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1995.

Moran, Thomas, Grand Canyon of the Yellowstone, 1872, https://americanart.si.edu/artwork/thegrand-canyon-of-the-yellowstone17832 [Accessed 17.11.17.]

Nash, Roderick, Wilderness and the American Mind. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982.

Pope, Paul J., ‘Sense of Siege: Federal Supremacy and the Case of Syrian Refugees,’ Presentation, The Pacific Northwest Political Science Association Conference, Portland, Oregon, November 2016.

Reed, Christopher Robert, ‘The Black Presence at "White City": African and African American Participation at the World's Columbian Exposition, Chicago, May 1, 1893 - October 31, 1893,’ Roosevelt University, 1999, http://columbus.gl.iit.edu/reed2.html [Accessed 10.03.17.]

Rydell, Robert, Findling, John E. and Pelle, Kimberly D., Fair America: Worldʹs 107

Fairs in the United States. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 2000.

Stieglitz, Alfred, ‘I Photograph the FlatIron Building,’ Stieglitz on Photography: His Selected Essays and Notes Ed. Richard Whelan. New York: Aperture, 2000.

Stieglitz, Alfred, Two Towers, 1911. In Dunlap, D, ‘New York City by Alfred Stieglitz,’ The New York Times https://lens.blogs.nytimes.com/2010/0 9/28/new-york-city-by-alfredstieglitz/?_r=2 [Accessed 17.04.17.]

Turner, Frederick Jackson, ‘The Significance of the Frontier in American History,’ 1893, http://www.people.virginia.edu/~tsawy er/DRBR/turner.html [Accessed 10.03.17.]

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Replication Failure and Publicity Bias in Academic Publishing Katie Rudge BSc Psychology Have you ever been convinced to open a newspaper, or click on a link because the title says something so unbelievable, that you simply must read what is inside? Unfortunately, as you may know, not all these claims are what they seem.

The same is apparent for psychological research, and it appears that the media and those researchers work in tandem to fuel the ‘crisis’ found in modern day practices.

Our subject under examination today is a seemingly wild claim that lured the media – that the human brain can unconsciously solve arithmetic problems. This was claimed by a paper

by Sklar et al (2012), using a technique whereby participants looked at rapidly flashing images of 3-part sums in the left eye, and bright colours in their right which dominated their awareness. Then at one point a number was shown in both eyes and the participant had to say it. The answers were found to be 109

quickest when the number was the answer to the previous sum, thereby suggesting that the participants subconsciously knew the answer to the question without ‘seeing’ it. Obviously, these findings were controversial as it undermined previous research on consciousness, so they turned up in media such as Huffpost, New Scientist, Fox News and Yahoo (Gannon, 2012), being projected as something much more dramatic than the original study.

This is where replication studies are important; their goal is to follow up from previous ideas and reapply their methods to larger samples, in more labs and with higher understanding of any pitfalls of the original. This should determine whether the results from the original were merely a fluke, or provide further evidence for these effects (Burman, Reed, & Alm, 2010).

Unsurprisingly, all the media attention from Sklar et al (2012) later attracted a replication study, Karpinski et al (2015).

The idea was to exactly copy the original study with a new population of students. Interestingly, the study found contrasting results to the original,

whereby the unconscious arithmetic appeared from addition not subtraction; these surprising findings lead to some investigation into the practices within the replication study. Pieter Moors, a researcher in the field, reanalysed the data collected by the researchers and found a mysterious calculation error in the analysis. When corrected, the results showed no unconscious arithmetic effects (McCook, 2017). This led to a full retraction of the replication study and an apologetic statement from the researcher. This shows that although the Karpinski et al (2015) had a good basis for a successful replication, with its much larger sample size than the original (more than double!) and even using the exact same apparatus and unmodified stimulus, it still fell short under direct scrutiny surrounding its claims. It makes you think, how are these papers getting published in the first place if their analysis is flawed?

Perhaps publication bias has some effect here, where the journals only wish to publish significant results, the mediagrabbing kind. We need to remember that research is a job for some; why wouldn’t they want their study to blow

up over the internet? This could be an incentive for researchers to omit details or even hack results, although with Karpinski it at least seems to be an oversight rather than intentional.

Shanks (2017) recently mentioned that post hoc data selection, a process used to analyse groups selectively, produced some of these effects noted in studies of unconscious influences. Following on from this, Moors and Hesselmann (2017) state how flawed the original study was, and with alternative analysis go on to lose any notable effects from the data – therefore showing just how much this clever manipulation of data and false causality can lead to research gaining attraction. Even Karpinski et al (2015) stated that the original study did not show large effect sizes, which are the basis to figuring out the strength of their claim. So where’s the line for replication studies, when they are replicating research that probably should not have gained traction in the first place? Clearly there is a deeper culprit here, namely the platforms that these studies are standing on, the journals and the media.

It is clear, selective analysis of data can 110

produce those ‘wow’ findings which highjack any media outlet that doesn’t take the time or care to check the data they are publicising, thus worsening he problem of misinformation.

The solution? It can be seen from this example that replications, the supposed support for studies of major claims, are just as susceptible to the poor research practices which plague the psychology research pool (John, Loewenstein, & Drazen, 2012). We need to have stricter peer reviews, publishing rules and a general shaking of the researchers’ shoulders to produce more reliable findings. And as consumers, we need to take everything with a pinch of salt and stay weary about what we read and where we get our information from.

References Burman, L.E., Reed, W.R., & Alm, J. (2010).

A Call for Replication Studies. Public Finance Review, 787-793.

Gannon, M. (2012, 11 15). The Unconscious Brain Can Do Math, Read.

Retrieved from Yahoo.com:

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https://www.yahoo.com/news/uncons cious-brain-math-read-143941976.html John, L. K., Loewenstein, G., & Drazen, P. (2012). Measuring the Prevalence of Questionable Research Practices With Incentives for Truth Telling .

Psychological Science, 23(5), 524-532.

Karpinski, A., Yale, M., & Briggs, J.C. (2016). Retracted: Unconscious arithmetic processing: A direct replication. European Journal of Social Psychology, 46(3), 384-391.

McCook, A. (2017). Can we do maths unconsciously? Replicators of a prominent 2012 study have some doubts. Retrieved from Retraction Watch: http://retractionwatch.com/2017/05/0 8/can-math-unconsciously-replicatorsprominent-2012-study-doubts/ Moors, P., & Hesselmann, G. (2017). A critical reexamination of doing arithmetic nonconsciously. Psychonomic Bulletin & Review, 1-10.

Shanks, D. (2017). Regressive research: The pitfalls of post hoc data selection in the study of unconscious mental processes. Psychonomic Bulletin & Review, 24(3), 752-775.

Sklar, A.Y., Levy, N., Goldstein, A., Mandel, R., Maril, A., & Hassin, R.R. (2012).

Reading and doing arithmetic nonconsciously. PNAS Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 109(48), 19614-19619.

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113

Behavioral Analysis in Law Enforcement Anonymous A behavioural analysis is a description of an unknown individual(s), citing certain behavioural patterns, cognitive, emotional and personality traits based on the evidence left at the crime scene and the characteristics of the victim(s).

The underlying notion in both the ‘top down’ approach in the United States (US) and the ‘bottom up’ approach in the United Kingdom (UK) is that behaviour will reflect personality and that by examining the characteristics of the crime scene, the likely characteristics of the person responsible for the offence can be identified. The inferences developed are made with the intent to aid law enforcement personnel in their investigation. For this paper, I will incorporate the categories of crime scene profiling, geographical profiling, and suspect-based profiling into my examination of the effectiveness and admissibility of behavioural analysis at trial. I will first discuss the definition, underlying assumptions, and the

different approaches to behavioural analysis in the US and in the UK. The two approaches will then be evaluated using a critical analysis to determine the effectiveness of each in law enforcement and the admissibility of each in the courtroom.

The ‘top down’ approach used in the United States is notably associated with John Douglas and Robert Ressler. The research conducted by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) in 1979, led to the implementation of a profile in law enforcement. The FBI conducted indepth interviews with 36 convicted sexually oriented murderers, including Ted Bundy and Charles Manson. The subjects represented 25 serial murderers and 11 sexual murderers who had committed either a single homicide, double homicide, or a spree murder.

Within this group, the classification technique revealed 24 organized and 12 disorganized murderers. Both crime scene and background differences were found between the two groups. This information was combined with a detailed examination of the crime scene, the nature of the attack, forensic 114

evidence and information relating to the victim to develop models that would result in a profile.

The FBI uses a four-stage process to create a profile of an unknown offender (Howitt, 2006). The four stages are comprised of data assimilation, crime scene classification, crime reconstruction and profile generation.

Data assimilation is when investigators collect information from multiple sources, for example, police reports, crime scene photographs, witness statements and pathologists’ reports. In this stage, an attempt is made at identifying the offender’s modus operandi (MO) and signature. Crime scene classification is where the crime scene is examined to determine whether the offender is organised or disorganised and hence what characteristics of the offender could be predicted because of this. Crime reconstruction is the stage where hypotheses are generated regarding what happened during the crime in relation to victim and offender behaviour. The information collated from the previous two stages of data 115

assimilation and crime scene classification allows law enforcement to determine the ‘role’ played by both the victim and the offender. The final stage is profile generation where the profile is constructed, including the characteristics of the crime as well as the offender’s likely physical characteristics, employment/skill set, sexual history, age, and ethnic group.

The technique does not lead to the arrest of a specific individual, rather providing a focus for law enforcement to narrow down a potential list of suspects.

The ‘bottom up’ approach used in the United Kingdom utilises the consistency hypothesis developed by David Canter (2003). This hypothesis is based on the idea that individuals tend to behave consistently, and thus criminal behaviour at the crime scene will mirror the normal behaviour of the offender in everyday life. The consistency hypothesis consists of two parts: interactions between the victim and the offender (interpersonal consistency) and the geographical area in which the offender commits the crime (spatial consistency). The Interpersonal Consistency hypothesis notes that

crimes from the same offender are often consistent in the manner in which they are carried out. These similarities are attributable to characteristics of the offender rather than to features of the situation in which the crime was committed. An offender’s interactions with their victim are thus likely to provide clues as to how the offender interacts with that race, culture, sexual orientation, or gender in everyday life.

The victim is often representative of the type of group the offender has a grudge against. In the crime of rape, some offenders can be very controlling and violent during the crime while others can be less violent and even apologetic, showing a difference in the degree of violence. The actions during the crime and the language used in interactions may also reflect the sub-group to which the offender belongs. In the case of rape, if the offender does not initiate a high level of sexual contact this can indicate someone with a low level of sexual activity in other areas of life. This profile would suggest a man living alone. If the offender used impersonal or degrading language the offender may consider women to be objects of desire

in other areas of life. This profile would include failed domestic relationships or difficult relationships with women at work. The consistencies present in the crime, whether in terms of interactions with the victim or type of victim would allow the linking of a series of offences to a single offender.

The Spatial Consistency Hypothesis (i.e.

Geographical Profiling) suggested that the offender would be consistent in their locational choice of where to commit the offence. This may be based on knowledge and experience of the area, preferring to offend in a specific location that is familiar and therefore more predictable. Canter (2003) noted that offenders targeted locations that shared environmental similarities i.e. housing type, socio-economic status to their home environment to increase comfort and familiarity. The offender would operate in a limited area, and prior to the crime would account for factors that may result in an arrest, for example, the presence of CCTV and witnesses. Canter (2003) determined that a disorganised offender would usually commit a crime close to where they lived or worked 116

whilst an organised offender would travel to commit the crime to reduce the likelihood of being caught. The individuals who do not commit a crime within the area they live, but instead travel to commit the crime were identified as ‘commuters’ by Canter (2003). Canter (2003) also identified ‘marauders’ who were characterised as operating close to home. The consistencies of certain crimes in terms of location would link an offender to the specific offence.

Behavioural analysis is a technique used by law enforcement to identify likely suspects and analyze patterns that may predict future offences and victims. The ‘top down’ approach in the United States applies evidence and data from previous violent crimes when forming a profile. The ‘bottom up’ approach in the United Kingdom in comparison looks at each offence individually, using psychological theories and methodologies when forming a profile.

The ‘top down’ approach and the ‘bottom up’ approach need to be evaluated in terms of the effectiveness of each approach in law enforcement 117

and in the courtroom to form a cohesive conclusion.

The empirical validity of both the ‘top down’ and the ‘bottom up’ approach are evaluated by the application of each in practice. The degree of success of each approach in practice will determine its effectiveness and credibility.

The ‘top down’ approach in the United States is notably limited in terms of the effectiveness of such a method.

Obtaining and organising data about different types of offender has been important in challenging stereotypical views held by FBI investigators. Clarke and Morley (1988) as cited in Grover and Soothill (1997) interviewed 41 convicted rapists responsible for over 800 offences and found that, contrary to the stereotype of an inadequate loner, they were typically very average men, living in normal family circumstances, often intelligent and in skilled employment.

Douglas, Ressler and Burgess (1986), despite conducting research before Clarke and Morley are supportive of such research. Douglas, Ressler and Burgess (1986) conducted a review for

the FBI on the costs and benefits of profiling. He stated that profiling does not lead to a direct identification of suspects. However, in 77% of the 192 cases he studied, it helped to ‘focus the investigation’ and provide direction. Of these 192 cases, in only 15 did profiling identify the suspect. In relation to Clarke and Morley, the offender profile is not significant in determining which individual is likely to have committed the crime, but the usefulness in reducing potential suspects is invaluable.

The ineffectiveness of the ‘top down’ approach is characterised through its deterministic categorisation of an offender as either organised or disorganised. The US typology of organised and disorganised offenders assumes that the offender will show the qualities of either organised or disorganised offenders, but not both. In this way, it is reductionist and based on subjective judgements from the individual profiler of what category the offender falls into. It is deterministic to presume a criminal will fall neatly into one of the two categories. Events may occur during the crime that cause the offender to escalate and show qualities

of both categories. By placing the offender in one category, the likelihood of identifying the correct criminal will be considerably reduced. Wilson, Lincoln and Kocsis (1997) demonstrate that neither assumption of the offender is correct. Most offenders show qualities of both organised and disorganised typology in their crimes and may even shift from one to the other between crimes. For example, the use of restraints is shown in an organized offender, but they may also mutilate which is a characteristic of a disorganised offender. This would make both criteria ineffective. If crimes cannot be reliably classified, then there is no basis for demonstrating the link between features of the crime or of the offender. This obviously limits the effectiveness of such profiles.

Additionally, behavioural analysts are no more effective than members of law enforcement in identifying criminals in homicide cases. Pinizzotto and Finkel (1990) tested a group of FBI profilers, detectives, clinical psychologists, and students. The researchers gave each group detailed case materials from two 118

solved crimes i.e. a homicide and a rape, asked the participants to write profiles of the type of people likely to commit such crimes, and then compared the profiles with the actual, convicted offenders. The results showed that the trained FBI profilers wrote more detailed profiles and were more accurate than any other group on the rape case. In the murder case, however, they did no better than the detectives. The results of the study found that professional behavioural analysts were not fully correct in each case and were comparatively no better than those who have had no experience in profiling at identifying perpetrators, especially in homicide cases. Pinizzotto and Finkel (1990) concluded that the success of the FBI profilers was the result of both confidence and experience rather than the use of an exclusive technique. The method of behavioural analysis is therefore very limited and should be questioned as to its use in investigations or in courtrooms.

Furthermore, the ‘top down’ approach to behavioural analysis suffers from a multitude of methodological flaws inherent in the research, limiting the 119

empirical validity of the approach. The 25 serial murderers and 11 single or double killers originally used to construct the organised/ disorganised classification system are a limited population sample and will not readily generalise to other offenders. The methods of killing and motives of each offender will be different, especially for those offenders who are not serial killers. The organised/ disorganised typology relies on offenders’ having consistent patterns of motivation, which is not always the case. The sample is also androcentric as the 36 convicted offenders were all male; therefore, it is not possible to apply the typology to female offenders. Additionally, when being interviewed, the offender’s memory will be retrospective and so a distorted recall may affect what was remembered, especially if the offender was suffering from psychosis at the time. This limits the effectiveness of such classification systems in identifying criminals. The manipulative and deceitful personalities of the murderers interviewed may also influence the results as offenders may lie to present themselves as more sadistic or in

control than they were at the crime.

Presentation and appearance are important to a murderer; thus, they may deceive the interviewer into writing incorrect data, raising questions about the reliability and validity of the US approach. This is especially important, as the theory behind the approach is not based on psychological principles like the ‘bottom up’ approach in the United Kingdom. Ainsworth (2001) further supports the argument of low empirical validity in the US approach to behavioural analysis, stating that there have been few serious attempts to establish the validity of the FBI’s offender types using scientifically verifiable methods. The difficulty is in evaluating the effectiveness of the ‘top down’ approach as the FBI has not published official reports regarding the success rate of the method.

The ‘bottom up’ approach to behavioural analysis in the United Kingdom is notably higher in empirical validity, drawing directly psychological theories and methodologies. In comparison to the ‘top down’ approach, which is solely based on interviews from

36 murderers, the ‘bottom up’ approach, is more empirically supported. It provides an understanding of how the behaviour of an offender during a crime reflects their personality in everyday life, allowing for more variables to be considered when producing a profile. In this way, the approach is not reductionist as it studies the range of potential influences on behaviour.

Additionally, the approach is not just limited to serious crime such as murder or rape, but can in fact be applied to less serious and more common crimes such as burglary or car theft. The US approach in comparison can only be applied to serious crime such as murder or rape as it is based on interviews of violent offenders.

The extensive support in law enforcement is demonstrative of the effectiveness of the approach. Copson (1995) reviewed the usefulness of behavioural analysis in the United Kingdom. He sent a questionnaire to police officers who worked on 184 cases where behavioural analysis had been used. It was found that 80% of respondents felt profiling had been 120

useful and 50% felt it had provided ‘something extra’. However, only in 3% of cases did profiling result in the identification of the offender. In the 3% of cases, it proved to be invaluable, providing a better understanding of the characteristics of the offender so to eliminate certain people from enquiries.

The study concluded that behavioural analysis did not contribute directly to the conviction of the offender in most cases, but provided information to move the investigation in the right direction.

The ineffectiveness of the ‘bottom up’ approach is visible in the British legal system.

Behavioural analysis is not accepted in the British legal system as reliable evidence. This is because there is no single definition for the technique. There are significant variations between individual profilers that result in different conclusions in the same cases. The court views the technique as pure guesswork as it lacks in scientific backing which loosens the credibility of the method. This can be seen, for example in Regina v. Stagg (1994) where the judge first questioned if profiling 121

evidence was accepted by the scientific community and later ignored the conclusions drawn about the offender.

Alison et al. (2002: 116) supports this view that ‘profiling should be used with extreme caution in criminal investigations, and not at all as evidence in court, until research demonstrates its predictive validity.’ British courts adhere strictly to the interpretation of relevance, meaning that is not suitable to suggest that an offender matches a profile description as the jury must be certain who committed the crime. Behavioural analysis is only currently allowed in courts operating at the lower end of the justice system.

Meta-analyses conducted by Alison, Smith, Eastman and Rainbow (2003) indicate that the conclusions and predictions drawn by such profiles are both ambiguous and unverifiable. The statements are vague and hence open to interpretation. Therefore, the police may use the ambiguous information in the profile to fit their own biases about a case. They will only examine evidence that confirms their existing views and beliefs, known as confirmation bias. This

heavily limits the effectiveness of behavioural analysis as distinctive characteristics of the offender may be ignored, leading to the offender not being convicted.

Turvey (1999) warns against using profiling as anything other than suggesting probabilities. He cites the case of Rachel Nickell who was murdered in front of her young son on Wimbledon common. A psychological profile was constructed which convicted Colin Stagg. He was arrested and jailed for a year while a case against him was built. The judge commented that the police had tried to incriminate Stagg using ‘deceptive conduct of the grossest kind’ by using a ‘honey trap’ in an attempt to gain a confession, which failed. The actual offender, Robert Napper later admitted his guilt. This case demonstrates how caution must be taken when profiling as it could mislead investigations, causing the police to miss the real offender if the profile is inaccurate. This would leave the opportunity for the offender to commit more crimes, questioning the validity and usefulness of such a technique.

To conclude, neither the ‘top down’ approach nor the ‘bottom up’ approach are effective in identifying the perpetrator of a crime, and therefore should not be admissible in the courtroom. The ‘top down’ approach is based on inaccurate retrospective recall, which is not only invalid but also inaccurate. The technique successfully challenges stereotypes of certain offenders, however, is often deterministic in the categorisation of an offender as either organised or disorganised. The low rate of success of this technique can be attributed to the low empirical validity of the approach, questioning the use of such an approach in law enforcement or in courtrooms.

The ‘bottom up’ approach in comparison to the ‘top down’ approach is notably higher in empirical validity, drawing directly on psychological theories and methodologies. It is extensively supported in law enforcement, however, has only found to be effective in a small percentage of cases, questioning the credibility and usefulness of the technique. The predictions drawn by such profiles also suffer from ambiguity, 122

leading to a lack of conviction or the incorrect individual being arrested. It is difficult to make a definitive statement regarding whether the ‘top down’ or the ‘bottom up’ approach is more effective due to the limited data available. The FBI has not published official reports regarding the success rate of the ‘top down’ technique, not allowing for a clear conclusion to be reached. The high empirical validity in the ‘bottom up’ approach is also insignificant in terms of application to the courtroom, as in the British legal system behavioural analysis is not allowed, thus the success of the technique cannot be measured. The technique of behavioural analysis should be used exclusively when there is no direction to the investigation, and if used should be approached with caution.

References Ainsworth, P. (2001) Offender Profiling and Crime Analysis. London: Willan Publishing Ltd. Alison, L., Bennell, C., Mokros, A. and Ormerod, D. (2002) The personality paradox in offender profiling: A 123

theoretical review of the processes involved in deriving background characteristics from crime scene actions.

Psychology, Public Policy, and Law, 8, 115-135.

Alison, L., Smith, M. D., Eastman, O. and Rainbow, L. (2003) Toulmin’s philosophy of argument and its relevance to offender profiling. Psychology, Crime and Law, 9, 173-183.

Canter, D. (2003) Offender profiling and investigative psychology. Journal of Investigative Psychology and Offender Profiling, 1, 1-15.

Copson, G. (1995) Coals to Newcastle?

Police use of offender profiling. London: Home Office.

Douglas, J. E., Robert, R. K. and Burgess, A. W. (1986) Criminal profiling from crime scene analysis. Behavioral Sciences and the Law, 4, 401-421.

Grover, C. and Soothill, K. (1997) British serial killing: Towards a structural explanation. The British Criminology Conferences: Selected Proceedings,

Belfast, July 15-19, 1997. Available at: http://www.britsoccrim.org/volume2/0 08.pdf [Accessed 20 October 2017].

Howitt, D. (2006) Introduction to Forensic and Criminal Psychology. 2nd Edn. London: Pearson Education Ltd. Pinizzotto, A. J. and Finkel, N. J. (1990) Criminal personality profiling: An outcome and process study. Law and Human Behaviour, 14, 215-233.

Regina v. Stagg (1994) Central Criminal Court, London.

Turvey, B. (1999) Criminal profiling: An introduction to behavioural evidence analysis. Massachusetts: Academic Press.

Wilson, P., Lincoln, R. and Kocsis, R. (1997) Validity, utility, and ethics of profiling for serial violent and sexual predators. Psychiatry, Psychology, and Law, 4, 1-11.

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Critically assess the view that personal testimony and fiction are valuable ways of representing the Holocaust Laura Watson BA Education Studies Personal testimony and fiction are two ways in which the Holocaust has been represented. This essay will start by discussing the values of personal testimony as a representation of the Holocaust, drawing on the work of Giorgio Agamben (2002) and Primo Levi (1988) to demonstrate the importance of interrogating the gap and allowing for the presence of a ‘grey zone’ when looking at testimony. Next, the essay will look at the uses of fiction to represent the Holocaust focusing on the work of Efraim Sicher (2013), Lydia Kokkola (2003) and Sara Horowitz (1997) to explore issues of truth, language and the importance of what is left unsaid in Holocaust fiction. This section will look at analyses of Fugitive Pieces by Anne Michaels, first published in 1996, to demonstrate how fiction can be useful when listening to the unsaid, but also the difficulties with language and representation when writing Holocaust

fiction (King, 2000). The essay will then discuss Michael Gray’s (2014) views on The Boy in Striped Pyjamas as an educational tool and how if the unsaid is not explored, using fiction as Holocaust education can be problematic.

Wiesel admits that ‘there are aspects of the Holocaust, mainly the suffering of the victims and the brutality of perpetrators, that can never be fully grasped or understood’ (Wiesel cited in Bauer, 2001:15). Yet, Holocaust education has the potential to create ‘responsible citizens in a multi-cultural society’ (Landau cited in Short, 2003:277).

Therefore, it is essential to continue talking about, writing about and studying the Holocaust to try and understand it even slightly (Wiesel cited in Bauer, 2001:15).

Giorgio Agamben (2002) implies that testimony gives the audience more than merely what happened but also emphasises the moral and ethical implications of an event such as the Holocaust. For Agamben, it is important to recognise that personal testimony ‘has nothing to do with the acquisition of 126

facts for a trial’ (Agamben, 2002:17) therefore; it is not concerned with what happened in order to make a judicial judgement, but more concerned with moral, ethical and political conditions of the Holocaust. This is why testimony can be used in that civilising process of Holocaust Education that was described

by Landau (in Short, 2003:277). Agamben draws on the work of Primo Levi and explains that his only interest ‘is what makes judgement impossible: the grey zone in which victims become executioners and executioners become victims’ (Agamben, 2002:17). Thus, it is not possible to make judgement and fully understand the conditions for the events that happened. Furthermore, the Holocaust cannot be simplified into complete contrasts between ‘good’ and ‘evil’.

Levi asserts that humans like to simplify things in order to understand things (Levi, 1988:22). He states that ‘without profound simplification the world around us would be an infinite, undefined tangle that would defy our ability to orient ourselves or decide upon our actions’ (Levi, 1988:22). So, 127

humans have created language and conceptual thought in order to make sense of the world around them (Levi, 1988:22). Levi (1988:23) explains that humans feel the need to create binaries such as ‘we’ and ‘they’ and ‘friend and enemy’ which relates to ‘good’ and ‘evil’ in order to make sense of historical events. But he argues ‘now the network of human relationships inside the Lagers was not simple: it could not be reduced to the two blocs of victims and persecutors’ (Levi, 1988:23). Levi (1988:23) argues that this partition between ‘good’ and ‘evil’ is an attractive one because it gives clarity, but actually the relationship between these two is complex and ambiguous. Although this is uncomfortable, learning about the Holocaust with this ambiguity in mind will make the whole educative experience much more meaningful.

Levi states that ‘we, the survivors are not the true witnesses’ (Levi, 1988:63).But the survivors are instead witness by proxy and speak on the behalf of the dead (Levi, 1988:62). Agamben (2002:34) also picks up on this idea. Because the survivors are challenged to speak on

behalf of the dead, there are gaps in the narrative. The survivors cannot speak about exactly what happened. Thus, considering what is unsaid is essential.

Agamben states ‘at a certain point, it became clear that testimony contained at its core an essential lacuna; in other words, the survivors bore witness to something it is impossible to bear witness to’ (Agamben, 2002:13). The benefit of being aware of the lacuna is that one does not simplify an event that cannot be understood. This demonstrates that the Holocaust is an event where it would be counterproductive or even dangerous to try to explain it. Testimony can be an extremely useful educative tool if the audience have in mind that there are gaps. This can be seen in some testimonies, such as Primo Levi’s (1988) The Drowned and Saved because he does not attempt to explain or define the Holocaust but reveals the complexities of the event through drawing on his personal experience.

Testimony for some may be a search for meaning, yet one can also find meaning in what is not included in the testimony if one looks hard enough.

Esther Marion states ‘for Agamben, Holocaust victims and survivors are models of the universal subject because they bear witness to desubjectification’ (Marion, 2006:1012). This is crucial because it demonstrates that once a human being has lost all of their rights, they lose their humanity. Yet Agamben argues that to be inhuman is actually quite human. There is really no distinction between human and nonhuman because non-human events occurred to humans as Agamben states ‘humans bear within themselves the mark of the inhuman, that their spirit contains at its very centre the wound of non-spirit’ (Agamben, 2002:77). This demonstrates the very instability of humanity in that there is potential for inhumanity within humanity. Testimony helps one to realise this as ‘both survivor’s discomfort and testimony concern not merely what was done or suffered, but what could have been done or suffered’ (Agamben, 2002:77).

Therefore it is this potentiality for suffering that is inhuman rather than simply the facts or the actions taken (Agamben, 2002:77). Hence, testimony 128

provides an insight into the complexities of what it means to be human. It also leaves the reader with the potentiality to think about not only what happened, but the potentiality for what could have happened.

It is evident that personal testimony is useful in Holocaust education in order to learn about the human condition and the moral, ethical and political issues associated with the event. Elie Wiesel even asserts that ‘an outsider is less inhibited by a survivor’s guilt and trauma, yet only testimony can speak the truth, not fiction’ (Wiesel cited in Sicher, 2013:x). Wiesel implies that fiction and historical events are not compatible, therefore there is no use in trying to represent the Holocaust through fiction.

However, it can also be argued that just like fiction is a construction or a reconstruction, testimony and history can be too. Sicher argues ‘that memory is always reconstructed, always mediated, and always filtered through subjective hindsight’ (Sicher, 2013:xiii).

Therefore, like fiction, there is an element of construction to testimony which makes it necessary to use it 129

critically. It can be argued that ‘no story can be told with any degree of coherence without being reordered, emplotted, and retold from a point of view that will allow imaginative empathy’ (Sicher, 2013:xiii). But this does not make fiction any less authentic (Sicher, 2013:xiii). It is simply a necessary way of reconstructing events to make the reader develop empathy and an emotional relation to the story.

So, it can be seen that fiction may have a use as an educative tool, but there is also the issue of the difficulty of using language to express what cannot be expressed or related to by the audience.

Lydia Kokkola explains that ‘the Holocaust defies the use of a metaphor.

We can say “I’m starving” when it has been four hours since we last ate a decent meal’ (Kokkola, 2003:15). Hence, the word ‘starving’ had a very different meaning in the camps that the audience still cannot imagine despite reading the words (Kokkola, 2003:15). Metaphors are used most notably in fiction; however, testimony also uses metaphors. Kokkola (2003:16) points out that the camps have often been compared to ‘hell’ which is

beyond human experience. Yet the word carries connotations for victim blaming as Kokkola asserts ‘hell is a place intended for the punishment of sins’ (Kokkola, 2003:16). Furthermore, the word ‘hell’ has a ‘neutralised common meaning’ (Kokkola, 2013:16) due to the use of it as a mild expletive. This detracts from the meaning that authors wish to express. Therefore it is difficult to find the correct language to represent the suffering that took place during the Holocaust in fiction, and even in testimony.

Although it is difficult to find the correct language to explain the Holocaust, Sara Horowitz (1997) asserts that one can learn from what is left unsaid too. She insists that ‘the recurrent moments of muteness in Holocaust fiction work deliberately to train our attention on the interplay between the spoken and the unspoken’ (Horowitz, 1997:44). But also one can learn a lot from what was remembered and forgotten and even what was included and not included (Horowitz, 1997:44). Horowitz asks ‘can one successfully speak (or write) the Holocaust? Can the desired memory be

retrieved, put into words, shared? Can the desired testimony be delivered?’

(Horowitz, 1997:40). These are all questions that arise when thinking about representing the Holocaust. Yet rather than arguing whether or not the Holocaust is representable and the role that imaginative literature can play in that, it might be more valuable to acknowledge the self-critique of fiction (Horowitz, 1997:40). This relates back to the idea of the lacuna and not trying to oversimplify things (Agamben, 2002:13).

When one can look at fiction with a critical eye and think about what is not being said as well as what is being said, one can learn a lot more than from just trying to simplify the event with definitions and concrete understandings.

However, there are dangers with fiction in that the language can be distracting and distorting and to try and combine the Holocaust with aesthetics can be seen as unethical. Adorno argues that ‘it is unacceptable to gain even aesthetic or readerly pleasure from a work of art which treats the Holocaust: no aesthetic representation is appropriate’ (Adorno cited in Vice, 2003:5). Nicola King 130

acknowledges that Fugitive Pieces is ‘“clearly based on extensive research in Holocaust history and survivor testimony”’ (King cited in VaulGrimwood, 2007:111). However, although the book ‘“acknowledges silence” in its reference to lost and buried stories’ (King cited in Vaul-Grimwood, 2007:111), the heavily poeticised style of the book can be distracting and also tends to focus too much on those who survived (Vaul-Grimwood, 2007:111).

On the other hand, King acknowledges that Adorno later claimed that ‘literature must resist this verdict of silence’ (Adorno cited in King, 2000:121). Thus, Michaels acknowledges the need ‘for some sort of narrative margin which leaves the unsayable unsaid’ (Friedlander cited in King, 2000:121) whilst at the same time allowing the voices of those who suffered to be heard (King, 2000:121).

Michaels acknowledges through Jakob, who is a writer and a witness of an event related to the Holocaust, that nobody can speak or forgive on behalf of the dead, yet ‘when the one who can forgive can no longer speak- there is only silence’ (Michaels, 2017:160). Jakob’s 131

character resembles the writer who ‘cannot speak for the dead’ (King, 2000:144). Yet his position as a writer also offers him an opportunity to restore memory through language (King, 2000:144). This demonstrates the complicated relationship between the witness, language and narrative and further demonstrates the imperative to interrogate the unsaid when using fiction as an educative tool. However, the text or film relies of the teacher to ensure that the students consider the unsaid and the gaps in the narrative, as well as relying on the audience or reader to acknowledge the existence of the void.

The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas is an example of how fiction can be problematic in representing the Holocaust in a meaningful, educative way. This is a popular piece of fiction is often used in Holocaust education.

Michael Gray (2014:116-117) suggests that adolescents are not well equipped to determine whether something is historically accurate or not. Gray asserts that young people can often ‘mistake fiction for fact and imagination for reality’ (Gray, 2014:117). This is especially true

when a piece of fiction is set in the past; because they tend to assume that it is historically accurate (Gray, 2014:117). The film has also caused misunderstandings about the way in which the camps were presented to Jews (Gray, 2014:118). Gray cites one of the children involved in his study who states ‘I know that the camps were perceived to be good on the videos; that is why so many Jews volunteered to go there, but in fact they were horrible’ (Gray, 2014:119). Although the Nazis did use propaganda to make the Jews believe that camps were probably better than the ghettos, the misunderstanding that Jews went to the camps voluntarily is problematic (Gray, 2014:119). This is because students miss the violence of the deportation and selection process in the ghettos as well as the moral and ethical implications of this (Gray, 2014:119). This example demonstrates how fiction, if the ‘unsaid’ is not taken into consideration can lead to many misunderstandings and superficial understandings of the Holocaust.

In conclusion, there are uses for both personal testimony and fiction as

educative tools as they both hold implications for the moral, ethical and political issues around the Holocaust.

Agamben (2002) and Horowitz (1997) both emphasise the importance of the lacuna and the ‘unsaid’ respectively and this can be crucial in helping the student or audience to recognise the complexities of the Holocaust. However, if the audience is unable to interrogate the gap or the unsaid, the form of representation could risk doing more harm than educational good. This can be particularly true of fiction. Language is an essential part of fiction and can be distracting to the reader or audience as well as distorting and could prevent them from gaining a deeper understanding (VaulGrimwood,2007:111). Thus, the ability to interrogate the lacuna (Agamben,2002:13) or what is unsaid (Horowitz, 1997:44) is essential to critically use representation such as testimony and fiction in Holocaust Education. This could be a way to understand slightly the moral and ethical implications of the Holocaust (Wiesel, cited in Bauer, 2001:15). But it should be taken into consideration that it 132

is counter-productive to try to fully understand as this would likely mean over-simplifying (Levi, 1988:23).

References Agamben, G. (2002) Remnants of Auschwitz New York: Zone Books Bauer, Y. (2001) Rethinking the Holocaust USA: Yale University Press Gray, M. (2014) The boy in Striped Pyjamas: A Blessing or Curse for Holocaust Education? Holocaust Studies, 20 (3) 109-136. Available at: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17504902.2014.

11435377 [Accessed 24 October 2017].

Horowitz, S. (1997) Voicing the Void: muteness and memory in Holocaust fiction. New York: State University of New York.

King, N. (2000) Memory, Narrative, Identity: Remembering the Self Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press Kokkola, L. (2003) Representing the Holocaust in Children’s Literature New York: Routledge

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Levi, P. (1988) The Drowned and Saved London: Michael Joseph Marion, E. (2006) The Nazi Genocide and the Writing of the Holocaust Aporia: Ethics and Remnants of Auschwitz, MLN, 121 (4) 1009-1022. Available at: http://muse.jhu.edu/article/207287 [Accessed 24 October 2017].

Michaels, A. (2017) Fugitive Pieces Available at: https://www.amazon.co.uk/FugitivePieces-Anne-Michaelsebook/dp/B003BKZW0E/ref=tmm_kin_s watch_0?_encoding=UTF8&qid=&sr= [Downloaded 17 October 2017].

Short, G. (2003) Lessons of the Holocaust: a response to critics, Educational Review, 55 (3) 277-287 Available at: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/001319103200 0118938 [Accessed 27 October 2017] Sicher, E. (2013) The Holocaust Novel Routledge. Available at: 9780203957738 [Accessed 24 October 2017].

Vaul-Grimwood, M. (2007) Holocaust Literature of the Second Generation.

Palgrave McMillan. Available at: https://play.google.com/books/reader?i d=DhiFDAAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover&o utput=reader&hl=en_GB&pg=GBS.PP1 [Accessed 26 October 2017] Vice, S. (2003) Holocaust Fiction London: Routledge. Available at: https://wwwdawsoneracom.winchester.idm.oclc.org/readonline/ 9780203360743/startPage/1 [Accessed 20 October 2017].

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The power of the consumer: An Assessment of the introduction of a levy for single-use carrier bags Marie Lyons-Wake Executive MBA

Photo reference: Pedersen, D (2018) Fresh Fish. London.

Copyright

Introduction - Climate Change Technological advances in satellite and widespread time-lapse photography have helped raise awareness of manmade reasons for climate change; including overfishing, sedimentation rates and coastal pollution (Pramanik, 2014). Following on from the documentation of these ever increasing severities; research from New Scientist has predicted that if business continues without amendment, the one point five degrees limit on global warming will be reached in less than 10 years (Pearce, 2015).

Climate change is not a new topic; however, this pace of transformation is forging new initiatives such as CleanSeas, Global Earth Observation System of Systems (GEOSS) (Eicken 2013) and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (World Health Organisation, 2017).

As part of the Clean-Seas initiative, this paper will investigate the outcome of the roll-out of a levy for the use of the single-use carrier bags (SUCBs) within

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the United Kingdom (U.K) and influence of this model globally.

Implementation The small lightweight carrier bag has featured on the agenda for debate worldwide for several reasons; it requires oil refinery for production, has a high carbon emission footprint from transportation, high probability of contaminating the ocean and low recycle value.

With the economies of scale, SUCBs pose a global issue. Kenya is the latest country to apply a ban which has gained the support of the United Nations (U.N).

In particular, Erik Solheim, Head of U.N Environment commented that “Plastic waste causes immeasurable damage to fragile ecosystems both on land and at sea and this decision is a major breakthrough in our global effort to turn the tide on plastic. Kenya should be commended for its environmental leadership”. He suggests it provides inspiration to others and will help in further support towards the Clean Seas campaign (World Health Organisation, 2017).

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He praises the measures by Kenya as the U.N has proposed that if left unaltered we could have more plastic than fish in the ocean by 2050. The United Nations suggests that at the current rates one garbage truck of plastic ends up in the oceans every minute with 99% of seabirds estimated to have ingested plastic by 2050 (Hutt, 2017).

Zalasiewicz (2016) reports on the fossilisation of plastic, as a mark on the earth. He coins the term “technofossils” to describe microplastics buried in strata formed from sedimentary deposits.

These microplastics can be produced by the breakup of plastic components during decomposition and also from microplastic beads. A non-exhaustive list of effects from marine litter within the seas; known colloquially as “plastic soup” includes ingestion, poisoning, stagnation of water, and hypoxic conditions below the layer of litter, pollutants, and entanglement of marine diversity. Mudgal et al., (2011) reports that due to the lightweight mobility of the plastic bag, movement by wind and

sea currents can cause products to accumulate within natural habitats.

Research in 2014 approximated 5.25 trillion plastic particles littered the surface of the sea around the world, however, new methods to image the seabed has suggested this may be under-estimation of global figures as it does not account for negative buoyant plastic which sinks straight to the ocean floor (Seltenrich, 2015).

There has been questioning as to the effects on marine life and decomposed microplastic entering the human food chain. Audzijonyte et al., (2016) investigated accelerated maturation of marine ectotherms, noting size differences in adult creatures and suggested more research was needed to help assess the faster life history due to the limited oxygen conditions connected to rising sea temperatures and plastic production, whereas Seltenrich (2015) has argued more research is required into the human toxicity relating to ingestion of microplastics by sea life within the food chain which is currently not well understood.

Photo reference: https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2014/09/can-fightclimate-change-plastic/

A widespread policy to specifically battle the excessive uptake and littering of the single plastic carrier bag has not taken place. The European Union assessed a number of options by comparison in a report by the European Commission. The options included a complete ban, baseline comparisons of doing nothing, the introduction of a fee of various amounts or a mixed approach.

The report found that the thickness of the bag in microns had an inverse proportionality to the probability of abandonment; therefore the lighter and thinner the bag, the higher the likelihood the bag would be abandoned.

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The same report also found a higher incidence of littering when the carrier bag was single-use (Mudgal et al., 2011).

It is clear from the conclusions of the report by the European Commission that recycling is preferred over incineration or landfill of the abandoned plastic bag (Cave, 2014).

(Poortinga et al., 2016) go one step further to argue for the restriction of the use of the plastic bags as the first step before recycling is even necessary. In the assessment of the levy roll-out for SUCBs in the United Kingdom, the study by researchers at the University of Cardiff investigated the concept of consumer awareness and how to successfully document the reductions of use of this product as the first step in the battle.

Less successful models The use of paper bags as an alternative did not gain momentum as a substitute product which has been suggested to represent only 0.1 percent of all bags used for the top seven supermarket retailers. The Northern Irish Environmental Agency suggests that 139

due to lack of water, light, and oxygen in landfill facilities; the paper bag does not degrade any faster than the ubiquitous plastic bag (Cave, 2014).

Within retail, the move towards creating biodegradable products as the solution with a new composition of a plastic bag in 2002 did not result in a favourable trend. Despite the introduction of biodegradable composites bringing the life cycle of the product from 100 years to 18 months or less, reductions of usage were not evident (Carter, 2002:3).

Some businesses had introduced biodegradable bags in the early 2000’s and Tesco PLC was criticised by environmentalists at the Friends of the Earth for not doing enough when biodegradable bags were introduced.

Tesco PLC promoted this introduction with TV and celebrity endorsement and by offering points via their “Clubcard system” (Waste and Resources Action Programme (WRAP), 2017).

Looking deeper into the motivations of consumers Poortinga et al., (2016) suggest that people are more affected by what they may lose over what they

may gain; which may evidence as to why Tesco’s scheme was not as successful as first hoped and why these researchers argue imposing a levy as the most effective way to deter the use of single-use products. They documented significant results following the introduction of a fiscal measure to reduce the use of the single-use carrier bag in the United Kingdom. The research found decreases in the distribution of SUCBs across all income groups across Northern Ireland, Scotland, England and Wales following the introduction of a five pence levy.

Changes in awareness and consumer behaviour were documented in all groups. The results indicated that the charge led to a reduction in single-use plastic bag use among all genders and consumer age groups.

Mudgal et al., (2011) agree with the importance of consumer awareness and assume reasons for market failures in these types of implementations relate to the low-cost influence, convenience and that some retailers have suggested they should not encourage limits to plastic

bags as to not hinder customer service and thereby sales. This was not evident from research by Poortinga (2017) which appeared to report that after the roll-out of the charge in England people experienced more encouragement from supermarkets to reuse bags.

There has been some resistance in other parts of the world despite the positive findings within the United Kingdom.

Notably, within the United States of America where a single widespread policy has not taken place as a result of pressure by lobbying groups, such as Bag the Ban (2017), who argue the finding that the paper bag does not degrade at a faster rate to some plastic.

The research by this group is questionable as they could be argued to have conflicts of interest as they represent Novolex, the manufacturer of the high-density polyethylene (HDPE) bags, as well as paper bags; Novolex argue against a ban in order to use recyclable options available and suggest alternatives to the plastic carrier bag add to a larger carbon footprint of “taxes that could weigh down the economy”. A widespread policy has not 140

taken place and hence differing states have taken different options for managing the SUCBs. Considering the success of this implementation of the fee in the U.K, it begs the question as to whether this model could be applied elsewhere to reap the same level of success.

Additionally, as Mudgal et al., (2011) found a link between price and abandonment levels, it also questions whether we need to be financially motivated to stimulate change in the population.

Findings post-implementation of the levy The introduction of the new five pence charge for SUCBs began in England on the 5th October 2015, following successful implementation already evidenced in Wales, Northern Ireland, and Scotland.

Wales as the first country within the United Kingdom to introduce the financial levy of five pence in 2011 had shown signs of success without indications of negative changes to 141

shopping behaviour (Thomas, et al., 2016). The success has been defined by the reported reduction of use, with Wales reporting 80% reduction in the usage of plastic SUCBs (DEFRA 2017).

In partnership with Department of Environment Food and Rural Affairs DEFRA, the WRAP (WRAP, 2017) surveyed the top seven retailers to find an 83% drop in issues of single-use carriers bags totaling a six million difference in one annum, which averages as each person in the population sampled using 25 bags per year in 2016. This is in comparison to 2015, before the charge where the average person used 140 bags per year.

There is no legally enforceable agreement to the donations methods for the money gathered from the charge; the table below indicates the sizeable contributions which were made from 168 retailers who responded with indications of donations to good causes of which the levy contributed to (DEFRA, 2017).

DEFRA Figure 1: Amount donated by retailers to specific areas in 2016 to 2017 (£ donated) Amount donated (£ donated) Local causes were chosen by customers and staff

33.1 million

Charity or voluntary sectors, environment, and health 20.5 million

Combined good causes (research, education, arts, heritage, sports, environment, health, charity or voluntary sectors)

12.8 million WRAP endorses circular economy where the recycle and reuse potential defines the strategy behind product development (WRAP, 2017). Wales (2017) states we should remember the role of the consumer in the centre of the value chain when assessing the circular economy. He suggests one of the issues that most motivates people is

that of plastic waste in the world’s oceans.

Although environmental awareness cannot be easily quantified, Poortinga (2017) suggested that not only did the introduction of the levy gain support without evidence of altering shopping behaviour but it also helped to gain support for other similar policies in “a spillover effect”. In a longitudinal study of consumers post-implementation, a greater number of people were found to support other charges to reduce waste and reported environmental awareness levels had increased. Some support towards the concept of introducing similarly priced fees for products was documented using the examples of a five pence charge for products with excessive packaging and also for plastic bottles. There was no substantial increase in support for the introduction for higher fees for fuel, i.e. petrol and diesel, as those interviewed voiced concerns about adequate alternatives and financial impositions which suggest a restriction to this “spillover effect” (Thomas et al., 2016).

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Extending the model In terms of alternative policies, other similar possibilities that exist within the food and drink industry include the use of small fines for the use of other disposable items such as plastic water bottles, excessive plastic packaging and coffee cups which all provide considerable markets (Poortinga, 2017).

The Scottish Government has shown agreement towards the disposable coffee cups with discussions of a five pence levy with estimates of 208 million cups being currently disposed of each year.

Arguing towards innovative thinking towards the alternative policy following the success of the SUCB charge, which they admit initially, caused some controversy. The Scottish Conservative party has objected to this concept, on the grounds that they feel people already pay enough and that this product cannot be directly compared to the plastic bag as the cup is more easily recycled. It has been acknowledged that stakeholder groups need to be involved and incentives to customers may need to be negotiated as alternatives 143

beforehand for this to progress (McDonell, 2017).

Conclusion In conclusion, it can be suggested that for a simple model of imposing a fee for single-use carrier bags it has been extremely successful with a large percentage difference, on average eighty percent reduction in the use within the United Kingdom (DEFRA, 2017). As well as having an effect on the reduction of plastic in circulation, other noted benefits in the research suggest finance towards either the Department of Environment or other local causes.

Another advantage of this scheme could be argued as the increased awareness for the consumer on such a global issue (Poortinga et al., 2016). As some debate on roll-out is still evident in some parts of the world, it is great to see continued innovation and research and development in the United Kingdom to find solutions to the challenge to reducing carbon emissions and promoting sustainable living for the global economy.

References Audzijonyte, A; Fulton, E; Haddon, M; Helidoniotis, F; Hobday, A. J; Kuparinen, A; Morrongiello, J; Smith, A D.M; Upston, J; Waples, R. S. (2016) Trends and management implications of human-influenced lifehistory changes in marine ectotherms.

Fish & Fisheries, Vol. 17 Issue 4, 24 10051028. Available at: http://content.ebscohost.com/Content Server.asp?T=P&P=AN&K=119102645&S= R&D=a9h&EbscoContent=dGJyMMTo50 SeqLE4y9fwOLCmr1Cep7FSr6i4SbKWx WXS&ContentCustomer=dGJyMPGqtk63 rrJMuePfgeyx43zx [Accessed 23 March 2018].

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Department for Environmental Food and Rural Affairs (DEFRA (2017). Single-use plastic carrier bags charge: data in England for 2016-2017. Government United Kingdom V 3.0. Available at: https://www.gov.uk/government/public ations/carrier-bag-charge-summary-ofdata-in-england/single-use-plasticcarrier-bags-charge-data-in-englandfor-2016-to-2017 [Accessed 3 September 2017].

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Thomas, G. O., Poortinga, W. and Sautkina, E. (2016). The Welsh SingleUse Carrier Bag Charge and behavioural spillover. Journal of Environmental Psychology 47, pp. 126-135.

Available at: https://ac-els-cdncom.winchester.idm.oclc.org/S02724944 16300536/1-s2.0-S0272494416300536main.pdf?_tid=fe46e59b-a171-4ae3932b5c7968d88a35&acdnat=1521830907_c06 16de87e06ed93e7f1cd59e720793c [Accessed: 23 March 2017].

Waste and Resources Action Programme (WRAP) (2017) Taking Action on Waste Courtauld Commitment 2025.

Available at: http://www.wrap.org.uk/content/takingaction-on-waste-in-hospitality-sector [Accessed 28th August 2017] Zalasiewicz. J (2016). The geological cycle of plastics and their use as a stratigraphic indicator of the Anthropocene. Anthropocene 13, 4-17 Available at: https://ac-els-cdncom.winchester.idm.oclc.org/S22133054 16300029/1-s2.0-S2213305416300029main.pdf?_tid=bbe91a50-145c-4066a55928a3f6070ed1&acdnat=1521830510_c1f6 29d455f6f14911fab2934b6bae41 [Accessed 22nd March 2018].

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te/unfccc/en/ [Accessed 1st September 2017].

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Transgender People in Sport and Society in the UK – a Bourdieuian Perspective Meike Leitch BA Education Studies and Sports Studies Pierre Bourdieu’s social theory has attracted the attention of several scholars active in the sociology of sport and physical activity (Brown, 2006). His concepts of capital, habitus and field have been adopted by himself and others to analyse power relations within the sporting environment (Bourdieu, 2007a; Bourdieu, 2007b; Collins, 2003; Donnelly, 2003; Jarvie, 2012; Laberge & Kay, 2002; Sugden & Tomlinson, 2000) and to explore how class, gender, sexual orientation and other factors might influence sporting choices. This paper will aim to investigate how self-identified transgender people fit into the social field of ‘sport’ and how their transgression of the traditional gender binaries may lead to their exclusion within it. The LGBT Sports

Coalition Summit (2013: 2) defines the term ‘transgender’ as follows: An umbrella term (adj.) for people whose gender identity and/or gender expression differs from the sex they were assigned at birth. The term may include but is not limited to: transsexuals, crossdressers and other gendervariant people […].

Transgender people may or may not decide to alter their bodies hormonally and/or surgically. People must selfidentify as transgender in order for the label to fit.

It will be shown how transgender people’s participation in sport (especially competitive sport) is policed by official bodies and how these policies may be discriminatory for some transgender people in the UK and internationally. Further, the paper will examine how an internalised assumption of gender binaries and their respective habituses can be a problem not only

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150 in sport, but in the UK society as a whole. It will be emphasized that many transgender people have a lower overall capital, due to their gender identity, and that social expectation and national policies may force transgender people to exhibit a habitus they do not feel comfortable with. Lastly, the problem of misgendering both in sport and in the UK disciplinary system will be considered.

The foundation of Pierre Bourdieu’s social approach is the theory of capital, habitus and field. He is interested in how people develop a ‘taste’ for one sport but dismiss another and explores this through the consideration of these three concepts (Bourdieu, 1978). Bourdieu describes each form of power in society as a certain kind of capital (Laberge & Kay, 2002). Contrary to Marx, he rejects the idea that economic capital is the only form of power; rather he believes that there exist a variety of different forms of capital, may it be social, physical, cultural or economic (Collins, 2003;

Jarvie, 2012; Laberge & Kay, 2002). An example for cultural capital might be being Caucasian rather than of colour in the Western world; economic capital equals one’s accumulated wealth. A person’s standing and subsequent social space is “determined by volume and composition of [their] capital” (Bourdieu, 2007: 421) – the higher each capital, the higher the person’s social standing. Social capital, for example, is built on trust and group solidarity and while a person might be of high standing within one particular group, these privileges often lead to social conformity and the group’s exclusion of anyone who doesn’t fit (Jarvie, 2012). This ubiquitous power is only rarely perceived as such and, rather than oppressive, is seen “as a legitimate demand for recognition, deference and obedience” (Laberge & Kay, 2002: 241) within society. For Bourdieu, sport is the field that uniquely blends a person’s economic and cultural capital with their (often gendered) physical capital (Sugden & Tomlinson, 2000). It follows that

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transgender people inhabit a unique space within this field which is worth investigating. Jarvie (2012: 291) defines habitus as “a specific notion [that] refers to the acquired patterns of thought, behaviour and taste that are said to constitute the link between social structures and social practices”, though he emphasises that it does not necessarily determine what one feels, thinks or acts upon. An example might be the behaviour a person displays around their parents as opposed to when they are around their friends; these two differing social circles require different ways of habitus, though the individual remains the same.

Bourdieu often described habitus as the feel for the game (Brown, 2006), and has analysed people’s sporting choices based mainly on their class, wealth and gender. However, it is important to note that Bourdieu still thinks of people as social agents, as practices and lifestyle are always the outcome of a dialogue between social agency and social structure (Laberge & Kay, 2002). Through

habitus, these agents construct a system of mentalities which enables them to “act and react in a manner proper to [their] social group” (Laberge & Kay, 2002: 248). As a consequence, it also leads each person to create their very own relation to their body, leading each athlete to grant different meanings to their sport (Bourdieu, 2007). In short, habitus, by mediating between what society expects a person to do and between what the person as an agent wants to do, creates our personal identity. In transgender people, the expectations of society often stand in stark contrast to their desired practice and habitus plays a major role in unifying these. It is important to note that habitus alone does not define a person’s behaviour; it changes in response to the different social fields the person moves in (Laberge & Kay, 2002). The fields in Bourdieu’s theory are mainly arenas of production, circulation, and appropriation of goods, services, knowledge, or status centred

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152 on a particular issue[…], and the network (or configuration) of historical relations of power between positions held by individuals, social groups or institutions (Laberge & Kay, 2002: 253).

In a field, people do not necessarily have to be unified, but they are usually bound by a common interest, or fervour represented within the field (Laberge & Kay, 2002).

Examples of two different fields in a person’s personal environment might be their circle of friends as opposed to their family environment; they require differing behaviour from the individual. Since a field is always made up of social agents struggling for dominance in it, it is not rigid. In fact, its structure is constantly modified, firstly by new agents that enter the field, and secondly by the world outside it, the structures that change in society as a whole and the ideas of what is socially acceptable and what is not (Laberge & Kay, 2002). Combined, capital, habitus, and field lead to a person’s

behaviour in any given moment and thus also determine the sporting choices of each person. The sporting choices of transgender people are often very limited, not just due to societal pressure, but also because of the very strict policies of sporting bodies.

Unfortunately, the lack of a transgender person’s capital often limits their choices in many other ways, and also seems to be an issue in wider UK society, not just in sport.

Thorn (2016) reports: Ms Snow, a transgender woman from Gloucester who has presented publicly as a woman for about three months, says she "more regularly than not" experiences abuse when she tries to use public toilets.

According to Thorn’s (2016) article, the number of reported discrimination cases against transgender people is rising, especially against people whose

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transition might not have been successful enough for them to easily pass as their acquired gender. Ellis, McNeil and Bailey (2014) observed in their study that situational avoidance in transgender people is high in daily activities (such as using public transport, or public toilets) and many transgender men and women avoid situation they would otherwise take part in. They also found that “many trans people who transition do so without adequate social or psychological support” (Ellis et al., 2014: 362). Discussing transgender people’s representation in a digital age, Siebler (2012) says that transgender identity is almost exclusively defined by transitioning, due to a lack of gender queer or gender fluid representatives. This is an issue for transgender people who do not see themselves among the male/female binary, as they will have little guidance to what kind of habitus to adopt. One of the most prominent issues in transgender discrimination seems to lie in the UK’s juridical system. Recent suicides of four transgender women

in UK prisons have caught the attention of several journalists (Fenton, 2017a; Fenton, 2017b; Halliday, 2017; Transgender prison deaths: Watchdog calls for action BBC News, 2017). Fenton (2017a) says that “trans people are being failed at a structural level in prisons. They are not being granted the safety, recognition and essential medical treatment which they require to live dignified lives”. Unable to live according to their regular habitus, many transgender people in custody develop mental health problems and start self-harming (Fenton, 2017b).

The Ministry of Justice (2016: 4) admits that It is apparent that the treatment of transgender people in courts, probation and prison services has not kept pace with the development of a more general understanding of the issues surrounding gender in society.

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154 According to the Women and Equalities Committee (2016), the prison staff tend to act discriminatory against transgender offenders and sometimes deny them access to make-up and hormones; they also tend to address them with their birth gender pronouns, rather than their acquired pronouns. After reviewing these shortcomings, transgender prisoners may now choose to be in a prison of their acquired gender even without a Gender Recognition Certificate, as long as they provide some evidence for having previously lived in their acquired gender (Strickland, 2016). Additionally, the prison staff will undergo training in the terms of transgender identities and “should understand their responsibility to confront discrimination, bullying or unwarranted attention aimed at transgender people” (Ministry of Justice, 2016: 8). These new policies should somewhat raise transgender people’s social and physical capital within the prison field and should allow them to act in accordance to their acquired gender habitus.

The social field of sport is especially vulnerable to transphobic action, since it places itself very clearly among the male/female binary, evident in the existence of single-sex teams and the difficulties transgender people experience in playing in the category of their acquired gender. Sex testing has been practiced in the Olympic Games since the latter half of the twentieth century (Heggie, 2010; Jones, Arcelus, Bouman & Haycraft, 2016; Pieper, 2012; Wackwitz, 2003).

From visual inspections over testing chromosomes to measuring the amount of testosterone in female athletes’ blood, several techniques, at times mandatory for all, have been applied (Heggie, 2010; Wackwitz, 2003). In 2004, the IOC officially allowed transgender people to participate in the Games (before that, one could only participate in one’s birth sex group), however they had to have been through a hormonal, surgical and legal transition (Jones et al., 2016). As not all transgender people desire this kind of transition,

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some do not have the resources to transition that way (Ellis, McNeil & Bailey, 2014; Jones, 2017, Schilt & Windsor, 2014), and considering the existence of people with intersex conditions, a problematisation of becomes evident. According to The LGBT Sports Coalition Summit (2013: 3) People with intersex conditions (Differences of Sexual Development) are born with physically mixed or atypical bodies with respect to biological sex characteristics, i.e. chromosomes, internal reproductive organs, and genitalia Following the case of Caster Semenya, an intersex athlete competing in women’s athletics, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) has updated the participation policies for transgender athletes who wish to participate in the gender they identify with (Jones et al., 2016). For the 2016 Olympic Games in Rio de

Janeiro, transgender female athletes had to have lived in their declared gender for at least 4 years and their blood testosterone had to be under 10nmol/L for a minimum of twelve months prior to competition; transgender male athletes were able to compete without any restrictions (Jones et al., 2016). Whereas this policy does not account for people without a gender identity, or people who are gender fluid, it is still helpful for those individuals who have no access to gender reassignment surgery, or those who are not officially recognised as their declared gender by their country.

Unfortunately, though, in the UK (and internationally) most sporting bodies still go by the policy that the IOC published in 2004 (Jones et al., 2016).

For the 2014/2015 season the Football Association (FA) updated their policies for transgender people.

Under the premise of safety and fair play, regarding anyone 18 years old or older, they require transgender men to have undergone hormone therapy and be within a natal male

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156 range for blood testosterone levels, while transgender women may either have undergone gonadectomy or have to be in hormone therapy to reach a natal female blood testosterone level (The Football Association, 2015). They state that Football is a gender affected sport of a competitive nature where the physical strength, stamina or physique of average persons of one sex could put them at a disadvantage compared to average persons of the other sex as competitors in a football match (The Football Association, 2015: §5).

This policy follows §19 of the Gender Recognition Act 2004, where it is stated that transgender athletes may be restricted from competing in their declared gender if their attendance might compromise the other athletes’ safety or fair competition (Smith, Cuthbertson & Gale, 2012).

Jones and her colleagues (2016: 713)

criticise the Act’s vague definition of athletic advantage, arguing that “having large hands is key for manipulation in some sports (e.g. basketball), but this is not seen as an unfair advantage”. McArdle (2008) notes that a lot of the arguments for policing the participation of transgender people in sport revolve around the idea that men would disguise themselves as women and take hormones just to get a sporting success. He dismisses such thoughts with the argument that long-term hormonal therapy can have detrimental effects on health and that many transgender people only wish to compete in sport for leisure and a balanced lifestyle, rather than for (inter)national success (McArdle, 2008).

The sporting field can be seen as one of the most adamant places of social reproduction, especially with its concepts of a binary gender system of [male] and [female] athletes and the dichotomy between them (Boykoff & Yasuoka, 2015; Brown, 2006; Caudwell, 2014; Elling-

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Machartzki, 2017). A lot of transgender people feel uncomfortable participating in sport (Caudwell, 2014; Elling-Machartzki, 2017; Hargie, Mitchell & Sommerville, 2017; Jones, et al., 2016), and their sporting choices are often limited.

This might be due to their low social and physical capital in a cisgendered (someone who identifies with their birth gender) and heteronormative field such as sport (Hargie et al., 2017). Pinto, Melendez and Spector point out that transgender people build social capital by forming social connections that “contribute to their gender identity” (2008: 213), to which the sport field does not necessarily belong. Some people in EllingMachartzki’s (2017) study report that, pre-transition, they felt a complete lack of belonging to sport, often relating to being in the wrong team and having to change/undress among people of the opposite gender. Their habitus could not reconcile the social structure of the sport field with their social agency of self-expression. In the end, “a gender transition is experienced as

inevitable” (Elling-Macharztki, 2017: 262). During the transition process, whether one chooses to take hormones and/or have gender reassignment surgery or not, it is required that, at least for some months, the transgender person lives in their identified gender (EllingMachartzki, 2017). In this time of transition, a transgender person’s habitus in sport is often chaotic, insofar as they identify as transgender, do not yet visibly belong to their acquired gender, but often feel out of place with their birth gender team (Caudwell, 2014; EllingMachartzki, 2017). In this phase, transgender people start trying to ‘pass’ as a cisgender person of their acquired gender, often by overemphasizing their masculinity/femininity, but tend to be more at ease when the transition has finished, due to being recognised as man/woman without constraints (Elling-Machartzki, 2017).

It is worth mentioning, however, that especially transgender women still feel vulnerable in the sport field, as their otherness is often more visible,

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158 as was the case with Renée Richards (Pieper, 2012). She was the first transgender woman to be accepted by the USTA and WTA to play in the female category. She constantly emphasised her femininity in the way she dressed and acted, since, “in order to be socially acceptable, […] female competitors had to adhere to a strict notion of gender” (Pieper, 2012). Burns (2017) writes about Natalie, a transgender woman playing football, and how she adjusted her playing style to be less aggressive after her transition.

Though Jacques (2013) states the case of Fallon Fox, a transgender woman successfully participating in MMA, as an example of sport becoming more inclusive for transgender people, a lot of transgender men and women do not take part in sport for fear being outed and Smith et al. (2012) state that 75% of the transgender people believe that transphobia is a problem in sport. Englefield, Cunningham, Mahoney, Stone and Torrance (2016) point out that, despite the many health benefits of physical activity,

less than 50% of the transgender people in the UK participate in sport or exercise, mainly because they feel discriminated against and inhibited by the gender binary that exists in most sports. The gender habitus expected in sport is not aligned with their own habitus and thus they tend to avoid the sport field.

The capital of a transgender person is often a very unique blend of mainly physical and social capital, both of which are generally lower in most fields than that of a cisgender person. Their non-conforming gender identity leads them to exhibit a habitus that often appears different to what societal expectations are, especially in the sport field, where people are supposed to fit in (Jarvie, 2012). This paper was set up to investigate self-identified transgender people’s place in sport from a Bourdieuian point of view and showed that their gender identity is often scrutinised when they are trying to participate in a competitive field (Heggie, 2010; Jones et al., 2016; Pieper, 2012; Wackwitz, 2003). They

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are also frequently discriminated against, mostly when they are forced to change with people of the other gender or play in a team opposite to their acquired sex (Caudwell, 2014; Elling-Machartzki, 2017). Transgender people post-transition often exhibit an emphasised habitus of their acquired gender, such as Renée Richards, to pass as a man or woman without being challenged (Pieper, 2012). Transgender discrimination has also been shown to be a problem not only in sport, but in wider UK society, especially in the disciplinary system. Transgender women and men are often verbally abused when trying to use public toilets (Thorn, 2016) and, as a consequence, tend to practice situational avoidance in various positions (Ellis et al., 2014). In the UK prison system, there have been several cases of transgender women committing suicide after being imprisoned in a penitentiary of their birth gender and being denied hormones and/or make up to practice their usual habitus (Fenton, 2017a; Fenton, 2017b; Halliday, 2017).

As a consequence, the Ministry of Justice (2016) has reviewed its former policies and decided that transgender offenders may now be held in a prison that aligns with their gender identity. The Ministry has also pressed that staff shall receive better training and must intervene if they notice any discrimination against or abuse of transgender offenders (Ministry of Justice, 2016). The examples given in this paper show that transgender equality is still an issue in wider UK society (Thorn, 2016), the prison field (Fenton, 2017a) and within sport (Elling-Machartzki, 2017) and that steps must be taken to further the inclusion of transgender people in every aspect of social life.

References Bourdieu, P. (1978). Sport and Social Class. In A. Tomlinson (2007), The Sports Studies Reader (1st ed.). Oxon: Routledge.

Bourdieu, P. (2007). The Universes of Stylistic Possibilities. In A. Tomlinson, The Sports Studies Reader (1st ed.).

Oxon: Routledge.

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Boykoff, J., & Yasuoka, M. (2013).

Gender and politics at the 2012 Olympics: media coverage and its implications. Sport In Society, 18(2), 219-233. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17430437.

2013.854481 Brown, D. (2006). Pierre Bourdieu’s “Masculine Domination” Thesis and the Gendered Body in Sport and Physical Culture. Sociology Of Sport Journal, 23(2), 162-188. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.23.2.162 Burns, K. (2017). What Actually Happens When a Trans Athlete Transitions. VICE Sports. Retrieved 7 May 2017, from https://sports.vice.com/en_uk/articl e/what-actually-happens-when-atrans-athlete-transitions Caudwell, J. (2014). [Transgender] young men: gendered subjectivities and the physically active body. Sport, Education And Society, 19(4), 398414.

http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13573322.

2012.672320 Collins, M. (2003). Social Exclusion from Sport and Leisure. In B. Houlihan, Sport and Society: A Student Introduction (1st ed., pp. 6788). London: SAGE. Donnelly, P. (2003). Sport and Social Theory. In B. Houlihan, Sport and Society: A Student Introduction (1st ed., pp. 11-27). London: SAGE. Elling-Machartzki, A. (2015).

Extraordinary body-self narratives: sport and physical activity in the lives of transgender people. Leisure Studies, 36(2), 256-268. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02614367.

2015.1128474 Ellis, S., McNeil, J., & Bailey, L. (2014).

Gender, stage of transition and situational avoidance: a UK study of trans people's experiences. Sexual And Relationship Therapy, 29(3), 351364. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14681994.

2014.902925

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Englefield, L., Cunningham, D., Mahoney, A., Stone, T., & Torrance, H. (2016). Sport, Physical Activity & LGBT: A Study by Pride Sports for Sport England. Pride Sports.

Fenton, S. (2017a). Misgendering isn't a 'special snowflake situation', it can kill. The Independent. Retrieved 7 May 2017, from http://www.independent.co.uk/voic es/trans-woman-prison-suicidejenny-swift-doncastermisgendering-can-kill-a7513441.html Fenton, S. (2017b). Vigil held at Pentonville Prison to protest deaths of transgender inmates. The Independent. Retrieved 7 May 2017, from http://www.independent.co.uk/new s/uk/home-news/vigil-pentonvilleprison-protest-deaths-transgenderinmates-lgbt-a7540851.html Halliday, J. (2017). Transgender woman found dead in cell at Doncaster prison. the Guardian.

Retrieved 7 May 2017, from

https://www.theguardian.com/socie ty/2017/jan/05/transgenderwoman-jenny-swift-found-dead-atdoncaster-prison Hargie, O., Mitchell, D., & Somerville, I. (2017). ‘People have a knack of making you feel excluded if they catch on to your difference’: Transgender experiences of exclusion in sport. International Review For The Sociology Of Sport, 52(2), 223-239. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/101269021 5583283 Heggie, V. (2010). Testing sex and gender in sports; reinventing, reimagining and reconstructing histories. Endeavour, 34(4), 157-163. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.endeavo ur.2010.09.005 Jacques, J. (2013). Sport is slowly catching up with transgender realities. the Guardian. Retrieved 7 May 2017, from https://www.theguardian.com/com mentisfree/2013/apr/16/sportcatching-up-transgender-realities Jarvie, G. (2012). Sport, Culture and Society: An Introduction (2nd ed.).

London: Routledge.

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162 Jones, B., Arcelus, J., Bouman, W., & Haycraft, E. (2016). Sport and Transgender People: A Systematic Review of the Literature Relating to Sport Participation and Competitive Sport Policies. Sports Medicine, 47(4), 701-716. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40279016-0621-y Laberge, S., & Kay, J. (2002). Pierre Bourdieu's Sociocultural Theory and Practice. In J. Maguire & K. Young, Theory, Sport and Society (1st ed., pp. 239-266). Oxford: ELSEVIER Ltd. LGBT Sports Coalition Summit. (2013).

Transgender 101. transathlete.com.

McArdle, D. (2008). Swallows and Amazons, or the Sporting Exception To the Gender Recognition Act. Social & Legal Studies, 17(1), 39-57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09646639 07086455 Ministry of Justice. (2016). Review on the Care and Management of Transgender Offenders. London.

Pieper, L. (2012). Gender Regulation: Renée Richards Revisited. The International Journal Of The History Of Sport, 29(5), 675-690. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523367.

2012.675202 Pinto, R., Melendez, R., & Spector, A. (2008). Male-to-Female Transgender Individuals Building Social Support and Capital From Within a GenderFocused Network. Journal Of Gay & Lesbian Social Services, 20(3), 203220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10538720 802235179 Schilt, K., & Windsor, E. (2014). The Sexual Habitus of Transgender Men: Negotiating Sexuality Through Gender. Journal Of Homosexuality, 61(5), 732-748. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00918369.

2014.870444 Siebler, K. (2012). Transgender Transitions: Sex/Gender Binaries in the Digital Age. Journal Of Gay & Lesbian Mental Health, 16(1), 74-99.

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http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19359705.

2012.632751 Smith, M., Cuthbertson, S., & Gale, N. (2012). Tackling Transphobia in Sport - Transgender Specific Companion Report. Edinburgh: Equality Network.

Strickland, P. (2016). Transgender Prisoners. House of Commons Library.

Sugden, J., & Tomlinson, A. (2000).

Theorising Sport, Social Class and Status. In J. Coakley & E. Dunning, Handbook of Sports Studies (1st ed.).

London: SAGE.

News. (2017). BBC News. Retrieved 7 May 2017, from http://www.bbc.com/news/uk38562714 Wackwitz, L. (2003). Verifying the myth: olympic sex testing and the category “woman”. Women's Studies International Forum, 26(6), 553-560. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2003.

09.009 Women and Equalities Committee.

(2016). Transgender Equality. London: The Stationary Office Limited.

The Football Association. (2015).

Policy on Trans People in Football.

Thorn, R. (2016). Why toilets are a battleground for transgender rights BBC News. BBC News. Retrieved 7 May 2017, from http://www.bbc.com/news/ukengland-36395646 Transgender prison deaths: Watchdog calls for action - BBC

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Using relevant, contemporary issues has the broadening and deepening of the security agenda gone too far?

Paul Brookes BA Geography In 1983, the scholar Richard Ullman argued that the discourse amongst the political elite, surrounding security, often became cloudy and confusing as a result of the misconceptions that arose over causes of conflict (Ullman, 1983: 133).

Needless to say, many nation states held the commonly perceived view that war, and other military acts of aggression, were the only cause of conflict and matters of security.

However, by adopting this stance and by refuting any other form of conflict as security related acted to render, and continues to render, the debate as well and truly narrow and subsequently acts to reduce the government’s ability to act accurately in order to safeguard its citizens. Interestingly, scholars such as David Graham and Nana K Poku concur with Richard Ullman’s

argument that the atrocities, currently forced upon the world’s population, are in fact no longer caused by war but are somewhat a consequence of conflict outside of county on country war (Graham and Nana, 2005: 3) which gives credence to the notion that in relation to security it is vital that the focus deepens to a much broader array of issues.

In order to understand the explanation of why nations find it difficult to agree on global security, relating to the broadening or narrowing dispute, we must firstly respond to the argument that many institutions and Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) who represent nations, lack effectiveness, legitimacy and accountability to deliver effective guidance on security in an ever increasing and changing globalised world (Woods et al, 2013: 16). Vitally, globalisation scholar Tore Bjorgo reasons that ‘terrorism is a structural causation, a by-product, of globalisation’ (Bjorgo, 2005: 3) meaning that terrorism

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166 along, with other forms of criminal activity, have been formed from processes of globalisation. Indeed, many nations view globalisation as a fundamentally Western ideology which imposes strict sanctions and policies in order to further increase Western superiority (Kamrava, 2013: 374). Certainly, the requirement to incorporate a wider perspective in dealing with the security agenda and seeking to demonstrate why it should incorporate issues on the environment, globalisation and health are all pertinent to a nation’s security. The failure to envisage security issues as matters pertaining to acts of war and negating environmental, globalisation and other non-traditional issues only emphasises the confusion and inconsistency attached to the narrowing argument.

Analysis New non-traditional Environmental When discussing matters relating to security one could be misguided into presuming that environment and security do not form any sort of

relationship or indeed influence by each other (Hough, 2013: 161).

However, the scholar Peter Hough in his published works Understanding Global Security views the relationship as interconnected and argues that it should be brought to the forefront of the security agenda.

Furthermore, since scientists confirmed, in 1985, that the Ozone Layer (which protects our planet from the sun’s harmful rays) was eroding a new form of an aggressor, a non-human force that could not be contained or annihilated by conventional warfare emerged, in the shape of our own environment.

This untraditional method of attack would not prove destructible instantaneously but would surreptitiously gather momentum and threaten many of the world’s population (Matthews, 1989: 162).

Indeed, both Matthews and Hough concur that broadening the security agenda is paramount for collective action in developing and maintaining sustainable frameworks to help combat environmental degradation.

However, this collective action

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would be ineffective if nation states failed to compromise and only continued to supplement their own political agendas (Dalby, 2013: 313).

One major contributor to environmental degradation is the overwhelming growth rate in population and the subsequent drain on resources such as food, clean water and adequate housing (Browning, 2013: 79). This in turn leads to more conflict and acts of violence usually witnessed between the state and their own citizens.

Interestingly, Christopher Browning advocates that due to a rapid expansion of population, coupled with uncertainty as to how nations respond in order to create stability, agencies will often tend to secure their own interests based on overwhelming greed and exploitation of global resources to ensure survival. Inevitably, the stance often taken by powerful institutions tends to render less economically developed nations powerless in maintaining stability within their own nations as access to resources

becomes virtually expunged. The anger and humiliation faced by these ‘forgotten nations’ often manifests itself in acts of aggression and rebellion against the state as a way to protect both the human lives that are being threatened and national pride. The argument that the causes of this conflict are not included as instrumental to the commencement of war is obvious as academics argue the situation is defined as a matter of human security (Dalby, 2013: 315; Persaud, 2016: 140). In addition, Persaud would further suggest that entire regions have been undermined causing devastating fractures within society that are not solely connected by conflicts of warring nations (Persaud, 2016: 140).

Indeed, recent events throughout the world have highlighted the dangers that international communities face. An example of this perceived fear was Rwanda in the 1990s where genocide, of the most appalling consequences, was witnessed as eight hundred thousand people were brutally slaughtered and the displacement of

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168 thousands more occurred (Bellamy, 2016: 328). These types of conflict along with the Tsunamis, earthquakes and hurricanes that have been observed as we move, more deeply, into the twenty-first century create insecurity as the dramatic consequences negatively impact the environment forever. As increasing amounts of land is destroyed farming for crops becomes non-existent and communities are forced to migrate to find jobs, shelter and food as the resources that once sustained them are destroyed. To this end, it becomes clear that security needs to broaden in order to incorporate the wider issues that impact significantly on human security and humanitarian intervention. Accountability, is therefore primarily that of international agencies assisting nations in times of crisis regardless of cause (Bellamy, 2016: 340).

“But, if sovereignty is understood as a responsibility to protect, then the role of international society becomes

one of enabling and supporting sovereigns in discharging their responsibilities to their citizens… because the very foundations of sovereignty and international society are individual human rights”(Bellamy, 2016: 340) Globalisation and Health The issues surrounding globalisation and health significantly impact on the security of nation states as we move forward into an arena of global threat that we yet fail to fully comprehend. Mutimer argues that there needs to be clarification as to the ‘referent object’ of security in order to understand and appreciate the complexities on both sides as, for many nations, protection of its state is widely perceived to be the ‘referent object’ of security (Mutimer, 2016: 88). Subsequently, protection of the state against traditional acts of war and conflict has been elevated to superior status, for example, developing military capabilities to protect the state from foreign

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invasion. Indeed, the stance adopted tends to breed uncertainty amongst nations as situations are created where countries become obsessed that an attack is likely to transpire (Buzan and Hansen, 2010: 33). This fear and paranoia becomes further highlighted due to globalisation and the relatively new-found ability to transport through time and space with relevant ease. This situation often reveals the discrepancies that many nations face in managing and maintaining their borders effectively (Valentine, 2013: 317). Interestingly, we witness how border issues result in nation states viewing globalisation as a destruction of their sovereignty purely because they feel inadequate to deal with any conflicts that are caused by the effects of globalisation. Although nations strive for independence and accessibility to essential forms of communication, transport and infrastructure to ensure survivability and provide citizens with access to essential commodities, sovereign states are often reluctant for outside agencies to assist in the process (Robinson,

2008: 336). Indeed, this is where complexities of the security agenda manifest, and shows how the intervention, cooperation and the cause of conflict are often misinterpreted between nations; often leading to uprisings and violent protests by civilians against the state.

Developing economies fear the hegemonic power of Westerncentric values that focus on benefitting their economies and security prowess whilst decimating other growing economies. Simply put, smaller nation states feel threatened by globalisation and view the effects of globalisation as US – Western ideology (Woods et al, 2013: 6). A United Nation’s Development Report conducted by Ngaire Woods et al identified four key areas: finance, health, migration and security as instrumental in developing collective global action.

Interestingly, Gowan and Stokes in Global Economy, advocate that whilst economic stability is achieved through collaboration this is undermined due to nations’ inability

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170 to cooperate internationally through vulnerabilities associated with gaining access to the global market.

Globalisation is often charged with having greatly impacted periods of insecurity, environmental concerns, disease epidemics and financial downturns (Gowan and Stokes, 2012: 320). Interestingly, Paul Rogers witnesses the direct correlation between accomplishing global security as one of great importance as continual disagreements will only fuel and ignite further confrontation against North-South divide. In order, for global security to be successful, the broadening of the security agenda needs to encompass a multitude of complex and diverse scenarios. One that seeks to recognise and establish appropriate policies and procedures to combat feelings of insecurity whilst embracing globalisation (Rogers, 2016: 61).

Another major concern of globalisation is the spread of communicable diseases and the consequences on health security.

Whilst, globalisation has improved networking capabilities and travel, developing countries require finances and infrastructure to deal with outbreaks of viruses (Elbe, 2016: 370). Indeed, the scholar Stefan Elbe in his chapter Health and Security, recognises the complications and vulnerabilities all governments face in safeguarding human lives during an outbreak of disease. Especially, in the past few decades as a significant increase of infectious diseases such as; Ebola, Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS) and Zika virus begin to become transported around the world and threatened human security on a global scale. Although, adequate health care and resources exist in some areas there are instances where assistance and aid are non-existent in others - fueling uncertainty as to best practice.

However, a recent publication by the World Health Organisation (WHO) attempts to tackle a multitude of issues regarding health security by limiting the number of cases through better preventative measures. The WHO classify these Millennium

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Development Goals (MDG) and Sustainability Development Goals (SDG) as consisting of one hundred and sixty-nine targets, one specific goal for health with an additional thirteen targets (WHO, 2015: 4) as the solution to eradicate world issues such as education, health and socioeconomic inequality.

Interestingly, the WHO identify that these three main issues contribute to the majority of insecurity of nations, and by confronting them, whilst collectively working with nations, goals can be achieved by 2030.

Although, the WHO recognises that total eradication of issues would be impossible, they do base their emphasis on sustainability to more manageable levels. Whether these SDGs could be accomplished is yet to be decided as unforeseen future events increasingly hamper progress and the requirement, for cooperation from nations to actively work in conjunction with each other, becomes threatened further.

Conclusion This essay has highlighted debates relating to the broadening and narrowing argument of security and has sought to justify the reasons for broadening of the agenda. In doing so, it has shown how these contemporary issues impact with destabilising effects. Furthermore, these issues are not governed by boundaries, borders or restrictions and consequences inflicted upon society as a whole potentially renders nations powerless and incompetent in protection for the state, but also, for citizens.

Understandably, as embedding fear and insecurity between state and citizens culminates in violent attacks, modern discourse dictates states have a responsibility to protect citizens from potential hazards.

Indeed, environmental degradation, infectious diseases and social mobility all pose various challenges to governments, which requires appropriate policies and procedures to ensure survivability, peace and security.

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172 Ultimately, as some countries adopt strategies to assist in defending, supplementing and responding to provocation from outsiders the likelihood of such conflict is fictitious and generated through fear and paranoia of the state and filtered down through to society causing animosity and provoking unnecessary violence within the state. For these reasons, broadening of the security is paramount to enable states to implement systems and control measures for dealing with an array of situations in averting disaster. However, governments need to simultaneously work in unison without coercion in defining what constitutes a threat to security and implement legitimate protocols.

References Bjorgo, T. (2005) Root Causes of Terrorism: Myths Reality and ways Forward, Abingdon: Oxon, Routledge.

Booth, K. (2007) Theory of World Security, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Browning, C., (2013) International Security: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Buzan, B. and Hansen, L., (2010) The Evolution of International Security Studies, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Hough, P., (2013) Understanding Global Security, 3rd edn, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge.

Kamrava, M., (2013) The Modern Middle East: A Political History since the First World War, (3rd edn) Los Angeles, California: University of California Press.

Graham, D.T. and Nana K.P. (2005) Migration Globalisation and Human Security, London: Routledge.

Valentine, G., (2013) Social Geographies: Space & Society, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge.

Bellamy A.J., (2016) Humanitarian Intervention, In: Collins, A. (ed)

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Contemporary Security Studies, 4th edn, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Dalby, S., (2013) Climate Change and Environmental Security, In: Williams, P.D. (ed) Security Studies: An Introduction, 2nd edn, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge.

Elbe, S. (2016) Health and Security, In: Collins, A. (ed) Contemporary Security Studies, 4th edn, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Gowan, P. and Stokes, D., (2012) Global Economy, In: Cox, M and Stokes, D. (ed) US Foreign Policy, 2nd edn, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Mutimer, D. (2016) Critical Security Studies: A Schismatic History, In: Collins, A. (ed) Contemporary Security Studies, 4th edn, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Persaud, R.B. (2016) Human Security, In: Collins, A. (ed) Contemporary Security Studies, 4th edn, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Robinson, J. (2008) The geopolitics of intervention: presence and power in global politics, In: Barnett, C. Robinson. J. and Rose G (eds) Geographies of Globalisation: A Demanding World, London: SAGE Publications Ltd. Rogers, P. (2016) Peace Studies, In: Collins, A. (ed) Contemporary Security Studies, 4th edn, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Matthews, J.T. (1989) Redefining Security, Foreign Affairs, 68 (2): pp 162-177 Ullman, R., (1983) Redefining Security, International Security, 8 (1): pp 129-153 Anon, (2015) Health in 2015 from MDGS Millennium Development Goals to SDGs Sustainable Development Goals. [online] Available at: http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/1 0665/200009/1/9789241565110_en g.pdf?ua=1[Accessed 20/03/2017]

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174 Woods, N. Betts, A. Prantl, J and Sridhar, D. (2013) Transforming Global Governance for the 21st Century Human Development Report, available at: http://hdr.undp.org[Accessed 20/03/2018]

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176 What advantages and disadvantages does social media present to the modern writer?

Gemma Saunders MA Creative and Professional Writing Social media has grown and developed with time, and the definition of ‘the writer’ has grown with it. Social platforms began as a virtual way to socialise with our longdistance friends and relatives, but sites such as Twitter, Instagram and Facebook are now being utilised by the modern-day writer to present work in a contemporary manner. The interactive nature of these platforms allows today’s writer a more involved writing experience; opening up new opportunities for self-publicising, interaction with the reader and a virtual presence. However, these new opportunities are not without their clauses- the modern writer is plagued by the pressure and stress of being on social media.

By using social media, the modern writer can have a presence that reaches further than the page on which they write. They can create a virtual presence by posting their work on a social media site (or multiple sites) and building an extensive online portfolio- providing easy access for potential publishers and editors to view their skill set.

Staying active on a social media site and posting regular pieces to create such a portfolio may also build up a following for the writer and their work- something a publisher would be keen to see because it would show an already established audience and prove book sales to be likely. In support of this, Gordon Warnock from Short Fuse Publishing writes, ‘I look for clients who already have a solid, brand-appropriate social media’.1 Having a presence on social media is therefore advantageous because an increased virtual presence can make a book signing more likely.

1

Tee Morris, Social Media for Writers (Canada: F+W Media, Inc, 2015), 9.

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No longer having to rely on a publisher to become published grants a newfound sense of independence in the world of literature. Social media platforms allow for a present-day author to publicise and promote their own work (by announcing book release dates, revealing ‘teaser’ extracts from a pending release to hook the audience and by keeping themselves in the public eye) and if the writer chooses to self-publish too, the necessity for a publisher is removed altogether. Morris outlines how an author can use social media to cultivate their own following without promotion from a publisher; ‘If you provide your readers with quality content, turning your platforms into go-to resources for reliable information and fantastic media, you will establish a connection between you, your audience and your work’.2 This shows how the interactive nature of social 2

Ibid, p12

media can create connectivity between the writer and their reader, and how this gives the modern writer a newfound sense of independence and ownership over their work.

Playing such an active role in the promotion and publishing of their work could be disadvantageous for the modern writer, however. By posting their writing under a social media profile for themselves and by being so vocal in order to publicise their work, the author themselves may take central scope over their work- thus not allowing their piece to stand alone and gain its own merit.

Barthes theory of The Death of the Author says, ‘it is language which speaks, not the author, to write is through a prerequisite personality’.3 Using social media platforms to post and promote work goes against this idea of a ‘prerequisite personality’ because the author’s personality would be apparent through how and what they choose to post on their 3

Leitch, The Norton Anthology of Theory and Criticism (New York: W.W Norton & Company, 2001 ), 1466

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178 social media. This active nature of the writer attaches a sense of authorship to a text and means the text cannot be read separate from the author. Barthes may be wrong in suggesting that authorship takes away from a text, because there are many occasions where knowing something about the author and the context of a piece can actually add to its meaning. In the infamous case of Oscar Wilde, for example, the poet claimed that ‘my works are dominated by myself’.4 Wilde used his work to ‘express himself rather than literary, social or historical contingency’ and from this, the poet has ‘emerged in our own age as one of the Victorians who matter most’.

This demonstrates how having a vocal author at the forefront of a piece can actually elevate the status of that piece, by giving it additional personality and memorability. This is also true in the case of social media writing because the modern writer’s increased presence within their work brings them into the public eye and

humanises them – making them more relatable, and therefore perhaps more appealing, to an audience.

Writing on social media can help an author build a more interactive and intimate relationship with their audience than ever before. This changes the role of the author for the better by bringing them out from behind the scenes, and allowing them to present their work in a more dynamic and diverse way- keeping the modern writer contemporary and in synch with the ever-changing demands and development of society. For example, modern day writers have utilised the photoposting aspect of the social media platform Instagram to make their prose more interactive and visually appealing for their audience. Other writers have also used Facebook and Twitter to create social media profiles for characters from their texts, allowing a character to be brought to life and for a reader to

4

Powell, Oscar Wilde in Context (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 23.

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become invested in them. Not only this, but having a presence on social media allows a writer to reach a wider and more diverse audience in general- producing a bigger readership of their work. The interactive nature of Facebook, Twitter and Instagram also allows for the modern writer to gain instant feedback from such an audience, and allows them to gauge the reception that a certain genre or piece of writing will receive and give them direction in their writing. By being on social media, the presentday writer can be contemporary and reach a contemporary audience who are growing increasingly virtual and technological.

Being so accessible to the reader and their feedback may not always be beneficial for the modern writer, however, and being active on social media comes with new added responsibilities and pressures. The

life of an author can already be a stressful and overwhelming venture, as outlined by Ballard’s theory of the ‘Writer’s stress’ where he states that ‘you cannot live the writer’s life without experiencing writer’s stress…some of these negative elements are writer’s block, distractions, family’.5 As indicated by Ballard’s list, the writer already has many antagonists that can hinder the writing process and the added pressure from social media on the modern writer may hinder a writer’s flow rather than encourage it.

Receiving negative feedback from on a platform may discourage a writer, and the importance put upon having a following in order to get work seen may add extra pressure and stress. It is hard to gain status on a social media platform because there is such rivalry to be heard and such a sheer number of users and posts can easily become saturated and left unseen. The term that Morris

Ballard, The True Writer’s Life: Discovering the author and finisher of our faith (Canada: FriesenPress, 2014), 31.

5

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180 uses for this is ‘signal-to-noise ratio’, where an audience tunes out and ignores a writer’s posts on social media because they are dismissed as ‘noise’. This indicates how hard it is to maintain a following on social media, and suggests that the modern writer is no more advanced than the traditional writer because the pursuit of an online audience is as time-consuming and discouraging as the onetime pursuit for a publisher. Ballard says that the best way to overcome the stress of an author is to ‘always come back to the writer’s solitude’, but the intrusive nature of social media makes it hard to maintain any privacy.

We live in an age where social media is forever growing and expanding, and the concept of ‘the writer’ and what it means to write is continually changing with it. The ability to post on online platforms has opened up many new opportunities for the modern writer, allowing them to interact with their audience and gain independence in their authorial pursuits, but with these new

opportunities follows added pressures and exploitation. The modern writer faces the same struggle as the traditional writer: they wish for solitude in an industry that demands publicity.

References Ballard, William Lee, The True Writer’s Life: Discovering the author and finisher of our faith (Canada: FriesenPress, 2014) Leitch, Vincent B, The Norton Anthology of Theory and Criticism (New York: W.W Norton & Company, 2001) Morris, Tee, Social Media for Writers (Canada: F+W Media, Inc, 2015) Powell, Kerry, Oscar Wilde in Context (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013)

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182 Crying Wolf: Does the law surrounding sentencing offenders of false rape allegations provide enough justice for the victims, or is rectification needed?

Samantha Laken LLB Law Introduction Sir Matthew Hale, an influential barrister, once said, “rape is an accusation easily made and hard to be proved, and harder to be defended by the party accused, tho [sic] never innocent.”1 Smedley J proclaimed in 1993, “experience has shown that people who allege sexual offence, whether woman, men, boys or girls for some reason at all tell false stories…Allegations…are relatively easy to make and are 1

Matthew Hale, History of the Pleas of the Crown (London, 1971 ed.) at page 635, cited in Phillip N.S. Rumney, ‘False Allegations of Rape’ [2006] Cambridge Law Journal, 128 at page 128.

2 Quoted by S. Lees, ‘Unreasonable Doubt: The Outcomes of Rape Trials,’ in M. Hester et al. (eds.) Women, Violence and Male Power (Buckingham, 1996), at page 110, cited in Phillip N.S. Rumney, ‘False Allegations of Rape’ [2006] Cambridge Law Journal, 128 at page 128-129.

difficult to refute.”2 In the instance that an allegation of rape is identified as false, is there enough justice provided for the accused or does Parliament need to rectify the law to ensure enough justice for those accused? This article will look at the motivations, ramifications and the sentence length surrounding a false allegation, and see if justice is provided to those accused of the atrocious crime.

A false rape allegation can be defined as: a rape accusation reported by the complainant that never occurred, but with the knowledge that there may be a risk that the police will investigate.3 As the nature of a rape offence is heinous, the possibility of the police Phillip N.S. Rumney, ‘False Allegations of Rape’ [2006] Cambridge Law Journal, 128 at page 130; Crown Prosecution Service, ‘Guidance for Charing Perverting the Course of Justice and Wasting Police Time in Cases involving Allegedly False Allegations of Rape and/or Domestic Abuse’ (Cps.gov.uk) <https://www.cps.gov.uk/legal/p_to_/perverting _the_course_of_justice__rape_and_dv_allegations> accessed 24 July 2017.

3

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investigating is abundant. False rape allegations are very rare, but they are not unknown. One study explored the validity of false allegations, and found that out of 55 presumed false statements, there were only 12 that were officially classed as false.4 The latest statistics from the Home Office showed, 43,731 offences of rape were officially recorded; 21% (9,185) of these were cancelled as there was not enough evidence to confirm the offence occurred. It is important to note the statistics do not represent that the offenses did not occur, but there was not enough evidence to show that they did.5

The elements need this for this are provided in Archbold’s law; a) Act or embarks upon a course of conduct; b) Which has a tendency to, and c) Is intended to pervert, d) The course of public justice. 6 The numbers are not colossal, and presumably there may be other crimes with greater numbers regarding false allegations.

Nevertheless, the statistics confirm that false allegations, whilst rare, do indeed exist. These allegations are wasting the already limited resources that could have been put to better use.7

If an allegation is identified as false, the ‘complainant’ will be charged with perverting the course of justice.

Motivations False allegations of rape have now been defined, but what perpetrates

4

6

Andrew D. Parker and Jennifer Brown, ‘Detection of Deception: Statement validity Analysis as a Means of Determining Truthfulness or Falsity’ [2000] Legal and Criminological Psychology, 237, at page 243.

5 Home Office, ‘Official Statistics Crime Outcomes in England and Wales 2016 to 2017’ (Gov.uk, 2017), at page 22, available at <https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/syste m/uploads/attachment_data/file/633048/crimeoutcomes-hosb0917.pdf > accessed 2 August 2017.

P.J. Richardson QC, Archbold: Criminal Pleading, Evidence and Practice (Sweet and Maxwell, 2015) at page 2759-2760, para 28-1.

7 The metropolitan police have had to make £600m of savings, and are due to lose an extra £400m by 2020. See e.g. BBC News, ‘Stretched’ Met Police in Talks Over Future Funding’ (BBC, 20 June 2017) < http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-london40342031> accessed 30 August 2017.

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184 an individual to make such an allegation. Andrew D. Parker et al. suggested, that there are three major motivators for false reporting: 1. A false account of events to provide an alibi where the alleger is in fear of pregnancy or discovery of illicit consensual sex;8 Zara Louise McKenning had consensual sex with the accused.

Before there was an admission of lying, a total of 27 and half hours were spent in custody by the accused. The elaborate story of having her drink doped with a drug and being violently raped, was indeed to hide her infidelity after being caught by her boyfriend’s friends.9 2. Revenge;10

8

Ibid 4, at page 238.

R v McKenning (Zara Louise) [2008] EWCA Crim. 2301; [2009] 1 Cr.App.R. (S) 106.

10 Ibid 4, at page 238.

11 R v Vine (Michelle Kelly) [2011] EWCA Crim.

1860; [2012] 1 Cr.App.R. (S) 78.

12 Ibid 4, at page 238.

13 R v England (Roseanne) [2010] EWCA Crim.

1408; [2011] 1 Cr.App.R. (S) 51; another 9

Michelle Kelly Vine made a false allegation, leading to the arrest of nine men, and up to 40 hours spent in custody by the men accused. It was admitted that the sexual relations were consensual, and the complaint was made to punish the men for how they treated her.11 3. Sympathy and attention seeking.12 Roseanne England said a large cut on her face was caused by a man who entered her house to use her telephone before raping her. This was the story told to a friend, her mother and the police. A detailed description was given to the police and led to the arrest of a man who was detained for 28 and half hours. It was admitted that the entire allegation was fake, and that she had deliberately cut her face.13 example is the recent case of Jemma Beale who made a series of false rape and sexual assault accusations. She was jailed for 10 years. See e.g. Press Association, ‘Woman Jailed For 10 Years for Making Series of False Rape Claims’ (The Guardian, 24 August 2017) < https://www.theguardian.com/society/2017/aug/

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Appellants were charged with perverting the course of justice and sentenced to a term of imprisonment. Rape is a despicable crime, but a false allegation of that crime is also grossly iniquitous.

Morally, there is absolutely no justification for allegations of such kind. The selfishness, fatuousness and maliciousness arising from these types of allegations are demonstrated in the above case.

There is no forethought given to the ramifications that prevail.

Ramifications When a false allegation of rape is made there is no consideration given to the ramification. The courts will consider three major ramifications in this particularly sensitive area:

people’s lives and the rumours will carry on, even if the accusation is false.’14 In R v Vine, the learned judge summed up the impact on those accused as the following: “Nine men will never fully recover from what you did. To be arrested, taken into custody, have intimate samples and swabs taken must have been distressing. Embarrassment and distress they suffered in the eyes of their family, friends and perhaps employers – none of which will never go away entirely, even though it is known the allegations were false.”15 Jay Cheshire was a 17-year-old boy who never recovered from the allegation made against him.

Although he was acquitted, it resulted in the utmost tragic way: he committed suicide. Furthermore, his

1. The impact on the accused; Participants in a vignette based study, argued, ‘false reports can ruin 24/woman-jailed-10-years-false-rape-claimsjemma-beale> accessed 25 August 2017.

14 Claire Gunby, Anna Carline and Caryl Benson, ‘Regretting it After? Focus Group

Perspectives on Alcohol Consumption, Nonconsensual Sex and False Allegations of Rape’ [2013] Social and Legal Studies.

15 Ibid 11, at page 444, para [10].

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186 mother, a year after her son’s death, took her own life.16 A heart-breaking tragedy on a family, caused by the abhorrent action of one individual making a false allegation.

Death is the worst-case scenario, but it is an example of how these pusillanimous accusations can ruin people’s lives. An allegation of such kind leaves a psychological effect, and long-term implications on the individual accused, despite the accusation being identified as false.

2. The waste of already stretched resources;17 The following case examples breakdown the source and money used when the allegation was being investigated.

R v Vine Christina Criddle, ‘Mother of Son Who Hanged Himself After Being Accused of Rape Commit Suicide a Year Later’ (Telegraph, 29 July 2016) <https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2016/07/29/ mother-of-son-who-hanged-himself-after-beingaccused-of/> accessed 24 July 2017; Jonathan Wells, ‘Guilty Until proven Innocent’: Life After a False Allegation Accusation’ (Telegraph, 8 16



R v Rosario       R v England  

A little less than £20,000 was used in the investigation. The learned judge branded it a waste of public time and funds.18 50 members of police staff; 3,000 hours of police staff time; House to house inquires; 48 witness statements taken; 500 plus hours of CCTV viewed; and £12,000 spent on forensic examination.19 24 working days used; 115 exhibits seized;

October 2015) <https://www.telegraph.co.uk/men/thinkingman/1192748/Guilty-until-proven-innocent-lifeafter-a-false-accusation.html> accessed 24 July 2017.

17 Ibid 7.

18 Ibid 11.

19 [2012] 1 Cr.App.R. (S) 3.

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3. The effect on the criminal justice system.

Phillip N.S Rumney proclaimed, ‘False allegations raise the possibility of miscarriages of justice; they divert the attention from genuine victims and may help to create a dangerous scepticism among criminal justice professionals to all allegations of rape.’21 The learned judge in R v Vine

depict the appellants crime and the effect, as the subsequent: “The effect of what you did has on the justice system and in particularly, women who are actually raped … To prosecute their cases effectively and to support them and when you do something like this, you undermine that system and you bring a very real risk that women who have genuinely been raped and sexually assaulted will not be believed or that their cases will not be taken as seriously as they should be by the police and CPS … That is ultimately the effect which the courts are most concerned with.”22 By making a false rape allegation, it is not only damaging the accused long term but detrimental to the administration of justice. It creates a treacherous notion in the justice system, a system that is there to protect society and prevent criminal behaviour.

20

21



54 statements taken; and £14,000 of overtime over and above the basic hours’ costs.20 These cases show the extent of what an investigation can use. Rape is a crime that police will put time and effort in to ensure that justice is served for the victim; the money and time that have been used in these investigations is tremendous, and false allegations of rape take away the resources from genuine victims of the horrific crime.

[2010] EWCA Crim. 1408; [2011] 1 Cr.App.R. (S) 51

Phillip N.S. Rumney. False Allegations of Rape’ [2006] Cambridge Law Journal, 128, at page 130.

22 Ibid 11, at page 445, para [10].

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188 The Law As with any other offence it is the decision of the Crown Prosecution Service on whether to prosecute an individual or not. The courts are to determine the length and impose the sentence, following any guidelines that are available.

S.125 Coroners and Justice Act 2003 stipulates: 1) Every court – a) Must, in sentencing an offender, follow any sentencing guidelines which are relevant to the offender’s case, and b) Must in exercising any other function relating to the sentencing guideline which are relevant to the exercise of the function.

Rape and perverting the course of justice are both triable on indictment

only offences, and have a maximum penalty of life imprisonment. Rape is a statutory offence, and S.1(4) of the Sexual Offences Act 2003, provides: 1) Rape (4) A person guilty of an offence under this section is liable, on conviction on indictment, to imprisonment for life.

A guideline regarding sentencing offenders of rape has been created by the sentencing council. It states that the offence can range from a four to nineteen years’ custodial sentence; sentencing is determined on the harm and culpability of the offence, this is established by the court.23 Newspapers have reported that the average custodial sentence is said to be 8 years, longer than the average prison term for manslaughter.24 Furthermore, any individual convicted and released

‘Sexual Offences Definitive Guideline’ (Sentencing Council, 2014) https://www.sentencingcouncil.org.uk/wpcontent/uploads/Final_Sexual_Offences_Definit ive_Guidleine_content_web1.pdf accessed 16 August 2017.

24 Alan Travis, ‘Rape sentences now average eight years, Mistry of Justice Figures Show’ (The Guardian, 26 May 2011)

https://www.theguardian.com/society/2011/may /26/rape-sentence-average-eight-years-justicefigures accessed 25 July 2017; Stephanie Linning, ‘Britain has more rapists in jail than any other EU country thanks to tougher sentencing’ (Daily Mail, 12 February 2015) https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article2950513/Britain-rapist-jail-EU-country-thanks-

23

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from prison for a sexual offence is put on the sex offenders register; a prison term of 30 months (two and half years) equates to being put on the sex offenders register indefinitely.25 Principally, an individual convicted of rape can face up to 19 years’ in prison alongside being on the sex offenders register indefinitely.

Justifiable for a genuine offender, whereas for a person who is innocent this can be daunting. It is a confidence and reputation destroying offence. Perverting the course of justice, the offence which the perpetrator of a false allegation is charged with, and is contrary to common law. Archbold documents that for perverting the course of justice a sentence of four to thirty months can be imposed. For a false allegation, the sentence can range from four to twelve months, false

to-tougher-sentencing.html accessed 25 July 2017.

25 David Batty, Q&A: The Sex Offenders Register’ (The Guardian, 18 January 2006) https://www.theguardian.com.society/2006/jan/

rape allegations can appropriately have longer sentences imposed.26 Judge Goldstone QC in R v England expressed, “Sentences have varied from as little as four months to three years. The longest sentences are reserved, and rightly so, for those cases where an innocent man has been maliciously targeted…Attention seeking women must be deterred from behaviour which has the potential to destroy innocent lived and which does waster police resources, which are in short supply.”27 Unlike the offence of rape, perverting the course of justice does not have definitive guidelines; therefore, the courts will look at previous decisions made by the Court of Appeal to determine the

18/childrenservices-politics accessed 25 July 2017.

26 Ibid 6, at page 2765-2766, para [28-25].

27 Ibid 20, at page 339, para [16].

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190 appropriate sentence for the offender.

The appellants in the following cases are all females who made false allegations of rape, and pleaded guilty to perverting the course of justice. Each were sentenced to a term of imprisonment, and appealed on the basis that the sentence length was excessive or too high. The Court of Appeal took into consideration the ramifications against the victims, and the administration of justice. In some instances, the appellants were successful and others were not.

Claire Fletcher made the allegation against her former partner. This led to the arrest and detainment in custody for 17 hours. If it were not for his alibi he would have been charged with rape. Originally sentenced to two years’ imprisonment, the Court of Appeal upheld the sentence, deeming it relatively high but not manifestly excessive.28

28

R v Clare Fletcher [2005] EWCA Crim 3284; [2006] 2 Cr.App.R. (S.) 24.

Elida Nazifa made the allegation when the victim had failed to repay a loan, it resulted in him apprehended in custody for twenty hours. The Court of Appeal reduced to her imprisonment sentence down from fifteen months to six months’, believing it a justifiable length as the motive was of a financial nature.29 Kerry Ann Thomas persisted a complaint over a period of a couple of days. It led to the arrest of two men who were confined for several hours in custody, additionally one of the men lost their job due to the incident. Originally sentenced to thirty-two months’ imprisonment, the Court of Appeal substituted the sentence to eighteen months’, on the basis that the influence of alcohol led her to make the complaint in the

29

R v Elida Nazifi [2006] EWCA Crim 1743; [2007] 1 Cr.App.R. (S.) 66.

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spur of the moment as a result of embarrassment.30 Elizabeth Beeton made allegations against two men, and persisted the allegation against one of the males for a period of months. The Court of Appeal judged the initial sentence of four years’ imprisonment too long, and reduced it to three years.31 Zara Louise McKenning, as mentioned previously, was sentenced to two years’ imprisonment. The Court of Appeal felt that the sentence was appropriate and fell within the appropriate range.32 Jennifer Sylvia Day named an individual in her allegation. The named individual was her boyfriend, it was confirmed by a neighbour that a row has happened at the front of the property and he left without entering. The sentence of two years’

30

R v Kerry Ann Thomas [2008] EWCA Cri 412; [2008] 2 Cr.App.R. (S.) 77.

31 R v Elizabeth Beeton [2008] EWCA Crim 1421; [2009] 1 Cr.App.R. (S.) 46.

32 Ibid 9.

imprisonment was upheld by the Court of Appeal, despite the fact the appellant was not well when making the complaint and faced problems with her health, it was considered the sentence was entirely appropriate and well measured.33 Maria Rosario Brutenga-Vilenseca pursued a claim to cover the fact she has sexual intercourse at a party, and did not want her strict catholic family to know. A man was arrested and detained in custody for 18 hours. The Court of Appeal reduced the sixteen months’ imprisonment sentence to six months on the basis of her impeccable character, strict catholic upbringing, and that she suffered from depression.34 Michelle Kelly Vine, as mentioned previously, was sentenced to fourand-a-half years’ imprisonment, it was said that the sentencing judge

33

R v Jennifer Sylvia Day [2009] EWCA Crim 2445; [2010] 2 Cr.App.R. (S.) 12.

34 R v Maria Brutenga-Vilenseca [2011] EWCA Crim 1099; [2012] 1 Cr.App.R.(S.) 3.

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192 failed to make allowance for the mitigating factors if pregnancy and learning difficulties. The Court of Appeal held the sentence as justifiably severe and not manifestly excessive.35 All the victims of the appellants were detained for a period of time in custody. Had it not been for alibis or proof that the allegations were false; these men could have been facing some consequential time in custody, and put on the sex offenders register. It could have potentially, ruined their lives, considering they were innocent of the crime.

Nonetheless, the appellants’ sentences range from six months to four years. Bearing in mind the victims lives were thrown into turmoil, together with public funds and resources being wasted; these sentences are too lenient, an appropriate sentence would be that of what the victim would have received if convicted.

35 36

Ibid 11.

See, Ibid 16.

Conclusion In conclusion, no individual should ever have to endure the crime of rape, but no one should ever have to be a victim of a false rape allegation.

False rape allegations are not prodigious but are still existent. The complaints being made can leave long-term effects that are irreparable; an example is the teenage boy who took his own life, which led to his mother also committing suicide,36 a domino like effect being created. While death is the worst possible outcome, other ramifications can arise for the victim.

Loss of employment, psychological damage, and long-lasting rumours are other effects caused by the act of an individual making a false complaint of rape.37 Furthermore, money and time spent is wasted, it could have been used for genuine rape victims. The damage it causes to the administration of justice, where it is already felt that not enough justice is 37

See, Ibid 30.

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provided to a rape victim and leaves a scepticism amongst legal practitioners and the courts. Had those males been convicted of rape, their life would be put in turmoil, facing a lengthy sentence in prison, ranging from anywhere between four and nineteen years’, and having to sign the sex offenders register whilst being innocent. These factors are unacceptable, and the perpetrator needs to be punished, justice must be provided to those affected. In a society where the criminal justice system is there to protect individuals, punish those who do wrong, and provide satisfactory justice; it seems to not be the case for someone whose life was almost destroyed because of malicious allegations.

As the cases have shown, custodial sentences have been imposed.

Nevertheless, these sentences are lenient. Some allegations were made purely out of spite, from making the allegation against a former partner to having a financial motive; from revenge to cover up stories, these women are getting sentences

ranging from four months to fourand-a-half years’ imprisonment.

Understandably, both aggravating and mitigating factors are taken into consideration when sentencing, this does not justify the sentence lengths. The law needs to change to allow for stricter sentencing.

Answering, is there enough justice for those accused? The answer is no.

Parliament need to re-evaluate the law surrounding false allegations of rape to provide justice for those who have been accused of the crime.

Currently, between both the offences of rape and perverting the course of justice, one is a statutory offence and the other is a common law offence. Guidelines are provided by the sentencing council to direct the court when sentencing the individual of the statutory offence; but common law offence is guided by precedents set previously in the Court of Appeal and the Supreme court. This is allowing the judges to impose lenient sentencing. All circumstances of the offence are to

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194 be taken into consideration, but still this should not allow for such leniency for an individual who has wasted time, resources and imposed damage on the victim and administration of justice, as there is no justification, morally, for this crime.

This is not to say that if someone reports that they think they may have been raped, but are not sure and once investigated it turns out that no crime has been committed that they should face prosecution. If there is genuine ambiguity, both parties must be able to walk away anonymous and unharmed by law. It is being said that the law needs to provide better justice for victims of false allegations of rape. Ultimately it is Parliaments job to implement statutory provisions. Changing the common law offence into a statutory offence will allow for structure, offer guidance and potentially allow for sentencing guidelines to be created.

In retrospect, the individual who has made a false allegation of rape should face a very similar

punishment, to that of what the individual accused would have received had they been found guilty of the crime.

References Primary Sources R v Clare Fletcher [2005] EWCA Crim 3284; [2006] 2 Cr.App.R. (S.) 24.

R v Elida Nazifi [2006] EWCA Crim 1743; [2007] 1 Cr.App.R. (S.) 66.

R v Elizabeth Beeton [2008] EWCA Crim 1421; [2009] 1 Cr.App.R. (S.) 46.

R v England (Roseanne) [2010] EWCA Crim. 1408; [2011] 1 Cr.App.R. (S) 51.

R v Kerry Ann Thomas [2008] EWCA Cri 412; [2008] 2 Cr.App.R. (S.) 77.

R v Jennifer Sylvia Day [2009] EWCA Crim 2445; [2010] 2 Cr.App.R. (S.) 12.

R v Maria Brutenga-Vilenseca [2011] EWCA Crim 1099; [2012] 1 Cr.App.R.(S.) 3.

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R v McKenning (Zara Louise) [2008] EWCA Crim. 2301; [2009] 1 Cr.App.R. (S) 106.

June 2017) < http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/ukengland-london-40342031> accessed 30 August 2017.

R v Rosario [2012] 1 Cr.App.R. (S) 3.

R v Vine (Michelle Kelly) [2011] EWCA Crim. 1860; [2012] 1 Cr.App.R. (S) 78.

Sexual Offences Act 2003 Secondary Sources ‘Sexual Offences Definitive Guideline’ (Sentencing Council, 2014) https://www.sentencingcouncil.org. uk/wpcontent/uploads/Final_Sexual_Offe nces_Definitive_Guidleine_content_ web1.pdf accessed 16 August 2017.

Batty. D, Q&A: The Sex Offenders Register’ (The Guardian, 18 January 2006) https://www.theguardian.com.societ y/2006/jan/18/childrenservicespolitics accessed 25 July 2017.

Card. R and Molloy. J, Card, Cross and Jones Criminal Law (Oxford University Press, 2016).

Criddle. C, ‘Mother of Son Who Hanged Himself After Being Accused of Rape Commit Suicide a Year Later’ (Telegraph, 29 July 2016) <https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news /2016/07/29/mother-of-son-whohanged-himself-after-beingaccused-of/> accessed 24 July 2017; Crown Prosecution Service, ‘Guidance for Charing Perverting the Course of Justice and Wasting Police Time in Cases involving Allegedly False Allegations of Rape and/or Domestic Abuse’ (Cps.gov.uk) https://www.cps.gov.uk/legal/p_to _/perverting_the_course_of_justice_ -_rape_and_dv_allegations accessed 24 July 2017.

BBC News, ‘Stretched’ Met Police in Talks Over Future Funding’ (BBC, 20

195

196 Gunby. C, Carline. A and Benson. C, ‘Regretting it After? Focus Group Perspectives on Alcohol Consumption, Non-consensual Sex and False Allegations of Rape’ [2013] Social and Legal Studies.

February 2015) https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/ article-2950513/Britain-rapist-jailEU-country-thanks-to-toughersentencing.html accessed 25 July 2017.

Hale.M, History of the Pleas of the Crown (London, 1971 ed.)

Parker. D. P and Brown. J, ‘Detection of Deception: Statement validity Analysis as a Means of Determining Truthfulness or Falsity’ [2000] Legal and Criminological Psychology, 237.

Herring. J, Criminal Law, Text Cases and Materials (Oxford University Press, 2014)

Holder. J, Ashworth’s Principles of Criminal Law (Oxford University Press, 2016) Home Office, ‘Official Statistics Crime Outcomes in England and Wales 2016 to 2017’ (Gov.uk, 2017) <https://gov.uk/government/statisti cs/crime-outcomes-in-englandand-wales-2016-2017> accessed 2 August 2017.

P.J. Richardson QC, Archbold: Criminal Pleading, Evidence and Practice (Sweet and Maxwell, 2015) at page 2759-2760, para 28-1.

Press Association, ‘Woman Jailed For 10 Years for Making Series of False Rape Claims’ (The Guardian, 24 August 2017) < https://www.theguardian.com/socie ty/2017/aug/24/woman-jailed-10years-false-rape-claims-jemmabeale> accessed 25 August 2017.

Linning. S, ‘Britain has more rapists in jail than any other EU country thanks to tougher sentencing’ (Daily Mail, 12

196

Rumney. N.S. P, ‘False Allegations of Rape’ [2006] Cambridge Law Journal, 128.

Travis. A, ‘Rape sentences now average eight years, Mistry of Justice Figures Show’ (The Guardian, 26 May 2011) https://www.theguardian.com/socie ty/2011/may/26/rape-sentenceaverage-eight-years-justice-figures accessed 25 July 2017 Wells. J, ‘Guilty Until proven Innocent’: Life After a False Allegation Accusation’ (Telegraph, 8 October 2015) <https://www.telegraph.co.uk/men /thinking-man/1192748/Guilty-untilproven-innocent-life-after-a-falseaccusation.html> accessed 24 July 2017.

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Potential impact of touchscreen media use on young children’s development.

Sandra Mansfield BSc Psychology The use of touchscreen media is a rapidly growing phenomenon, with 86% of UK families having home internet access, the majority of this via portable devices (Ofcom, 2016).

Daily use by infants and toddlers is reported at between 21% (Cristia & Seidl, 2015) and 75% (Kabali et al., 2015) and therefore clearly an issue of psychological interest. This essay will look at key issues in the debate over touchscreen use, focussing particularly on the impact on young children, and show that whilst evidence suggests touchscreen usage may be detrimental in some areas (Cheung, Bedford, Saez De Urabain, Karmiloff-Smith, & Smith, 2017; Zimmerman, Christakis, & Meltzoff, 2007), research also demonstrates potential benefit (Bedford, Saez de Urabain, Cheung, Karmiloff-Smith, & Smith, 2016). As a relatively new area of study, with

longitudinal evidence not yet being available, the use of research on tv and other media exposure will also be considered.

If sleep is impaired in a child’s first two years, this may have long term impact on development (Cheung et al., 2017), as well as adverse effects on the brain’s ability to create and adapt synaptic connections, a process known as plasticity (Benington & Frank, 2003). Davis, Parker, and Montgomery (2004), support this view by suggesting that as children spend a disproportionate amount of time sleeping in the first three years, it is likely that this time is vital in ensuring healthy development. As part of the TABLET project, Cheung et al. (2017), interviewed 715 participants reporting on 6-36 month old children’s touchscreen and sleeping habits. Their findings suggest there is a negative impact on both sleep duration and time taken to fall asleep (Cheung et al., 2017), with potential causes due to the use of a media device delaying sleep onset, being

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200 used during the night in periods of wakefulness, or light emitted from the screen affecting the circadian rhythm via levels of melatonin in the brain (Chang, Aeschbach, Duffy, & Czeisler, 2015). It is also possible that sleep is adversely affected by stimulating content (Paavonen, Pennonen, Roine, Valkonen, & Lahikainen, 2006). It is worth consideration however, that in this retrospective study, parents may have inaccurately reported sleeping habits (Cheung et al., 2017). In addition, we may consider whether the socio-economic status of participants may also have affected results, when taking into account research by Kabali et al. (2015), who maintain that lower income families report up to 75% of under two year olds, engage in daily touchscreen use.

Another area of interest when considering the effects of touchscreen use is the potential impact on language development. In a 2006 study of 1008 parents with children aged 2-24 months,

Zimmerman et al. (2007) established that not only did watching baby DVDs or videos, specifically marketed as having educational benefits, not improve language, but actually demonstrated a negative impact on learning in 8-16 month old infants. Zimmerman et al. (2007) purport that for every hour watching such media, young children’s score in language development decreases; however from 17-24 months, language development appears unaffected. Lovato and Waxman’s (2016) review of recent literature suggests that children learn new words best when interacting face to face or with a video, where the experimenter has first made contact and established rapport with the child. This is supported by Mendelsohn et al. (2010) who conclude, in their study of families of low socio-economic status, that language development in six-month olds is negatively impacted, where the mother does not engage in verbal interactive behaviour during media use. These findings concur with wider research which suggests

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that in young children of lower social-economic families, both media exposure is more prevalent (Certain & Kahn, 2002), and problems in language development arising from reduced verbal interactions by a parent, are more common (Mendelsohn, 2002). However, where there is interaction, this mitigates the negative impact and if educational content is viewed, a positive outcome is possible. In opposition to these findings however, Bedford et al. (2016) found no evidence that language skills are adversely affected by touchscreen use. This study (as part of the Cheung et al.

(2017) TABLET project), did however have a majority of high socioeconomic status participants, whose level of education may have impacted results.

A further area for study has been whether touchscreen use can influence physical development, as well as cognitive skill. As part of the TABLET project (Bedford et al., 2016), studies were conducted to assess whether touchscreen use affected

fine (i.e. stacking blocks) and gross (i.e. walking) motor skill. Results showed that fine motor skills are positively correlated with touchscreen use (Bedford et al., 2016), however causation cannot necessarily be assumed; a child may be more adept in using a touchscreen if their fine motor skills are already reasonably advanced.

With regard to gross motor skill, there is evidence to suggest that this is not adversely affected by touchscreen use (Bedford et al., 2016), however as this study was not longitudinal, it is difficult to comment on any longer-term impact. True et al. (2017) however, in a study of 22 preschool environments, concur with these findings, stating that preschools with higher gross motor scores, had highest electronic media use. Again, the high socio-economic status of participant schools may have had an impact on results, as children from lower income backgrounds are likely to develop these skills later (Morley, Till, Ogilvie, & Turner, 2015) and in addition, no data was collected on the type of

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202 media, which may have been of the type to specifically encourage movement (True et al., 2017).

When considering the impact of touchscreen use, it is also important to consider whether social learning is affected; executive function is crucial for young children to master, if they are going to thrive in a social environment (Flook, Goldberg, Pinger, & Davidson, 2015). Linebarger, Barr, Lapierre, and Piotrowski (2014) find a link between parenting, media exposure and executive functioning, concluding that in early childhood there may be a risk to development from media exposure, although this may be mitigated to some degree by consistent, warm and responsive parenting. In addition, they suggest that depending on the quality and diversity of the content, some media exposure may be beneficial (Linebarger et al., 2014). Supporting the belief that touchscreen use may have a negative impact, Zimmerman and Christakis (2007) found that under three’s are likely to suffer from attentional problems if they are

exposed to excessive tv, a parallel with touchscreen use which cannot be ignored. Russo-Johnson, Troseth, Duncan, and Mesghina (2017) maintain that during a study of thirty two-year olds, it was noticeable that boys, whose levels of self-regulation are thought to dip around this age (Montroy, Bowles, Skibbe, McClelland, & Morrison, 2016), and those assessed as having low selfregulation, tapped more than twice as much during an instructional part of a device game; this does not necessarily suggest that the game causes low self-regulation, but it may be deemed to encourage repeated, unrestricted tapping, as there is frequently a ‘reward’ when tapping the screen. It also raises the issue that when a young child uses a touchscreen, they may miss any perceived benefit by being distracted during instructions (RussoJohnson et al., 2017). In general, it is interesting to note that whilst there do appear to be detrimental effects on children under the age of two years, older children may not be

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affected in the same way (RussoJohnson et al., 2017).

It is clear from the research the findings are mixed and tend to be limited, due to the lack of longitudinal studies. It may be surmised however, that it is not necessarily the quantity of touchscreen time that impacts the development of young children (although the resulting lack of engagement in other practical or social situations for high use families, should not be ignored (Pempek, Demers, Hanson, Kirkorian, & Anderson, 2011)), but the quality of content and way in which the device is used (Russo-Johnson et al., 2017), particularly with regard to the interactivity of the caregiver (Mendelsohn et al., 2010). Further areas of research might include longitudinal studies on executive function, motor skills development and language acquisition and studies which cover the content of Cheung et al. (2017) but include a more representative demographic.

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Cellular and molecular connections between sleep and synaptic plasticity. Progress in Neurobiology, 69, 71-101. doi:10.1016/S03010082(03)00018-2 Certain, L. K., & Kahn, R. S. (2002).

Prevalence, correlates, and trajectory of television viewing among infants and toddlers. Pediatrics, 109, 634642. doi:10.1542/peds.109.4.634 Chang, A. M., Aeschbach, D., Duffy, J. F., & Czeisler, C. A. (2015). Evening use of light-emitting eReaders negatively affects sleep, circadian timing, and next-morning alertness.

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Developmental Psychology, 51, 4451. doi:10.1037/a0038256

Cheung, C. H. M., Bedford, R., Saez De Urabain, I. R., Karmiloff-Smith, A., & Smith, T. J. (2017). Daily touchscreen use in infants and toddlers is associated with reduced sleep and delayed sleep onset.

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Kabali, H. K., Irigoyen, M. M., NunezDavis, R., Budacki, J. G., Mohanty, S. H., Leister, K. P., & Bonner, R. L. (2015).

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Cristia, A., & Seidl, A. (2015). Parental reports on touch screen use in early childhood. PLoS ONE, 10, 1-20. doi:10.137/journal.pone.0128338 Davis, K. F., Parker, K. P., & Montgomery, G. L. (2004). Sleep in infants and young children: Part one: Normal sleep. Journal of Pediatric Healthcare, 18, 65-71. doi:10.1016/S0891-5245(03)00149-4 Flook, L., Goldberg, S. B., Pinger, L., & Davidson, R. J. (2015). Promoting prosocial behaviour and selfregulatory skills in preschool children through a mindfulnessbased kindness curriculum.

Linebarger, D. L., Barr, R., Lapierre, M. A., & Piotrowski, J. T. (2014).

Associations between parenting, media use, cumulative risk and young children's executive functioning. Journal of Developmental and Behavioral Pediatrics, 35, 367-377. doi:10.1097/DBP.000000000000006 9 Lovato, S. B., & Waxman, S. R. (2016).

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reading aloud: The role of the pediatrician. Current Problems in Pediatric and Adolescent Health Care, 32, 188-202. doi:10.1067/mps.2002.125467 Mendelsohn, A. L., Brockmeyer, C. A., Dreyer, B. P., Fierman, A. H., BerkuleSilberman, S. B., & Tomopoulos, S. (2010). Do verbal interactions with infants during electronic media exposure mitigate adverse impacts on their language development as toddlers? Infant and Child Development, 19, 577-593. doi:10.1002/icd.711 Montroy, J. J., Bowles, R. P., Skibbe, L. E., McClelland, M. M., & Morrison, F. J. (2016). The development of selfregulation across early childhood.

Developmental Psychology, 52, 1744-1762. doi:10.1037/dev0000159 Morley, D., Till, K., Ogilvie, P., & Turner, G. (2015). Influences of gender and socioeconomic status on the motor proficiency of children in the UK. Human Movement Science,

44, 150-156. doi:10.1016/j.humov.2015.08.022 Ofcom. (2016). Children and parents: media use and attitudes report.

Retrieved November 21, 2017 from https://www.ofcom.org.uk/__data/a ssets/pdf_file/0034/93976/Childre n-Parents-Media-Use-AttitudesReport-2016.pdf Paavonen, E. J., Pennonen, M., Roine, M., Valkonen, S., & Lahikainen, A. R. (2006). TV exposure associated with sleep disturbances in 5- to 6-yearold children. Journal of Sleep Research, 15, 154-161. doi:10.1111/j.1365-2869.2006.00525.x Pempek, T.A., Demers, L. B., Hanson, K. G., Kirkorian, H. L., & Anderson, D. R. (2011). The impact of infantdirected videos on parent-child interaction. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology, 32, 1019. doi: 10.1016/j.appdev.2010.10.001 Russo-Johnson, C., Troseth, G., Duncan, C., & Mesghina, A. (2017). All tapped out: Touchscreen interactivity

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208 Get Yid! Anti-Semitic abuse at Tottenham Hotspur Football Matches Bonita Lunn BA Sports Studies The football association is currently investigating racial discrimination towards the female football player Eni Aluko (BBC, 2017). Some of the racist comments made towards her by her coach were described as inappropriate, unprofessional and unwarranted, whereby she felt isolated for her race. Due to the racist allegations the FA bosses are facing parliamentary inquiry. Within football, there have also been many other forms of racism (Women’s Football, 2017). In 2011 John Terry called Anton Ferdinand a ‘fucking black cunt’; he received a four game ban and a £220,000 fine (Eanet, 2011).

Players at this professional standard are role models to young children and therefore public remarks such as this need to be tackled. One way in which the sport is positively trying to influence behaviour is Kick it Out. This is a successful organisation

which has been trying to tackle racism in football. Through involvement of famous sporting professionals, including Gary Lineker and Frank Lampard, they have used a range of campaigns which have focused on racism and the use of racist language within sport.

Racism has always been a global issue in society, whereby individuals are discriminated for their race, culture and/or beliefs. Racial hate can also be aimed towards a range of religious groups. The United Nations reinforces that people of all races can contribute ‘freely and on an equal footing in their country’s political, economic, social and cultural development’ (United Nations, 2012:16). They have declared their opposition to all forms of racism, racial recrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance (United Nation, 2012:8). Segregation occurs in society when individuals are excluded because they do not abide by or fit into social norms (Allport, 1954). Those who are of the minority, in a country which is

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predominantly white Christian, are vulnerable to racial hate (Wyatt, 2015). Victims of racial hate can experience a range of exploitation from verbal abuse and social exclusion to physical abuse and genocide.

Racism is prevalent in all domains in today’s society, and most specifically in sport. During the late 1970’s, signs of racist abuse at football games started to increase, with growing evidence of racist behaviour aimed towards players and fans (Back, Crabbe & Solomos, 1999). This was due to the emergence of a large number of black players, who became noticeable in the public eye (Cleland & Cashmore, 2014). More recently, 25% of premiership players are black or from ethnic minorities (Hattenstone, 2012) and the high profile of these players has resulted in more awareness of this issue. This is also supported by research by Millward (2008), who found that within sport, including football there is a significant degree of Islamophobia.

Jefferson (2015) stated that there are many racist stereotypes that have been made within Britain. Most specifically, he suggested that many people believe that those who are Jewish are believed to be ‘rich and powerful’. Wigan athletics chairman was fined after stating in a radio interview that ‘Jews chase more money than everyone else’ (Conn, 2014). Meer (2014: 8) once defined antisemitism as 'the suspicion, dislike or hatred of Jewish individuals or groups’. Antisemitism contains claims of Jewish conspiracy, wealth, power, aggression and Holocaust denial (Poulton, 2016). Recent studies have shown that 25% of the British population hold anti-Semitic attitudes (May, 2017).

Most specifically, this essay will focus on anti-Semitic discourse which can be seen in sporting events. This includes the use of language, themes and/or images that use or suggest malicious ideas about individuals of the Jewish religion (Poulton, 2016). Some anti-

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210 Semitic language makes reference to Auschwitz, Hitler and gas chambers: 'We've got Cesc Fabregas, you Yids are scared of gas' (Kessel, 2007). Antisemitism can be seen in sporting environments throughout Europe. Examples have been seen in Germany, some 'foreign' and Jewish players have been consistently verbally attacked through abusive chants (Merkel, Sombert & Tokarski, 1997: 156). Ajax, a Dutch football team with a large Jewish fan base have also received a significant amount of anti-Semitic hate, including chants of “burn the Jews” (Withnall, 2015). Spanish sports newspaper Marca has caused outrage by claiming Tottenham's 'Jewish origins' are the reason they are disliked by other clubs (Shergold & Jenson, 2017). This recent article explains that, due to the religious beliefs which are associated with a specific football team, the team is detested. This suggests that antisemitism is prevalent in today’s society. Therefore, this research project will focus on antisemitism at Tottenham Hotspur (Spurs).

For over 100 years, the football club Tottenham Hotspur has attracted many Jewish fans (Godden, 2014).

This was as White Hart Lane was nearby to the Jewish communities with a large Orthodox population, which made it easily accessible for those who could not drive or get public transport on the Sabbath, the day of rest (Godden, 2014). The Jewish Chronicle (JC) stated that in the 1920s almost all Jews who followed football were Spurs supporters, and the Jewish fan base continued to grow throughout history (Jewish Chronicle, 2016). In 2014, Tottenham Hotspur found that 9.97% of the ticket holders declared themselves as Jewish (Tottenham Hotspur Football Club, 2014).

Similarly, their coaches, owners and three of their chairmen follow the Jewish religion (Poulton, 2016).

The Y Word, ‘Yid’ is the Yiddish word for Jew, a slang Jewish ethnonym, which was used by the Ashkenazi Jews as a way of saying hello to a fellow Jewish friend (Godden, 2014).

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However when used in some circumstances, this word is a form of offensive racial abuse. Kessel (2007) and Godden (2014: 2:57) suggest that the ‘Y word’ is just as disrespectful as the words “nigger” and “paki”. All three of these terms are deemed as racial abuse which is generally considered very offensive (The Fuse Group, 2005). Nevertheless, some individuals do not see the word Yid as an issue, and believe that the word and chants are used due to tradition. In research conducted by Poulton and Durrell (2014), many individuals are not aware of what the word means and the fact that it is a derogatory and ‘race hate’ word.

After Nazi Germany in 1945, with 6 million Jews killed, Spurs fans who are primarily Jewish have become an easy target of anti-Semitic abuse (Godden, 2014). As mentioned in a radio interview, within the late 1970’s the anti-Semitic abuse started to become more prominent and malicious, with groups hissing, to impersonate the gas chambers (Godden, 2014: 5:27) alongside

wearing construction face masks as Kippahs, to mock the customary skull caps that Jewish people wear (Godden, 2014: 7:47). As mentioned

by BT Sports (2013) when the word is used in a ferocious and aggressive tone, by the opposing team this is when it becomes an issue in society.

However, not only are opposing teams using the Y word, they are also shouting other anti-Semitic chants, regarding Hitler and the gas chambers. In 2007 Southend fans were heard to be chanting at the Spurs fans: “Spurs are on their way to Auschwitz, Hitler's going to gas them again” (Kessel, 2007).

Nevertheless with Spurs fans who are both Jewish and of other religions, calling themselves ‘The Yid Army’ and ‘The Yiddos’, it has been hard for the club and the football association to ban the word. When questioning 11,500 Tottenham fans, 73% of Jewish respondents were in favour of fans being allowed to use the Y word. 39% of non-Jewish respondents and 29% of Jewish respondents state that being called

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212 ‘Yiddos’ is part of Spurs’ identity and heritage (Tottenham Hotspur Football Club, 2014). Many members found that it gave them a sense of pride and endearment (Poulton, 2014) Back, Crabbe & Solomos (2001) suggested to overcome these issues there must be a greater understanding for fans as to when anti-Semitic chants are used as a ritual or as racial hate. Due to this, in June 2014, the Met Police agreed that calling a Tottenham Hotspur fan a Yid was no longer a criminal offence, as you would have to stop the Jewish fans from calling it themselves, which was not something the Jewish members wanted to do as they saw it as a sense of pride (Sport, 2014).

Our society is marked by many forms of intergroup conflict. There have been a broad range of wars between countries, clashes between ethnic and religious groups (Weisel & Bohm, 2015). ‘Prejudice reduction through contact requires an active,

goal-oriented effort.’(Sekulie, 2014: 52). An in-group is a social category or group which identifies with the social norms in society (Giles & Watson, 2008). Whereas, an outgroup, conversely, is a social category or group which does not identity with the majority. In this given situation this would be the Tottenham Hotspur fans. Allport (1954) suggested for intergroup contact to occur there are four key conditions: equal status, intergroup cooperation, common goals, and support by social and institutional authorities. The intergroup contact theory stresses that all groups with different statuses should be equal in any given situation. This theory has been widely used in society to try and reduce prejudice (Cohen & Lotan 1995). In this given situation, Jewish’s fans at Spurs are not being treated with the same equal status, due to their religion. Fans should be treated with the same respect as others, likewise they should respect the opposing fans.

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Methods Before the study could begin, an ethical approval was acquired from The University of Winchester Ethics Board. Due to the personal nature of the topic, the questions regarding both religion and the use of antiSemitic phrases and words were carefully considered, so that the research process was ethical and to ensure that none of the participants felt any sense of nervousness or discomfort. Before the interview process could take place, participants were presented with an information sheet and consent form to sign. The consent form stated that participants had the right to withdraw from the research project at any time, and they would remain anonymous throughout the process.

In order to remain anonymity, participants were given pseudonyms, in the write up phase.

A sample of six participants were chosen to complete an interview.

Opportunistic sampling was the sampling method used to select the

chosen participants. Opportunistic sampling is a method of nonprobability sampling. It uses the knowledge and attributes of the participants, who fit the conditions that the researcher is looking for (Brady, 2011). Therefore, participants were all Jewish men. Five out of the six men were supporters of Tottenham Hotspurs and the other was a Liverpool fan, who had been to a significant amount of Spurs games.

For the process, ideally all participants should have been Jewish and Spurs supporters, as it was important to understand how anti-Semitic abuse and the use of the term Yid made them feel.

To ensure that rich, in-depth data was collected, qualitative research was conducted. This project used semi-structured interviews.

Therefore, there was a standard set of questions. There are many benefits of a semi structured interview, including that it allows a degree of flexibility in the interview structure. Likewise unexpected data can emerge, and it allows individuals

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214 to elaborate, with further questioning (Jones, 2015). The semi-structured approach allows for exploration and probing in the areas which feel most relevant. Most importantly, it provides an interviewer with relative control which allows the interviewee to take lead, which can make them feel more at ease (Maykut and Morehouse, 1994). However within a semi-structured interview, interviewers can heavily influence the participants response, which can add bias and make results less valid and there may be lots of information that may not be relevant, which makes it a lengthy process to exclude the unwanted data (Jones, 2015).

Qualitative research lies within the interpretivist paradigm. The main intention is to analyse individual words and their meanings. Due to the nature of the qualitative findings, an inductive thematic analysis took place. Thematic analysis is a method used to identify and analyse patterns in qualitative data (Clarke and Braun, 2013). Thematic analysis uses a six step procedure conducted by Clarke

and Braun (2013): the first stage involves familiarising oneself with the data, by transcribing the interviews.

Stage two requires producing codes.

Searching for themes is stage three.

Stage four follows which requires reviewing themes. Stage five, requires defining and naming the themes. The themes identified in this project included; educating individuals, anti-Semitic stereotypes, feeling part of a group and the context in which the term ‘Yid’ was used. To finish, the last stage involves producing the report. As suggested by Braun and Clarke (2006) a thematic map was shaped, this helped to visualise different relationships and links between the codes and themes. When themes were fully established, the process moved on to giving the themes suitable names and definitions, alongside supplying examples of the transcribed quotes.

After stage one of Clarke and Braun’s (2013) process took place, there were six transcribed documents which were all given a number to represent

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each participant. Throughout these findings, abbreviations for the transcript numbers and line numbers will be used, to help situate the chosen quotes. For example (T1: LN30) refers to transcript number one, line number thirty.

Findings Throughout history there has always been a stereotype that all Jewish people are good with their money and subsequently rich (Pine, 2013).

This has become a negative connotation associated with the Jewish community, which stemmed from Hitler’s prejudices, whereby he portrayed the Jews as wealthy people who hoarded their money (Stichting, 2017). Likewise, there were many other individuals who held these generalised views. This stereotype is still prevalent in society, which can be reflected in chants and songs which are sung at the Spurs fans by opposing teams (Kessel, 2013). Joe stated that there are chants that link the words Yid and Spurs supporters to “stingy and power grabbing” (T1: LN 30).

Although Joe does not mind hearing the Spurs fans chant the word Yid, as it fills him with a sense of pride, he does not enjoy hearing it from opposing fans who use negative chants, involving undesirable stereotypes, as a form of anti-Semitic abuse. Likewise, Oliver was involved in a situation where he was told “you must be good with your money because you are a Yid” (T3: LN 35).

This quote signifies that in society today there is still this connection between Jews, Spurs and money, which is supported by Meer (2014).

Although it is unknown whether the term Yid was used to describe Oliver’s religion or his connection to Spurs, this comment implies that there is still a racial stereotype associated with Jewish people.

Poulton and Durell’s (2014) research found that there were many football fans, including those belonging to Tottenham Hotspurs, who did not know the meaning of the word Yid, this shows that there are individuals who are not educated in what both the word Yid means, alongside the

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216 negative comments that come alongside it. As an outcome of this, individuals are still chanting the word, unaware of the racial issues associated with the term, yid. Marcus supports this, he comments; (T2: LN 38-39) “whether they [Spurs fans] really know what the term means or potentially implies”. Equally, within the interview process, Sam suggested that people need to be “educated as to why it is problematic” (T5: LN 12-13) and “it should be discouraged” (LN 18).

Oliver, a Spurs fan who is also Jewish, stated that when taking his ten year old son to a match, he explained to him the meaning of the word and why it is often seen as a bad word, and later stressed to his son that “it was not a word that was to be used outside of Spurs” (T3: LN 15). This suggests that there are individuals who are Tottenham fans who are educating others as to why the word can be problematic and the issues that could arise when using it outside the sporting context.

Research conducted by Poulton and Durell (2014) found that specifically, there are many different meanings of the term Yid and because of this, the use of the word Yid at Tottenham Hotspurs has become a controversial subject (Poulton & Durell, 2014). The term Yid is a slang Jewish ethnonym, which was used to say hello to another Jewish friend (Godden, 2014).

When asking participants what the word Yid means to them there was a range of responses. All individuals said that the word was associated with those who belong to the Jewish faith. However, Joe declared that “It means both Jew and Spurs, much more Spurs than anything else.”(T1: LN 43-44). Joe thought the word had a greater connection to his football team, than his religion. However, others find the word offensive, stating it is a “racial slur” (T5: LN 24), “derogatory term for Jewish People” (T2: LN 26) or “unpleasant slang for a person of a Jewish origin” (T4: LN 28).

This research shows that there is a different understanding of what the term means to individuals, which therefore makes it harder to exclude

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individuals from calling themselves Yids. “I most certainly would not call myself either of those terms [Yiddo/Yid army]” (T2: LN 34-35) 50% of participants said they would never call themselves Yiddos or Yid Army. However, the other half said they would refer to themselves as a Yid, but only in the context of being at Spurs. Jack and Oliver stated they only call themselves this “when at Spurs” (T6: LN 54) and “only for the chants” (T3: LN 44). Likewise from the interviews conducted, 50% of participants thought that the use of the word Yid at Spurs is an issue which is prevalent in today’s society.

When asking interviewees if they have been referred to as a Yid, Joe said that he had but “never in a negative way… in the context of being a Spurs supporter…slang term for being Jewish” (T1: LN 39-40).

However, Sam said that the word Yid is “a racial slur…the fact it has been reclaimed does not make it feel any better”. Alex also agreed that although the term has been used in “a self-depreciated sense” (T4: LN 32) he agrees with Sam that “it is no less

offensive” (LN 32) when used in this sporting context. Overall, from the research conducted it shows that the use of the word Yid is still a contentious subject as half of the participants were against the use of it, but half weren’t. This supports previous research as beforehand it was always deemed a debateable subject (Poulton, 2016).

The classification of whether the term should be classed as a criminal offence is also debateable subject which is still an issue which is still seen at Spurs (Sport, 2014; Spiked, 2014). When asked if the use of the word Yid should be classed as a criminal offence, the majority of the interviewees felt that it was dependant on the context: “it is not the use of the word itself, the context of its use is the key aspect” (T3: LN 18-19). Poulton and Durrell (2014) suggested there is a fine line between what is ‘banter’ and what is unacceptable and as a result of this there has been many situations whereby racial hatred is dependent on the situation, including the case

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218 were three fans were arrested for using the word Yid at White Hart Lane (Davis, 2014). When using the term Yid in the sporting context at Tottenham, it has influenced other sporting teams including Nottingham Forest, Chelsea and West Ham, to use the word into a negative way through abusive chants. Examples that have been seen in the news include, Manchester City fans singing; “You’re getting gassed in the morning, gassed in the morning” followed by abusive shouting of the word “Yiddo” (Abbit, 2017). Within the interview process, 66% of interviewees stated that they had heard other teams imitate the gas chambers by making hissing noises.

Some has also heard “occasional distasteful and offensive holocaust stuff” (T5: LN 34”, alongside hearing about other abusive chants that have been reported in news articles (T1: LN 84). Joe quoted that he doesn’t “think words can have such a meaning without context… If it [Yid] is graffitied next to a swastika what would be a very different disputation to being graffitied with a cockerel”

(T1: LN 54-55). McCormack (2012) supports the idea that words can be used differently dependant on the context. However, although his work was referring to the term “that’s so gay” in an article regarding homosexuality, he still found similar findings to those found in this study.

McCormack (2012) stated that context is very important when it comes to understanding the meanings and effects of language.

Therefore in the situation at Spurs, it must be put into context, as it is abusive chants and racial abuse that Jewish-Spurs fans thought should be classed as a criminal offence, not the term Yid. Due to the negative connotations associated the Jewish community and the word Yid, Tottenham fans have deflected the anti-Semitic word into a positive phrase, which enables Jewish fans to feel a sense of pride (Poulton & Durell, 2014). Some fans state that the word is used to fill them with self-importance (Norman, 2011) which has also been reflected in this project. Most specifically, Joe

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stated that when at matches he uses the phrase ‘Yid Army’ and ‘Yiddo’ because “it is a shout of acclaim and positivity…I am, if anything, proud to do so” (T1: LN 64-65). This quote suggests that fans, like Joe, are proud to be Jewish. Joe states that he is proud that the word “is chosen to be associated with greatness at the club I support” (T1: LN 52-53), suggesting he is proud of the link between his religion and his football club. Likewise, Oliver uses the word as “a badge of honour” which nullifies the use of the word as a hate word (T3: LN 21). However, although many Tottenham- Jewish fans use the word as a sense of pride, some feel “very uncomfortable” when hearing it (T4: LN 46). Sam suggested that he wanted the team to come up with another term: “I absolutely recognise that most Spurs fans are using it in a proud way, not a hateful way. But, I want us to find a new language of Spurs Pride” (T5: LN 39-40). Likewise Marcus, who also recognised that Spurs fans use the term to nullify the hatred, stated that when non-Jews use the term Yid it is derogatory and

offensive, for that reason, Spurs members should not use it (T2).

Therefore, this evidence supports research conducted by Tottenham Hotspur Football Club (2014) that there is a divide over the use of the word Yid in the sporting context as some fans are proud of the term, however some felt uncomfortable when hearing it.

Intergroup contact theory suggests that there are two groups, the ingroup and the out-group. The ingroup are those who fit into the social norms in society, conversely the out-group do not (Allport, 1954).

In this situation, in a society whereby 44% of individuals are Christian (Spectator, 2016), those who belong to the other religions and ethnicities, including Muslims, Hindus and most specifically those belonging to the Jewish faith may be seen as part of the out-group. In recent research it was found that in Britain 25% of the population hold anti-Semitic attitudes (May, 2017). When asking participants if they had received antiSemitic hatred towards themselves,

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220 those who responded with yes had mainly received abuse outside of the sporting context. Sam quotes “I was told…it was people ‘like me’ that had been why the holocaust happened” (T5: LN 45-46). Marcus (T2) had found some anti-Semitic graffiti on synagogues and within the Jewish Cemeteries. However, none had received any form of individual abuse at a Spurs match. Many also included that they had witnessed racial hatred towards other people due to race, religion or ethnicity. Joe witnessed racial hate “mainly towards black people, Arabs or immigrants” (T1: 78). Alex (T4: LN 38): “There is no reason to differentiate fans based on their race or religion”.

This quote taken from Alex shows that he believes that in an environment whereby fans are of different ethnicities, races and religions he thinks no one should be treated unfairly. However, it is known that throughout history, because of clashes between races and religions there has been a broad range of wars and conflicts (Weisel & Bohm, 2015). On the other hand, Hartmann

(2000) implies that the sporting arena has the potential to resist or reinforce inequalities in a dynamic environment and therefore it becomes useful to increase cultural cohesion and togetherness for most societies. Jack stated that when he hears the word Yid he feels like “part of a group” (T6: LN 46). This shows that although some individuals are segregated out for their religion, both Hartmann (2000) and Jack (T6) think it can integrate individuals, which helps group cohesion. As a result of this, intergroup contact occurs as individuals share a common goal and interest, and there is intergroup cooperation.

Conclusions and Recommendations To conclude, within society, individuals who do not fit into social norms are subjects of racial hatred (United Nations, 2012). Most specifically, this research project has focused on anti-Semitic abuse aimed towards the Jewish faith receive, primarily at Spurs and the word ‘Yid’.

Aspects of both antisemitism and racism have been explored by an

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intergroup contact theory, which helps to understand the relationship between those in society who are the minority and how they are regarded. From conducting interviews, findings found that racial stereotypes are still prevalent in today’s society. Results showed that there is a lack of knowledge on racial hate words, most specifically Jewish race-hate words which stem into anti-Semitic behaviours. However, participants stated it was dependent on the situation, as to whether the term Yid was used offensively or not.

Poulton (2016) and Pouton and Durrel (2014) have conducted research on the use of the word Yid at Spurs, apart from this there has been very little previous research focusing on the issue of anti-Semitic abuse at Spurs. This current research project has provided a broad range of attitudes and opinions on antisemitism in both society, but most specifically at Tottenham hotspur. This research project has provided interesting results, which can be used to support previous

research, alongside identifying a global issue which is seen in society today. This study could provide a platform for future research, this could include: educating individuals on the effects and negative outcome of using racial hate terms, including the term Yid. References Abbit, B. (2017). Racist yobs sing vile 'gas chamber' song on tram ahead of City game against Spurs. Manchester Evening news. Retrieved 17th November 2017, from http://www.manchestereveningnew s.co.uk/news/greater-manchesternews/abuse-spurs-fansmanchester-tram-12499209 Allport, G. W. (1954). The nature of prejudice. Cambridge: AddisonWesley.

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How should disability be represented in Children’s Fiction (8+)?

Sharon Fuller MA Writing for Children When thinking of characters with disabilities in children’s fiction, are there any that come to mind? In the UK, there are approximately 13.3 million people with a disability, and 7% of these people are children (Scope, 2017). Megan Quibell, a book blogger, writes, ‘after four years of blogging, I’ve yet to read a book with a physically disabled lead character’ (Quibell, 2014). With this many people in the UK with a disability, why is there so little representation in children’s fiction? And how, ethically speaking, should a character with a disability be represented? Day writes: ‘In classic children’s fiction, physical disability tends to be co-opted not only as a cautionary tale, but a completely useless one where it turns out you’ll be ok

in the end - so long as you’re nice, or you try hard’ (Day, 2015).

In classic children’s literature, characters with physical disabilities can be completely ‘cured’ at the end of the book. In Pollyanna (1913), What Katy Did (1872), Heidi (1881), and The Secret Garden (1911), the characters, Pollyanna, Katy, Clara and Colin all learn to walk again as their disabilities are “cured” through lessons of patience, love and from making the best of things. These stories ‘reflect social views’ (Cologon, 2013, p.104) of their time, giving outdated messages. Saunders writes, ‘Children grow up with the message that ‘books are good’, but many books are riddled with ideas about disability which have no relevance in the modern world’ (Saunders, 2000, p.3). These classical children’s books all convey the message that being a good person will eventually mean the reader can overcome anything, including a disability. Such a damaging message can no doubt lead a child

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230 understanding this moral to ‘form an overall impression that disability is remote as a possibility for themselves, and so lack empathy with people who are disabled’ (Saunders, 2000, p.3), that they may feel someone (or perhaps themselves) with a disability is not trying hard enough to ‘overcome’ their situation.

Saunders also goes on to explain how damaging a lack of representation can be: ‘Absence of disability in all its shades may unintentionally create expectations in children of perfection’ (Saunders, 2000, p.4). Without this kind of diversity in children’s fiction, it could even cause divides in society. A child could develop a ‘fear’ of disabling conditions (Saunders, 2000, p.5), ‘they may reject careers in disability associated occupations’ (Saunders, 2000, p.5). If they become disabled, ‘they may lose self-esteem or feel uncomfortable with their peers’, and if their peers become disabled ‘their views may compel them to neglect

previously healthy relationships’ (Saunders, 2000, p.5).

In fact, there is a real danger of not representing disability at all. Quibell explains, ‘if all kinds of people aren’t represented in kid’s books, we’re not going to be able to understand them the same way - or even see them the same’ (Quibell, 2014). A child with only few and negative portrayals of people with disabilities in the books they read may struggle to understand others in society. Quibell expresses her annoyance with the underrepresentation as, ‘this could quite easily make people like me, teens in wheelchairs, feel like we aren’t the … “norm”, that we’re different and not quite right’ (Quibell, 2014). The fact that there are children who may feel that they are not represented and unable to find a character they can truly relate to can be damaging to them as people if they feel they are not normal.

Saunders sates, ‘Young disabled people of all backgrounds need to be able to see themselves as realistic characters in stories just like

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other children’ (Saunders, 2000, p.56). Without seeing themselves in the same group as their friends and peers, a child with a disability can feel cut off and isolated. How will they feel in later life because of this?

Also, ‘children are often portrayed ‘as tragic victims, as needy recipients of charity, as wholly defined by their impairments or differences – or as possessing saintlike or superhuman qualities’ (Cologon, 2013, p.102).

Though this misrepresentation, the reader as a child ‘may develop a false sense that disability is about poor people who need everyone’s help, or that it is adequately catered for’ (Saunders, 2000, p.4). Without asking questions or trying to understand disability, children could later feel that society does all it can, without wondering what else can be done for people with disabilities.

Furthermore, this may already be true. A selected group of people with disabilities kept a diary for a month to reveal what it is really like to be disabled in the UK. Ryan writes, ‘The failure to address these problems

speaks to a persistent, deeply embedded cultural attitude around disability: that disabled people aren’t quite like “normal people”’ (Ryan, 2017). From stares and awkward questions from strangers to insults, physical abuse and an extreme lack of assistance on public transport and accessibility, these diaries documented horrific concerns. Ryan explains: “Having greater visibility of disabled people in the media and politics would go some way to normalising disability in society. All the diarists stress one thing above all else: that the able-bodied public needs to understand that disabled people still face inequality in Britain every day.” (Ryan, 2017) Perhaps with greater and more ‘normalising’ representation, these severe issues may lessen over time, as the next generations grow up with a better understanding of disability, and eventually the issues may

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232 disappear completely. Therefore, all people with disabilities will be able to feel that they are part of and can contribute to society.

What of the representation now?

Jacqueline Wilson wrote her own novel inspired by What Katy Did, called Katy (2015), which reinvents the classic with a more modern approach. Wilson explains: “I wanted to show what life is really like for children with serious spinal injuries. I didn’t want any sudden unlikely miracle cures for my Katy.

She’d have to learn to lead a very different life now. She wouldn’t need to be saintly – she’d need to be tough if she was going to cope.” (Wilson, 2015) Whilst getting to the nitty-gritty emotional difficulties of becoming disabled, there is an issue with again portraying disability negatively.

According to Saunders, ‘Longer books may reveal an overall positive

message only in the last few pages, so leaving negative sages for children who do not finish reading the story’ (Saunders, 2000, p.3).

However, Wilson also informs, ‘There are still lots of light-hearted moments and I hope you’ll find the last chapter positive and uplifting’ (Wilson, 2015). In Katy (2015), the protagonist is not in the life changing accident until halfway through the novel, giving only a limited number of chapters before the final (and positive) equilibrium to be established. In a survey conducted, most people will put a book down before they reach 100 pages (Wild, 2013), which means at the point Katy (2015) starts to detail the negative side of having a disability, most readers will keep going to the end of the book to receive the positive ending message. It is also important, that these moments are detailed for relatability and readers without a disability can begin to form an understanding.

Notably, supporting characters with disabilities are just

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as, if not more, important than protagonists. Saunders writes, ‘Books that feature a disabled child character whose disability plays no part in the story are exceptionally useful’ (Saunders, 2000, p.6). If the disability is not mentioned, then it can normalise the character. A good example of this is Mad-Eye Moody in the Harry Potter (1997) series.

Rowling writes that the character ‘is the toughest Auror of them all, and a man who was very much more than his significant disabilities.’ (Rowling, 2017), which is conveyed clearly in the books as his disability is barely stated. Before being introduced, he is described as ‘one of the best’ Auror’s (Rowling, 2014, p.137), and his disability is hardly present at all apart from when he ‘limped heavily’ (Rowling, 2014, p.156). While this will not help in aiding a formation of understanding someone with a disability, it can normalise the character as well as offer rolemodels of adults who manage their disability well. Saunders also explains, ‘Most elusive still are those whose adult disabled characters

conduct their lives without undue problems and become role models for disabled and non-disabled children to reflect upon’ (Saunders, 2000, p.5). Whilst there needs to be more characters for children with disabilities to relate to, there also needs to be proof that having a disability can still enable someone to contribute and be a part of society in a positive way. Mad-Eye Moody is portrayed as an intimidating, yet extremely competent, successful and skilled character. He is also not there just to fill this role-model part, but is as well an important and necessary supporting character for the series. Quibell does not ‘want “problem” books. I don’t want it to be all about how hard it is being in a wheelchair. I want something normal’ (Quibell, 2014), and so having a supporting character who is more than their disability is also desirable.

Naturally, one of the main reasons of a lack of representation of disability is because of a fear of getting it wrong or authors worrying if they have a “right” to write about an

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234 experience they do not have. Day writes, ‘Do I have the right? What if I get my representation wrong? Is it safer not to try? Of course it’s safer not to try. It’s safer not to write anything at all – but then we’d have no books’ (Day, 2015). Every author will at some point write about an experience they do not have, and therefore there is no need to fear so much. Day also explains that a character is ‘not [there] to learn a lesson or teach one, but to be part of an adventure’ (Day, 2015). Authors may also be wary of the criticism that can occur, however ‘once a book is published, there are no right or wrong interpretations, only opinions held by individual readers in light of their own perspectives. Nobody can confidently predict or control the reaction of an unknown audience’ (Saunders, 2000, p.9).

With such little representation in fiction, the characters that are represented are ‘forced to shoulder a huge burden, bearing not just the responsibility of carrying their own stories, but also the responsibility of

providing a glimpse of the disabled experience’ (Smith, 2014). Characters with disabilities will stand out and when: “No one character can possibly sum up all experiences, and the more disabled characters present in media and pop culture, the easier it will be to re-envision disability, to create a world in which it isn’t a tragedy, an inspiration, or anything else.

Instead, it can be something that just is, and disabled people can live their lives without feeling like they owe a duty of becoming educational performing animals to the world” (Smith, 2014).

However, ‘the simple fact that a book includes characters who experience disability does not necessarily make it helpful’ (Cologon, 2013, p.109).

Characters with disabilities must be represented sensitively and positively to provoke the readers to

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question and form an understanding, as well as to simply relate to the characters and enjoy the work of fiction. ‘Children’s literature can be a powerful medium through which we can explore a non-tragedy understanding of disability and move forward with embracing diversity and living life together’ (Cologon, 2013, p.109). By having more and positive representation of disability in fiction does not mean that the writing must be solely focused on the disability itself. Just like Mad-Eye Moody, a character with a disability can be represented without the piece of work revolving around the story of how or why. Is it not the awkward staring and questions we should be trying to do away with? To represent characters with disabilities, authors need to thoroughly research what it is really like to have a disability to represent it in an accurate way.

However, most importantly, it is the character which comes first before the disability, and it should be stressed that the character and story is more important than the disability.

The character does not need to be a

protagonist and the story does not need to be about their disability, but it is important they are present and represented positively.

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236 References Burnett, F., (1911) The Secret Garden.

2nd Edition. London: Vintage Books.

Cologon, K., (2013) Growing up with 'difference' : inclusive education and the portrayal of characters who experience disability in children's literature. University of Winchester: Write4Children, Vol. IV, Issue II. Available at: https://www.research online.mq.edu.au/vital/access/man ager/Repository/mq:29003?f0=sm_c reator%3A%22Cologon%2C+Kathy%22 [Date Accessed: 11/01/2018] Coolidge, S., (1872) What Katy Did. 2nd Edition. Hertfordshire: Wordsworth Editions Limited.

Day, S., (2015) Why we have to create more disabled characters in children's fiction. The Guardian. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/child rens-bookssite/2015/dec/08/whywe-have-to-create-more-disabledcharacters-in-childrens-fiction [Date Accessed: 11/01/2018]

Porter, E., (1913) Pollyanna. 2nd Edition. USA: Seven Seas.

Quibell, M., (2014) Where are all the disabled characters in children's books?. The Guardian. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/child rens-bookssite/2014/oct/16/disabledcharacters-in-childrens-booksdiversity [Date Accessed: 11/01/2018] Rowling, JK., (2000) Harry Potter and the Goblet of Fire. 2nd Edition.

London: Bloomsbury.

Rowling, JK., (2017) Illness and Disability. Pottermore. Available at: https://www. pottermore.com/writing-by-jkrowling/illness-and-disability [Date Accessed: 11/01/2018] Ryan, F., (2017) What is life really like for disabled people? The Disability Diaries reveal all. The Guardian.

Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/ineq uality

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/2017/nov/15/whats-life-really-likefor-disabled-peopld-disabilitydiaries-reveal-all [Date Accessed: 11/01/2018] Saunders, K., (2000) Happy Ever Afters. 2nd Edition. Staffordshire: Trentham Books Limited.

Scope. (2015) Disability facts and figures. Available at: https://www.scope.org.uk/media/di sability-facts-figures [Date Accessed: 11/01/2018] Smith, S. (2014) Examining Blindness in “The Fault in Our Stars”. BitchMedia.

Available at: https://www.bitchmedia.org/post/e xamining-blindness-in-the-fault-inour-stars [Date Accessed: 11/01/2018]

https://www.theguardian.com/book s/booksblog/2013/jul/11/give-uponbook-why-when [Date Accessed: 11/01/2018] Wilson, J., (2015) Katy. 2nd Edition.

UK: Penguin Random House.

Wilson, J., (2015) Jacqueline Wilson on What Katy Did by Susan Coolidge: 'It's a wonderful book'. The Guardian.

Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/child rens-bookssite/2015/jul/31/jacqueline-wilsonon-what-katy-did-by-susancoolidge [Date Accessed: 11/01/2018]

Spyri, J., (1881) Heidi. 2nd Edition.

USA: Amazon Classics.

Wild, P., (2013) Abandonment issue: when do you give up on a book? The Guardian. Available at:

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Online Brand Communities on Social Media: Exploring Strategies to Increase Consumer Engagement Harry Lander BA Business Management 1. Introduction The emergence of social media has changed how consumers engage with their favourite brands and other like-minded consumers. The consumer of today is no longer seeking information directly from brands and is instead looking to peers for recommendations on products and services, using social media as the main medium in which to do so (Qualman, 2011).

This societal change towards the use of social media as a means of engagement has made many wellestablished marketing strategies obsolete; with many brands now failing to understand social media and how to utilise the medium effectively (Levy, 2016). It has been claimed by academics that the brands that succeed in the social web are those that do not try to own

the conversation with the consumer, but who sit alongside their consumers, joining the conversation and encompassing a person to person (P2P) business model (Kingsnorth, 2016).

An increasing number of brands have begun to host online brand communities (OBCs) on social media to strengthen the relationship with their consumers (Liao et al., 2017).

The use of OBCs as a method of engaging with consumers has become a regular activity for many brands, with over 50 percent of the top 100 global brands now having an online brand community (Manchanda et al., 2015). Although numerous brands are now using OBCs on social media, many of them are failing to accomplish their goal of getting consumers to engage with the brand. This has been attributed to brands not fully understanding or being unable to effectively meet the benefit needs of their consumers in a social media setting (Zhang and Luo, 2016).

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240 Therefore, there is a need for a greater understanding as to why consumers engage in OBCs on social media and how brands, through the implementation of strategies, can increase engagement. Thus, the aim of this paper is to identify the core drivers for consumers to engage with OBCs on social media.

2. Literature Review 2.1.

Defining Online Brand Communities The concept of brand communities was originally established by Muniz and O’Gunin (2001:412) who defined the concept as a “specialized, nongeographically bound community, based on a structured set of social relationships among admirers of a brand”. The rapid development of technology and the increasing usage of social media, since the original research was conducted, has allowed for new types of communities to be created; with social media providing a new space for social interaction and democratic participation to take place (Hinton and Hjorth, 2013).

The original concept of brand communities has been developed and expanded upon since its initial inception, with many academics using it as the basis to develop an understanding of the OBCs that are found today (McAlexander et al., 2002; Dessart et al., 2015). In their work on consumer engagement in OBCs on social media, Dessart et al.

(2015:32) conceptualise OBCs as “a grouping of individuals sharing a mutual interest in a brand, using electronic mediation to overcome real-life space and time limitations”.

These groupings of individuals have changed how brands now build relationships with their consumers, with these communities now representing a network of relationships between individuals, the brand, fellow consumers and the marketers (McAlexander et al., 2002).

There are multiple aspects to OBCs on social media, with these communities now being recognised as an effective strategy for maintaining and developing customer relationships (Zheng et al.,

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2015). In a social media setting, it is common for a community to be discussing the brand and its products in a way that the consumer feels it benefits them, as opposed to the way the brand has decided it should benefit the consumer (Evans, 2010). This is the reasoning for consumers within these communities to tend to listen to other consumer’s views more than those of the marketer (brand) (Hassan and Casalo-Arino, 2016).

tendency of consumers to interact with brands and other consumers on social media (Dessart et al., 2016). In addition, consumer engagement includes both a motivational state which leads to an increased involvement in online brand activities (Brodie et al., 2013; Baldus et al., 2015), and specific behavioural and cognitive responses, such as commenting and liking brand posts or generating their own content (Smith et al., 2012; Simon et al., 2013).

2.2.

Furthermore, the current literature suggests that the connection individuals form with the brand, which is based on the consumer’s previous experiences with the brand's offerings and activities (Vivek et al., 2012), also has a role in how consumers engage with a brand on social media. Additionally, consumer engagement drives consumers affiliative behaviours, which are expressed through varying levels of cognitive, behavioural and affective indicators that go beyond immediate exchange relations (Vernuccio et al., 2015; Dessart et al., 2016).

Consumer Engagement: A Social Media Perspective In the realm of social media, the concept of consumer engagement has been defined in different ways, but for this paper, the concept is defined as consumers’ intrinsic motivations to interact and positively influence brand-related activity during, or related to, specific consumer/brand interactions (Algesheimer et al., 2005; Hollebeek et al., 2014).

The concept of consumer engagement encompasses both the psychological and behavioural

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The growth of social media has virtually given consumers unlimited opportunities to engage with brands (Christodoulides et al., 2012), with studies showing that this engagement can contribute to creating, building and enhancing the relationship the consumer has with a brand in a complex interactive environment (Zhang and Luo, 2016).

Moreover, the use of social media has expanded brands’ ability to understand the consumption values of their consumers, with Davis et al.

(2014), suggesting that the functional, emotional, self-orientated, social and relational values of the consumer will determine whether they choose to engage with a brand or other likeminded consumers within a community on social media or not.

2.3.

Marketing Strategies on Social Media It has been argued by Patterson (2012) that social networking sites have altered consumers from silent and isolated individuals, into a noisy, unmanageable collective. Though

there is a collective who would share this view, Schaefer (2014) opposes this view, suggesting that the social web is simply returning us to our marketplace roots where making personal connections, immediacy and word of mouth endorsement were the most important marketing considerations. These opposing views have led to the rise of two common strategies used by brands on social media, passive and active, being presented in the literature (Brown, 2015). The passive strategy views social media as a useful source of information where the views and recommendations of consumers can be collected to improve the marketing intelligence of a brand (Brown, 2015).

On the other hand, the active strategy on social media seeks to use the platform as a channel of communication to engage with consumers. The thought process behind this strategy is to concentrate on creating content that attracts the attention of the brands’ consumers, who are then encouraged to share it

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with their friends and followers across their social media accounts (Brown, 2015). The noteworthy difference between the two strategies is that brands who use the passive approach invest a significant amount in searching for information that could improve their understanding of their consumer, whilst the active approach focuses on generating content that the consumer will either engage with or not; which will highlight the consumer preferences to the brand.

3. Methodology Due to the nature of the topic, a qualitative approach has been adopted to collect the data for the upcoming analysis, with all the data collected being in the form of secondary data. The use of qualitative data is vital for the context of this paper, as it allows for the ways in which people act to be understood (Gray, 2014), which is crucial when attempting to understand the core drivers for consumers to engage in OBCs in a social media setting.

To analyse this data, document analysis will be utilised. Bowen (2009) defines document analysis as a systematic procedure for reviewing both printed and electronic material to elicit meaning, develop empirical knowledge and gain a greater understanding (Rapley, 2007). The documents used in the analysis can come in a variety of forms, with this paper focusing specifically on public domain documents such as books, journals and reports (Matthews and Ross, 2010).

The data sample that has been used has been determined by publication date and the use of specific keywords. As social media sites attracted the attention of academic research around 2007 (Boyd and Ellison, 2007), it was decided that the documents used would be published after 2007.

4. Findings Document analysis was completed following the steps proposed by Bowen (2009). The findings of this

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244 analysis identified three core brand related drivers (brand, social and functional) that are vital in understanding why consumers engage in OBCs on social media.

4.1.

Brand-related Drivers The findings of the analysis suggest that a core brand-related driver for consumers to engage in OBCs is the ability to identify with the brand. The concept of brand identity is defined

by Hughes and Ahearne (2010) as a set of brand associations from which a person drives emotional, selfexpressive and functional benefits.

An identification such as this can be an antecedent to the intended participation and affiliation of a consumer within a brand community (Wirtz et al., 2013).

In furthering this point, it is believed that consumers are motivated to join and engage in OBCs to identify themselves with a brand, which allows for their specific social needs to be met (Laroche et al., 2012). For instance, Yeh and Choi (2011) and Algesheimer et al. (2005) explored the idea of brand identification in the

context of the MINI car brand and European car clubs and both found that identifying with the brands and their related brand communities had a positive influence on the consumers’ motivation to engage with the brand community. In both studies, the consumers demonstrated high intrinsic motivation to interact and cooperate with other members, thus suggesting a strong relationship with a brand can drive consumers to search for and interact with like-minded community members who share their enthusiasm for the brand (Laroche et al., 2012; Wirtz et al., 2013).

Furthermore, the findings of this paper would suggest that the effectiveness of an OBC is determined by how strongly consumers identify with the community. Qu and Lee (2011) suggest that identification within an online community is an important force for measuring the effectiveness of the community. The community can only be effective if consumers choose to regularly

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engage with the community, with Heere et al. (2011) contending that consumers are more likely to identify and engage within the community if consumers find that the brand and the community share unique features with them.

4.2.

Social Drivers The social and affectual benefits of OBCs are comparable to those of a traditional community. The consumers who choose to engage in these communities often participate to seek assistance and help from other community members (Dholakia et al., 2009). For instance, it is common for members of L’Oréal’s Garnier brand community to listen to well-known bloggers, who share what they are doing to make the world a better place (Fournier and Lee, 2009), whilst offering their own opinion on L’Oréal products, encouraging the other community members to take a closer look at the newest products. In cases, such as this, support discussions become interlinked with social conversations (Dholakia et al., 2009). These

interactions can promote bonding amongst members of the OBC, who then begin to identify more strongly with the community (Wirtz et al., 2013). In addition, findings of the research suggest that such interactions can also, in turn, enhance the participation and engagement of the consumer in the OBC (Zaglia, 2013).

The findings of the research also highlighted the affectual benefits that consumers seek when engaging in an OBC. It is common for members who engage in OBCs to display two affective behaviours: enthusiasm (De Valck et al., 2009) and enjoyment (Calder et al., 2013). Enthusiasm reflects the consumer’s intrinsic level of excitement and interest regarding the online brand community (Dessart et al., 2015). In instances of repeat interaction with other members through meaningful consumption experiences (Zhang and Luo, 2016), the level of enthusiasm felt by the community member is increased and sustained. Enjoyment within an OBC is indicative of the pleasure and

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246 happiness felt by the consumer through interaction with the OBC and other members (Dessart et al., 2015).

This enjoyment can come in a variety of forms, whether this is through other members liking their content, writing comments or interacting directly with them (Gummerus et al., 2012) or simply enjoying reading relevant and funny posts from the brand itself (Dessart et al., 2015).

4.3.

Functional Drivers The functional benefits are commonly derived from the direct, information-based support that consumers receive from an OBC. Members of OBCs have a wealth of information and expertise they can gain access to (Martin, 2015). This information provides an insight into a range of different topics such as recommended products, tips on products usage and whether the member should make a purchase or not (Dholakia et al., 2009). The vast amount of information available is a key driver for consumers to engage in OBCs, with the consumers’ care for the brand developing through the

sharing and distribution of information by interactively collaborating with the brand and other community members (Zheng et al., 2015).

The research also found that consumers choose to engage in OBCs to avoid uncertainty when making a purchase decision. Adjei et al. (2010) found evidence to suggest that OBCs have an important role in making consumers more comfortable with making a purchase decision. This is a common issue for consumers who have not purchased from the brand before, as they have little experience with the brand.

These consumers, through engaging with other members of the community, can build trust with the brand (Schaefer, 2014) which allows for their levels of discomfort to be reduced (Weiss et al., 2008). The ability to reduce discomfort is of great benefit to consumers. As trust in traditional advertising continues to erode (Kabani, 2010) having a community, of like-minded consumers, who can reduce

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discomfort and anxiety through providing reassurances about product quality (Ouwersloot and Odekerken-Schroder, 2008) truly gives consumers the motivation to engage in OBCs. 5. Strategy Development The findings of this research have highlighted a variety of drivers for consumers to engage in OBCs on social media. As stated at the beginning of this paper, the overall aim is to develop strategies that can aid brands in increasing engagement within their OBC. Thus, this section will aim to make recommendations to brands as to what they should implement into their social media strategy to increase engagement.

5.1.

Social Listening It is clear from the research that consumers engage in OBCs as they enjoy interacting with other likeminded consumers and sharing their knowledge and experiences of the brand with other community members. Therefore, it is of vital importance that brands participate in social listening. The concept of social

listening requires brands to eavesdrop on chatter between consumers on social media (Fournier et al., 2016). The use of social listening can allow marketers to economically peer into the lives of their consumers, without introducing biases through direct interaction. The adoption of this strategy is beneficial for brands, as combining social media listening data with engagement analytics, that the brand has already accumulated, will improve the overall performance of the brand's digital marketing strategy (Hemann and Burbary, 2013).

5.2.

Content Creation Past research has suggested the focus for brands should be maintaining a presence across social channels with fresh and frequent content (Ling et al., 2005). The earlier discussion highlighted how consumers enjoyed reading relevant and funny posts from the brand, and to increase engagement, it is vital that fresh content is continually developed.

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248 Research by Quesenberry (2016:3) supports this claim, with his work suggesting “social media is all about producing fresh, relevant content” before adding that brands should create things that their audience will find valuable. Through social listening and interaction, brands can gain a greater understanding of their consumers, which allows them to produce better directed and received content (Martin, 2015).

The greatest recommendation that can be made to brands in relation to OBC engagement is clear, data can persuade consumers to engage in an OBC, but it does not inspire them to engage regularly. To gain sustained engagement from their community members, brands must develop stories and content that fires the imagination and stirs the soul of the consumer (Monarth, 2014); only then will a brand gain active community members’ and have true consumer engagement in their OBCs on social media.

6. Summary and Limitations

This paper aimed to refine the understanding of consumer engagement in the context of online brand communities. While the idea of consumer engagement has received much attention in previous studies, few studies have focused on the concept of consumer engagement in the context of OBCs embedded in social media (Dessart et al., 2015).

This paper aims to make two important contributions. First, it aims to contribute to the consumer engagement literature by identifying the core drivers for consumers to engage in OBCs in a social media context. It proposes a detailed understanding of these drivers from the perspective of the consumer. A second contribution is made to the OBC literature through identifying types of engagement behaviours in an online community, and the impact these can have on community members. It is hoped this paper aids marketers and brands to develop effective strategies for the digital age.

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Admittedly, the paper is subject to limitations. As the way in which consumers use social media changes rapidly (Kietzmann et al., 2011), the utilisation of only secondary data could cause for the proposed drivers identified in the literature to have changed since their initial publication. Furthermore, the paper did not focus on any specific brand type, thus meaning that the strategic recommendations developed will not necessarily be suitable for all brands on social media. This could be an avenue for future research.

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