Page 1

CATHOLIC RECORD SOCIETY PUBLICATIONS (RECORDS SERIES) VOLUME 68


Don I?iego Sarmiento de Acuna to Philip III. The first page of a deciphered letter (~~rJ~n~7the death of the Earl of Northampton , from ~ondon, 30th June 1614

/

).

(By courtesy of the Archzvo General de Simancas.)


SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS VOLUME II: 1613-1624

Edited by

ALBERT J. LOOMIE, S.J.

CATHOLIC RECORD SOCIETY 1978


Š The Catholic Record Society

The Society acknowledges with deep gratitude a grant from the Twenty-Seven Foundation and a grant from the Jesuit Community of Fordham University

Typeset and printed in Great Britain by Lowe & Brydone Printers Limited, Thetford, Norfolk


CONTENTS PAGE

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

vi

CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF DOCUMENTS

vii

ABBREVIATIONS AND SHORTENED TITLES

ix

THE ARCHIVES AND LIBRARIES

x

THE RELEVANT PRINTED COLLECTIONS

x

INTRODUCTION 1. Spanish Representatives in London, 1613-25 2. Gondomar and the 'Spanish Faction' ... 3. Carlos Coloma's Embassy 4. The English Catholics in this Collection

xiii xiv xxii xxiii

DOCUMENTS 1-60

APPENDICES I-III

...

173

INDEX

...

188

v


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS As in the preceding volume (C.R.S. 64, 1973) which described the first half of the reign of James I the documents here presented are largely from the Archivo General de Simancas, whose Director Senor Amando Represa RodrigUez has kindly granted permission for their publication. As always the entire staff at Simancas has maintained its tradition of generous assistance to visiting scholars. I am also indebted to Dr. Richard Blaas, Director of the Haus Hof und Staatsarchiv in Vienna, for permission to publish two documents from the original collection of the Low Countries. A letter from the Fondo Gesuitico deposited in the Roman Archive of the Society of Jesus is printed with authorization of the Archivist, Fr. Edmond Lamalle, SJ. Original documents from the Biblioteca del Palacio Oriente in Madrid have been transcribed with permission from Senor Fernando Fuertes de Villavicencio, the Consejero Delegado Gerente of the Patrimonio Nacional. The transcripts from ManuscIitos Varios in the Biblioteca in Madrid are printed by courtesy of the Secretary General of that library. My previously published translation of a letter of Francis Bacon is included with the authorization of the Renaissance Society of America. A document from the Westminster Cathedral Archives is transcribed with the kind permission of His Eminence, the Cardinal of Westminster. Transcripts of Crown Copyright documents from the Public Record Office appear with the permission of the Controller of H.M. Stationery Office. Once again I would like to express my sincere gratitude for support provided by the Directors of the Penrose Fund of the American Philosophical Society and of the John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation while gathering materials for this collection. As always FI. Basil Fitzgibbon, SJ. has placed his wide scholarship at my disposal. MI. Philip Harris of the Catholic Record Society has been particularly generous of time and patience in guiding the manuscript through the press. Fordham University A.J.L.

vi


CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF DOCUMENTS 30 April 1613 17 May 1613 21 Sept. 1613 5 Oct. 1613 6 Oct. 1613 16 Nov. 1613 16 Nov. 1613 10 Dec. 1613 5 Mar. 1614 2 May 1614 9 May 1614 9 May 1614 21 June 1614 30 June 1614 30 Aug. 1614 23 Nov. 1614 17 Dec. 1614 19 April 1615 16 May 1615 30 May 1615 30 June 1615 10 Sept. 1615 30 Mar. 1616 5 Oct. 1616 23 Nov. 1616 22 Dec. 1616 27 Feb. 1617 27 Feb. 1617 29 April 1617 12 July 1617 28 Sept. 1617 22 Oct . 1617 30 Dec. 1617 30 Dec. 1617

The Council of State to Philip III, Madrid Joseph Creswell to the Duke of Lerma, Madrid Philip III to Diego Sarmiento de Acuna, Segovia Diego Sarmiento de Acuna to Philip III, London Diego Sarmiento de Acuna to the Duke of Lerma, London Diego Sarmiento de Acuna to Philip III, London Diego Sarmiento de Acuna to Philip III, London The Archpriest of England to Diego Sarmiento de Acuna, Philip III to Diego Sarmiento de Acuna, Madrid The Count of Castro to Philip III, Rome Diego Sarmiento de Acuna to Philip III, London Diego Sarmiento de Acuna to Philip III, London The Count of Castro to Philip III, Rome Diego Sarmiento de Acuna to Philip III , London The Council of State to Philip III, Madrid The Count of Castro to Diego Sarmiento de Acuna, Rome Diego Sarmiento de Acuna to Philip III, London Diego Sarmiento de Acuna to the Marquis of Guadaleste, London Diego Sarmiento de Acuna to the Duke of Lerma, London Diego Sarmiento de Acuna to the Duke of Lerma, London Diego Sarmiento de Acuna to Philip III, London Diego Sarmiento de Acuna to Philip III, London Juan de Ciriya to Antonio de Arostequi, Madrid Edward Bentley to Diego Sarmiento de Acuna, London The Council of State to Philip III, Madrid Diego Sarmiento de Acuna to Philip III, London Jean Baptiste van Male to Phillipe Praets, London Fray Luis de Aliaga to the Council of State, Madrid The Council of State to Philip III , Madrid The Count of Gondomar to Philip III, London Agustin Perez to the Count of Gondomar, Madrid The Count of Gondomar to the Duke of Lerma, London The Count of Gondomar to the Duke of Lerma, London The Count of Gondomar to Philip III , London vii

No. 1 2 3 4

Page 1 5 9 10

5 6 7

12 13 15

8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

24 26 27 28 34 35 36 41

19 17

43 44

18

45

19

46

20 21 22 23

49 53 58 60

24 25 26 27

62 65 70 72

28 29 30 31

75 82 85 90

32

94

33 34

96 97


No. Thomas Cornwallis II to the Count of Gondomar, 35 Portillo 17 April 1618 Louis Lewkenor to Fray Diego de la Fuente, 36 London 9 June 1618 Louis Lewkenor to Fray Diego de la Fuente, 37 Hackney 4 July 1618 The Count of Gondomar to Robert Cardinal 38 Bellarmine, London 22 July 1618 o.s. Baron Verulam to the Count of Gondomar, London 39 30 July 1618 40 Julian Sanchez de Ulloa to Philip III, London 24 Sept. 1618 41 Julian Sanchez de lnloa to Philip III, London 42 16 Nov. 1618 Fray Diego de la Fuente to Philip III, London 18 Nov. 1618 Friar Paul of London to the Count of Gondomar, Appendix I San Lucar de Barrameda 43 18 Jan. 1619 Julian Sanchez de lnloa to Philip III, London 44 18 Jan. 1619 Fray Diego de la Fuente to Philip III, London 45 30 June 1619 Fray Diego de la Fuente to Philip III, London ca. Aug. 1619 William Baldwin, SJ. to the Count of Gondomar, Appendix II Madrid 10 Jan. 1620 Julian Sanchez de Ulloa to the Marquis of 46 Bedmar, London 16 Mar. 1620 William Stanley to the Count of Gondomar, 47 Malines Melchior de Espinosa to the Count of Gondomar, 26 Mar. 1620 48 Brussels 31 May 1620 The Archbishop of Cachel to the Count of 49 Gondomar 50 Jean Baptiste van Male to Phillipe Praets, London 6 Nov. 1620 51 18 Feb . 1621 The Count of Gondomar to Philip III, London 52 16 July 1621 Fray Diego de la Fuente to Philip IV, Rome 31 Mar. 1622 Archduchess Isabella to the Count of Gondomar, 53 Brussels 7 July 1622 54 Juan de Cirica to Walter Aston, Madrid 10 Mar. 1623 o. s. The Directions of J ames I for Anglican Services in Spain, Newmarket Appendix III ca. Nov. 1623 The Infanta Maria to the Marquis of San Germano, Madrid 55 56 9 Nov. 1623 The Marquis of La Ynojosa to Philip IV , London 57 9 Nov. 1623 A Report of the Archdeacon of Cambrai, London ca. Dec. 1623 The Count of Gondomar to the Council of State, 58 Madrid 59 10 Sept. 1624 Carlos Coloma to Philip IV, London ca. Sept. 1624 An 'Aviso' on the Catholics of England, London 60

Page

19 Feb. 1618

viii

102 104 105 106 111 112 114 116 173 120 121 125 175 126 129 134 138 139 141 148 152 153 185 155 156 158 162 165 170


LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND SHORTENED TITLES A.G.R. P.E.A. S.E.G. A.H.N. A.R.S .J . A.S.V. Bib . Vat. B.M. B.Nac. B.Nat. B.P.O. CR.S. Cs.P Chamberlain Le tters

D.N.B. Documentos Ineditos E

Foley, Records HM.C n.d. n. fol. The Narrative

P.C. P.R.O.

Archives Generales du Royaume, Brussels Papiers d'Etats et Audience Secretairerie d'Etat et de Guerre Archivo Historico Nacional, Maurid Archivum Romanum Societatis J esu Archivio Segredo di Vaticano Bibliotheca Vaticana British Museum Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid Bibliotheque National, Paris Biblioteca del Palacio Oriente, Madrid The publications of the Catholic Record Society. Calendars of State Papers McClure, N.E. ed. The Letters of John Chamberlain [Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society, vol. 12, Philadelphia, 1939.] Dictionary of National Biography Duque de Alba, et al. edd. Documentos Ineditos para la Historia de Espana (Madrid, 1936 - ). Seccion de Estado, Archivo General de Simancas (cited with legajo and carp eta ) Foley, H., Records of the English Province of the Society ofJesus, (London, 1877-83') Historical Manuscripts Commission document, or book, undated unnumbered folio Gardiner, S.R. ed. Narrative of the Spanish Marriage Treaty (El Hecho de Los Tratados del Matrimonio . .. por F. Francisco de Jesus) [Camden Society, Old Series, vol. 101, London, 1869.] Haus Hof und Staatsarchiv, Vienna (The archive of the Low Countries) Public Record Office, London ix


THE ARCHIVES AND LIBRARIES The Sources for this Edition I. Archivo General de Simancas: Secci6n de Estado, Libros 368, 369, 375, 381; Legajos 629, 845, 1000, 1865,2514,2518,2559,2572, 2590,2591,2592,2593,2596,2597,2598,2599,2602,2603. II. Public Record Office, London: S.P.94, vols. 20, 25. III. Westminster Cathedral Archive : Series A, vol. 17. IV. Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid: Manuscritos vol. 18420, 18422. V. Biblioteca del Palacio Oriente, Madrid: Manuscritos vol. 2170,2183 . VI. Roman Archive of the Society of Jesus : 'Fondo Gesuitico' vol. 446. VII. Haus-Hof und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: Series PC vols. 53, 56. Other Manuscript Collections Consulted London, British Museum: Egerton Mss. 2592-2597, Carlisle papers; King's Mss. 133-136, Documents on Anglo-French affairs, 1624-25; Add. Mss. 14015, 14043, Spanish documents, 1613-19, original narrative of Fray Francisco de Jesus; Add. Mss. 35,832, Hardwicke papers; Add. Mss. 36,444-36,446, Walter Aston papers, 1622-23; Add . Mss . 48,166 Letters of Calvert and Digby, 1622-23 (Yelverton Papers). London, Public Record Office: S.P.94, vols. 25-32, Papers concerning Spain, 1613-25; S.P.78, vols. 72-76, Papers concerning France, 1624-25; S.P. 77, vols. 16,17, Papers concerning Flanders, 1613-24; P.R.O. 30/53, Pow is Manuscripts (Edward Herbert papers). Oxford, Bodleian Library: Tanner Mss. vols. 73, 75, 76; Douce Mss. vol. 393; Rawlinson Mss. Series C, vol. 674. Reading, Berkshire Record Office: Trumbull Mss, vols . 23, 24, Letters of John and Simon Digby, 1618-23. Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional: Manuscritos Varios: 2354, 2355, 2366, Original letters, 1623-24; Manuscritos Gayangos: vols . 18195, 17th century tracts; 18420, papers of Fray Diego de la Fuente; 18422, letters received by Gondomar, 1619-1620; 18427, letters received by Gondomar, 1620-24. Madrid, Archivo Hist6rico Nacional: Secci6n de Estado, libros 716, 722,733 , 738, 739, Consuitas, 1618-25. Madrid, Real Academia de la Historia: Salazar Mss . vols . A84, A85, A86, Original papers on Anglo-Spanish affairs belonging to Gondomar. Madrid, Biblioteca del Palacio Oriente: Manuscritos vols. 2107,2108, 2134,2165 , 2167,2170,2174,2176,2180,2183,2187, 2191,2198, Original correspondence of Gondomar, 1617-23. Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale: Mannuscrits Franyais, tomes 15988, Original despatches from England, 1615-20; 15989, despatches for 1621-23; 15990, despatches for 1617-26; 15991, despatches for July to December 1624.

x


Rome, Archive of the Society of Jesus: Anglia, vols. 36,37,38 and Historia Angliae, vol. 32, (parts I, II); Epistolae Nostrorum, vols. 81-84; Castillia, vols. 7, (Parts I, II), 8,9. Rome, Archivio Segredo di Vaticano: Nunziatura di Fiandra, vols. 14, 14A, 14B, 138, Correspondence between Rome and Brussels, 1623-27; Nunziatura di Francia, vols. 60, 61, 64, Correspondence between Paris and Rome, 1624; Nunziatura di Spagna, vols. 60B, 60C, 60D, 60E, 60F, 62, 64 and 339, 340,341,342 Correspondence between Rome and Madrid, 1614-23; Fondo Borghese, Series II, vols. 428 and 403, Replies of Secretariate to Brussels, 1615-21; Series II, vols. 98 , 102, 104 105, 109, 112,113, Flanders nunciatura to Rome, 1616-20; Fondo Borghese Series II, vols. 253,258-9,260,261,262,263,265, 344, Madrid nunciature to Rome, 1614-20; Series I, vols. 921, 939, 970 and Series II, vols. 342, 345, 347, 348, 349, 360, Replies of Secretariate to Madrid, 1614-20. Rome, Vatican Library: Mss. Barberini Latini, vol. 6810, original letters of Nuncio in Flanders, 1620; vols. 8060, 8061, 8062 , correspondence of Nuncio in Paris, 1624; vols. 8287 -8289 and 8292-8296, correspondence from Nuncio in Madrid, 1621-1624; vols. 8615-16, miscellaneous papers on England, 1620-23. Vienna, Haus, Hof und Staatsarchiv: Series P C, vols. 48 to 62 , Original correspondence of agent in London, in files of Conseil d'Etat et Audience of Brussels, 1613-24. The Relevant Printed Collections Of unique importance for the theme of this collection is the selection of Gondomar's letters for the years 1613-20 from the library of the royal palace in Madrid published in Documentos Ineditos para la Historia de Espana (Vols. I-IV, Madrid, 1936-45). However the despatches of English representatives in Madrid, John Digby, Francis Cottington and Walter Aston are not printed in a series; many individual items are summarized in the Calendars of State Papers Domestic and in reports of the Historical Manuscripts Commission. S.R. Gardiner's translation of the narrative of the court preacher of Philip IV, Fray Francisco de Jesus, El Hecho de los Tratados del Matrimonio (Camden Society, 1st Ser., vol. 101, London, 1869) contains many useful additional documents on the marriage negotiations. Buckingham's subsequent efforts to blame Digby for diplomatic failures in Spain provoked the publication of some important original letters such as those provided in "The Earl of Bristol's Defence of his Negotiations in Spain" edited by Gardiner in The Camden Miscellany, Volume VI (Camden Society, 1st Ser., vol. 104, London, 1871). Later, the anti-monarchist propagandist, Prynne, made further important disclosures about James's Spanish diplomacy in A Breviate of the Life of William Laud (1644) and The Popish Royal Favorite and the Hidden Workes of Darkness brought to Light. Other xi


copies of Buckingham's letters were printed in the Cabala, sive Scrinia Sacra (1 654) while Philip Yorke, 2nd Earl of Hardwicke's printing of Miscellaneous State Papers (London, 1778, 2 vols) offered documents concerning the pardons prepared for Catholics in 1623. Of special importance for understanding the surviving Spanish documents of this period is the concise inventory prepared by Geoffrey Parker in 'Guide to the Archives of the Spanish Institutions in or concerned with the Netherlands, 1556-1706', Archives et Bibliotheques de Belgique (Numero Special 3, Brussels, 1971). The Coleccibn de Documentos Ineditos vol. 54 contains original materials on the first stages of the war in the Palatinate, and vol. 96 has correspondence of don Pedro de Toledo , Marquis de Villafranca, on the Savoy crisis of 1616-18 . The publications already mentioned in the previous volume of this edition continue to be of value. Some light on Anglo-Dutch relations for the years 1616-20 is provided in the Letters from and to Sir Dudley Carleton, edited by the 2nd Earl of Hardwicke (London, 1757). Papal policy toward England can be studied indirectly through two different nuncios. B. de Meester, Correspondence du Nonce Giovanni Francesco Guido di Bagno (Analecta-Vaticano-Belgica, 2e Ser., Brussels, 1938, 2 vols.) has valuable insight into papal objectives in the Palatinate. Luigi de Steffani , La Nun ziatura di Francia del Cardinal Guido Bentivoglio (Florence, 1863-70, 4 vols.) demonstrates the constant surveillance by this nuncio of James's policy towards English Catholics from 1616 to 1620. Both nunciatures contributed to the papal curia information on English Catholic affairs to a greater degree than the Spanish representatives. The first volume of M. Avenel's edition of Lettres, Instructions Diplomatiques et Papiers d 'Etat du Cardinal de Richelieu (paris, 1853-77, 8 vols.) has valuable references to French policy towards the English Catholics. Sidney Lee's edition of the Autobiography of Edward Lord Herbert of Cherbury (London, 1890) made available a unique record of Herbert' s anti-Spanish maneouvres in Paris from 1619 -24. The published correspondence of the Count of Gondomar mentioned above printed the Spanish transcription of several of the documents here translated. When the original of that same document was also traced in the Archivo General de Simancas, its full pressmark has been included in the prenotes.

xii


INTRODUCTION

1. Spanish Representatives in London, 1613-25. August 1613 - July 1618 , Diego Sarmiento de Acuna, Count of Gondomar (1617), Resident Ambassador. July 1618 - March 1620, Julian Sanchez de Ulloa, Agent. March 1620 - July 1622 , The Count of Gondomar, Resident Ambassador. June 1622 - September 1624, Carlos Coloma, Ambassador Extraordinary. May 1623 - June 1624, Juan de Mendoza, Marquis de la Ynojosa, Ambassador Extraordinary. September - November 1623, Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, Ambassador Extraordinary. (April 1624, nominated Ambassador). June 1624 - November 1625, Jacques Bruneau, Agent. (February 1625 - Count of Gondomar, nominated Ambassador Extraordinary). The Assistant Personnel Secretary for Ciphered Correspondence: Julian Sanchez de Ulloa, 1613-24. Secretary for Languages: Cosme de Villa Viciosa, 1613-24. Assistant Secretary to Ambassador: Jasper Grant, 1613-19. Secretary for English Letters: Francis Fowler 11,1613-19. Richard Berry, 1619-22. Henry Taylor, 1622-25. Chaplain to the Embassy: Agustin Perez, 1611-14. Diego de la Fuente, O.P. 1615-19. Thomas Wentworth (alias Juan Hidalgo) 1620-25. Porter of the Residence: Henry Barber, 1613-25. Correspondent from Edinburgh: William Laing, 1613-25. Some Pensioners of the Household: Richard Philip, John Richardson, James 'Le Mettier', Anne Jay, Mary Snow. (Sources: for the Secretary of Languages, Documentos Ineditos vol. 1, p. 160; for Sarmiento's Secretary, Documentos Ineditos vol. 3, p. 274, vol. 1, p. 191, vol. 2, p. 185, E 2742 n. fol. consulta of 5 Feb. 1605, B.M. Add. Mss. 14015 f. 73, "Memorial de Gaspar Grande" , 26 March 1619; for the Secretary of English Letters: Loomie, "Francis Fowler II, English Secretary of the Spanish Embassy, 1609-19 "Recusant History vol. 12 (1973) p. 70-78 and "Richard Berry, Gondomar's English Catholic Adviser" Ibid. vol. 11 (1971) p. 47-57; for the chaplains, Documentos Ineditos vol. 3, p. 273, vol. 1, p. 191, vol. 2, p. 181,185 (concerning Perez and de la Fuente), C.R.S. vol. 9 ,,1911) p. 120 (conxiii


INTRODUCTION cerning Wentworth); the rest are on Bruneau's pension list to Gondomar in E 2316 n. fol. letter of 29 Jan. 1626 and B.P.O. Manuscritos vol. 2165 n. fol. Prioress of Gravelines to Gondomar, n.d. ca. 1618, C.S.P Dam. 1611-18 p. 422-23.) 2. Gondomar and the 'Spanish Faction'. In 1567 at Gondomar in Galicia, Diego Sarmiento de Acuna was born to a family of long traditions of service to the Castilian crown. As a young man he gained military experience in the coastal defences of Portugal and Andalucia, especially during the English expeditions under Drake in 1589 and Essex in 1596. Family influence and distinguished service contributed to his knighthood in the order of Calatrava, after which he was promoted, at the age of 34, to the responsible post of Carregedar of Valladolid during the brief period when Philip III transferred the court of Castile there. Then followed service within the administration of the crown's treasury and another promotion to the governorship of his native Galicia. After his first four years as ambassador in England he was rewarded with his familiar title of Count of Gondomar. Finally, because of the importance of the protracted negotiations for the Spanish Match, he was promoted to membership in the Council of State early in the reign of Philip IV. 1 Originally Sarmiento had expected a term of about three years as ambassador to London, similar to his predece~sors, and there is evidence that the Council of State seriously considered his transferral to the major post of ambassador to France in 1616, but the unconcealed preference of James I for his continuation in England prevented his removal. His activities at Whitehall were the subject of contemporary caricature in Thomas Middleton's play A Game af Chess as well as the frequently reprinted pamphlets of Thomas Scott. Modern historians have erased the calculated malicious guile but there lingers an impression of an occasional manipulation of a weak James I. 2 What basic considerations should be kept in mind? It is worth recalling that Gondomar's earlier career had been within the Iberian military establishment and administration, not in diplomacy. Furthermore, neither his written diplomatic instructions nor the previous appraisal of the resident ambassador in Madrid, John Digby, promised a change in policy or any unusual demands upon James I. In 1612 Digby had had several interviews with the Duke of Lerma, the valida of Philip III, so that he expected that the new ambassador's purpose "should be in no way to give your Majestie discontent but that leaving to each king to do that which they thought fitt in theire owne dominions there should be an exact care had of perfourming punctually the articles of the peace.,,3 The instructions for his mission were not fresh; they repeated in every paragraph the directives previously issued in 1605 to the nrst ambassador, Pedro de Zuniga. In fact there was a contemporary English

xiv


INTRODUCTION translation of them which circulated long enough to be printed in Rushworth's Collections later. 4 The basic ingredients of Gondomar's legendary influence have been a pleasing dominant personality, a well-filled purse to pension the venal courtier and an enthusiastic clientele among Catholics, crypto-catholics and a scattering of conservative, or Hispanophile, sympathizers within the Whitehall establishment. Wit, audacity and candour were reflections of Gondomar's early perception that he should not expect frequent or easy success. It has not been acknowledged sufficiently that he labored to understand the court of England, the country and the people. There were few diplomats of his generation who were prepared to write to a friend, as he did in 1615: "I have gained familiarity with the English nation through conversations with Englishmen ... I have devoted myself with interest to their histories and annals for many years, I have tried with a special effort since the start of my residency here to observe and understand their activities .. ."5 As a consequence of his informal study there is a dominant note of caution in many of his letters; not merely was he unaware of any personal control over James I, he usually viewed the regular circle of advisers about the king with dismay. In his written opinion passed on to Philip III he frankly downplayed the advantage of pensions so that in his regular accounts of expenses filed in 1619 only four were listed, which had been promise d under his predecessors, and these were of questionable political significance. His papers do show, however, occasional gifts to friends and confidants, but these were not lavish nor regularly offered to the same personages. For example at his departure in the summer of 1618 jewels were presented to Buckingham, Hamilton, Lennox, Calvert, the Countess of Arundel and Endymion Porter. 6 These are not corruption but courtesy. In March 1620 his second residence in London commenced with authorized funds of 30,000 escudos (approximately ÂŁ7500) "for the costs of the embassy and other items of his Majesty's service", with a supplement of 10,000 escudos for his personal needs and family. There was still a residue of this amount to be transferred to Coloma and Bruneau, when he suddenly returned to Spain two years later. 7 If gold as the foundation of the Spanish ambassador's influence can rightly be questioned, the reasons for his success must be sought elsewhere. The fundamental reason for his importance was clearly the personal preference of James and the emergence of a visible following for him from the outset. He was quick to discern among the Catholics, however, the opportunist and the foolish. In the autumn of 1613 he confided to the Spanish king that there were some Catholics "who seek to govern the ambassador" and others were acting as if "merely by being Catholics your Majesty and your ambassador had an obligation to be grateful to them and even to pay them. Consequently they make a lot of the fact that they hear mass as if it were not much to their own profit to do so ....' At about the same time there is a touch of sarcasm in a note to Lerma: xv


INTRODUCTION "If everything were true that they have been telling me within a few hours, I will not be losing my expectation of seeing the friars of San Pablo [a convent of Valladolid] in their habits in London ... "sThe principal trait of his relationship to the English Catholics, not withstanding the importunate, was mutual loyalty. The symbol of his partisanship for them remained always the free access to his embassy chapel. He was indifferent to any resentment over it. When he was absent in Spain, Sir Robert Naunton, principal Secretary of State complained in 1619 over what had developed in the previous years for "the city is jealous that the Barbican house is a forge of mischief and takes much exception against the open swarming of hundreds of our English thither to hear masse". 9 William Prynne once estimated that "two or three thousand" persons publicly went to mass at the Spanish embassy in Ely House after Gondomar's return.! 0 But a vindication of his chapel's rights was already in the tradition of his predecessors. How well did he succeed in other respects? One informed answer is his own, prepared late in 1615 , when following the king of Spain's orders he selected his chaplain, Fray Diego , to go to Madrid and report on the entire situation. The Dominican prepared a statement of nearly twenty-five pages to reflect his master's opinions. The Spaniard was struck by the sizeable and vocal anti-Spanish faction that was close to the king. The strenght of this war party made it imperative that Spain maintain military preparedness. To counter the faction he commented: "I have attempted since my arrival to show in word and action how much more advantageous and necessary the friendship of Spain is to England than that of England to Spain." He deplored the absence of a "good and true peace" which he felt was possible only when freedom for Catholics had been finally negotiated. Meanwhile ,he warned that Spain was being weakened by English trade which removed substantial amounts of bullion, while heavy internal taxes failed to encourage domestic trade within.!! What then was the advantage to Philip of a peace with England? He pointed out that James was reducing his naval strength which made his court's war faction less of a threat. Furthermore, peace between the two crowns contributed to "disunion" with the Dutch. Other benefits could be foreseen in the rest of northern Europe. For example, James appeared less determined to head a general league of all protestants although he remained actively concerned over the Huguenots of France. He did not think that James had a close alliance with Denmark or the princes of Germany, for even the "Count Palatine has little satisfaction" after his marriage to the king's daughter. Despite the house of Stewart's blood ties to the duchy of Lorraine there were no indications of special influence. James was said to have no respect for the young king of France, "and he dislikes extremely the queen mother and he is trying to discredit her government and activities by every means possible". Similarly James was antipathetic to the pope and anxious to "deprive him of his power." Lastly, what did Gondomar xvi


INTRODUCTION feel was James's policy towards Spain? Although he conceded that the English king would not be prepared to create an anti-Habsburg league, still he was certain that he sought to reduce "the greatness" of Spain as far as he could. In concluding, again he appealed to Philip to review the relative resources of each country for war. l 2 The Spanish envoy's typical circumspection had surfaced. By 1617, when the Spanish marriage was being debated in London, he confided to Philip that he would never marry his own daughter to a Prince of Wales unless there was a clear possibility that the lot of the Catholics would improve and he had strong doubts that this could happen. 1 3 In 1618 he left London in the midst of unprecedented gestures of friendship from James, who had recalled for the moment the commissions of pursuivants against Catholics and handed him all imprisoned clerics, including William Baldwin, to accompany him overseas. When he arrived in Spain in early 1619 he was able to write his own opinions in frankness and in tranqUility. He was in poor health but this, he felt, had been brought on by the heavy weight of matters under negotiation, "and the broadside - bateria - that every enemy of God and your Majesty directs against the post, and further more and above all the slight assistance , support and aid that were granted to me for it ... " He still was disturbed over the strength of the war faction in Whitehall and prophecied that there were "small results" to be expected from any Spanish representative whose "authority and influence" is founded "solely upon the respect and fear that they have towards his master". Despite his pessimistic view of his role, he had become convinced that an alliance with England must be cultivated. "Guerra can toda fa tierra y paz can Ingfa tierra " , a maxim from the days of Charles V, he cited as the principle for the future in a letter to the Secretary of the Spanish Council of State. l4 It is within this context that the circle of his confidants and sympathizers, the Spanish faction, should be appraised. He has already hinted clearly that he did not feel that much important assistance was at his disposal either from Madrid or London. It remains to sort out the names of those who can safely be identified from the fIles of the embassy's correspondence as Hispanophile to establish his sense of inadequacy more accurately. Not unexpectedly the faction shows membership of varying degrees of loyalty and usefulness. The highest in dignity was probably Queen Anne, about whose Catholic observance Gondomar received her own personal confidences. l 5 After her, Thomas Howard, Earl of Northampton, was the most influential ally, although Gondomar knew him for only a short period. 16 Robert K~r, Duke of Somerset, was clearly sympathetic during his short political ascendancy at court. Although they lived overseas during a large part of his first visit to London, the Earl and Countess of Arundel remained of help even when the Spanish match was no longer negotiable. The Earl and Countess of Suffolk were confidants and supporters of Gondomar regularly, although xvii


INTRODUCTION their political eclipse removed much of the value of their patronage. Edward Lord Wotton, a privy councillor, was a reliable friend provided he remained at court, but his political status was minimal towards the end of the reign.! 7 Sir Thomas Lake, as Secretary of State, was certainly Hispanophile until he lost his post; his successor Sir George Calvert was less overtly favorable but never hostile. The French and Venetian ambassadors regularly denounced Sir¡ Lewis Lewkenor as partisan to Spanish interests. Certainly Sir Endymion Porter rendered service but he was without political stature. Sir William Monson, ViceAdmiral of the Narrow Seas, quietly visited the embassy and chapel several times .! 8 It is noteworthy how the former and current English diplomats in Spain rallied to Gondomar's help and therefore presented his activities in a more favorable light in many ways in their despatches. Sir Charles Cornwallis, who had, as ambassador in Madrid, been hostile, was very friendly to the Spanish embassy in England and even pleaded privately to be allowed to end his life overseas in the territory of Spain.! 9 Sir John Digby was a personal admirer of Gondomar as his letters show in different occasions. The same nuance can be seen in Francis Cottington's despatches; it is not surprising therefore that Cottington's patron, Richard Weston became close to each of the Spanish representatives. William Cecil, Lord Burghley, son of the Earl of Exeter, his wife and son, the Lord Rous, made clear their willingness to assist Gondomar on many occasions. 2o Towards the end of his life the 9th Earl of Worcester, Edward Somerset, showed a steady and unswerving support even when it had ceased to be fashionable in any way. A circle of important Catholic landed families, such as Vaux, Roper, Brudenell and Vavasour were well known to Gondomar and encouraged their younger sons to enter the Archdukes service in 1622 after the Dutch war had reopened:! To be denounced by Buckingham in 1623 as pro-Spanish is hardly a safe norm for membership in the faction, so that the name of Lionel Cranfield can be treated with reserve. The predecessors of Gondomar, Zuniga and Velasco, usually considered the Scottish peers at Whitehall to be pro-French. Their assumption was in the main correct but Gondomar found some exceptions. Lady Drummond, Queen Anne's favourite, was a Spanish pensioner and informant during his first residence. Alexander Seton, Chancellor of Scotland, and Archibald Campbell, 7th Earl of Argyle were his personal friends and attempted to be of service. James Hamilton, the Marquess Hamilton,2 2 and Ludovic Stewart, Duke of Lennox, who were in high favour at Whitehall, are seen to be friendly on many occasions if not partisan. Lastly there was noticeable to foreign observers in London the popularity of Gondomar among some of the family of Buckingham. Lady Mary Compton, Countess of Buckingham, the favourite's mother 23 and Francis Manners, 7th Earl of Rutland, his father-in-law did not conceal their approval of the Spaniard's popularity with the king. xviii


INTRODUCTION These personalities, identified almost exclusively from embassy correspondence, belong to what has been called at times a 'Spanish Faction', yet it is necessary to weigh Gondomar's reactions to his residence in London to appreciate their true significance. In 1618 after he left England with five year's experience of most of these courtiers he was discouraged rather than optimistic about the future. Even a quick examination of the 'Faction' can establish that it was, even at the height of its numbers, a minority in the overall political scene. Deaths, such as those of Northampton and Queen Anne, or political decline and disgrace such as that of Suffolk, Lake and Monson weakened its stature before it had acquired permanent influence. As a consequence Gondomar, the realist, did not look myopically to these quiet supporters or vocal sympathizers, but alway's to the whole hostile, or indifferent, majority in attendance about the king. When he returned to London in the spring of 1620 he sensed that his position had deteriorated. This explains his caution in the face of James's public encouragement of a Spanish match and the familiar signs of favour to him on the part of the king. Despite the contemporary misapprehension of his perverse manipulation of a weak king, the "Faction" did not gain momentum. Buckingham had become the magnet for future political advancement and the favourite would not and could not suffer the growth of any rival faction. After he returned from Spain in 1623 the favourite would devote his energies to stifling Hispanophile sentiment anywhere in court; his partnership with the House of Commons to achieve this is well known. In February 1621 during his second residence in London there was a significant private interview between Gondomar and King James. Here there was an effort to dissipate the inner scepticism of the Spaniard by fresh assurances of relief for the English Catholics and the king's more moderate attitude towards the papacy. The Spaniard dutifully reported these pledges to the Spanish king and then added the following lines: "I find nothing more to comment save that as the cause is that of God, perhaps He will arrange and achieve today what seemed to be impossible yesterday ."24 A year after this Gondomar returned to the court at Madrid with a determination, ably supported by John Digby, to arrange a marriage treaty satisfactory to three courts: Whitehall, the Vatican and Madrid. His possible success was viewed by the same forces who had been the "bater{a" of 1618 as the wrong path for the future of England, of Protestantism, and their own careers. The coalition does not have the frenzy of a "Popish Plot" of the 1670's yet parliament, the pulpit, the theatre, the hostile embassies of France and Venice, sections of the merchant community and of the court, all contributed to make James hesitate. Here the friendship of a king or the support of a faction could not prevail and Gondomar had been long prepared for this. John Chamberlain had prophesied the same outcome to Dudley Carleton in September 1622 when he commented that if James I showed "good respect" to Catholics, it would be "no doubt ... don in good measure xix


INTRODUCTION like the Spanish paven, as much forward as backward.,,2 5 3. Carlos Coloma's embassy Officially Gondomar retained his diplomatic title of ambassador even during his absence from London until April 1624. Later, before the news of the death of James I had reached the court in Madrid, Philip IV had ordered him to go once again to England "so that he try with that king to bring about a discussion of the affairs of Germany by way of mediation.,,26 During his first leave in Spain the Secretary for Ciphered Letters in London, Julian Sanchez de Ulloa, was appointed resident Agent for Spanish Affairs for the duration of a year and a half. When Gondomar was recalled a second time to undertake the marriage negotiations, Carlos Coloma was appointed ambassador extraordinary for two years to represent Spanish interests in his place. His credentials were distinguished by naval service in the Mediterranean and a career on the battlefield in Flanders, where he had risen to the rank of Maestre de Campo. He had also served as governor in Perpignan, Majorca and Cambrai. Philip's aunt, the Archduchess Isabella was most anxious for his return to serve in Brussels, yet two urgent appeals to him were refused? 7 Coloma's intelligence and tact in the face of mounting hostility in parliament and the spite of Buckingham's faction at court in 1624 were remembered by Charles I, who welcomed him to London five years later again as ambassador extraordinary to promote the conclusion of a peace with Spain. 28 In May 1624 Coloma sponsored an assembly of English laity and priests who were, as he wrote, "secluded in my house out of fear of parliament", who prayed and reflected on the future of the English Catholic community after the breakdown of the Spanish marriage negotiations. 29 Two other ambassadors extraordinary came to London during Coloma's residence. Both appointments were a consequence of the unexpected visit of the Prince of Wales and Buckingham to the Spanish court early in the spring of 1623 . Juan de Mendoza, Marquis de la Ynojosa, reached London in May to announce the safe arrival of Charles and convey special messages from Philip IV to James on that occasion. After an elaborate public audience he remained in London to observe the r-ompletion of the articles of the Spanish marriage treaty. Previously the marquis had served with the Spanish army in north Italy, before appointments as governor of Milan and viceroy of Navarre; he was also a member of the Council of State. Although James I insisted that the Infanta still be entitled "Princess of Wales" until late December 1623, Ynojosa soon became the focus of Buckingham's anti-Spanish campaign. His final months in London were a painful ordeal when serious charges of subversion were levelled against him. He left without the traditional public audience of farewell , a snub that was equivalent to being declared persona non grata. 3 0 Diego Hurtado de Mendoza's misxx


INTRODUCTION sion as ambassador extraordinary was totally one of courtesy and ceremony. A knight of the order of Santiago, Captain of the province of Alava, he had once served as personal escort of the Infanta Ana to her marriage in France in 1615. Similarly on this occasion he was the escort in the name of Philip IV for Charles to England as the marriage treaty was not officially broken. When he arrived in October 1623 Coloma hoped in vain that he would replace him but Ynojosa strongly objected to any extended visit to London. Consequently Hurtado de Mendoza departed in late November with the cordial good wishes of the English court. 3 1 It was not until September 1624 that Philip IV allowed Coloma to return to Brussels. After that the embassy's affairs were committed to Jacques Bruneau as resident Agent in the absence of Gondomar. James I still expressed hopes that he would return quickly. Instead Bruneau quietly corresponded with him about the alarming situation in London as preparations for his return were postponed. After the Anglo-Spanish war had opened Bruneau's discreet services were warmly commended to Philip IV.32 In a short time Bruneau became President of the Chambre des Comptes in Lille and then Secretary of the Council of Flanders in Madrid . 4. The English Catholics in this collection The Spanish embassy's preoccupation with the condition of the Catholics of England prompted periodic reports about James's official statements or occasional promises of moderation. The variations in the enforcement of penal laws can be traced from year to year; for example, one for 1613 (Doc. 4) must be compared with that for the following year (Doc. 11). There was no specific method followed in describing this problem. Sarmiento concentrated on a candid appraisal of James's private hostility to Catholics in 1615 (Doc. 20) although the regular personal assurances to the contrary were also passed along in his other letters. The Spanish embassy was irritated by James's printed attacks on Paul V and Cardinal du Perron far more than James ever realized (Doc. 13, 21). On the advice of Gondomar the Council of State was to discount any private assurance from James and to watch any move to lighten the harassment of Catholics (Doc. 3,28, 54, 58). There is a note of frustration in some of these observations; protests in 1617 seem to have some results in England (Doc. 30) but severity was still observed in Ireland or Scotland (Doc. 33, 34). When the revocation of all commissions of pursuivants was promised (Doc. 39) a new note of optimism was visible in the agent's despatches in the summer of 1618 (Doc. 40). This began to wither in the following winter and spring (Doc. 44, 45) and the forecast for early 1620 included rigour and new devises to create legal obligations for the wives of recusants (Doc. 46). James's determination to convince Gondomar of his effective control xxi


INTRODUCTION over enforcement brought another period of mildness which was signalled by the release of hundreds of recusants on bail in the summer of 1622 (Doc. 54). Although the situation was more promising again in the summer of 1623, the sequence of reports ends with the grim reflections of Coloma. Paul V's mistrust of James, already documented in C.R.S. 64 (1973) continued to have influence within the Council of State (Doc. 1, 13, 15, 16) and certainly prolonged beyond endurance the negotiations for the Spanish marriage (Doc. 20, 28, 34,46 and Appendix II). There was need to include here new sources on the church in Scotland (Doc. 11, 23, 33) and Ireland (Doc. 4, 11, 19) and a forgotten popular legend from Wales (Doc. 50). The unusual theme of Catholic printing is touched upon in various ways (Doc. 6, 21, 27). There need not be surprise that the bizarre adventurers continue as before to be noted (Doc. 18, 32). The famous tragedy at Blackfriars has two fresh documents (Doc. 56, 57). Finally there is representative sampling of the strong personalities who provide the special colour of Jacobean Catholicism. A former Anglican preacher (Doc. 6) , an Oxford don (Doc. 10) and a Scottish savant (Doc. 38) and the Master of Ceremonies at Whitehall (Doc. 36, 37) had to have a place. Sir William Stanley provided a fresh eye witness account of the surrender of Deventer (Doc. 46, 47) and the next generation's offers of service to the archdukes military campaigns (Doc. 17, 35, 43) are worth attention as well . Since this collection was planned to illustrate Spanish policy and activities on behalf of the Catholics in England it was thought proper to place in an appendix unusual contemporary items that pertain to the Iberian peninsula. Here is an appeal of the autumn of 1618 to Gondomar to assist the establishment of a new convent for English Dominicans in Andalucia. There is also a confidential report by William Baldwin, SJ. presented to Gondomar in Madrid in the summer of 1619. Lastly there are the unusual original directives of James I concerning the Anglican services he desired to be conducted for Prince Charles during his visit to the Catholic court at Madrid in 1623. Notes to the Introduction Alonso Lopez de Haro, El Nobiliario Geneologico de los Reyes y TItulos de Espana (Madrid, 1622) vol. 1 pp. 236-38 is the earliest printed biography. There is no modern biography of distinction. Good new information as well as critical bibliographies are available in C. Carter, "Gondomar: Ambassador to James I", The Historical Journal vol. 7 (1964) p. 189-208; C. Senning, "The Carvajal Affair: Gondomar and James I" Catholic Historical Review vol. 56 (1970) p. 42-66. 2 See G. Mattingly, Renaissance Diplomacy (London, 1955) p. 259 ff. ; D. Willson, James VI and I (London, 1956) p. 362 f.; M. Breslow, A Mirror of England: English Puritan Views of Foreign Nations, 1618-40 (Cam bridge, Mass.

xxii


INTRODUCTION 1970) p. 142-48; W. Maltby, The Black Legend in England (Durham, N.C. , 1971) p. 100-115. P.R.O. S.P. 94/19/239, Digby to James I, Madrid, 7/17 Jan. 1612/1613. See C.R.S. vol. 64 (1973) Doc. 10; P.R.O. S.P. 94/19/382-84, " Secrett Instructions of don Diego Sarmiento sent by the Kinge of Spayne"; J. Rushworth, Historical Collections (ed. 1721) vol. 1 p. 18-20, copy is printed without correct identification. s E 2594/80, Sarmiento to Marquis of Guadaleste, London, 7 Dec. 1615. Shortly after his arrival Sarmiento was ordered to assist the court cronista , Fray Pedro de Valencia, by preparing "a very detailed report" of what had happened in England "concerning the king our lord" since his accession (E libro 367 f. 64, Ciri9a to Sarmiento, Madrid, 11 Dec. 1613) Fray Pedro's manuscript was not completed (M. Serrano y Sanz, Pedro de Valencia: Estudio Biografico - Critico, Badajoz, 1910). Gondomar was critical of errors in contemporary English and Spanish histories. He asked Lerma to demand a revision of Fray Marco de Guadalajara's Quarta Parte de la Historia Pontifical (Zaragosa, 1612) where it was stated that Spain was anxious for peace with England in 1604 and that a concession of trade with the Indies had been made (E 2592/2 Sarmiento to Lerma, London, 25 Jan. 1614). He brought his library of English books back to Spain where he duly secured permission from the papal nuncio to retain histories "composed by heretical writers" (E libro 368 f. 115 , Millino to Gondomar, Madrid, 7 July 1619). 6 F or 1611-14 see Documentos Ineditos vol. 3, p. 271; for 1615-16 , Ibid. voL 1, p. 191; B.P.O. 2108 f. 68 "Relacion del estado en que quedan las pensiones . . ." Dec. 1623; E 2516 n. foL Gondomar to Philip IV, Brussels, 1 Feb. 1626. 7 E. 2575 n. fo1. Certification of accounts dated 2 Oct. 1636. 8 E libro 360 f. 4 Sarmiento to Philip III, London, 6 Sept. 1613; Documentos Ineditos vol. 3 p. 139, Sarmiento to Lerma, London, 6 Oct. 1613. 9 B. M. Harleian Mss. 1581 f. 113-14, Naunton to Buckingham, n.d. ca. April 1619. lOw. Prynne, A Breviate of the Life of William Laud (1644) p. 48. Later Charles I refused to permit Ely House to return to Spanish use. In 1636 the Count of Onate y Villa Mediana asked to reside there but the Master of Ceremonies, John Finnet, replied "I knew it to be resolved that the House which for the scandall's sake, which at that tyme came of it for the exceptions taken by our bishops against the use of the chapel for the Masse (sayd dayly therein) and for the kinges subjects to repayre to it should never more be made a dwelling for ambassadores." (Rousham House, Oxon. Mss "Finnets Notes" p. 401). Meanwhile in early 1623 Van Male reported that "by command of the king signed by the new secretary Sir Edward Conway" pursuivants entered Newgate prison where they broke into the quarters of the imprisoned priests "and took all their papers, books and church ornaments" (P C 59 f. 56 letter to Archduchess, London, 17 Feb. 1623). 11 Madrid, B. Nac. Manuscritos 2366 f. 135-47: "Relacion que el conde de Gondomar dio a fray Diego." 12 Ibid. f. 135, 138, 142, 144. 13 See Doc. 11, 34. 3

4

14 Documentos Ineditos voL 2, p. 131-43, Gondomar to Philip III Madrid, 28 March 1619;lbid. p. 103 , Gondomar to Ciri9a, Madrid, 28 March 1619. 1 S See Doc. 34.

16

See Doc. 14.

xxiii


INTRODUCTION 17

18

See C.R.S . vol. 64 (1973) Doc. 46. See Doc. 5, 12, 36, 37.

19 See Doc. 35; further details in E 2514/85 consulta of 4 March 1617 and E 2515/13 consulta of 29 Jan. 1618. 20 See Doc. 30. 21 Loomie, "Gondomar's Selection of English Officers in 1622" Engl. Hist. Rev. vol. 88 (1973) p. 574-8l.

E libro 378 n. fol. Bruneau to Gondomar, London, 25 March 1625, where the rumour that Hamilton sought a Catholic priest is reported. 23 Years later the story was still current in London that when Gondomar was about to send some official letters to Madrid "and the old countess of Buckingham then in extraordinary high favour that most Suters made their address unto her, he writ a postscript to Count Olivares that ther were never greater hopes then now that England would turn Roman Catholik, for the mother was more worshipped then the son." J. Howell, Discourse concerning Precedency (1664) p . 210. 24 See Doc. 5l. 22

2S

N. McClure, ed. The Letters. of John Chamberlain vol. 2, p. 452.

26

E K 1457, Philip IV to Count of Osona, Aranjuez, 24 April 1625.

E 2038/99 consulta of 18 Jan. 1624; E 2038/32 consulta of 24 June 1624. 28 Loomie, "Olivares, the English Catholics and the Peace of 1630" Revue Beige de Philologie et d'Histoire vol. 47 (1969) p. 1154-66. 27

29 E 2516/130 Accounts of Coloma ending 20 June 1624. The assembly of Catholics cost 2254 reales (approximately ÂŁ56); See also Coloma to Mellini, n.d. ca. June 1624 (Tierney-Dodd, vol. 5, p. cclxi); Olga Turner, "Don Carlos Coloma, 1566-1637, como historiador", Homenaje a Jaime Vicens Vives (Barcelona, 1967) vol. 2, p. 717-31 con tains a full bibliography of his career. 30 See Doc. 56; R. Ruigh, The Parliament of 1624 (Cambridge, Mass. 1971) p. 257-302. 31 E 2516/49 consulta of 19 Nov. 1623; E 2573/200 Philip IV to Hurtado de Mendoza, Madrid, 20 Nov. 1623. 32 E 2316 n. fol. Bruneau to Gondomar, Brussels, 29 Jan. 1626; Gondomar to Philip IV, Brussels, 1 Feb. 1626.

xxiv


1. THE COUNCIL OF STATE TO PHILIP III. Madrid, 30 April 1613. Original consulta, 4 pages, E 2514/4. The king's response is indicated in Document 3. Earlier diplomatic approaches of Paul V to James I are seen in Vol. I, doc. 18,19,37,47. Although the Franco-Spanish marriage alliances were now assured, the Pope's appeal for a common effort diplomatically by Catholic princes on behalf of the English Catholics aroused misgivings at the Spanish court. Cooperation with France had been reluctantly attempted by Philip III in 1602 but had come to nothing (see "Philip III and the Stuart Succession in England" , Rev. Belg. de Phil. et d'Hist. 43 (1965) pp. 510-13). Subsequently French partisanship of the "Appellants" had been found divisive (see J. Bossy, "Henry IV, the Appellants and the Jesuits", Rec. Hist. 8 (1965) pp. 106-11). At that time Zuniga advised Philip from London that any French interest to be considered "Protector of the Catholics" was demonstrated "so as to damage their affection for Spain" (E 2584/74, letter of 10 November 1605). Subsequently he warned of James' s annoyance over a rumour that a league was planned between Paul V, Henry IV and Philip III (E 2584/54 letter of 31 March 1606). Although only a rumour, there does survive from this period an undated memorandum to the pope by Joseph Creswell (possibly 1606) insistLlg on the creation of an entente on behalf of the English Catholics (A.S.V Fondo Borghese, II vol. 68 ff. 228-30). For a later reaction to this plan see Doc. 21.

(p.1) + Senor Vuestra Magestad mando por villete del Duque de Lerma que se viese en el consejo un memorial que ha dado el nuncio de su Santidad 1 en que refiere que un religioso que auia llegado de Inglaterra aRoma propuso a su Santidad que si los embaxadores de vuestra Magestad y de Francia 2 con algun ministro del emperador hablasen juntos al Rey de Inglaterra y Ie apretasen muy de veras para que no se hiziese tanta persecucion como agora reciben los catolicos que ay en aquel Reyno Ie darian quiza en que entender que desseando su Santidad acertar en cosa tan grave como esta no ha querido hazer nada sin oyr antes el parecer de Vuestra Magestad como hijo tan obediente suyo y amparo de la Religion catholica para que pareciendo de considera~ion a Vuestra Magestad esta propuesta haga su Santidad la diligencia que convenga junto con Vuestra Magestad y los dichos principes. y auiendo platicado en el consejo sobre 10 referido se voto como se sigue: El Comendador Mayor de Leon 3 que todo 10 que se pudiere hazer por los Catholicos de Inglaterra y de todas partes (p. 2) es muy justo y


2

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

proprio de la grandeca y mucha Christiandad de Vuestra Magestad pero es materia que pide mucha considera<;ion porque no reciban dana poniendolos en diferencia con su Rey 0 tomando el el officio que se apunta por especie de amena9a Y pensando que es a aquisicion de los catolicos les aruyne de quaxo, pero no se puede responder esto a su Santidad porque no diga que ya hizo su officio con Vuestra Magestad y con aquelio cumple sino aqui al nuncio que Vuestra Magestad esta muy prompto para acudir al beneficio de los Catholicos y que dessea que prevalezca mucho y que su Santidad considere el fructo que se podra sacar de 10 que hiziere por elios segun el estado de las cosas y el pro y contra que ay en el casso y ver con esto a 10 que salen de parte de su Beatitud en quien se ha con09ido mucho recato en hazer officios en Inglaterra si bien se ha dado a entender de su parte la esperan9a que tiene de que serian bien recebidos. Ha se pensado algunas vezes si seria bien avisar a los catolicos de aquel Reyno por mayor bien suyo que no faltando en 10 espiritual a su obliga~ion ni haziendo el Juramento que aquel Rey les pide en 10 de mas (p. 3) temporal Ie sirvan bien y no traten de nada contra el y se podria esperar que arimando a esto el oficio que agora advierte el nuncio llevase camino y aprovechase y desto y de 10 demas que pareciese se podria hazer proposicion al Papa para que entienda quanta dessea Vuestra Magestad el bien de aquellos catolicos y visto 10 que responde y se Ie offrer;e tratar de 10 que convenga. El Marques de Veliada 4 que la advertienr;ia muestra mucha piedad y zelo del servicio de nuestro Senor y assi conforma con el Comendador Mayor de Leon. El Duque de Infantado S que tiene por muy peligroso esta diligencia que apunta el nuncio por que al rnismo punto que que se hiziese a de pensar el Rey de Inglaterra que es liga contra el y podria ser resultar a esto el degollarlos a todos y el aver ydo contiento en esta materia ha sido por la rnisma salud y bien delios y es assi que diran en Roma que acudieron a Vuestra Magestad y no les ha respondido pero por el inconveniente dicho es bien yr con mucha considerar;ion y hazer 10 que se pudiere (p. 4) sin su perjuycio porque no les llevara durestas pues aun quando el subcesso de la polbora (en que no huuo mas causa de la que se vio) dieron a entender que fue trar;a de aca y del Papa, de mas de que tiene por cierto, que de franr;ia no embiaran a hazer, este officio pero conformase con 10 ultimo que apunta el Comendador Mayor de Leon. El Marques de Villa Franca 6 se conforma con el Comendador Mayor de Leon. Don Agustin Messia que no se desista de 10 que dize su Santidad y se Ie ponga en considerar;ion todo 10 que offrer;e para que entienda quanta se dessea aca el bien de aquelios Catholicos y se vaya tomando el expediente que mas convenga. El Marques de la Laguna 7 se conforma con el Comendador de Leon. Vuestra Magestad etc. a 30 Abril de 1613.


APRIL 1613

3

[Translation:] + Sire, By a letter from the Duke of Lerma your Majesty ordered that there be a review of a memorial presented by the nuncio of his Holiness l wherein he relates that a religious from England, who came to Rome, proposed to his Holiness that if the ambassadors of your Majesty and France,2 together with some representative of the Emperor, should speak to the King of England and should strongly protest to him about the heavy persecution that at the moment the Catholics of that kingdom endure they would perhaps make him realize that it ought to be ended. While his Holiness was anxious to assist an affair as grave as this he did not wish to do anything before hearingfirst the opinion of your Majesty, a most obedient son and protector of the Catholic faith, so that, should this seem important to your Majesty, his Holiness might undertake appropriate measures jointly with your Majesty and the said princes. When the Council had discussed the report it voted as follows. The Comendador Mayor of Leon 3 [said} that everything possible should be done for the Catholics of England, as a thing most fitting in every respect and in keeping with your Majesty's stature and deep Christianity; still this is a question which demands much reflection lest they receive harm by setting them at odds with their king, or by letting him view the undertaking, which is being here suggested, as a sort of threat. Once he thought that control of the Catholics was being sought he would promptly destroy them. Yet this can not be said in the response to his Holiness because he does not mention that he has previously exercised his duty with your Majesty and that consequently there was agreement, but rather that now at the moment your Majesty is to be fully prepared to come to the aid of the Catholics and he is insisting upon this strongly. His Holiness should reflect upon the effect that might result according to the condition of affairs and that there is a "for'! and "against" in the question and [he ought} to look into this case and see what might be the outcome for his Holiness, in whom there has been seen a considerable caution in his proceedings with England, although he let it be known that he hoped they would be well received. The thought had occurred to him at one time or another whether it would be good to advise the Catholics of that kingdom for their own greater good that, provided there was no failing in their obligations to the spiritual and no acceptance of the oath, they should serve the king well in whatever he asks concerning the temporal and not conspire against him in any way. It could then be expected that by following this advice, the activity about which the nuncio is speaking at present might be begun and make progress. Concerning this and the subsequent effect a statement can be made to the Pope so that he might realize how well your Majesty is looking after the good of those Catholics and after seeing his response and what the opportuntiy provides to discuss what is suitable.


4

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

The Marquis of Velada 4 [said] that the statement showed great piety and zeal for the service of our Lord and accordingly he agreed with the Comendador Mayor of Leon. The Duke of Infantado S [said] that he considered this activity which the nuncio disclosed to be very dangerous for, as soon as it is begun, the king of England will believe there is a league against him and perhaps there will result the ruin of everyone and his previous contentment in this matter has been to their own security and well being and inevitably they will be saying in Rome that they did turn to your Majesty and there was no response for them. However because of the aforesaid difficulty it is best to proceed with great care and to do what ought to be done without danger for them so as not to bring hardship upon them. For even in the Powder Plot (wherein there was no further cause from what was seen) they let it be known that it was a design from here and the Pope. Furthermore, he thinks it certain that as far as France is concerned they will not send word to proceed in this role. However he is in agreement with the last remarks of the Comendador Mayor of Leon. The Marquis of Villa Franca 6 [said] that he agreed with the Comendador Mayor of Leon. Agustin de Mexia [said] that there is no evasion of what his Holiness said and that everything that happened should be kept in mind so that he should become aware of how much the good of the Catholics is being sought here and that there is going to be adopted the course that is most suitable. The Marquis de la Laguna 7 [said] that he agreed with the Comendador Mayor of Leon. May your Majesty, etc. On 30 April 1613. Antonio Caetano, Archbishop ofCapua, Nuncio in Spain 1611-18. Samuel Spifame, Sieur de Buisseaux, who was reported to have already been ordered by the Queen Mother to make "serious efforts on behalf of the Catholics" since there was greater liberty for Huguenots in France that what Spain permitted to protestants in its territories (P C 48 n. fo1. Boisschot to Archduke, London, 25 April 1613). 3 Juan de Idiaquez. 2

4

Antonio G6mez Davila, Marquis of Velada y Astorga.

6

Ifiigo L6pez de Mendoza, Duke of Infantado. Pedro de Toledo Osorio, Marquis of Villa Franca. Sancho Cerda, Marquis de la Laguna de los Cameros.

7


MAY 1613

5

2. JOSEPH CRESWELL TO THE DUKE OF LERMA, Madrid, 17 May 1613. Holograph with signature, 3 pages, E 2590/42.

(p.2) + Entiendo que Don Ricardo Berryl cauallero Ingles que parte para Inglaterra procura besar las manos a Vuestra Excellencia para despedirse: y me ha parecido por via de prevencion representar a Vuestra Excellencia 10 que aqui dire. Solia siempre de mnchos anos desta parte residire aqui en Madrid una persona confidente de los Catholicos de Inglaterra con cargo de corresponder con ellos y entretener los afectos al servicio de su Magestad. Esto hizo Don Francisco Englefield 2 que fue del consejo de estado de la Reyna Dona Maria, y despues del, Thomas Fitzherbert. 3 Vacando este lugar Ie quiso ocupar Thomas Jaymes,4 y por cartas del Duque de Sesa s y otros que truxo de Roma su Magestad Ie mando dar 40 escudos al mez para este efecto. Pero como los otros no Ie conocian ny querria nadie corresponder con el: se fue a san Lucar, adonde agora reside con titulo de Consul de los mercaderes, que es su profession. Vista la falta que aqui se hazia al servicio de su Magestad ya la misma causa, que es comun, escriui a Inglaterra que embiassen aca para este efecto persona de quien ellos tenian confianca y embiaron a este cauallero. Enfermandose grauemente en Madrid, este embaxador 6 Ie visito mas veces, y Ie ofrecio su casa, para curarle y regalarle. Pregunto my parecer y yo Ie aconseje de aceptarlo, si el embaxador Ie hazia mas instancia: porque (0 que viviesse, 0 muriesse) sabia que auia de edificarles, y assi fue: porque aprobecho su buen exemplo, y yo fui a confesarle en casa del Embajador sabiendo el: y Ie quedo muy aficionado, y con estas ocasiones se ganan los hombres a Dios: de donde los que no saben 10 que passa, toman (a veces) materia de sospechar: y cada uno injura a otros confarme a su propria intencion. Este cauallero se resuelve de volver a Inglaterra a donde tiene credito entre los Catholicos yo par my parte procuro que vaya de aca satisfecho y obligado porque puede servir Vuestra Excellencia viera (segun su pruden cia) 10 de mas que convenga hazer con el. (p. 3) Segun las relaciones que vienen de Inglaterra el Rey no puede vivir muchos dias 7 y con su muerte abia (infaliblemente) mudanr;a: y el estado de los Catholicos, es muy differente de 10 que an pintado algunos que an venido de alIa . Las muestras de amistad que agora se les hazen, en todos tiempos seran agradecidos. Pero las que ubiese despues que Ie hallasen en mejor fortuna, ni se estimaran ny se creeran, si les entrare opinion que se an menos preciados en su necessidad. Sabe dios (par quien 10 he


6

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

hecho) el cuydado y trabajo que me ha costado, de encubrir y escusar cosas que pudiessen causar esta opinion. Pero yo soy uno: y si fuere solo, no me creeran. Los embaxadores (despues de la Paz) an gastado a su Magestad mucho dinero. Vuestra Excellencia sabra mejor, si los efectos ayan correspondido. Yo se que sus yerros (si los hiziesen) cuestan caro a los Catholic os porque . se vengan dellos en Inglaterra y ay probabilidad que llegados aca, y con sus cartas, los echan a otros, y assi yo he topado con ministro graue muy enganado en aquellos materias : y si ay muchos de la misma manera no me puedo espantar de malos sucesos en estos negocios. Lo que sucedio bien a los que an hecho algo bueno en Inglaterra sucedio, porque les ayudaron los Catholicos y vemos que despues que les vinieron a conocer y tener en poco no an hecho 10 que antes en el servicio de su Magestad. Por esto yo fui de parecer que este cauallero acompanasse a Don Diego Sarmiento y que fuesse con aprobacion deste Embaxador de Inglaterra pues no se podia encubrir: y ello aprobo, sabiendo que don Diego (por fuerc;a) auia de Ileuar alguno: y que auia de ser Catholico: y esto supuesto, (por tener a este cauallero por persona pacifica y de honrados respectos) entendia que no haria cosa indigna dellos. Nadie puede prometer la perseverancia de otro ni el suyo tampoco en la fee y gracia de Dios. Pero si miramos las cosas segun presentem Justitiam tantas prendas tiene este cauallero de perseverar fiel (p. 4) a Dios y a su Magestad quantas qualquier de los que se an a ambiado de aca: y bien se que ninguno dellos (quando se fue) auia dado tan grandes pruebas como este cauallero ha dado, de ser Catholico (no por interes) sino por ser 10 de corazon. Algunos no son capaces (por falta de experiencia) de entender que est a causa es comun y que todo el bien y mal que recibe su Magestad es nuestro y en mayor grado 10 sentimos que sus proprios vasallos (fuera de los que tienen mana en el gouierno y estan sujetos a premios y penas) porque las cosas a los demas vasallos son picaduras de moscas ~ nos otros son heridas mortales. Lo de mas rernito a la prud\~h.eia y pied ad de Vuestra Excellencia a quien guarde Nuestro Senor cQmo este indigno siervo suyo suplica continuamente. Oy 17 de Mayo de 1613. Joseph Cresuelo

+ [Translation:] I understand that Richard Berry, l an English gentleman about to leave for England is arranging to bid farewell to your Excellency and I have decided to set down here in a sort of introduction what he will be say ing to your Excellency. For many years it has been the regular custom on our part to have a reliable person live in Madrid to represent the Catholics of England with the duty to correspond with them and preserve their loyalty in his


MAY 1613

7

Majesty's service. Sir Francis Englefield,2 who was once a member of Queen Mary's council, did this and after him Thomas Fitzherbert.3 When the position fell vacant Thomas James 4 wished to assume it and because of letters from the Duke of Sessa 5 and others as well which he brought from Rome his Majesty ordered that he be given 40 escudos a month for (lJat purpose. However since the rest did not know him, nor did anyone wish to correspond with him, he left for San Lucar where he now resides with the title of consul of merchants, as that is his profession. When the loss for his Majesty's service and the same common cause became evident I wrote to England in order that they might send some one here in whom they had confidence for this position and they sent this gen tleman. . When he fell seriously ill in Madrid, the ambassador6 visited him on several occasions and offered him his residence to mend and repose. He asked my opinion and I advised him to accept if the ambassador pressed him again since - whether he should live or die - he knew that he had to edify them and accordingly he went, because I approved his good behaviour and I went to hear his confession in the ambassador's house with his knowledge and he remained very devoted. Indeed within these opportunities men are won to God, wherein some who are unaware of what is happening may, at times, find occasion for suspicions, and each one gives offense to another in keeping with his own point of view. This gentleman has decided to return to England where he has a good name among the Catholics. For my part, I am labouring that he should return there contented and indeed under obligation because he is capable of service. According to your prudent judgement your Excellency might ponder what more should be done for him. According to the reports which come from England the king cannot live many days 7 and at his death there will most certainly be a change. The condition of the Catholics is very different from what some who have come from there have pictured. The signs of friendship which at the moment are shown to to them will be pleasing at all times. But no matter what might happen to them, if they reach a better situation, they will be neither appreciated not believed if they are overwhelmed by the news that they are to be less esteemed in time of need. Since the peace, the ambassadors have spent considerable money on his Majesty's behalf Your Excellency should be the better judge whether the results have been equivalent. I am aware that their mistakes whenever they commit them - are costing the Catholics dearly because they are committed by them in England. There is a probability that once they reach there, even with their letters, they might drive them away to others. On this score I have argued with an important councillor who was quite confused about these matters and if there are many of the same sort I can not be surprised at the unfortunate results of these nego tiations.


8

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

What success occurred for those who have been doing well in England occurred because they assisted the Catholics. We see now that later, when they came to realize that they were considered to be of small value, they have not acted as before in his Majesty's service. For this reason I believe that this gentleman should accompany don Diego Sarmiento and that he should go with the approbation of this ambassador from England since it cannot be concealed. He has approved this as he has known that don Diego perforce had to bring some one and that he should be a Catholic, and on this supposition - since he considers this gentleman a peaceable individual and of honorable intentions - he knows that he will not do anything unbecoming. If some one has stirred up trouble on this account it has been because he has not been informed of the problem, and for this reason I wrote at once about it to your Excellency. No one can promise the perseverance of another, nor of himself for that matter, in God's faith and grace. However should we look at things according to the present dispensation of grace this gentleman possesses as many guarantees of remaining faithful to God and his Majesty as any of those who have been sent from here. This gentleman knows quite well - after he has gone - that none of them has offered such complete proof of being a Catholic as he - and not from self interest - but out of conviction. Some people are incapable, from a lack of experience, of understaning that this is a common cause and that anything good or bad that his Majesty experiences, is also ours and that we are suffering to a greater extent than his own subjects - aside from those who have a hand in government and accordingly are subject to rewards and penalties - for things which for many subjects are flea bites are mortal wounds to the rest of us. I leave the rest to your Excellency's prudence and piety, for whom this unworthy servant continually asks our Lord's protection. Today the 17th of May. Joseph Creswell 1 See Loomie, "Richard Berry, Gondomar's English Catholic Adviser", Recusant History, voL 11 (1971), pp. 47-57. 2 See Loomie, Spanish Elizabethans, 14-5l. 3 Ibid. pp. 108-12; C.R.S. , voL 41 (1948), Introd. 4 See Loornie, Guy Fawkes in Spain , (Bulletin Inst. Hist. Res., Supplement, 1971) pp. 9-14. 5 Antonio de Cardona y Cordoba, Duke of Sessa. 6 John Digby. 7 See, for example, D. Willson, King James VI and I (London, 1956) p. 336.


SEPTEMBER 1613

9

3. PHILIP III TO DIEGO SARMIENTO DE AcuNA, Segovia, 21 September 1613. Contemporary translation, 1 page, P.R.O. S.P.94/20/101. Enclosed in a despatch of John Digby to James I, 13 October 1613. Original Spanish, 2 pages, B.P.O. Manuscritos, 2183 n. fo1.; also in E 2572/26. See Document 1. In support of the Council's policy there are two further letters by Luis de Aliaga of 18 May (E 2514/7) and 2 July 1613 (E 2514/6). See also Doc. 21.

(f.101) The Nuncio of the Pope hathe represented unto mee, that certaine English priests had propounded in Rome that yf the Spanish ambassador and the French Ambassador l and some minister in the behalfe of the Emperour should joyntly speake togeather unto the king of great Brittayne and presse him earnestly not to use so great persecution towards the Catholickes yt mighte bee that thereuppon he would growe more mil de and moderate. The Popes nuncio in Spayne tolde me that heerein the Pope desires to know my opinion to the ende that hee mighte for his parte take that course in the business which mighte bee moste requisite. I have caused answeare to be given hereupon unto the Pope offering unto his consideration all that may bee sayd bothe pro and contra. 2 And that may bee that the king of great Brittayne may iudge these our in devours too bee a kinde of acquisition of the Catholicks his subiects unto our selves. And therupon ruine and overthrowe them all togeather. Esteeming this kinde of proceeding a manner of threatning and therefore I helde yt fitt with this occasion againe to direct you that you counsole the sayd Catholicks (with that heede and discretion as you knowe the case requirethe) to labour and indevour to win the favour of the king of great Brittayne by all actes of fidelitie and obedience. But preserving ever the puritie of our faith as well in the interiour as the exteriour. And when for confession of faith yt is fitt to make any publick demonstrations thei must bee confident in God who will not faile to helpe them. And the persecution of the king of great Brittayne will cease when he shall be assured that the Catholicks have no intention against his person nor his Estate. You shall advise me of all things that may concerne this particular. And by what wayes you guide your negociation in this kinde. 1 Earlier Spifame reported that James I defended his policy by declaring that the laws of England against Catholics were far more specific than in France (against Protestants) yet he did not persecute as much "as he would be able", for "he woould be satisfied" merely to imprison priests unless thay were guilty of "something against the state" or of breaking a pledge not to return from exile (B. Nat. Mss Francais 15987 ff. 87v, Spifame to Puisieux, London, 16 June 1613). Rome


10

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

still requested the French court to seek moderation from James (A.S .V. Fondo Borghese, I vol. 896 f. 151 Borghese to Ubaldini, Rome, 6 July 1613,and f.213, letter of 7 November 1613). 2 In the Spring of 1614 Paul V wrote a special breve to Sarmiento expressing his gratification over his efforts "for the preservation and increase of our religion" in England (B. Nac. Manuscritos 18420 f. 73, copy in Spanish, 13 March 1614).

4. DIEGO SARMIENTO DE ACUNA TO PHILIP III, London,5 October 1513.

Original decipher, received on 17 October, 3 pages, E 2590/120. Text: Documentos Ineditos vol. 3, pp. 111-14. [Translation: ] Sire, The oath which this king is demanding of all his subjects affirms in one paragraph that they swear that they abhore, detest and abjure as heretical, diabolical and damnable the opinion held by Catholics that a prince under excommunication and deprived of his estate by the pope can be deposed or killed by his vassals with a good conscience. They swear that they can not be absolved from this oath nor from any portion of it. Indeed this is the point upon which the king feels most deeply and wherein the heretics hold the most influence upon him and provide arguments against the Pope and the Catholics. This oath has been the principal reason for a change in the situation in Ireland and twelve Irish deputies! who arrived to report about the disagreements between their parliament and the Viceroy 2 are being seen here before the Council at the moment. Here the king desired to be present when they made their report to the Council and asked the person 3 who spoke in the name of all (he is a learned and important person) why it was that in Ireland they did not wish to show obedience and take the oath of loyalty. The deputy replied that everyone recognized him as their king and sovereign and their natural temporal lord, and as such they obeyed him and would ever continue to do so and they would die in its defense and in the service of him and his heirs. Then he inquired what religion he had and he replied it was the Roman Catholic which his ancestors had held. Then he repeated to him his question what he thought about the opinion held by the Catholics that the Pope could depose and deprive him of his kingdom. He replied that he did not understand this despite the fact that he gave several answers on this point he was never able to produce another response except to say that he had no wish there to decide or affirm the one or the other.


OCTOBER 1613

11

They tell me that the Archbishop of Canterbury shouted loudly against this and the king became disturbed and ordered him to be bound and conducted to the Tower where he still remains. Out of this oath stems the increased persecution of the Catholics of this kingdom since once it is refused they confiscate their property and condemn them to perpetual imprisonment. 4 Accordingly many estates and houses are lost and great privations are to be seen even among important persons who were once seen with prosperous estates. Since the Catholics happen to be so harassed and exhausted it is no small burden upon their slight resources to have to support so many religious and secular priests as move about this kingdom. They tell me that there are more than 800, and in this city of London alone more than 300 are being supported. Accordingly his Holiness can not perform any charity more acceptable to God than to distribute here some some thousands of ducats for the continuance and support of the life and blood which is being poured forth and sacrificed with such joy for his service and that of the Holy Roman Church. This can be done through the hands of one of the priests themselves who is most acceptable to his Holiness as there are many here of great store in learning and prudence. This will be an action most praiseworthy in public and private. I would have already written and informed his Holiness since I believe it is proper to do so but I did not think it correct to do so without first reporting to your Majesty to see what your Majesty might be pleased to command me to do in this question. Herewith I am sending to your Majesty a book which was printed in this city at the beginning of this year which is a new device against the Pope's authority since the time of Sixtus V and that of the Holy Roman Church and especially against the authority of Paul V. I understand this book has been prepared by a Doctor Martos, a native of Naples, who after encountering certain difficulties in Rome has fled to the territory of the Venetians and is now at present in Padua. He gave this book to the ambassador of this king who resides in Venice and he sent it here where they have caused it to be printed. 5 On this account learned priests and those who desire to help and relieve this king and his kingdom have said to me that the composition of books, which tear down the authority of this king's person in harmful words, has done great damage to the very goal which is being sought. For it has provided material for the ill disposed whereby they render him obstinate in continuing to write as he has wriiten. This is to be seen in what Cardinal du Perron has written while treating him courteously and exhorting him reasonably has produced different results in the king. 6 He has ordered that the Cardinal is to be answered very graciously by letting it be understood that he has been pleased with what he has written many times for he has been entertained for many pleasant hours with his letters. 7 May God protect your Majesty, etc.


12

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

1 SeeC.S.P. Venetian 1613-1 5, pp.13, 30; C. S.P. Ireland 1611-14, pp. xxxviii-lix; R. Bagwell, Ireland under the Stuarts, (London, 1909), vol. 1, pp. 135-37. 2 Sir Arther Chichester, Lord Deputy of Ireland. 3 Possibly Sir Thomas Lutterel of Lutterelston, C.S.P. Ireland 1611-14, pp. 407, 413-19. 4 A commission of inquiry was created in Parliament on 12 November 1613. Ibid. pp . 436-37. 5 Jacopo Antonio Marta, Professor of Canon Law at Padua, 1611-17. On June 1612 he wrote to James offering a "Relation of the Court of Rome", but later in 1614 Somerset advised Dudley Carleton to see that Marta's "vast and immoderate ideas are to be restrained". His book was handed to the English ambassador in 1618. (See L.P. Smith, The Letters and the Life of Sir Henry Wotton, Oxford, 1907, vol. 2, pp . 97-99,472-73.) 6 Jacques Cardinal Davy du Perron, 1556-1621, a friend of Henry IV and Bellarmine, had urged the King of France to pursue a conciliatory policy towards J ames, distinct from the Spanish approach (See C. de Ligny, ed. Les Ambassades et Negotiations du Cardinal du Perron (Paris, 1633), vol. I, pp. 546-47). The Letter . written from Paris by the Lord Cardinal! of Peron to Mons. Casaubon in England (St. Orner, 1612. STC 6383) was a recent example of Sarmiento's comment. 7 See Document 21, note 3.

5. DIEGO SARMIENTO DE ACUNA TO THE DUKE OF LERMA, London, 6 October 1613. Original autograph, 2 pages, E 2590/111. Text: Documentos Ineditos vol. 3, pp. 136-38. [Translation: ]

+

When the courrier was ready to depart I found out what the ambassador of this king has written recently concerning what transpired in a recent interview which he had with your Excellency. I am giving a more detailed account of this to his Majesty along with this despatch. 1 This has had a great effect on this king as a person, who is well informed about these matters, tells me that he looks at it so very differently that, when I had advised him that I was about to send a courrier to Spain, in case he might wish to write to his ambassador2, he has sent me a despatch for him which this. courrier is to carry. This person has told me that in it this king instructs his ambassador that he should seek an audience again with your Excellency and should say on his behalf that, though the laws of the last parliament are very rigorous against the Catholics, he has been moderate in their enforcement with a considerable difference from the days of Queen Elizabeth. However he would be very pleased to learn, and your Excellency should tell him, what was his Majesty's pleasure that he should do both in general and in particular with the Catholics and that whatever touches him, he would be most happy to do and the rest, which concerns parlia-


OCTOBER 1613

13

ment, he will accomplish by a smooth arrangement, for he wants on his part to tighten the bond of friendship and brotherhood with Spain as well. 3 He would like to clarify and remove doubts in order that after doing as much as possible he will be able to rest assured that this friendship will be firm. The same person, who informed me about this, told me that I should report this to your Excellency so that you might be prepared when the ambassador will speak on this question to your Excellency. He is of the opinion that there should be a very gracious response because it will be highly valued and your Excellency should state what seems best on behalf of the Catholics, while not requiring that he become a Catholic nor freedom of conscience, but only certain things which would cqntinue to solve the matter step by step so as to reach those results. For, by seeking to move this matter along too quickly, we will put ourselves in danger of losing everything as well as placing the king in jeopardy for his crown and his life. This person told me this in explicit words. It is highly convenient to use this opportunity and not to lose it and that the ambassador remain indebted and satisfied from this interview so that he might write accordingly to this king and in this way there will be a motion to begin what is so much in keeping with God's service and the kingdom's good. The information is of such a nature that I value it highly and I expressed my gratitude to the one who spoke to me. 4 I am trying to keep him honourably obliged to me by telling him that he is of as much service to his king as to ours so that in this way we should be kept better informed of everything which happens here and this one under more obligation and less restrained. May God protect your Excellency as is necessary. From London, 6 October 1613. (Autograph) don Diego Sarmiento de Acuna. Debated by the Council on 31 October (E 2514/10). The exchange of courriers was common at this time. 3 Digby reported that Lerma responded with "expressions of affection and good will unto your Majestie" but demanded "the mitigating of the pressures and rigorous courses against the Catholicks ... " (P.R.O. S.P.94/20/173,Digby to James, 3 December 1613). 4 The informant of Sarmiento was probably Thomas Lake whom Velasco had praised recently as "a man of good and zealous for the Catholic religion .. ." (E 2590/58 Velasco to Lerma, London 2 June 1613). See also Doc. 12. 1

2

6. DIEGO SARMIENTO DE AcuNA TO PHILIP III, London, 16 November 1613. Original decipher, 3 pages, received on 27 December, E 2590/25. Text: Documentos Ineditos, vol. 3, pp. 167-68.


14

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

[Translation:] + Sire, Doctor Carier,l a Canon of Canterbury, which is called here the metropolitan church of this kingdom, is a Royal Chaplain who provided considerable satisfaction by his preaching. Last year he gave a sermon in the king's presence wherein he touched upon certain points of confession, contrition and satisfaction which were not agreeable to protestants. For this reason they decided to detain him for guidance as to how to change towards a modified explanation of what he had said. When he returned to preach in the same place not only did he not retract what he had said but rather he corroborated and proved it with new and more effective reasons. As they did not dare to give a publicreprimand since he is an important person of considerable reputation, they made an excuse in his case. From then on this king did not manifest either the same favour or pleasure as before towards him. When he happened to feel certain indispositions this past summer he asked leave to take the waters in Spa in the region of Flanders. After departing with the king's permission to travel, he took the route to Rome where it is said here that he is now staying reconciled to the obedience to the church. He has written accordingly to his friends advising them to do the same, as he was extremely happy after having done SO.2 He has left here the two thousand reales of income 3 which he had held. Protestants and certain bishops have shown considerable chagrin at this. They tell me there are four of five 0 ther very learned Royal Chaplains who are true Catholics and who wish to decide to travel the same road. It is very much to be desired that his Holiness should welcome, honour and favour them. Furthermore the Dean of Saint Paul's Church 4 in this city preached a few days ago in favour of the most blessed Sacrament. He is a person reputed to be both learned and well disposed. At present he is writing a book under the king's orders and they tell me that he has told a friend of his that he is very unwilling to do this for they are forcing him to say some things contrary to what he holds for certain in matters of religion. Recently a book has been published here in defense of the oath which this king is demanding of his subjects. 5 They say that the author is a Catholic priest who has taken this oath and accordingly he would like to defend the possibility of taking it licitly. I am sending the book enclosed to your Majesty, whose Catholic person may God protect, etc. 1 Benjamin Carier (see Foley, Records vol. 1, pp. 622-23) was reported by John Chamberlain to have "turned papist and gone to Collen (sic) and this is cause to suspect that more will follow ... " (Chamberlain Letters vol. 1, p. 483). 2 The Treatise Written by Mr. Doctour Carier (Brussels, 1614, STC 4623, Allison and Rogers 207) contained a letter to James I from Liege of 12 December 1613 explaining "the meanes of my conversion". 3 Approximately ÂŁ50.


NOVEMBER 1613

15

John Overall, Dean 1604-14. His book is n ot known. However William Nicholls Comment on the Book of Common Prayer (London, 1710) contains a supplement (Sigs. SA to 5T) with additional "notes on the Common Prayer" from notebooks of Overall. S Roger Widdrington, A Theological! Disputation concerning the Oath of Allegiance (London, 1613 STC 25603). See also M. Lunn, "English Benedictines and the Oath of Allegiance, 1606-47", Recusant History 10 (1969) pp. 150-57. 4

7. DIEGO SARMIENTO DE AcuNA TO PHILIP III. London, 16 November 1613. Original decipher, 16 pages, E 2590/8 and 10. This includes a letter of James I of 29 October and a report of Francis Fowler. Text: Documentos Ineditos vol. 3, pp. 144-56. [Translation: ]

+

Sire, On the fifth of last month I gave your Majesty a report 1 on the happy results that were produced in this king's attitude by the response which the Duke of Lerma made to his ambassador in telling him about that loyalty that will be manifest in his Catholic subjects when they are being treated with love and gentleness without allowing them to be persecuted and and ill treated as they have been until now. This favourable attitude was so much increasing in the king's mind that he showed unusual signs of affection and confidence towards me. Indeed he began to talk of sending a gift to your Majesty of some things most suitable in his opinion, as proof of his good will and desire to renew and further strengthen peace with your Majesty. They told me today that this gift will shortly be departing because the king is most intent about the completion of what he is to send. 2 A memorandum about this is going with this letter. In keeping with the same outlook, one day while at table he said to the Bishop of Lichfield3 that he had no doubt that the Roman Catholic Church was the true one and that the Pope could admonish and even take action within his spiritual jurisdiction against kings and princes who might not have done as they should, but that the ambition of certain popes and their desire to meddle in many temporal things had brought in many abuses that could not be endured. Another night he repeated the same before everyone in his chamber, that should the pope become moderate in temporal power that they might easily be in agreement. All this together with other signs of his respect and good disposition towards the Catholics, had caused such resentment in the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Chancellor4 and


16

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

the enemies of Spain and generally for all puritans - they are the most obdurate of heretics - that they have met many times to discuss how they might succeed in diverting the king away from the good disposition that he has been showing. Just as things had reached this point, the king then received here a copy of the book which Father Suarez s had composed, after which he changed considerably and spoke publicly against the fathers of the Society and the Catholics. He complained also against your Majesty for permitting a book to be printed in Spain whose doctrine was so opposed to his authority. Because of this incident as well as two books that had been printed in Flanders,6 the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Chancellor, who had been watching most carefully, went to the king and finding him well disposed to accept what they wanted to say and persuade him to do, they stated that no trust could be placed in any Catholic prince and especially in your Majesty since they were constantly plotting against his realm and the authority and security of his person. Herein they were endeavouring to convince him as much as they could that he should revert to persecuting the Catholics with a fresh severity and thus to finish them off completely. They related to him the grave scandal which Dona Luisa de Carvajal, 'I by not resting content to keep in touch with priests and conceal them, gave by doing other things of considerable danger to his crown. She maintains a small residence 8 wherein she began the establishment of a monastery of professed nuns with veils and religious habits and a bell. Because of the great difficulties which might ensue from this they begged him earnestly to command that she should be seized and punished as the Archbishop had ordered and desired to be done some days before, yet it was not done out of respect for the fact that she was at that time in my residence. The king consented to this and so on the 28th of last month the Recorder of this city went with his warrant together with a sheriff and a large number from the watch to the house of dona Luisa where I arrived after receiving a report by then of what had happened. I was unable to prevent her arrest although I will keep trying by all possible means. When I had protested before the Council about her freedom, I decided to write to the king who was at Royston, 30 miles away, the following letter. Most Serene Lord "I deeply regret annoying your Majesty by complaints but your Majesty ought to be made aware of anything that might occur here. Indeed, should it be necessary, I would prefer to report nothing to my Lord, the King, save the honours and favours which I have received from your Majesty since my arrival here. I wish to continue to do so and to have no reason for saying the opposite, However at the moment I can not neglect to indicate to your Majesty the just resentment that I feel and the grave cause which has provoked me to it. "


NOVEMBER 1613

17

"It has been eight years since a Spanish lady of high station. dona Luisa de Carvajal by name, came to this city with a wish to live here, as she has done, without giving offence or bad example to anyone by always keeping her chamber within the residence of the Spanish ambassadors, as she has at present in mine. " "When she found herself in poor health and in need of getting the fresh air of the countryside she left eight days ago for a small house which she keeps in Spitalfields to rest herself from time to time. Yesterday the Recorder together with a large number of men with drawn swords went there to arrest her. They stormed the house from three sides by breaking down the doors, which had been bolted, to reach the room where the lady was staying and had been living with a decorum which is in keeping with her normal behaviour and is customary among women of her quality and profession of virtue, as well as from a fear of robbers. Thereupon she replied to the Recorder that she was not able to open the door to anyone without an order from the Spanish ambassador and I gave no approval for this even though I was at the place. What they found in her house was three or four wooden stools and two water jars and four or five servants that she has kept with her for many years. " "I had word of what had happened and with all speed I left my residence and went there at once to see whether I could help her in any way in keeping with my role and to see that no disorder occurred. When passing by the residence of the ambassador from Flanders who lives closeby he came to the door and entered my coach and we went on together. Inside the house of this lady we found the Recorder as well as the sheriff and a large crowd. I told him that this was indeed unusual and that unless there was something against your Majesty's service, as I knew there could not be, I would take it as a favour to postpone this decision until I had spoken to the members of the Council aboutitand that we would learn the wish ofyour Majesty while offering to take her away and keep her in my residence. " "He replied to me that he could not do this since he had an express order from your Majesty to bring her before the Council where they already were waiting and that I would profit by allowing him to do his duty without creating difficulties which could be followed up, and that I should order my servants as well to accompany me. Out of the deference which I bear for your Majesty I did so, thus allowing the coach in which they carried the lady to pass. My Secretary of Languages, 10 who would have accompanied her, and I returned to my residence while the Recorder brought her to the palace of the Archbishop of Canterbury. When I sent a message to him he replied in a different fashion than that which your Majesty is accustomed to respond to me and afford me courtesy, for he ordered that she be brought to prison at once. At this I stayed in deep distress for I look upon this lady as a sister and relative and because of all the happiness and companionship she has been for


18

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

dona Costanza, my wife, and because she is Spanish and a woman of high quality for whom many great lords in Spain have a deep respect, since she is related to them; and yet all this is insufficient, even my intervention, to change this decision, not withstanding the fact that I am giving a report to your Majesty. " "What distresses me the most is that, in order to give colour to what has been done, they are charging her with a statement, as monstrous as it is baseless, that she wished to found a monastery for nuns in London, as if such a thing could be believed of a person who possesses such good judgement as this lady, 11 and that it was to be bruited about without my being aware as certainly no one had believed or heard such a thing until the Archbishop told me in the Council. " "Furthermore I deeply regretted that they waited to make this disturbance on the day when I had an hour arranged in the afternoon to speak to the members of your Majesty's council about the depredations of pirates, 12 because it can be presumed that some of those ill disposed to the Spanish crown as well as to your Majesty's service, have no wish that the true friendship which exists between my Lord, the king, and your Majesty be preserved. Perhaps they are behaving like this so as to disrupt and overturn everything, for it is certain that if the Archbishop of Canterbury would like a remedy for something and not its destruction, it will be more easily rebuilt by telling me about it to my face. However it is to the devil that certain people are indebted for the idea that they are to be considered as faithful and completely loyal subjects of this crown when they show themselves the enemies of other [crowns] by trying with subterfuges to have something believed which is not so, nor does it stand up on reflection, because it is to you Majesty, as I said, to whom they do the greater disservice herein as shall be seen if y our Majesty should ever believe them. " "Yesterday I was present before the members ofyour Majesty 's Council and asked them to let me have the custody of this lady after telling me their accusations against her so that redress might be given, or that satisfaction might be offered since it was more certain that there was falsehood. In reply the Archbishop greatly exaggerated this affair of the monastery and other baseless accusations after which he concluded by saying that within a very few days a decision would be reached and I would be informed. " "I entreat your Majesty not to allow this injury to be done to me indeed the desire I have to serve your Majesty hardly merits it - but rather to command that this lady be handed over to me at once. For in addition to what will be neglected, dona Costanza, my wife, has to be her companion at present in the prison itself and has to suffer the same lot with her in everything. May God protect the most serene person of your Majesty for many years. In London on the 29th of October 1613. ' I sent this letter to the king with the Licentiate Francis Fowler, m? Secretary of Languages, along with one for the Viscount Rochester 1


NOVEMBER 1613

19

asking him to look favourably upon this request, for it was so much a cause of regret to me, and to ask that redress be given at once. The Viscount received him very graciously and entering where the king was resting he gave him my letter. Shortly afterwards he came out to where the Secretary of Languages was and told him that the king desired to make his response by word of mouth and that he should wait in the anteroom which the Secretary proceeded to do. The king came in person in company with the Viscount Rochester and Lake, a gentleman, who at present performs the duties of Principal Secretary of State. Shortly after they retired leaving the king along with my secretary and he spoke as follows. "La~t night I received a report from my Council that this Spanish lady had been arrested and that the Lord Ambassador, your master, was very pained about it. At once I gave orders that she be handed over to him and thus you can return, because I trust that when you reach his presence he will be less disturbed than what he indicates in the letter that you carried to me, and others have reported to me about this as well. However, I have ordered that my Council is to inform him that this Spanish lady was handed over on condition that he shall begin to bring her away from this kingdom at once. Since this woman is unmarried and still of such importance as is publicly given out, I am astounded that she should prefer to remain here with permission yet without any business to require her to do so, nor have I ever heard before of a woman of similar quality wishing to see foreign lands and to live in them without a greater reason and obligation than this Spanish lady has.' "According to what they tell me she has been in this kingdom for nine years without doing anything else save enticing the souls of my subjects away from the faith that we here profess by persuading and directing them towards living in papistry whose doctrine teaches that vassals can deny obedience and due loyalty to their kings and princes by releasing them from such an obligation whenever their sovereign lords are not of the Roman faith and do not recognize and give obedience to the Pope. Thus recently a certain Theatine [sic] whom they call Suarez is teaching in a certain book, which has been just printed in Spain with the approval of two universities and the names of some bishops. Furthermore a few days ago there have appeared two or three books printed in the Archbuke's estates that are very scandalous and contrary to the governance of these my realms and estates. " "There is no answer to this because it is happening in this fashion , it is to be seen even in the book of Suarez, here in this window, whose doctrine deprives kings and princes in every respect of the security of their subjects and it is contrary to what Holy Scripture teaches in dlf ferent places. 14 With this the papists dispense when it is to their purpose, as is to be seen regularly in the marriages they arrange between relatives and c.ousins within prohibited degrees of consanguinity. '


20

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

"As to what pertains to this lady it is certain that she has no other reason to remain here except to talk with people who migh t follow the Roman faith as she has always been doing since she arrived in this realm and as she is continuing to do. There is not any answer to this either, because I know it from a reliable report. I also know of two priests of your faith who had been condemend to death a few years ago - not because of their faith but for treason and lese Majeste - who were seen by this lady on the night before they were to be hanged when she went to take food to them in Newgate prison. When I reported this to the previous ambassador he dismissed it by saying that he did not believe it, neither had he heard of such a thing although I later offered better proof and returned to tell him. " "I see, furthermore, that this lady has been keeping six or seven serving-maids along with two men servants, everyone of whom is a subject of this crown. These she instructs and leads into the Roman faith, and this I know for certain. She attempts to keep these servants and others as well under certain rules as they are accustomed to do in monasteries of nuns. They call one another 'sister' in her house without another name or title. It is evident that this lady has no need of so many servants, nor to keep them for any other reason that what I have said. Under no circumstance would I permit my ambassador in Spain} 5 either to sponsor or protect a subject of mine who would attempt such a manner of life in that realm. Instead I would punish him for such activity, much less would it be permitted there for the Inquisition would order them to the stake at once. However I do not want to proceed to such lengths of severity but I want merely that this lady depart from my kingdoms at once where she has neither an excuse nor a pretext of business for staying in them, and that she cease henceforth to attempt to suborn my subjects from their duty towards their faith and my service. Indeed she can stay and live in other places where she might wish with greater ease and tranquility and hear every mass that strikes her fancy. I believe that a king can rightly command to depart from his kingdom the stranger who has nothing more nor less to do save to be engaged in giving such bad example and scandal to my subjects as she is doing. " "Neither can this lady be a loss for the ambassador for he has no need of her for anything connected with his office. What she has now been doing again, as well as the authority and liberty which she has taken for granted, require that a heavy public chastisement be inflicted upon her, as would have been done save that the ambassador, your master, affirmed that it touches him so closely and because I wish to afford him happiness and contentment in every way I may be able, provided it is not against my honour and the duty I hold as king. " "In this matter it can not be said that something new is being done against the ambassador, since on other occasions this lady has been arrested and warned against continuing in this way of life. It was hoped


NOVEMBER 1613

21

that she would act accordingly after such a public scandal was pardoned, yet she has been continuing her conduct until it reached such a pass that it could neither be further endured nor ignored, as has been done until now while waiting for this lady to leave this kingdom together with the kinswomen of don Alonso, the predecessor of don Diego, your Master. " "I believe that the order which I have given that this lady is to be handed over to the Lord Ambassador will have been accomplished today before noon and you must say on my behalf that it is with the condition that he undertake to send her out of this kingdom at once. " The secretary replied to the king that whatever I had said to him should be believed since I was better informed about what had happened as well as less upset than the Archbishop of Canterbury and the others who had carried this report to him. Perhaps they were prompted by some ambitions and private interests to do this and so he hoped that he would act as I asked in my letter. He would, moreover, report to me everything that he had said to him. With this the king retired to the chamber where he sleeps and the secretary returned to London. The Viscount Rochester wrote to me how evilly informed the king had been and how offended he was and how difficult he was to persuade, and that how I would be hearing from my secretary of what he had said personally, but that my intervention and a desire to please me had smoothed the way for everything. The next day, which was the last of October, early in the morning a secretary came from the Council to tell me in their name that they had received an order from the king to hand dona Luisa over to my care provided that I would promise to send her out of the kingdom within eight days. Then turning to present me with an extremely gross distortion of the case and its difficulties he said that in addition to the maid servants of her house, whom they call nuns, she kept in the house some of their fathers to whom she had made a vow and given obedience. First I responded to the courtesies which he had shown me in the Council's name; then I said that as to giving my word to send dona Luisa away from here in eight days it would be something that I should neither offer nor fulfill, for I considered this lady a good and exemplary woman and so it would not be good that she would be exiled by my hand when innocent, so that the fabrications and charges which they had laid against her would be supported. What I intended to do, if I gave my word, was to accompany her, and not merely within eight days but that very afternoon, indeed even within one hour, should it seem good to the Council. This was the response that he should give on my behalf The secretary said to me that he understood that the members of the council would send him again to my residence with another reply (because there were some in the Council who desired deeply to be of service to your Majesty j, to which I answered that that was good indeed


22

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

and that he should say to them what I had told him. After this I did not see him again until very late in that day when the ambassador from Flanders and I were speaking about how dona Costanza would be arriving to bn¡ng dona Luisa with her. As we were bowing to the floor to welcome them we found that the same secretary had also come and that the Council had required him to go to the prison where dona .Luisa was to bring her to my house without bringing another warning back to me, but rather he should hand her over to me with the message that as far as the agreement to send her away from here was concerned that it should be at the convenience that I found suitable, although they urged seriously that it should be with all possible speed. Dona Costanza, my wife, and dona Ana Maria de Zamudio, the wife of the ambassador from Flanders 16 have been in constant attendance on dona Luisa for the three days that the imprisonment lasted by carrying food to her from my house with the dignity that was needed for so public a gesture and late in the evening they returned to sleep at home. Although I saw that there was a risk that this might appear to be an extravagant proceeding (I felt that in the question of the faith and of the Catholics your Majesty's ambassador ought to do all this, dnd they tell me that the Catholics and the heretics are edified and they praised it, except for the Archbishop.P 7 Furthermore they told me that the Archbishop had given orders that they should not permit dona Luisa to speak with anyone and so they would not allow dona Constanza to enter into the prison. Nevertheless she sough t entrance since she had come with the rank of the wife of an ambassador and if they had not permitted her to enter she would withdraw even if everyone would see what happened, but they did not dare in the end. Instead they permitted her to enter, and the wife of the ambassador from Flanders as well, along with our servants while showing them great courtesy. I can not omit to tell your Majesty that the Licentiate Ferdinand de Boisschot, Ambassador of Flanders, and his wife at this occasion as well as in everything else that is happening here in your Majesty's service, have been supporting us and continuing to assist with a very special generosity. The day of dona Luisa's imprisonment (the ambassador saved a Jesuit, 18 whom dona Luisa had been keeping at her house,from the grasp of the judge and the watch with the highest courage and demeanour by claiming him to be his own servant and by promising that he would stand bond for certain, and by staying in command until he was allowed to go outside for had they restrained him there would have been serious trouble. Furthermore, both I and the Licentiate Agustin Perez, my secretary in the embassy, have protected the vestments and chalice which dona Luisa had along with some manuscripts, books and other important papers and things.) (The ambassador of Venice 19 has acted differently, for though the news of the emprisonment of dona Luisa was brought to his residence


NOVEMBER 1613

23

and even to his door neither he nor his servant, nor even his comment emerged but rather they tell me that he went to see the Archbishop of Canterbury and stayed five hours with him which would hardly be for the wellbeing of Christianity.) The French ambassador20 did well, for he came to see me at once and I understand that he has spoken about this matter in his residence and in other quarters as becomes a good gentleman and a good Christian. (This is everything that transpired in this affair and the situation which is developing today. Dona Luisa is at present in this house affording us a deep consolation through her good example and fine companionship, although it is certain that the Archbishop and the Chancellor will no t rest and it can be believed that they are planning new assaults and contrivances. I thought it proper to go to the assistance of this lady and I will not agree to remove her from here unless it would be, as I said to the Council, that I should go with her.) I beg your Majesty to give order that your royal will be made clear and what my duty is to be. May God protect the Catholic person of your Majesty as Christianity has need. 16 November 1613. (autograph) don Diego Sarmiento de Acuna. 1

See Document 5; the date is 6 October.

The visit of John Finnet and Arthur Lake took place in the following summer (E 2572/53 Philip to Sarmiento, Madrid, 16 July 1614; E 2514/32-35, consulta of 26 Sept. 1614). 2

3

Robert Neile, Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, 1610-14

4

George Abbot and Thomas Egerton.

5 Francisco Suarez: Defensio Fidei Catholicae et Apostolicae adversus Anglicanae Seciae Errores (1613); Sarmiento advised Philip that the English ambassador would ask for the book's condemnation (E 2590/land 3, letter of 24 November 1613). 6 Since the king was usually specific in his denunciations of books, he must have referred to the liberty to print books overseas. 7 Her career is recounted in G. Fullerton, The Life of Luisa de Carvajal (London, 1881); the best recent account is in C. Senning: "The Carvajal Affair: Gondomar and James J", Cath. Hist. Rev., 56 (1970) 42-66. 8 At Spitalfields. 9 Henry Montague, Recorder (1603-16); Thomas Bennet and Henry Jaye were the Sheriffs of London and Middlesex for this year. 1 0 Francis Fowler. II , Later he did admit that dona Luisa had a residence "where she founded in it a residence of nuns . . ." (E 2602/14 Gondomar to Philip 111,20 Jan. 1621). 1 2 Henry E. Huntington Library, Ellesmere Mss. vol. 1639 "Touching the Lord Ambassador of Spaine his last complaint with the answeare ... " has a full review of these cases. 13 Viscount Rochester was Secretary of State, 1612-14.


24

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

14 After Philip had the book reviewed again he wrote: " . . .not only is it true common doctrine and approved in the school of the doctors of the Church bu t it does not possess anything prejudicial or provocative to the said king ... " (E 2572/43, Philip to Sarmiento, Madrid 16 June 1614). IS Earlier the Spanish court had protested that Digby provided shelter for "delinquents" in his embassy but Velasco had warned from London that Digby's freedom in Spain was protected by the same practice as that by which the English authorities could not prevent Catholics from visiting his chapel in London (E 2590/100 Velasco to Lerma London 22 July 1613). 16 Ferdinand de Boisschot.

19

Sentences in parentheses are written over the original cipher. Michael Walpole, S.J. Antonio Foscarini.

20

Samuel Spifame, Sieur de Buisseaux.

17 18

8. THE ARCHPRIEST OF ENGLAND TO DIEGO SARMIENTO DE AcuNA, 10 December 1613. Original autograph, 1 page, E libra 368/11. George Birchet (Birkhead) was appointed Archpriest in 1608 (See P. Renold, Letters of William Allen and Richard Barret, 1572-98, C.R.S.: vol. 58 , pp. 58-59). It is clear Sarmiento intended to correspond with the leaders of the English clergy - William Harison acknowledged his letters and assistance when he was the third Archpriest (E libro 368/110, letter of 27 October 1615). In fact Sarmiento later implied that it was his recommendation that secured Harison's appointment (Documentos Ineditos vol. 1, pp. 15859). In 1621 he provided funds for John Bennet, fourth Archpriest, to go to Rome to speak on behalf of the Spanish match (See Doc. 52 note).

(p.1) + Illustrissime Domine, Quae nunc per annos plurimos pro fide Christiana sustinuimus ea cunctis aliarum gentium principibus et populis nota et manifesta esse vehementer desideramus. Atque ideo multum prafecto gaudemus Excellentiam Vestram in has partes appulisse: quia quae de vestra singulari zelo accepimus mire nostros animos ad credendum excitant Magnificentiam vestram posse et velle nostras calamitates recto oculo inspicere. Nemo si quidem eas vel hostium nostrorum versutias satis percipiet, nisi Dei et Catholicae religionis amans. Quam certe nunc annis quinquaginta minime interuptis exercendi nulla data est nobis licentia. Imo longe maior Catholicorum pars, etiam illorum qui nullo


DECEMBER 1613

25

modo rempublicam vexaverunt, incredibili ob id maerore quasi confecta, vitam rniserimam et inquietissimam toto hoc tempore transegit , solum ergo non ut perduel1es, verum uti Christiani Petraeque Sedi Apostolicae adhaerentes per viscera Christi cupimus, ut huius persecutionis in Catholicos Anglos violentia (singulis circumstantiis examina tis) plenius vobis innotescat, ne dulcibus inirnicorum fidei sermonibus, in falsas de nostris laboribus inducamini. Hanc notis pro fide pugnantibus arnicitiam, si benigne prestiteris; nescio an aliud quidpiam sit quod a te profectum maiori nos perfundat consolationis. Haec nomine omnium nostrum totiusque cIeri Anglicani ad vestram Illustrissimam Dominationem scribere mihi visum est. Ceterum dici non potest, quam vel1em, nisi propter colubres in. via haec ipsa egomet vobis explicatius enarrare. Deus Illustrissimam suam Dominationem diutissime servet incolumem. Datum e latebris. 10 Decembris 1613. Illustrissimae Dominationis Vestrae addictissimus (autograph) Georgius Birchetus Angliae Archipresbyter Indignus.

+ [Translation:] Right Honorable, My Very Good Lord Of what we have suffered for the sake of the Christian faith now over many years, we sincerely desire all princes and peoples among foreign nations to be plainly aware. Accordingly we are very happy indeed that your Excellency has arrived in these parts, since what we have heard of your outstanding devotion encourages our hearts wonderfully to believe that your Worship has both the will and the desire to look upon our misfortunes with an honest eye. No one may fully penetrate the real craftiness of our enemies unless he loves God and the Catholic faith which for fifty years now, with scarcely a break, there has been no freedom given to us to practice. On the contrary, by far the greater number of Catholics, indeed the very ones who have not endangered the state in any way, have endured a most wretched and unhappy existence for this entire period while being nearly overwhelmed with an unbelievable grief on that score. It is only therefore as Christians, who cling to the rock and seat of the Apostle, and not as enemies, that we desire in the name of Christ's blood and flesh that the fUry of this persecution against the English Catholics be more fully explained to you by indicating every aspect lest you be lead into false statements about our travails through the bland words of the enemies of the faith. Should you provide this welcome to the known warriors on behalf of the faith, I know of no other accomplishment of yours which would afford us greater comfort. In the name of all of us and of the entire clergy of England I felt these things had to be written to you. More cannot be said, as I might prefer, save that, were it not for vipers in the path, I might be able to recount these things more fully to you.


26

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

May God preserve your illustrious Lordship in safety for the longest time. Written from a secret place. 10 December 1613. Your Illustrious Lordship's most devoted George Birchet, the unworthy Archpriest of England.

9. PHILIP III TO DIEGO SARMIENTO DE AcuNA, Madrid, 5 March 1614. Original draft, 1 page, E 2572/31. See also Doc. 7.

(p.1)

+

Por la via de Flandes se ha entendido del fallecimiento de dona Luisa de Carvajal y porque ella en vida deseava ser monja en el monasterio de la Incarnacion de esta villa he acordado que su cuerpo esta en ell y assi os encargo y mando que con mucho secreto y a titulo de que es alguna ropa vuestra 10 hagais embarcar en un de los navios que vinieron a Espana para que se ponga en el dicho monasterio y tambien embiareis los cuerpos de los martires que la dicha dona Luisa tenia recogidos y los papeles y demas cosas que huviese suyos con orden que todo se entregue a la persona que tuviese del Conde de la Oliva 2 para recivirlo y auisareisle a que puerto vendra el navio para que haga prevenir en esto 10 que convenga. Asi rnismo os encargo y mando que hagais officios en rni nombre o como mejor os pareciere para livertar las mujeres que la dicha dona Luisa tenia en su compania diziendo que siendo gente de su familia no es justo tenerlas en prision ni hazerlas molestia y si para facilitar esto vieredes que es necessario ofrecer que saldran deste reyno 10 podreis hazer y encaminarlas a Flandes 0 a Espana encaminallas con la ropa al Conde de la Oliva que el sequier~ encargar de su comodidad y avisareis me luego de 10 que en esto se hiziere. [Translation: ]

The death of dona Luisa de Carvajal has been learned by way of Flanders. Since in her lifetime she desired to be a nun in the monastery of the Incarnation in this. city I have agreed that her body be buried there. I Accordingly I charge and command you that with full secrecy and with the assertion that this is your possession you should arrange to have it embarked in one of the ships that are coming to Spain so that she may be placed in the aforesaid monastery. Furthermore you should send the bodies of the martyrs which the aforesaid dona Luisa had


MARCH 1614

27

retained as well as the papers and the rest of the things that had been hers with an instruction that everything is to be handed to the individual who should be appointed to receive it on behalf of the Count de la Oliva. 2 You should give notice to him as to what port the vessel shall come so that he might prepare what is suitable therein. At the same time I charge and command you to undertake the duty in my name, or as best seems to you, to obtain the release of the women whom the aforesaid dona Luisa kept in her company by stating that as they were persons of her household it is unjust to keep them in prison and to harass them. If, in order to expedite this, you should see that it is necessary to promise that they should depart from this kingdom you should be able to do this and direct them to Flanders or Spain, wherever they might have greater preference and, if they should wish to come to Spain, to send along with them their property to the Count de la Oliva as he shall continue to be in charge of their comfort. You should inform me at once of what is to be done in this matter. 1 Luis Munoz, Vida y Virtudes de la Venerable Virgen Doiia Luisa de Carvajal y Mendoea (Madrid, 1632) chapter 39 relates her burial at the Incarnaci6n in Madrid after special services at the English colleges in Seville and Valladolid. 2 Rodrigo Calderon, Count de la Oliva, Marquis of Siete Iglesias.

10. THE COUNT OF CASTRO TO PHILIP III, Rome,5 March 1614. Original despatch, 1 page, E 1000/273. For the Count of Castro see Volume 1, doc. 47. -

(p .l) +. Senor Aqui ha llegado Thomas Wenmani 1 Ingles y me ha pedido que represente a Vuestra Magestad la prision y travajos que por la religion Catolica ha padecido y la perdida de haziend~ que ha hecho, y haviendo querido saber 10 que pasa en esto me han 'c~rtificado los tres entretenidos de aquella nacion que se pagan en esta embajada,2 personas dighas de fe, que el Thomas Wenmani es noble de case principal, hombre docto y que ha sido publico orador de la Universidad de Oxonia y que por defender la religion catolica fue carcerado en Inglaterra y sac ado de aquel Reyno con haver perdido toda su hazienda y que por esto se halla en estreme necessidad y para remedio della acude


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a los reales pies de Vuestra Magestad para que mande hazelle 3 la merced que espera de su grandeza. Guarde Dios la Catolica Real Persona de Vuestra Magestad como la Christiandad ha menester. de Roma 2 de Mayo 1614. EI Conde de Castro [Translation:]

+

Sire, Thomas Wenman,l Englishman, has arrived here and appealed to me to relate to your Majesty the imprisonment and trials that he has endured for the Catholic faith and the loss ofproperty that he has suf fered. After trying to learn what happened in this aftair the three pensioners of that nation, who are paid by this embassy and who are trustworthy men, have certified to me that he is a patrician of an important family, a learned man who was the Public Orator of the University of Oxford. For his defence of the Catholic faith he was imprisoned in England and expelled from that kingdom with the loss of all his property. As he happens to be in extreme need and desirous of assistance he embraces the royal feet so that you may command that the favour be provided 3 which he expects from your greatness. May God protect the royal Catholic person of your Majesty as Christianity has need. From Rome the 2nd of May 1614. The Coun t of Castro Thomas Wenman of Gloucestershire attended Trinity and Balliol Colleges (1583-87) and was Public Orator (1594-97). See J . Foster, Alumni Oxonienses, 1500-1714, vol. 4. 2 Roger Baynes at 25 escudos a month, Thomas Fitzherbert at 50 escudos and Hugh Owen at 80 escudos (E 1000/294 "Quentas de los gastos de la Embajada de Roma" 30 June 1614). 3 However the letter was endorsed: "This case is to be set aside fOT the present".

11. DIEGO SARMIENTO DE AcuNA TO PHILIP III. London, 9 May 1614. Original decipher, 11 pages, E 2592/63. Text: Documentos Ineditos vol. 4, pp. 70-78. [Translation: ]

+

Sire, In the midst of all the despatches I consider it quite appropriate to offer a report for your Majesty about the conditions in religious affairs


MAY 1614

29

in this kingdom. For I am aware that hope of achieving progress in them was the principal reason why your Majesty was pleased with these peace treaties. As I have been here for some period of time I feel forced to offer a more detailed account about it to your Majesty for indeed to appreciate and improve upon the situation here is the most difficult thing that there is. According to the most reliable reports that I have been able to obtain about the kingdom of England, excluding Scotland and Ireland, there are three million, five or six hundred thousand people - the equivalent of thirty six times a hundred thousand - of whom it is believed that one twelfth are actually Catholics, who do not take the oath, nor frequent the churches in company with heretics, conduct themselves prudently and suffer the harassments with favours and payments. A ccording to this estimate the Catholics number three hundred thousand people. 1 Two twelfths constitute the schismatics who know and believe the truth and are Catholics in their hearts. However fear and considerations rooted in the perverse expediency of the world force them to go to the churches and to take the oath. It is understood that these amount to six hundred thousand persons. They tell me that they are the ones who most resent the persecution because as they live with a bad and unsettled conscience, there is deep trouble caused for them in not being able to be free of this burden. Another three twelfths are made up of those whom the Catholics call the well disposed. These do not dislike the Catholic faith; however they do not believe in anything nor do they want to talk or think about the question of religion. They only try to live and continue in happiness and they can be called atheists. According to the estimate that is being offered, they will reach to nine hundred thousand. Thus these three types of people total a half of the kingdom. The other six twelfths are divided into protestants and puritans. The protestants, who are so named because they protested at the Diet of Augsburg on behalf of some propositions of Luther in 1530, are the more moderate heretics. This is this king's religion and is professed in England. Consequently it is thought that four twelfths are protestants, who amount to a million and two hundred thousand people. Hence the byword and common saying "to live as a protestant and to die as a Catholic". The puritans adhere closely to the belief of Calvin and it is thought that they comprise two twelfths, which will be six hundred thousand. However, they are gaining people every day from the protestants, for many are leaning towards it as it holds certain rules and practices which appeal to faith and conscience and this they can follow without penalty but not if a Catholic. It is clear that among them neither the protestant nor the puritan know what is their faith; not even the king, they tell me, can set out his faith in writing. He himself said four days ago when eating in public that he knew that if many of those present who


30

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

praised and flattered him were to state what they felt in the interior of their consciences about his affairs they would say that he did not have any religion, nor did he keep and practice a clear code, and he continued to speak many other things in this vein. A person told me todrIY that the king showed him a book that they call here a martyrology and the "Lives of Good People" wherein Herrezuel0 2 [sic], and others of that type listed as heretics, are burntin every age and there are some here for the years that the king our Lord and the lady Queen Mary ruled. He told me that the king said to him: "not one word of truth does this book contain". Only in one respect do the protestants and puritans agree, namely in an abhorrence of the pope. For this reason the puritans are tolerated, yet the king is harder against them than the Catholics because he said publicly that he abhors three types of people: the puritans, the fathers of the Society, whom he calls Jesuits, and those who take tobacco, which is an intoxicant or medicine for which they spend many thousands of ducats here. Although they are speaking at present with less disdain of the pope, the absurdities and nonsense that they have been SrIYing and preaching are of such a quality that they assure me that the larger portion of these people believe that the pope is not a person but a dragon or some such similar monster which eats people. From out of all this number and variety ofpeople from every one in the Council of State and from every rank the ones who live with greatest contentment and peace are the Catholics. Sackville,3 a great Catholic gentleman, brother of the Earl of Dorset, gave away all his property to the poor with the remark that he would prefer to give it to God rather than have it and not use it properly. He is living at present in great poverty and contentment. As I reported to your Majesty, they assure me that they keep increasing and that there are more Catholics every day and the king said this as well in my presence when talking about parliament. This is what is happening in religious affairs in this kingdom and the priests number up to eight hundred including both religious and seculars. In the prisons there are twenty-six under arrest. These remain there in greater security and produce greater fruit because most of them go out day and night after a payment to the goaler. In the prison they look for a gathering to preach and say Mass and Catholics who need a priest certainly know where they need to go to look to find one. One day during this Lent a certain sheriff, who is the alcalde here, came to call together the priests and he rebuked them severely for the scandal in which they lived there because it is being said that they preach and srIY mass. They all replied that they were not puritans, or protestants, or Moors, or Jews but Catholics and for that reason they were under arrest and they expected death each drIY joyfully, and they preferred and were bound to keep the faith they professed, since not to do so would be to act like animals. At this the sheriff shrugged his shoulders


MAY 1614

31

and left without saying a word. If there should be freedom of conscience or toleration, it is considered beyond question that even from among some of the Puritans themselves many would be converted. All this depends completely on the king's good will, in which I am beginning to have less [:onfidence every day after making considerable efforts to understand it. Despite the fact that some Catholics comfort themselves with the thought that the king is well disposed and that his proceedings against our holy faith are from reason of state so as not to alter the religion of the kingdom as he found it and accordingly he keeps protestants and puritans contentand I understood the same as well at first from conversations which I have had with the king himself - still after a period I have been investigating and recently in particular. I have seen certain things after which I look upon it differently and that it is natural for this king to be protestant because of his upbringing and because he looks upon it this way and so it is appropriate for him. He is very ambitious to be the leader and to influence all of the heretics of the world. As to reason of state, he makes use of it towards our side by not appearing to be very severe against the Catholics and by dissimulating somewhat out of fear to retain the advantage which he is going to reap by enforcing the laws that are extant against them. They are the most severe that they have ever been in any persecution that the church has suffered and the result has been that there have been so very many and so unusual martyrdoms of saints. The greatest persecution of all is considered to be that of the Emperor Julian the Apostate who retained the same laws without bloodshed that they enforce in England at present, although they were less rigorous and less stringent and lasted less time than this is going on here. The reason is that here the Catholic cannot hold office nor honour nor title nor enter a complaint over injuries before the court, nor collect his debts, nor participate in any law suit, and a thousand other harassments. Above this there is always the fact that should court officers want to visit his house they can do so and take away the property they might find there, and from the entire estate and revenue, whether it be entailed or free, they can take two-thirds for the king and allow only one for the Catholic. If the property is free the two-thirds are ' confiscated for ever; if they are entailed, for the lifetime of the Catholic. There are, moreover, certain laws wherein the entire property is lost and one is condemend to perpetual imprisonment or to loss of life. Among others there are [penalties] for not wanting to take the oath and not going to the the church with heretics, and sheltering a priest, and possesing statues and a rosary, and not being willing to receive the bread that the heretics call communion; while even among the heretics themselves there are some who receive on the knees after affirming that it has to be done so, and others who say this is superstition and that it is sufficient to receive standing, and so they do the one or the other without a fixed rule. A Councillor has told me that he heard that once,


32

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

when this king was in Scotland and wanted to take communion there, the king's fool went into the sacristy and ate all the bread and drank the wine that had been provided and came out very happily with the comment that they might eat when they wished as he had already dined. They told me that it is true that a woman came here from a village to sell a gander a few days ago and met a friend on the way to church to receive the bread, who persuaded her to come along with her. When the minister held up the bread in his hand and said a few words the gander stretched out its neck (for the woman held it under her arm) and and snatched the bread from the minister's hand and swallowed it. The woman was shocked and the minister consoled her by saying there was more bread there. They tell me that a protestant there present was converted after seeing this. Since I have been staying in this kingdom they have not executed anyone for religion. Even though they have led me to believe that it is the respect they have for your Majesty which has served as a restraint, I believe that the principal reason is that they have learned of the great effect that the martyrs have had by their deaths. It is the devil's own invention to increase the persecution in this way without the crown of martyrdom. The sickness and its causes, according to every thing that I have been able to gather, is this. Although God alone can provide the remedies and the cure for such a wicked root, in His most Holy Name and your Majesty's I have attempted every effective means that I could discover in safety without producing any great result. Some who stay very closely. to the king and know a considerable amount about his affairs and out of concern for his own good as well as for their own - as they are Catholics - would want very much the king to be one, or at the least that things be improved, and they are in despair. They believe that only God can remedy this and among them El Cid4 and Calvo s have deeply deplored this, as well as EctorO recently with me. Although in dealing with this king fear is a great resource, as it is in keeping with the way he lives and his character, I do not judge it proper at the moment to break off the peace, unless there is an affront to our honour or some other serious accident because during war this kingdom prospers and enriches itself and they will discover for their own best governance and security extremely effective laws that are no help to the spiritual in any respect, while with the peace it has finally improved somewhat and been protected. Some days ago after Easter the king sent me a complaint through a secretary stating that he had been informed that the services had been conducted in my residence with processions, sermons and all the other solemneties as if I were in Seville, while a great number of his subjects were in attendance,7 and furthermore I had been welcoming and encouraging them. Some people had told him that he should be displeased that I would be wanting to obtain such an advantage in this respect over the other resident ambassadors here from the other princes of the same faith. He gave me this complaint merely


MAY 1614

33

to inform me what others had been saying to him. I replied that I did not meddle in the activities of other ambassadors and the one thing about which I wanted to assure him was that none of them, not even this king's subjects, provided me with any advantage in feeling secure and affording them pleasure. As to the rest, that which I had been doing was what I believed to be the duty of any Christian ambassador, especially the one from the Catholic King, which was never to close his door to anyone who came to hear mass. And so I was happy to be as good as they had said to the king. Should this king die everyone says that the prince is ex tremely well disposed, very gentle and well tempered. To support the serninaries8 of the English, to increase, help and favour several of them is the best and most efficient resource that I have found to prevent their decline. Your Majesty's use of Englishmen in the armies and fleets with pay and good treatment will be of much assistance, and furthermore it will be a seminary too, for there are numerous soldiers and sailors who have served the late king, our lord, as well as your Majesty, many of whom are Catholics and devoted to Spain, as indeed are all the Catholics here who love your Majesty and commend you to God with great fervou r. For this reason the impertinences and aggressiveness of some can be endured, and with this I alleviate my lack of charity on many occasions. In your great prudence may your Majesty render the most suitable decision about all of this as the sight of it leaves me most depressed, yet most happy to see myself a subject and servant of your Majesty whose Catholic person may God protect as Christianity has need. London, the ninth of May 1614. F or similar reports for 1604 and 1610, see Volume I, doc. 8 and 55. The name is an error in the cipher, possibly Cranmer(?); there is an illustration of an execution by fire with a list of martyrs of 1553-58 in Anon., The /ierie tryall o/Gods saints, London, 1612, STC 24270, Sig. G to Sig. H. 3 See Volume I, doc. 1, note 2. 4 The Earl of Northampton. Edward, Lord Wotton. 6 Queen Anne. 7 See "Proceedings against Catholics for attending Mass at the Spanish embassy on Palm Sunday, 1614", CR.S. , vol. 9, pp. 122-26. 8 The original says seminarios; the Documentos Im!ditos transcription has an error with navios. 1

2


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SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

12. DIEGO SARMIENTO DE AcuNA TO PHILIP III . London,9 May 1614. Original decipher, 1 page, E 2592/73.

(p.1) + Senor Este rey ha a instancia de los puritanos y protestantes nombro antes del parlamento l por su secretario a Rafael Genut que avia estado por su agente en los estados de Olanda porque los prot.estantes y puritan os Ie dizeron que sino Ie nombrava y quitava a Thomas Lac 2 que hasta aqui avia hecho el officio de gran secretario no se haria ninguna cosa que quisiese en este parlamento 3 porque el Lac era todo papista y aunque el Conde de Sufo1c y de Nortanton y otros se opusieron mucho a esto no pudieron contrastallo . EI don Thomas Lac tuba resolucion de yrse a su ca a despedido y desdenado pero en fin Ie contentaron haciendole luego del consejo de estado y assi juraron en un mismo dia antes del parlamento et Rafael Genut de Sec~etario4 y Lac de consejo. Guarde Dios, etc. [Translation:] + Sire, At the insistance of the Puritans and the protestants before Parliament met l this king has nominated as his secretary Ralph ¡ Win wood, who had been his Agent in the provinces of Holland. The reason is that the protestants and puritans told him that if he were not nominated and if he did not dismiss Thomas Lake, 2 who until the present has performed the duties of principal Secretary, nothing that he wanted would be accomplished in Parliament,3 since Lake was totally papist. Although the Earls of Suffolk and Northampton and others were strongly opposed they could not prevent it. Sir Thomas Lake decided to depart for his residence, as one dismissed in disgrace, but by making him a member of the Council, at once they appeased him finally. Thus on the same day before Parliament met they gave the oath to Ralph Winwood as Secretary4 and to Lake as a Councillor. May God pro tect, etc. Winwood was appointed 29 March 1614; the session was 5 April to 7 June. He was not secretary, but possibly exercised some of the duties under Rochester. 3 The king's angry dismissal of Parliament was believed by the Habsburg ambassadors to indicate a decline in his favour to puritans (P C n. fo1. Boisschot to Archduke , London, 29 June 1614). 2


JUNE 1614

35

4 For Winwood's activities in the House of Commons see Moir, T. L. The Addled Parliament of 1614, Oxford, 1958, pp. 109-11. For later comments of James Ion Winwood see The Narrative pp. 318-19.

13. THE COUNT OF CASTRO TO PHILIP III . Rome, 21 June 1614. Original autograph, 1 page, E 1000/67.

(p.l) + Senor Haviendo yo hablado al Papa sobre materias del mundo me mando que en su nombre escriviese a Vuestra Magestad tres cosas. La primera que siendo tan conocida la maldad de intencion con que todos los hereges se un en y corroboran hoy dia juzga que conviene mucho velar sobre elIos, la segunda que a 10 que de muchas partes se entiende lleuan todos estos mira de hazer cabeza al Rey de Inglaterra que es bien pensar desde luego en impedir este efecto,l la tercera que para todo es muy malo que los Olandeses se holgan con haverse puesto en Juliers especialmente con pretexto de asegurar el estado para cuyo fuese el derecho que es muy grande desverguen9ia que estos seguieron abonanzar officio que no les toca. 2 Sirvase Vuestra Magestad de mandar que me escriuia la respuesta que ha de dar al Papa. EI Conde de Castro [Translation: ] + Sire, Having spoken to the pope about world affairs he advised me to write in his name three things to your Majesty. The first is that, since there is wide knowledge of the malign intention with which all heretics are uniting and in league at the present day, he has decided that it would be very proper to be on the watch against them. The second is that, since from many sides it is understood that all of them plan to give the leadership to the king of England, it is best to plan from henceforth on how to prevent this from taking effect. 1 The third is that it is very bad in every respect that the Dutch are staying in their place acquired in Julich particularly under the excuse that they are supporting a regime for whose cause a right exists. It is a very great shame that they would continue to retain the advantage of a place which is not their concern. 2 May your Majesty be pleased to command that there be written to me the response which is to be given to the Pope. rautograph) The Count of Castro.


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SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

1 See also Document 23. Paul is deliberately contradicting James's assertion of his right to be called Catholic. 2 At this time the army of Maurice of Nassau supported the claim of Wolfgang William to Julich and Berg. The treaty of Zanten of 12 November settled the dispute.

14. DIEGO SARMIENTO DE AcuNA TO PHILIP III. London, 30 June 1614. Original decipher received on 3 August, 6 pages, E 2592/77.

+ (p.1) Senor El savado 14 deste escrivio el papel'incluso el Conde de Nortanton desde Granuche donde estava retirado en una casa muy linda que ha fundado sobre una torre muy antigua que fue la de Oriana! y el mismo dia que me Ie escrivia se hauia ydo el Rey de aqui a ver con el y a darle quenta del disgusto que tenia con su parlamento y a tomar su parecer que siempre Ie daua el conde enderezado a bien de la christiandad y a beneficio y servicio de Espana con fidelidad con verdad con secreto, y assi tengo por cierto que de 10 que trato con el Rey resulto escriuirme este papel pero que no supo el Rey que me la escriuia. Este buen cauallero murio el miercoles 25 deste aqui en Londres don de vino por consejo de los cirujanos a abrirse una pierna y dizen que Ie curaron muy mal, acauo santisimamente. Todos sus pasados, los duques de Norfo1c fueron catolicissimos y su hermano mayor2 abuelo del (p.2) conde que oy es de Arandel 10 fue tambien y este conde de Nortanton vivio como tal todo el tiempo de la Reyna Isabel y por esto desfavore'Yido de la Reyna y en vida retirada pero luego que este Rey vino a la corona Ie busco y Ie escogio, assi par que su hermano hauia muerto por favorezer a la Reyna Maria de Esco'Yia, y este conde y todos los de su casa pade'Yido mucho por esto como por el valor virtud pruden'Yia y grandes letras del conde que en todo esto era tenido por el primero hombre de estado y con razon. Estos veneficios y otros muchos publicos y secretos y la gran instan'Yia que el Rey hizo con el conde para que Ie acompanasse a la iglesia Ie vencieron para que cayese en esta flaqueza de que el Rey triumphava mucho y dezia publicamente que havia sido su convertidor 3 pero nunca quiso tomar el pan ni hazer juramento. Viendole yo una vez muy privademente hacia quatro meses y hablandome en estas cosas de religion tiernisimamente y con gran


JUNE 1614

37

confianza Ie dize tambien yo cierto con ternura y afficion mi parezer muy claro y muy llano aiiadiendo que las obligaciones que Ie teniamos (p.3) eran tantas que no se las podia yo pagar en otra cosa sino en hablalle de aquella manera y aconsejeHe que no dilatase mas los llamamientos y luz que Dios Ie daua de podede yr a gozar. Dentro d~ muy pocos dias me escriuio un papel diziendome que enviase aHa a tal hora alligenciado Agustin Perez mi secretario que es sacerdote de quien el hazia grandissima estimacion y confianza porque con el tambien hauia tratado estas cosas algunas vezes, fue el secretario el dia y ora que el conde me advirtio, hallo quien Ie guiase con mucho secreto y el conde se confesso con el generalmente y con grandissimas lagrimas y deuocion Ie ,pidio que Ie reconciliase a la Iglesia catholica, el secretario Ie hizo assy y Ie confeso otras dos vezes y Ie dio el santissimo sacramento advirtiendole y aconsejandole fuera de la confesion que tenia obligacion de hazer otra demonstracion publica de catholica para cumplir consigo y dar buen exemplo y alyento a los demas diziendole sobre esto muy efficzes razones y assi 10 cumplio el conde de muchas maneras en el testament0 4 entra declarando que moria como hijo obediente de la Iglesia Catholica Romana haziendo (p.4) en esto una ora9ion Y exorta9ion al Rey como un apostol y con palavras de grandissima fidelidad y amor a su servicio que en un sujeto de tanta calydad y partes como el conde ha sido esta declaracion y demonstracion aqui de grandissima importancia para nuestra sagrada religion. Murio de cerca de 70 aiios estando en muy buen sujeto, no fue casado ni tuba hijos antes fue tenido siempre por continentissimo, dejo la casa que tenia aqui en Londres que como ella hauia acomodado es una de las mejores casas de Europa al conde Sufo1c su sobrino para que ande en su casa y majorazgo yadon enrique Obar s hijo tercero deste conde de Sufo1c por ser su ahyjado y de su proprio nombre Ie dejo quatro mil ducados de renta. De todo 10 restante de su hazienda que dizen valdra de 16 a 20 Mil ducados de renta y mucha plata y joyas dejo por heredero universal al conde de Arandel que por ser caveza de su casa y verdaderissimo catholico Ie tenia grande amore y hazia grandissima confianza del. Este conde de Arandel ha mas de tres aiios que esta en Italya 6 con ligencia deste Rey con (p.S) su muger y sus hijos con ocasion de poder ver a Italya pero 10 mas cierto es por poder vivir publicamente catholico. Manda el conde Nortanton que los frutos que rentare su hazienda en diez aiios se ponga en renta perpetua y aplique para algunas obras pias que el dejo fundadas muy cuerdamente de manera que hasta passados los diez aiios ni el conde de Arandel ni el don enrique de Obar han de entrar a gozar nada. Manda que su cuerpo se deposite en la capilla del castillo de Dobra 7 hasta que el conde de Arandel disponga donde se ha de enterrar y entiendese que Ie movio a esto no enterrarse en las iglesias por estar profanadas y por ser Dobra ellugar mas gercano de tierra de Catholicos


38

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

para que Ie puedan pasar alla sus huesos mas facilmente en caso que en Inglaterra no se acomoden las cosas de la Religion .8 Ha me pareÂŤido hazer tan particular relacion 9 a Vuestra Magestad deste cavallero por ser raro en sus partes y virtudes y en su affiÂŤion a1 servicio lO de Vuestra Magestad cuya catholica persona guarde Nuestro Senor, etc. El Doctor Treuer Juez de la Corte del Almirantazgo ha muerto aqui estos dias tambien publicamente catholico. l l

[Translation:] + Sire, On the 14th of this month, a Saturday, the Earl of Northampton wrote a message, here contained, from Greenwich where he had been resting in a very attractive residence which he had built within an ancient tower that was [called] Oriana. 1 On the same day that he wrote to me the king left here to visit him to inform him about his disagreement with parliament and take his advice which the Earl has always offered in keeping with the good of Christianity and the advantage and service of Spain, reliably, truthfully and in confidence. Thus I think it certain that as a result of what he discussed with the king he decided to write me this message but that the king does not know that he has written to me. This good gentleman died on Wednesday, the 25th of this month, here in London where he came for the advice of the .Surgeons to have a leg pierced and they tell me that they treated him very badly. He expired in a very holy fashion. All of his ancestors, the Dukes of Norfolk, were most Catholic as well as his older brother,2 grandfather of the present Earl of Arundel. This Earl of Northampton lived as one for the entire reign of Queen Elizabeth and on that account, with the loss of the queen's favour, he lived a retired life. Then as soon as this king came to the throne he sought him out because his brother had died for his support of Mary Queen of Scots. This earl and every member of his house had suffered considerably on this account. In consideration of the earl's courage, virtue, prudence and refinement he was for all this accounted the first gentleman of the kingdom, and with reason. These advantages, as well as many others both public and private, as well as the strong pressure that the king exerted upon the earl that he should accompany him to church, prevailed over him so that he succumbed to that failing. At this the king was quite jubilant and stated publicly that he had occasioned his conversion;3 however he never wanted to receive the host or take the oath. It is four months since I saw him very privately and spoke cautiously on these questions of religion. Under complete secrecy I then told him


JUNE 1614

39

with affectionate discretion my very clear and full opmzon, after explaining that the obligations we then held towards him were such that I could not pay them in any other way save to speak to him in this manner and to counsel him, that he should not put aside longer the summons and the light which God had given him to enable him to come and enjoy it.. After a few days he wrote me a message saying to me that the Licentiate Agustin Perez should be sent there at a certain hour. He is my secretary, a priest, towards whom he showed the highest regard and trust because he too had discussed these things with him at various times. The secretary went at the day and the hour which the earl had appointed to me and found a person to lead him in full secrecy. The earl made his general confession and with deep tears and devotion asked to be reconciled to the Catholic church. The secretary did so and he confessed him on two other occasions and gave him the most blessed sacrament. After informing and advising him outside of confession that he had a duty to provide some other public indication of being a Catholic so as to fulfill his obligations and provide a good example and encouragement for others, he offered very persuasive reasons to this purpose. This the earl accomplished in several ways. In his will4 he began with a statement that he died as an obedient son of the Roman Catholic church and after this he prepared, as an apostle, a prayer and exhortation for the king in words of deep loyalty and affection for his service as became a subject of such quality and dignity as the earl. This declaration and testimony has been of great importance here for our holy religion. He died at close to seventy years of age, when in very good control; he was unmarried and had no children, rather he was always considered very chaste. He left the residence which he kept in London, which after he had furnished it was one of the finest in Europe, to his nephew, the Earl of Suffolk so that it might remain in his family and entailed for Sir Henry HowardS the third son of the Earl of Suffolk, for he was his god-son, together with four thousand escudos a year in his own name. All of the rest of his property, which they say was worth from 16 to 20 thousand escudos a year, as well as his plate and jewels, he left to the Earl of Arundel as his principal heir. For he is the head of his family and a very genuine Catholic for whom he had a deep love and very full trust. This Earl of Arundel has been in Italy6 three years, together with his wife and children, with the king's permission to have the opportunity to see Italy but the more certain reason is to enable him to live as a Catholic in public. The Earl of Northampton left instruction that the revenue which would accrue from his property for ten years is to be placed in a perpetual annuity and applied to certain works which he has founded in such a way that until the ten years have passed neither the Earl of


40

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

Arundel nor Sir Henry Howard have the right to start to enjoy any part. He ordered that his body be laid in the chapel of Dover Castle 7 until the Earl of Arundel shall arrange where he is to be interred. It is understood that he was moved to this lest he be buried in a church which is profaned, and because Dover is a site far closer to the land of Catholics so that his ashes might be moved there more easily in the event that the affairs of religion in England are not set aright. 8 I considered it of use to provide such a detailed report 9 to your Majesty about this gentleman because he was unique in his ~ualities and virtues and in his devotion to your Majesty's service, 1 whose Catholic person may our Lord protect, etc. Doctor Trever, a Judge of the Admiralty Court, died here recently and this too was publicly as a Catholic. 1 1 1 This is the Greenwich Park and Tower, purchased recently from Sir William Cecil and improved at this own cost (H. Drake, ed. Hasted's History of Kent: The Hundred of Blackheath, London, 1886, pp. 60-61). 2 i.e. Thomas Howard II, 4th Duke of Norfolk (1538-72). 3 In The Diary of Walter Yonge (Camden Society, 1st Ser. vol. 41, 1847, p. 19) it was noted that Henry Howard was thought to be a secret recusant by Robert Cecil. Nevertheless Howard began proceedings in the Star Chamber against persons who libelled him as a papist (Chamberlain Letters vol. I, pp. 508-9). 4 Quoted in The Complete Peerage, sub nomine. 5 For a description. and Hollar's drawing of the building see The Survey of London vol. 18 (Parish of St. Martin in the Fields) Part 2, pp. 10-20. 6 "My Lord of Arundel hath taken a risolution to winter in Toscany which because he liketh Siena best hee hath chosen the towne for his aboad, whither likewise his lady and all his family are removed from hence ... " (P.R.O. S.P. 94/20/161 Carleton to Digby, 27 November 1613). 7 As Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports. 8 Ultimately at Greenwich College in 1696. 9 The conversion is mentioned by the ambassadors of France and the Archduke (B. Nat. Mss Francais, 15987 f. 268v Spifame to Puisieux, London, 28 June 1614; PC 50 n. fol. Boisschot to Archduke, London 3 July 1614). However the English informant of Cardinal Borghese was uncertain whether Northampton died" as a Catholic or a heretic" (A.S.V. Nunziature Diverse vol. 207 f. 256 "Avissi di Londra" 5 July (1614). See also Tierney-Dodd, Church History, vol. 5 p. 63.

10 In London sermons after the "Overbury Affair" Northampton was denounced as an "archpapist", a servant of Spain and a poisoner. One asserted that Northampton was not dead but "now lived in Rome as a member of the Society ... " (E 2594/94 and 95, Sarmiento to Lerma, London, 26 December 1615). 11 Richard Trever, of Denbighshire, was educated at Queen's College and Trinity Hall, Oxford. He was Surrogate for Daniel Dun as Judge of High Court of Admiralty, 1606-14, and Surrogate of Dun as Official Principal in the Court of the Arches in 1609. (I am indebted to Dr. Brian Levack for this information.) Contemporaries thought "he died a very beggar" (Chamberlain Letters vol. 1, pp. 544-45).


AUGUST 1614

41

15. THE COUNCIL OF STATE TO PHILIP III. Madrid, 30 August 1614. Original text with 5 initials, 4 pages, E 2518/5 Excerp t. Previous interviews of Castro with Paul V are seen in vol. 1, doc. 47 and above, doc. 10. Before leaving Spain in the Spring of 1614 Digby discussed with Lerma measures to preserve the friendship of the two crowns and they were agreed that "the most certain and probable" way was the marriage of the Prince to the Infanta Maria. Digby received assurance that Philip was favourable in principle "in the event that there will have been an agreement in the question of religion ... " (B.P.O. Manuscritos vol. 2170 n . fol. Digby to Sarmiento, London, 17 June 1614). At the same time Philip warned Sarmiento that he did not want to discuss a binding agreement as yet but, since the English court's interest in the Infanta might end the discussion of a French match, it should be encouraged (E 2572/44, Philip to Sarmiento, Madrid, 16 June 1614). On 19 June orders were sent to Castro to inform Paul V of the serious interest of the king of England in the Spanish marriage. In this debate below the Council of State reviews the response from Rome.

(p.2)

+

Senor El Conde de Castro escribe en carta de 14 de Julio que en conformidad de 10 que Vuestra Magestad Ie mando en 19 de Junio dio quenta al Papa del estado a que llegaron las platicas de casamiento entre la Senora Infanta y el Principe de Gales y de 10 que ultimamente escribe de Inglaterra don Diego Sarmiento de Acuna sobre las conveniencias que avia en que mantuviese viva alguna pIa tic a de casamiento entre las dos coronas y aunque des de la primera audiencia Ie dio a entender su Santidad la abersion con que se hallava la platica semejante no Ie dio por entonces la resolucion por averle supplicado el conde que la pensase despacio y la encomendase a Dios, en que vino el Papa y en prometerle el secreto que Ie pidio, y que assi en la segunda audiencia que tuvo Ie respondio que daba infinitas gracias a Vuestra Magestad que tan Catolicamente rezelava entrar en platica tal sin acudir primero a aquella Catholica sede y de la honra que a su particular persona resultava de aver acudido a el Vuestra Magestad de que estaua agradecidisimo en pago de 10 qual y en cumplimiento de su obligacion dezia a Vuestra Magestad que el no (p.3) sabria en el caso presente dar mejor respuesta que 1a substancia de 10 que el Duque de Lerma amonesto los dias passados al embaxador de Francia l en platica parecida a esta y que juzga por agora que no conviene tratar de que se de hija de Vuestra Magestad al Principe de Gales no siendo el Catolico fundandolo en quatro razones.


42

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

La primera porque la Senora Infanta quedaria expuesta a manifiesto riesgo de perder la fee casada una vez con hereje, la segunda porque los hijos que natyieron del tal matrimonio se perderan sin dud a y seguiran la seta del Padre, la tercer a porque abria la puerta de par en par al comercio y communicatyion destas dos naciones (cosa muy perjudicial a la pureza con que nuestra religion vive oy unicamente en espana) 1a 4a porque los Reyes de Inglaterra es cosa sabida ya que tienen por lityito el repudio y Ie platican quando no les dan hijos sus mugeres y anadio que Ia libertad de concientyia tacitamente platicada viene a ser nada 0 tampoco que por ningun case se debe hazer caso della .. .2

[Translation:] + Sire, The Count of Castro wrote in a letter of July 14th in pursuance of your Majesty's instructions of June 19th to tell the pope of the progress which had been made in the talk of a marriage between the Lady Infanta and the Prince of Wales, as well as about what don Diego Sarmiento de Acuna wrote from England concerning the advantages that existed as long as a discussion of marriage was to be kept going between the two crowns. Although after his first audience his Holiness had made him aware of that aversion which he felt towards such a discussion he did not give his decision, for the Count asked him to ponder it at his leisure and to commend it to God. To this the pope agreed with a promise to observe as well the secrecy which he requested. Accordingly in the second audience which he granted he strongly commended your Majesty in that, as a true Catholic, you hesitated to enter upon such a negotiation without first having recourse to this Catholic See and he spoke of the true honour which had come to him personally from the approach made by your Majesty to him for he was deeply grateful. In payment for all this and in satisfaction for his debt, he declares to your Majesty that he is unaware in the present question of a better response than the substance of the warning spoken recently by the Duke of Lerma to the Ambassador of France! in a conversation similar to this. He believes it is not proper to negotiate about the bestowal ofyour Majesty 's daughter on the Prince of Wales as long as he is not a Catholic and he bases his decision on four reasons. The first is because the Lady Infanta who is to be betrothed will be exposed to a clear risk of losing her faith once she is wed to a heretic. The second is because the children who will be born of such a marriage will undoubtedly be lost and will follow the sect of the father. The third is because this will open the door to a free exchange and communication between the two countries: something most prejudicial to the purety that our faith retains today only in Spain. The fourth is because it is something well known that the kings of England already consider it permissible to repudiate their wives when they have no


NOVEMBER 1614

43

children. He added that the freedom of conscience under tacit discussion will be cut down to nothing so that no attention should be given to it. .. 2 Andre Cochefilet, Baron de Vaucelas. The rest of the text is printed in The Narrative, pp. 7-8 and 115-16. In subsequent consultas the council recommended the continuance of the negotiation with the comment that through a French match James would make less concessions to the English Catholics, it also observed that the Infanta would be protected by Queen Anne-and Lady Drummond (E 2518/7, cansulta of 27 November 1614). Later it noted that the distinction between "freedom of conscience", which was to come from Parliament exclusively, and a "permission" or a toleration, which would .come from James, was not clear enough. Others were wary of any sudden change in James's attitude towards the marriage with a Catholic (E 845/21 cansulta of 11 Jan. 1615). I

2

16. THE COUNT OF CASTRO TO DIEGO SARMIENTO DE AcuNA. Rome, 23 November 1614. Original autograph, 1 Page, E 1000/361.

(p.1) Aviendo sabido e1 Papa que e1 embaxador Veneciano que reside en esta corte I escribe a su republica que este Rey quiere socorrer a Savoya con 6 M Infantes 2 y que insta a la Reyna de Francia para que tambien de socorro y aun de a sauer que no Ie de y sabiendose esto en Italia de origina1es dibersos, me ha mandado que en su nombre escribe a Vuestra Sefioria 10 primero que procure sacar en limpio 1a verdad del caso hab1ando a1 Rey y diziendo1e 1a publica boz y fama que corre por Italia en esta parte,3 10 segundo que Ie dibierta del socorro con buenas razones y al fin con ponelle miedo, 10 tercero que de 10 que descubrieren las diligencias de Vuestra Sefioria y de 10 que dell as resultare me auise luego y todo 10 que supiese de intentos y reso1ucion de protestantes y en orden a1 negocio de Saboya para que yo 10 representa a su Santidad. e1 Conde de Castro [Translation: ]

The Pope has learned that the Venetian ambassador who resides in this court is writing to his Republic that that king would like to assist Savoy with 6000 troops2 and that he is urging the Queen of France to


44

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

also provide aid, although he admits that he knows that this help will not be provided, and this has been learned from different sources in Italy, still he has ordered me to to write on his behalf to your Lordship as follows. The first is to try to get at the truth openly in this question by speaking with the king and telling him of the public report that is current in Italy in this quarter. 3 The second is to try to divert him from the assistance by worthy reasons and ultimately to induce him to be afraid. The third is that out of what your Lordship's efforts might discover and whatever emerges from them you should inform me at once both about everything which is suspected about the plans and determination of the protestants as well as what is afoot in the business of Savoy so that I might relate them to his Holiness. The Count of Castro Tomaso Contarini. After an interview with the Dutch envoy it was stated that James would "assist the Duke with 4000 infantry according as need should arise" and if the Spanish forces overwhelmed the Duke "he would make war openly both by sea and land ." (C.S.P. Venetian 1613-15, p. 251, Foscarini to Doge, London 21 November 1614). See also Doc. 19. 3 Later Sarmiento reported that James was offering excuses to Savoy although he had a strong desire to help and to keep "things unsettled in Italy" (E 2591/42 and 43, Sarmiento to Philip III. London, 17 Dec. 1614). 2

17. DIEGO SARMIENTO DE ACUNA TO PHILIP III. London, 17 December 1614.

Original decipher, 1 page, E 2591/44.

(p.l)

+

Senor Don Roberto Druri, un cauallero de aqui muy calificado y sin hijos tiene diez mil ducados de renta en hazienda de mucho valor, dessea vend ella y vivir y morir en Espana 1 paresciendole buena ocasion para ella yr a servir a Vuestra Magestad en alguna guerra, me ha offrecido que llevara de aqui para ella quatro mil hombres a su cargo y pedidome que 10 represente assi a Vuestra Magestad, es cauallero de buena edad y partes. Vuestra Magestad se sirvira de mandarme auisar 10 que podre respondelle. 2 Guarde Dios, etc.


APRIL 1615

45

[Translation:] + Sire, Sir Robert Drury, a highly qualified gentleman of this land, who is without children and has ten thousand ducats in revenue from an estate of high value, wishes to sell it to live and die in Spain. 1 Since he decided that it is the proper moment for him to enter your Majesty's service in some war he has offered to me to hire four thousand men from here at his own cost. He is a gentleman of a good age and background. May your Majesty be pleased to order that I be informed of what I can reply to him. 2 May God protect, etc. 1 Possibly this is the Robert Drury who was knighted by Essex at Rouen in 1591 and later fought on the Dutch side with Francis Vere. A friend of John Donne, he settled for a time in Amiens before returning to England in 1612. He died in April 1615 with his estates left to his sisters (Chamberlain Letters, vol. 1, pp. 95. 103,322,595). 2 The Council was sceptical of this offer and noted the bad effect if Philip "avails himself of a force from there without any empresa ... " (E 845/21 consulta of 18 Jan. 1615).

18. DIEGO SARMIENTO DE AcuNA TO THE MARQUIS OF GUADALESTE. London, 19 April 1615. Original decipher, 1 page, E 629 n. fo1. Felipe Cardona, Marquis of Guadaleste, was Spanish ambassador to the Court of the Archdukes. He later reported that William Nayler and "an important peer of England" promised to kidnap Prince Charles and bring him to the Low Countries where "by raising him among Catholics he would become one ... " (E 629 n. fo1. Guadaleste to Philip, decipher, 3 May 1615). Unaware of the plot at first, Sarmiento was alarmed that Nayler had been allowed to travel freely and urged the Council to prohibit his access to the Spanish court (E 2593/71 Sarmiento to Lerma, 16 May 1615). The Council was angry that Guadaleste had listened to such an adventurer and ordered Nayler to be returned to England and the Sarmiento was to inform King James of the threat "without saying who the man might be ... " (E 629 n. fo1. consulta of 4 June 1615).

(p.1) Guillermo Nayler portador desta, gentilhombre Catholico, he ha dicho que va a esa corte a solo comunicar cierto negocio del servisio


46

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

de su Magestad y me pidio que encaminase a persona con quien 10 pudiese hazer y assi Ie envio a vuestra Seiioria para que se sirva de oylle y de 10 que huviere en ella mandar me auisar por que el no me ha querido dezir aqui mas que esto. 1 Diego Sarmiento de Acuiia [Translation: ]

William Nayler, a Catholic gentleman, the bearer of this, has told me that he is traveling to that court solely to report a certain offer of service to his Majesty and he has asked me to direct him to a person with whom he could continue and accordingly I am sending him to your Lordship so that you might be pleased to hear him and advise me what ought to be done in this matter because he has not wanted to tell me more than this. 1 (autograph) Diego Sarmiento de Acuna. When he learned of Naylor, Digby wrote: "This counsell whether they suspected this to be some trayne or whether they doubted of the performance, or that they could be loath to give eare to so odious an overture, they seemed utterly to dislike the proposition and commanded the partye to depart this kings dominions ... " (P.R.O. S.P. 94/21/159B , Digby to Somerset, 7 September 1615).

19. DIEGO SARMIENTO DE AcuNA TO THE DUKE OF LERMA. London, 16 May 1615. Original decipher received on 2 June, 3 pages, E 2593/72. There is a similar incident described in doc. 51 below.

+ (p.2) A su Excellencia Este Arzovispo de Cantuaria y algunos obispos y otros puritanos del Consejo hizieron gran fuerza con el Rey para que martirizasse a los sacerdotes que estauan aqui en las carzeles diyiendo que andauan convirtiendo y persuadiendo contra el Juramento instando con el Rey que no estaua segura su persona estando ellos aqui y han pasado en esto cosas de que se pudiera hazer un largo processo siendo el principal intento desta gente turbar la amistad de su Magestad con este Rey y impossibilitar que no se estreche mas como 10 temen. Y hauiendo remitido el Rey al consejo esto se tomo por expediente que los lleuasen a Uuisuique una casa 25 leguas de aqui que era la


MAY 1615

47

prision ordinaria de los catholicos en tiempo de la Reyna Isabel. l Por todos los medios que me parecieron convinientes procure estorvar el martirio y la salyda de aqui pero la de algunos (que eran las mas gelosas con quien esta gente est a peor) no se ha podido escusar (p.3) y a los confidentes l' mas bien intencionados por agora necessario el tomar este expediente y el conde de Somerset me 10 dixo assi y que se ordinaria que fuesen bien tratados,3 y 10 procuro y no perdellos de vista para hazer quanta se pueda por su libertad y que el embaxador de Flandes que se entiende se yra presto los pida.4 Han publicado tambien un edicto S mandando a los padres que tienen hijos en seminarios que los hagan boluer a este Reyno y que no enuien otros . La ocasion de que para esto se han valydo los malyciosos fue que hauiendo llegado a Dobla un Juan Ouben 6 natural deste Reyno hombre muy noble mozo de 22 an os que venia del colegio de Duay (tambien me dizen que estubo en Valladolid) Ie presentaron el Juramento para que Ie tomase como 10 hazen a todos y por no querello tomar antes hauen dicho con mucha livertad 10 que entendia del Ie enuiaron preso aqui al Arzovispo el qual aprentandole en las preguntas del Juramento respondio en sustancia que tenia por cierta la doctrina de la autoridad del Papa y sobre esto anadio que se el Papa dec1arase a este Rey por escomulgado elle mataria si pudiese y despues judi9ialmente se retiffico en ella y echo dos firmas. (pA) Y los rezelos ordinarios que este Rey tiene de que Ie maten son tan grandes que de noche hazen tres camas juntas a la suya a los dos lados y a los pies y quando camina es corriendo con mucho lacayos a los estriuos para que no Ie lleguen y anadiendose a esto este caso ha dado materia para que los mal inten9ionados pareciendoles que Ie lisongean al Rey Ie mueven a rigores, el casamiento que en la tierra pareze que ay solo para que esto se mejore la platica que se trata, Dios 10 haga y guarde a Vuestra Excellencia. etc.

+ [Translation :] Your Excellency, This Archbishop of Canterbury, some bishops and other puritans within the Council have strongly represented to the king that he should inflict martyrdoms on priests who are imprisoned by asserting that they were engaged in converting people and advising them against the oath. They were insisting with the king that his person was not safe as long as they were here and they mentioned attacks out of which they can prepare a big case for it is the principal intention of these people to break up the friendship of his Majesty and this king and to make it impossible for them to be closer friends than they are now. After the king had sent this matter to the council it was decided that they should be taken to Wisbech, a residence 25 leagues from here,


48

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

which was the ordinary prison for Catholics in the days of Queen Elizabeth. 1 By every means that I thought advantageous I will try to prevent the martyrdom and the departure from here but I have been unable to intervene in the behalf of a few (who were the most zealous which is the worst thing with these people). To the confidants and the well intentioned it appears to be necessary at the present to adopt this course. 2 Furthermore, the Earl of Somerset told me that orders will be given that they be well treated there. 3 I am trying not to lose sight of them so as to do as much as possible for their freedom and the ambassador of Flanders, as it is understood, will be going at once to look for them. 4 They have also published a proclamations requiring fathers who have som in seminaries to make them return to this kingdom and not to send others away. The incident upon which the ill-disposed have capitalized for this action was the arrival at Dover of a John Owen, 6 a native of this kingdom, a very illustrious young man of 22 years of age. He came from the college at Douai (they tell me he was at Valladolid as well) and they required him to take the oath as they do with everyone and as he did not want to take it but rather to speak with considerable freedom of what he thought about it, they sent him here under arrest to the Archbishop who proceeded with the examination on the oath. He replied in substance that he considered the doctrine of the pope's authority as certain and on this point he remarked that should the pope declare this king to be excommunicated he would slay him if he could and later he corrected himself himself in a legal manner on the matter and gave his signature twice. The constant anxieties that his king has that some one might kill him are so strong that at nightfall they arrange three beds near to his, on each side and at the foot. When he is on the road he travels with many lackeys at his stirrups to prevent some one from reaching him. By bringing forward this case to his attention the ill-disposed thought that they might influence the king towards more severity. The marriage which in this land seems to be the only measure to improve this situation is the thing to be negotiated. May God bring it about and protect your Excellency, etc.

2

See also the introd. to The Wisbech Stirs, CR.S. vol. 51 (1958). The plans were already completed (CS.P. Dam. 1611-18 p. 283).

The priests petitioned the Council for a "modification of the strictness of their orders", Ibid. p. 285. 4 The wife of Boisschot petitioned Queen Anne for the release of 10 priests, Ibid. p. 299. 3


MAY 1615 5

49

Steele, Tudor and Stuart Proclamations no. 1156, issued on 23 March 1615.

See Douai Diaries, 1598-1654, C.R.S. vol. 10,11 pp. 59,66,109,111; c.s.P. Dom. 1611 -18, pp. 548, 558. 6

20. DIEGO SARMIENTO DE AcuNA TO THE DUKE OF LERMA. London, 30 May 1615 . Original decipher, 5 pages, E 2593/91 .

+ (p.2) A su Excellencia Por 10 que este Rey responde a su embaxador a los punt os que Ie embio sobre el casamiento de su hijo de que embio a su Magestad copia en este despacho vera Vuestra Excellencia quan diferentemente satisfaze a ellos de 10 que hauia dicho a su embaxador 1 y me embio a dezir a mi el conde de Somerset con el cauallero Coton embiandome los a mostrar,2 porque casi en ninguno dellos pusso duda diziendome que el Rey mismo los hauia leydo diversas vezes en su presencia sin hallar en ellos difficultad sino que en la educacion de los hijos precisamente en la fee catolica, se podrian poner criados de 10 uno y de 10 otro con que venia a ser 10 mismo de la capitulacion que era no forzallos. Lo que puede hauer mouido al Rey a esta respuesta es desconfiar del don Juan Digby y temer no la yean algunos de la facion puritana que ya se han descubierto en hazer grandissima oposicion a este casamiento y temelle mucho y tambien no querer el Rey discubriese (p.3) con el don Juan ni conc1uyr esta negociacion por su mano, temiendo que ganado 0 ynclinado a nuestra parte y causa, la adelante y Ie empene mas de 10 que el querria; porque en materias de religion es cierto que el se holgara de hazer 10 menos que pueda y queria prouar assi puede escusar 10 que se la ha propuesto y en la forma de las palabras, demas de que el no es muy dulce ni muy pulido se ha de considerar que habla privadamente con su embaxador, el qual pienso yo que se ha de hallar bien embara<;ado con la respuesta de los capitulos por que conforme a 10 que el Rey Ie dixo aqui y a 10 que Ie ha auisado despues no Ie deuo de parecer que podia auer duda en ellos. Pienso que Ie mas cierto desto es que a este rey Ie embara<;a mucho considerarse suegro de una Infanta de Espana y pare celIe que este casamiento ha de dar tanta fuer<;a a los catolicos que de su parte sea superior y que se mete con esto en grandes ruydos y que perdera la


50

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

autoridad y fuerza que piensa que Ie da el ser caue9a de los herejes y que su Santidad Ie deposaria luego del reyno y Ie dara a su hijo y como cosa en que debe de andar pensando ha dicho estos dias algunos vezes (p.4) que es muy bueno que digan que el Papa no ha mandado ni manda matar Reyes como si el deponellos no fuese muerte ciuil y que despues quedando ni Reyno ni autoridad qualquiera los puede matar y que sus mismos hijos 10 harian para su seguridad 0 por 10 menos los meterian en un castillo. Ha Ie hecho mas recatado en esta opinion la resolucion con que estos dias han defendido y firmado aqui algunos la autoridad del Papa y en Escocia han martirizado por esto a un sacerdote.:l y a los de aqui desseauan hazer 10 mismo pero el respecto de su Magestad y las diligencias que hemos hecho 10 ha estorbado hasta agora y para todo 10 bueno ha hecho grandissimo dana y alteracion la venida aqui del principal ministro hereje de Francia que se llama Dumolin4 que por su medio se trata de que este Rey sea caue9a de todos los hereges en 10 que el acomodar esto es posible y que si se consigue la dara grandissimo poder y authoridad y el 10 cree de manera que me dizen que ha dicho que 10 estimara mas que ser Emperador. Y por que en los despachos en que ha dado quenta a su Magestad de las materias de religion he dicho 10 que entiendo del ingenio deste Rey y (p.5) del arte y tern ores con que vive no tengo en esto que anadir si no que pues el principal punto a que se deue mirar en admitir la platica de casamiento deste principe con hija del Rey nuestro Senor es el bien y augmento de la religion y que para ella este solo es el unico remedio no se deue perder de vista ni soltar por embara90s que el demonio y los suyos pongan para atravesarlo. Y en caso que Ie malicia 0 desdicha deste Reyno no merezcan esto es tambien punto de mucha consideracion procurar que este Principe no se case en Francia 0 en otra parte donde a Espana Ie puede estar mal y pues est a platica se ha introducido con tanta decencia y reputacion del Rey nuestro Senor como se vee y con tan publicas demo straciones y diligencias como ha hecho ahi su embaxador me parece seguro y conueniente seguir el mismo camino y tener en tal disposicion el tratado que se pueda tomar y dexar como el trato fuere mostrando ser necessario. Y mande Vuestra Excellencia ver si seria bien obligar y embara9ar a la Reyna de Francia con dalla alguna quenta de que este Rey ha pedido a la Senora Infanta S Maria y que don Inigo de Cardenas (p.6) en confianca y secreto se 10 dixese en el modo que pareciese mas conveniente pues las juntas que ahi se han hecho sobre ello es cosa tan publica que anda ya en las gazetas. Guarde Dios, etc.


MAY 1615

51

[Translation: ] Your Excellency, Through the king's response to his ambassador about the points pertaining to his son's marriage which he had sent to him - a copy of which I am sending to his Majesty in this despatch - your Excellency will notice how differently he offers to satisfy them from what he had told his ambassador. 1 He sent the Earl of Somerset together with Cotton, a gentleman, to talk to me and to show them to me 2 wherein he raises a doubt against scarcely anyone of them. They tell me that the king has read them at different times in their presence without finding difficulty with them, with the exception of the education of the children specifically in the Catholic faith and that they should be able to appoint servants from the one or the other faith, which amounts to the same, in the article which was meant not to force them. What could have moved the king towards this response is the suspicion against John Digby and the fear that some of the Puritan faction may not approve, since they have already indicated it by showing very strong apposition to this marriage and their deep anxiety over it. Furthermore, the king's unwillingness to be frank with Sir John and not to conclude this negotiation by his agency, out of fear that he had been won over and favours our party and purpose, delays it and is a greater obstacle to what he is looking for. Indeed, in the question of religion it is certain that he would be happy to do as little as possible and he wants to indicate as much so that he can push aside what has been proposed to him in the formula of words. In addition to the fact that he is not very courteous nor very polished, it has to be remembered that he is speaking privately to his ambassador and that I think he is going to find himself very embarrassed over this response to the articles because according to what the king said here and according to his later explanation there should be no cause to believe that he can have doubts over them. The one thng that I believe to be most certain in this question is that it would considerably embarrass this king to be the father-in-law of a Spanish Infanta. He believes that this marriage is going to provide such support to the Catholics that their faction would be stronger and would by this means be involved in serious disturbances and that he will lose the prestige and power that he believes the leadership of the heretics confers upon him and in a short time his Holiness would depose him from his kingdom and confer it upon his son. If it might be something to keep under consideration, he has said recently at one time or another that it is all very well that they might say that the pope has not given nor is he giving the order to slay kings, yet, if depOSing them is not a legal death later, when living without any kingdom or authority whatsoever, then one could kill them, indeed his own children might do it for their own security or at least they might keep him in a castle. The courage with which some have been defending and holding here the pope's authority - indeed in Scotland


52

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

they have martyred a priest on this account 3 - has made him more suspicious -about this opinion. They would have wanted to do the same to some here but the deference for his Majesty as well as the efforts we have made has prevented it until the present. In opposition to all this good work, the arrival of Du Moulin 4 here, a leading heretical minister from France, has created the gravest danger and misgivings since there is talk, at his inspiration, of making this king the leader of all heretics in what they call "the spiritual". They might convince him that he is capable of assuming this, and should he do so the greatest power and prestige will be conferred upon him. He believes this to such an extent that he has said that he would consider it greater than being Emperor. Since, in the despatches where I have reported to his Majesty about religious affairs, I have said what I know about the king's character as well as about the plots and fears amidst which he lives, I have nothing to add about this except that the principal goal for which one must look when allowing a discussion of the marriage of this prince with a daughter of the king, our lord, is the benefit and progress of the faith. Since, for that goal, this is the only means, it must not be left out of sight nor abandoned on account of the difficulties that the devil and his minions set up to prevent it. In the event that the wickedness and perverseness of this realm do not deserve it, there is another highly important purpose here in being vigilant about this prince's marriage with France or some other power where it could be dangerous to Spain. However this discussion has been begun with such candour and honour on the part of the king, our lord, as is to be seen and there is also the clear evidence and behaviour that their ambassador has shown there, I believe it safe and profitable to continue along the same path and to preserve the negotiation in such a way that it can be accepted or dropped as the situation might indicate it necessary. Your Excellency should order consideration to be given as to whether it will be good to introduce and involve the Queen of France by telling her something about how this king has asked for the Infanta,S the lady Maria, and in confidence and secrecy let don Hdgo de Cardenas be informed in the way that might seem most proper. In any case the consultations that have been had on this question are so well known that it is being mentioned in the gazettes. May God protect, etc.

See Th e Narrative pp. 293-95. Sir Robert Cotton's later conversation of 2 July with Sarmiento is reported Ibid. pp. 295-98. 3 John Ogilby, S. J . was executed on 10 March 1615 ; see also Forbes-Leith, Narratives pp. 297-315. 1

2


JUNE 1615 4

53

See Doc. 21.

Previously Winwood had informed Thomas Edmondes, ambassador to Paris, that neither King James, nor Digby had tried "either overtly, or underhande directly, or obliquely to intimate any such overture ... " for the Infanta, and that the discussions of Spanish theologians were done "partly to magnifie and improve their owne glory, as though all the world were enamored of their greatness ... " (B. M. Stowe Mss, vol. 175 f. 276, Winwood to Edmondes, London 20 March 1615). S

21. DIEGO SARMIENJ'O DE AcuNA TO PHILIP III. London, 30 June 1615.

Original decipher, 6 pages, received on 15 July, E 2593/107.

(p.2)

+

Senor Entre los frutos que va causando aqui la venida de Dumolin 1 el hereje de Francia y las trazas que ha dado y da a este Rey para ser caveza en 10 que eHos Haman espiritual de todos los de su falsa religion con que ha gegado y apassionado furiosamente engerrandose con el solo muchas horas cada dia es hauer impresso el Rey un libro 2 para amotinar y reboluer al pueblo de Francia contra su Rey natural hablando de su persona y de la nobleza y estado ecclesiastico de Francia bien differentemente de 10 que fuera razon tomando por pretesto responder al papel que el cardenal de Peron3 ha hecho contradiciendo la proposicion que se hizo en Paris sobre hazer ley en Francia conforme al Juramento de Inglaterra. Ha me parecido materia digna de auisar luego della a Vuestra Magestad y assi enuio el libro que se acauo de imprimir ayer siendo el Rey mismo el corrector hauiendo excrito el original de su (p.3) mana como 10 confirm a el Dumolin en la aprouacion que pone en la ultima oja dellibro 4 dizen me que estos que Haman obispos estan sentidissimos de que se diga que ha traydo qui este Dumolin para su reformador siendo persona sin ninguna buena calydad y 10 sentiran mas quando vean que ellibro se ha impresso con sola su aprouacion sin dar cuenta a ninguno deHos que por esto y por que el animo principal deste Reyes turbar la francia 10 ha escrito en frances y dizenme que 10 imprimira luego en latin. A don Inigo de Cardenas s enuio otro libro para que este aduertido


54

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

de 10 que passa antes que e1 Rey los enuie de aqui que segun entiendo seran millares dellos y es bien que e1 Rey de Francia pues es hijo de Vuestra Magestad y no tiene aqui agora ambaxador 6 10 tenga entendido a tiempo para preuenir 10 que conuiniere y don Iiiigo usara desto con su prudencia en la forma que mas conuenga segun el estado de las cosas y las ordenes que tuuiere de Vuestra Magestad porque siendo el Rey de Francia el que deue como yo espero es justo que yea de la manera que en todas partes los criados de Vuestra Magestad Ie acuden. (P.4) Del Rey de Inglaterra he dicho a Vuestra Magestad en differentes despachos la que entiendo y 10 mismo digo agora y que pienso que no ay otro hereje aequo (a 10 menos como el) porque los mas malos muestran serlo son para adularle y porque hallan que es este el camino para medrar y vivir seguros con el aunque algunos entienden que no tiene ninguna religion porque cada dia se contradize en 10 que habla pero el engaiio de 1a autoridad y seguridad que piensa que Ie da y dara ser gran Soffi de los Hereges haze que conforme y quiera bien a todos los que reconozen al vicario de Dios. Y de aqui nazen los zelos de Espaiia y e1 pare celIe que todo hombre que dize bien de Espaiia es catholico y vive con tan gran arte de que no 10 entienda el embaxador de Vuestra Magestad que en una larga audiencia que yo tube con el a los 17 deste sino Ie conociera ni supiera 10 que se de los que mas tratan con el pensara (segun 10 que hizo conmigo y 10 que me dijo) que era catholico y tan verdadero hermano de Vuestra Magestad como el Seiior Archiduque Alberto. Yo he sido hasta aqui de parezer que (p.5) el persuadir a este Rey en 10 que se escruiese fuese con solo 1a fuerza de la razones y que de su persona se hab1ase templadamente pero ya visto 10 poco que esto aprouecha y 10 que continua dezir blasfemias y desatinos no me atreuer a hazer jui'Yio de 10 que sera mas conuiniente ni si conuendria respondelle a todo a proposito pues ay tanta materia dello. Y aun me pareze cosa digna de ponerse en consideracion que pues sin hauerle el Cardenal de Peron dado ninguna ocasion mas de hauer escrito en fran cia un papel para el buen gouierno de fran cia 7 y que de su cantidad tampoco ha tenido de que quexarse ni Ie ha dado ocasion para que perseuerse tantos aiios en ecriuir y imprimir libros tan sediciosos y contra su authoridad si seria bien que su Santidad fuese amonestandole que no mejorandose comenzara a dec1arar contra elIas penas y censuras establecidas por derecho para que no se entienda en el mundo que se falta al seruicio de Dios en pecados tan publicos. El yr con estas amonestaciones sin hazer dec1aracion pondria miedo a este Rey que para (p.6) con el es el mas importante medio que ay alentarse huyan los vasallos catholicos viendo que se acude a su causa porque el dexar los assi quit a el animo y alyento a mucho flacos y entiviara otros. Pero tambien se deue considerar si con esto se pondria este Rey en la ultima desesperacion procurando deshazer de todo punto los


JUNE 1615

55

catholicos de sus reynos y unirse mas estrechamente con los herejes. Un medio del que han propuesto algunos aprouandole por seguro y es que Vuestra Magestad y el Emperador, el Rey de Francia el de Polonia y el Senor Archduque escriuiesen a este Rey 8 tomando ocassion de 10 que escriue contra el estado de Francia en tan mala consecuencia y exemplo de los demas Reynos y subditos mostrando sentimiento della y pidiendole que se abstenga en continuallo y en el rigor de la persecusion contra sus . subditos catholicos y en el hablar de la persona de su Santidad tan differentemente de 10 que es razon de que esto se haze por su conuiniencia (p.7) y por los peligros que puede tener de no hazerlo. Han me dicho que para esto seria muy aproposito el Duque de Guisa trayendo el solo las cartas assi por que este libro es contra francia direchamente como porque el Duque de Guisa 9 esta tan cerca y ser pariente deste Rey y tan seguro y buen Catholico. Vuestra Magestad vera 10 mas conuiniente y se servira de mandarme aduertir a mi 10 que conuiniere hazer para azertar como deuo y desseo. Guarde Dios, etc. [Translation: ] + Sire, Among the results which the arrival of Du Moulin,l the French heretic, has produced here and of the plan which he has initiated to make this king leader - in what they call "the spiritual" - over everyone of his false religion, for which reason he has blinded and stirred him up passionately after being closeted with him alone for many hours every day, is that the king has printed a book 2 seeking to stir the people of France to revolt against the king their natural lord by speaking of his person and of the nobility and the ecclesiastical order of France far differently than what is proper. For excuse there is taken the need to reply to the work which Cardinal du Perron 3 has composed against the motion which had been made in Paris about passing a law similar to the oath in England for France. I thought this matter deserving an immediate report to your Majesty. Therefore, I am sending the book which was printed yesterday while the king himself was proofreader after he had written the complete original in his own hand as Du Moulin attests in the endorsement which he has placed on the last page of the book. 4 They tell me that these people whom they call bishops are very upset about the declaration that he has brought this Du Moulin here as their reformer since he is a person without any fine quality. They will be more pained when they see that the book has been printed by his authority alone without informing anyone of them. For this reason and because the principal purpose of this king is to provoke France, he has written it in French. They tell me that it will be printed shortly in Latin.


SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS I have sent another copy to don Inigo de Cardenas s so that he would be informed of what happened before the king sends over thousands of copies from here according to what I hear. It is better that the king of France - for he is your Majesty's son and without an envoy here 6 - should have notice in time so as to make proper provision. Don Inigo should use this prudently in the manner that is most fitting, according to the situation of affairs and the instructions he might receive from your Majesty, because it is proper that the king of France, as I hope, should see the way that the servants of your Majesty support him from all sides. I have set forth in different despatches my opinion of the King of England and I say the same again, that I believe there is no other heretic who is his equal - at the very least like him - because those who show themselves to be the most perverse do so to flatter him and because they find that this is the way to prosper and to live with him in security, although some believe that he does not have any religion since he contradicts himself daily in what he say. However the illusion of authority and security, which he thinks that being the high priest of the heretics provides and will give him, forces him to conform and to wish well towards every one who does not recognize the Vicar of Christ. Out of this are born the suspicions of Spain and his conviction that every man who thinks well of Spain is a Catholic and he lives under such a deep pretence that your Majesty's ambassador is not to be conscious of it that during a long audience which I had with him on the 17th of this month - without his being aware or suspicious of what I knew about those who deal the most with him - he should (both in his manner of acting and speaking to me) consider himself a Catholic and as true a brother of your Majesty, as the lord Archduke Albert. Until the present I have believed that the only way to influence the king against what might be written was the force of arguments and a respectful speech about his person but I have found small advantage out of this and that he keeps uttering blasphemies and nonsense. I would not dare to make a judgement over what would be more proper and whether it would be advantageous to reply to everything directly for there is so much material for that. Even though it seems to me to be something deserving reflection that Cardinal du Perron had offered no more provocation be;rond writing a work in France for the proper government of France and that he has complained about his Holiness without being given cause, and that he has continued for so many years to compose and print such seditious books against his authority, I wonder whether it would be better for his Holiness to rebuke him so that after a failure to improve he might start to invoke against him the penalties and censures by law established lest the world fail to see that he sins against God's service by such public offenses. To proceed in these warnings, without

56


JUNE 1615

57

making them public, will make him fearful that his Catholic subjects might abandon him seeing that there is interest in their cause which is, as far as he is concerned, the most important way that there is to be helped, because to abandon them in that way would crush the courage and strength of the wavering and weaken others. However one also has to reflect whether by this step the king, reduced to extreme desperation, might try to destroy the Catholics in every corner of his kingdom and to bind himself more firmly to the heretics. One remedy for this, which some have proposed after judging it to be safe, is that your Majesty, the Emperor, the king of France the king of Poland and the Lord Archduke should write to this king. 8 They are to use the occasion of what he has written about the government of France with' such an unhappy effect and example to other kingdoms and subjects, to express regret about it and ask that there be a stop to its continuation and to the severity of his persecution of his Catholic subjects as well, and to the remarks against the person of his Holiness which are so different from what is proper - even in fitting courtesy - by desisting from activities for his own advantage because of the risks that he can run by failing to do so. They told me that for this mission the Duke of Guise alone would be a very appropriate person to bring the letters, both because this book is directly concerned with France, as well as because the Duke of Guise 9 is so close a relative of this king, in addition to being reliable and a good Catholic. May your Majesty reflect upon what is most appropriate and be pleased to give order to instruct me as to what is best to do in order to succeed according to my duty and desire. May God protect the Catholic person of your Majesty.

1 Pierre Du Moulin, the Elder, (1568-1658) arrived in London in April and nominated a Prebend of Canterbury in June (C.S.P. Dom. 1611-18 pp. 282, 289). 2 Declaration du Roy Jacques I (London, 1615 , STC 14367). 3 See Doc. 4 note 6. His Apologie pur les peres Jesuites (Paris, 1615) appeared a year after the Estates General had heard it. 4 In his "Advertisement" Du Moulin admitted only giving "quelque polisseure" to the language (Declaration Sig. Q4) . 5 Instead Thomas Edwards presented three formal protests in Paris against the Franco-Spanish marriages, the "diabolicall opinions" of Cardinal du Perron and Louis's letter to Conde in July 1615 (Anon. Remonstrances made by the Kings Maiesties Ambassadour London, 1615, STC 9237). 6 Samuel Spifame left London in January. His successor, Gaspard Dauvet, Sieur des Marets, was not announced until July 1615. 7 Shortly the controversy increased with the translation of Du Perron's book as A n Oration Made on the part of the Lordes Spirituall (St. Orner, 1616 , STC 6384) which stated that the oath favoured by King James was introduced to the Third Estate "by certaine irreverent semi-Catholickes" who sought to make "an idoll of


58

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

the temporall power of kinges" (Sig, *4v). When A Remonstrance of ... the most Gratious King James J was translated (Cambridge, 1616 , STC 14369) he claimed his purpose was that "people might be unwitnessed of this pernicious opinion : that Popes may tosse the French king his throne like a tennis ball and that killing of kings is an act meritorious to the purchase of the crowne of Martyrdome . .. " (Sig A 2). The first volume of Du Perron's RepUque a fa Response du Roy de fa Grande Bretagne was not printed in English in St. Orner until 1630 (STC 6385 , Allison and Roger 288). 8 See Doc. 1 and 3. 9 Charles de Lorraine, 4th Duke¡of Guise (1571-1640) was a second cousin of James I.

22. DIEGO SARMIENTO DE AcuNA TO PHILIP III. London, 10 September 1615.

Original decipher received on 4 October, 3 pages, E 845/81.

(p.2)

+

Senor La carta que Vuestra Magestad me mando escriuir a siete de Julio sobre 10 que alla se ha entendido del proceder de don Ricardo Berri 1 receui con Riuas a los 29 de Agosto y con 10 que Vuestra Magestad me manda dezir he confirmado las sospechas que tenia del como Vuestra Magestad vio por la carta de 16 de Mayo que escriui al Secretario Juan de Ciri9a y habra visto por 10 que despues escriui a los dos de Agosto. No entendi que tratara de boluer ni el me dixo palabra de pedir entretenimiento para aqui ni despues de buelto me ha dicho que pretendio tal sino que supplico que Vuestra Magestad Ie hiziese alguna merced y que por ver a Vuestra Magestad tam embara9ado en los viajes se quiso boluer con la carta que Vuestra Magestad Ie mando dar para mi hablandome en sus casas solo 10 que basta para que yo entienda que tiene pretension de que Vuestra Magestad Ie haga merced. He sauido que el don Ricardo passo desde Valladolid a Madrid a verse con el embaxador de Inglaterra con gran secreto y hauiendole yo preguntado si rue a Madrid me ha dicho que no y tengo por cierto (p.3) que don Juan Dygbi es quien mas deue de hauelle instado en que buelua aqui. Este hombre tiene tan enganados a los Padres de la Compania en este punto que les ha parecido que yo hago gran error en no hauelle


SEPTEMBER 1615

59

metido en los negocios ni permitido que passe en mi casa que en esto han hecho tambien gran fuerza y la santa dona Luysa de Caruajalllego asentarse mucho conmigo sobre ello. Bien creo que a los Padres de la Compania les es fiel en todo y tambien a los Catholicos en materia de religion pero tengo por conuenientissimo apartalle breuemente de aqui porque por mas recato que yo tenga como 10 he procurado y procuro, es impossible que el dexe de entender quien sale y entra en mi casa quando estoy en<;:errado quando salgo solo quando viene correo y quando Ie embio de que puede hazer y hara conjecturas de mucho inconveniente que el vive cerca desta casa y el entrar en ella no se Ie puede quitar sin mucha nota y rompimiento. . Y assi me parece que si el se contentase con un entretenimiento en Flandes 0 en Italia (p.4) se Ie podria dar, 0 mande Vuestra Magestad ver si seria mejor que yo Ie buelua a despachar a Madrid. Y alIa se podra entretener 0 despedir en la forma que a Vuestra Magestad Ie pareciere mas conueniente. Supplico a Vuestra Magestad se sirua de mandarme aduertir 10 que Ie parece deuo hazer con la mayor breuedad que se pueda para salir deste cuydado. Nuestro Senor, etc. [Transla tion: ]

+

Sire, On the 29th of August through Ribas I received the letter which your Majesty ordered written to me on July 7th concerning information received there about the activity of Richard Berry. 1 Through what your Majesty advised me to be told I have confirmed my suspicions against him, as your Majesty may read in my letter of May 16th to Secretary Juan de Cirica and it is to be seen in what I wrote on August 2nd. I was unaware that he would negotiate to come back here. He did not say a word to me about asking for a pension for here, nor after his return here has he told me that he was asking for that much but only that he asked your Majesty to provide him with some aid and since he had been so long engaged in the journey to see your Majesty it was preferred that he return here with the letter which your Majesty ordered given to him for me. He has been talking to me about his affairs only to the extent that I should be aware of his request that your Majesty give him an aid. I discovered that Mister Richard traveled from Valladolid to Madrid to see the ambassador from England in great secrecy and after I asked him if he had been in Madrid he denied it. I am certain that it is Sir John Digby who is responsible for his insistence on returning here. This gentleman has so deceived the fathers of the Society in this matter that they believed that I had committed a serious mistake in not employing him in my business and not allowing him to live in my house, indeed in this instance they have exerted considerable pressure and the saintly


60

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

Dona Luisa de Carvajal became very distant towards me about him. I firmly believe that he is loyal to the fathers of the Society in every respect and to the Catholics in the religious question as well. However I believe it most expedient that he be removed from here promptly since, for the greater security that I am maintaining, as I have been and am continuing to arrange, it is impossible that he be allowed to know who comes in and goes out of my residence and when I am alone in seclusion and when I depart alone, when the courrier comes and when he is sent away, about all of which he can and will make guesses. There is already some serious difficulty for he is living at present near this residence and access to it can not be refused him without a complete insult and a break. Accordingly I think that if he is to be made happy with a pension in Flanders or Italy it could be given to him, or your Majesty might order an inquiry whether it might be better for me to send him with letters to Madrid again. He can be pensioned or dismissed there in the way that your Majesty thinks proper. I urge your Majesty to please command that I be instructed about your decision as to what I ought to do with all possible speed in order to be freed of this burden. May our Lord protect, etc.

1 See Document 2. (The Bodleian Library contains Berry's personal copy of Benito Guardiola; Tratado de Nobleza y Titulos Madrid, 1595, which he purchased in 1612 in Spain.)

23. JUAN DE CIRICA TO ANTONIO DE AROSTEQUI. Madrid, 30 March 1616.

Original holograph, 1 page, E 1865/57.

(p.1) Su Magestad tiene resuelto por consult a del Consejo (como vuestra Merced sabe) que se escriua a sus Embaxadores en Francia y Flandes 1 que detengan (hasta dar quenta a su Santidad) a David Chalmers escozes 2 a quien su Beatitud enuia a visitar la nobleza catholica de Escocia pues solo seruiria de causar zelos al Rey de Inglaterra creyendo que procede de correspondencia entre Espana, Roma y los Catholicos


MARCH 1616

61

de aquellas partes, a los quales se les seguiria mucho dan0 3 y hauiendose comunicado 10 referido al Nuncio que aqui reside 4 como su Magestad mando, ha offrecido que dara quenta della s a su Santidad justificando la causa pareciendole que al mismo tiempo que se escriua a los embaxadores que detengan esta persona y al consejo parecio 10 mismo, Vuestra Merced se seruira de ordenar se escriua por ally al Pontifice en esta conformidad. Dios guarde a Vuestra Merced como deseo . De casa, a 30 de Marzo 1616. Juan de Ciric;a

[Translation: ] After the Council's debate - as your Honour knows - his Majesty has decided that word be sent to his ambassadors in France and Flanders! to detain David Chalmers, a Scotsman, 2 until his Holiness is informed, for he has been sent by his Holiness to visit the Catholic nobility of Scotland. Surely this would serve to arouse suspicions in the king of England as he would think there is something afoot between Spain, Rome and the Catholics of those regions and grave harm to them might ensue. 3 After communicating the report to the Nuncio who resides here, 4 as his Majesty commanded, he has suggested that an account of this s might be given to his Holiness by explaining the reason and indicating at the same time that word is being sent to the ambassadors that they should detain that person. The Council is in agreement. May your Honour please order that word be sent there to the Pontiff accordingly. May God protect your Honour as I desire. From my home, 30th of March 1616. (autograph) Juan de Cirica

In Paris Inigo de Cardenas; in Brussels Felipe Cardona, Marquis of Guadaleste. In 1624, as Agent of the Scottish clergy in Rome, Chambers requested Urban VIII to refuse the Archpriest, Dr. Bishop, authority over the Catholics of Scotland (Tierney-Dodd, Church History vol. 5, pp. cclxiii-cclxiv). He visited Scotland in 1631 and afterwards published De Scotorum Fortitudine (Paris, 1631). By 1637 he was appointed Principal of the Scots College in Paris where he died in 1641; a cousin was chaplain of Richelieu (M. V. Hay, The Blairs Papers, 1603-60, London, 1909, pp. 106-7, 110-12, 115-17). 3 At this time, MacDonald, "Lord of Islay and Kintyre" sought unsuccessfully Spanish assistance to establish his claims in western Scotland (E 845/69-72 and 202 to 209, memoranda of William Semple; E 2031 n. fol. consulta of 20 May 1617). !

2

4 S

Antonio Caetano, Archbishop ofCapua, nuncio, 1611-18. By Gaspar Cardinal de Borja y Velasco, ambassador, 1616-19.


62

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

24. EDWARD BENTLEY TO DIEGO SARMIENTO DE AcuNA. London, ca. October 1616.

Original holograph, 1 page , undated, E 2596/117. The accompanying note from Sarmiento to Ciri9a of 5 October urged him to act favourably "as the deed is certainly of great piety" (E 2596/ 116).

(p.l )

+

Illustrissimo Senor Eduardo Bentley Cauallero Ingles, y que ha tenido amplas possessiones en su tierra , como se sabe , dize que Ie quitaua su estado y todo quanta tenia , y el encargelaron, y condenaron a muerte 29 anos ha, por ser el Catolico , achacandole , que auia procurado de poner en libertad la Reyna de Escocia 1 y aunque su Magestad Catolica movido de su real piedad , fue servido de mandar escriuir una carta muy encare9ida en fauor deste supplicante a don Pedro de 9uniga, entonces su embaxador, alegando razones 2 muy vivas y efficaces para que el Rey de Inglaterra la hiziesse merced , pues auia pade9ido tanto por causa de su madre: pero como por ella no pudo a1can9ar en Inglaterra ny fauor ny justicia, se recogio el supplicante a Flandes con muger y diez hijos , que descenden del gran Chanciller que fue de Inglaterra Thomas Mor0 3 que perdio el fauor del Rey Enrique 8, y la vida por no auer querido consentir en el diuorcio de la santa Reyna Catalina, tia de su Magestad, y son tambien de la familia del Vizconde de Monteagudo que fue embaxador en Roma de los Reyes de gloriosa memoria Don Felipe 2 do y dona Maria4 quando reynauan en Inglaterra, y assi como hijos de criados de su Magestad y de su Real casa, acudieron a su protecion y amparo con desseo de seruir con la lealdad y fidelidad que sus antepassados 10 an hecho antento 10 qual su Magestad de su real munificen9ia mando dar a este supplicante sesenta escudos al mes , y al Federico Bentley su hijo mayor veinte y cinco escudos al mes en su exercito de Flandes s con orden que a entrambos les pagassen puntualmente de la qual merced (que reconoscen por muy grande) avyendo gozado algun tiempo seis anos ha, que se les reformaron el tercio de los dichos entretenimientos con las demas entretenidos y despues en la 2da reforma9ion general, se les reformaron de todo: 6 de rnanera que quedando ellos sin otro medio con que vivir y el padre muy viejo y cargado de mujer y hijos , han tornado por ultimo refugio acudir a su Magestad como al Rey verdaderamente catolico, y defensor de la fe de Jesu Christo , y el unico amparo de los que padescen por ella, supplicandole urnilmente que se apiade de la condicion destos supplicantes,


OCTOBER 1616

63

con~ediendoles exempcion de las dichas dos reformaciones y mandando ac1ararles sus entretenimientos por entero , y pagarles como antes , para que tengan comodidad de quedar en el servicio se su Magestad como dessean. Y aunque la merced que ya Vuestra Sefioria lllustrissima a hecho a estos supplicantes, es tal, que les obliga de servir siempre a Vuestra Sefioria lllustrissima buscando medios para mere~erla, muy confiados de obtenir su pretension con la recomendation de Vuestra Sefioria lllustrissima y animados con las muestras tan c1aras que ha dado de su generosa naturaleza 7 tan inclinada a soccorer con su fauor a los que tienen necessidad delIo, han atreuido, de volver a supplicarle, que se sirue de man dar escriuir en su fauor dellos para que se les haga merced en este su preten~ion : en 10 qual reciueran muy particular de Vuestra Sefioria Illustrissima y quedaran obligados ellos con sus amigos y deudos de servirle en qualquier occasion, etc.

[Translation:]

+

Right Honorable, My Very Good Lord Edward Bentley, An English gentleman, who once possessed large estates in this land, states that he was deprived of his property and everything he owned and then imprisoned and condemned to death 29 years ago for being a Catholic and also under charges that he had tried to free the Queen of Scotland. 1 Even though his Catholic Majesty, prompted by his royal generosity, was pleased to order a most urgent letter to be written on behalf of this petitioner to don Pedro de Zuniga, his former ambassador, alleging very strong and effective reasons 2 why the king of England should show him kindness - for indeed he had suffered on behalf of his mother - still for her sake he could find neither help nor justice in England. The petitioner withdrew to Flanders with his wife and ten children, who are descended from the former Lord Chancellor of England Thomas More, 3 who lost the favour of King Henry VIII and his life for not having wished to approve of the divorce of the saintly Queen Catherine, the aunt of his Majesty. They are also descended from the family of Viscount Montague, who was ambassador in Rome on behalf of Philip II and the Lady Mary,4 kings of glorious memory, when they ruled in England. Thus as children of the servants of his Majesty and his royal house, they sought his protection and support with a wish to serve with the loyalty and fidelity that their ancestors have given. Mindful of this his Majesty out of his royal generosity ordered that seventy escudos a month be given to this petitioner, and to his eldest son, Frederick Bentley, twenty five escudos in his army in Flanders,s with instructions that they be paid regularly. After enjoying his kindness for some time - and this they acknowledge to be generous - they reformed the services of the aforesaid pensions


64

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

six years ago along with the rest of the pensioners, later in the second general reform they lost everything. 6 As a result of this when they were left without any other resource with which to live and the father of advanced years and burdened with the support of wife and children, they have carried as the last resort their request to his Majesty, as the truly Catholic king, the defender of the faith of Jesus Christ and the sole protection of those who suffer for it. They humbly entreat his pity for the condition of these petitioners that he might grant them an exemption from the aforesaid two reforms and order that their pensions be fully granted and paid as before, so that they can have the support to remain in his Majesty's service as they desire. Although the kindness which your Lordship has already shown to these petitioners is such that they are ever under obligation to serve your Lordship while still looking for ways to merit it, still they are deeply confident of obtaining their request under your Lordship's patronage and encouraged by such clear signs as have already been given of a generous character very prepared to assist those who have need of your kindness. 7 They are emboldened to beg once more for your willingness to order that a letter be written on their behalf in order to assist them in this request. From this they would receive a very special favour from your Lordship and remain under obligation as friends and debtors to serve you at any opportunity. See Vol. 1, doc. 39, Pensioner 23 and note. The estate was Hungry Bentley, in the parish of Longford, 11 miles northwest of Derby. "There was formely a family of the nameof Bentley who resided here. Edward Bentley, esq. was tried and convicted of high treason at the Justices Hall, Old Bailey, London 31 May 29 Eliz .. . " (S. Glover and T. Nobel, edd. History of the County of Derby, London, 1829, vol. 2 p. 105). 2 At that time the Council of State noted that the conviction occurred "because one of those who plotted to free ' the Queen of Scotland had revealed it to a Bentley without specifying if it were he or another. .. " The Bentley estate had then been granted to a "gentleman named Michael Stanhope." The Council instructed Zuniga not to ask for a restoration of property but a full pardon (E 2767 n. fol. consulta June 1605). 3 She was a fourth generation descendant of More. The daughter of Lucy Browne (sister of the first Viscount Montague) and Thomas Roper (grandson of St. Thomas More), she was also second cousin of Fr. Thomas More IV. The departure of members of the Bentley family in June 1606 to the Low Countries is described by Mary Ward who travelled as one of Mrs. Catherine Bentley's 'daughters' to St. Omers (See H. J. Coleridge, ed., The Life of Mary Ward, 15851645 by Mary C. E. Chambers, 2 vols. London, 1882, 1885, vol. 1, pp. 107 ff)¡ 4 Anthony Browne (1528?-1592) Viscount Montague had been an Ambassador Extraordinary to Pope Paul IV and Venice in 1555. 5 Frederick, born 1582 at the estate in Derbyshire, studied at St. Omers 159498 , and Douai 1598-1601 under the alias Francis Walker. He returned to England in ill health to find his parents in poverty . He described his relatives as "aliqui Catholici alii heretici. .. " After a brief enrollment in the English college in Rome 1


NOVEMBER 1616

65

he left. (Douai College Diaries, eR.S. vol. 10 (1911) pp. 37, 39 , Responsa Scholarum, eR.S. vol 54 (1962) pp. 116-17; Foley, Records vol. 6, p. 223 for Francis (sic) Bentley). A second son, Henry, born in Derbyshire in 1583/4, was at the English College 1598-1603, but returned to England. He began studies again at Douai in 1604 but ceased shortly after. He then returned to Rome and after ordination became a Jesuit in 1610 (Douai College Diaries p. 56; Foley, Records vol. 7 (part 1) pp. 51-2). A third son, Edward II, born in London in 1588, studied at St. Omers and entered the English College in 1606 and became a Jesuit in 1609 (Responsa Scholarum, 176-77; Foley, Records, loco cit.). A fourth son, John, born in 1590 in Northamptonshire, studied at St. Omers and entered the English College in 1608 and the Society of Jesus in 1611/12 (Responsa Scholarum, pp. 200-201; Foley, Records loco cit.). Daughters Catherine and Anne entered the Poor Clares at Gravelines. Catherine translated, possibly, L. Wadding, The history of the angelicall virgin glorious S. Clare, Douai, 1635, (miscellanea IX, eR.S. vol. 14, pp. 38-39; Allison and Rogers no. 869). 6 â&#x20AC;˘ See vol. 1, doc. 40. 7 Sarmiento had written in March 1614 to secure leave for a grant from embassy funds for Mrs. Catherine Bentley, who lived near his residence in London. However she does not appear in the accounts until 1617, for 11 00 reales (approximately ÂŁ27) a year Documentos Ineditos vol. 3, p. 298; vol. 1, p. 190).

25. THE COUNCIL OF STATE TO PHILIP III. Madrid, 23 November 1616 .

.origin'al cansulta with five initials, 6 pages, E 2518/20.

(p.2)

+

Senor Don Diego Sarmiento de Acuna en cartas de 2 y 30 de Setiembre refiere las platicas que tuvo con aquel Rey en materia de casamiento del Principe de Gales su hijo, por dos vezes que el mismo Rey Ie embio a llamar y hablo en ello que porque Vuestra Magestad ha visto las cartas se dira sumariamente 10 que contienen. Dize que aquel Rey muestra grandissimo desseo de que se haga el matrimonio con la Senora Infanta dona Maria, ofreciendo esforyarse quanto pudiere en materia de religion catholica, aunque Ie dixo, que en los puntos que aca se auian dado auia algunas cosas terribles 1 y que con 10 que el Duque de Lerma escribio a don Juan Digbi quiso luego nombrar personas que tratassen de los puntos con don Diego y que el se escuso deziendo que pues las dificultades estauan desta parte y la dama tambien estaua aca, era fuerya que del negocio se tratasse en esta corte: y que el Rey vino en ello dize


66

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

don Diego que halla grandes inconbenientes en que se trate alla destas platicas y que pues aquel Rey se ha reduzido (p.3) a que se traten aca, combiene nombrar personas doctas con quienes el embaxador que viniese hable en los puntos y solicite el negocio y que es tambien conueniente conserbar este tratado con que aquel Principe se ira inc1inando a las cosas de Espana en que don Diego va encaminando buenos medios . Dize tambien que aquel rey se ha prendado para no tratar de casamiento de su hijo en otra parte mientras duran los tratados con Espana, y que aunque el varon de Hey que fue por Embaxador Extraordinario a Francia ha querido que alIa se continuen las que se auian comen~ado el Rey Ie ha respondido que en ninguna manera buelua a ellas. Auisa tambien don Diego que ha entendido que el varon de ROOS3 no trae comision para hablar en esta materia y que don Juan Digbi dessea boluer aca a ello. Con esto se ha visto tambien en consejo 10 que el Cardenal de Borja ha respondido en carta de 21 del passado, a 10 que Vuestra Magestad Ie mando escribir ace rca deste casamiento 4 y dize que auiendo dado quenta a su Santidad de la platica que auia movido el Rey de Inglaterra y que auiendo Vuestra Magestad respondido, que no se trataria della sin (PA) el beneplacito y dispusicion de su Santidad y sin que primero en materia de religion die sse tales muestras que obligassen a ella hazia nueuas instancias para que de parte de Vuestra Magestad se supiesse la mente y disposicion de su Santidad porque si auia de contravenir a este matrimonio, como al que se auia tratado con hija del Gran Duque,S y no llegar a effecto, no queria adelantarse en materia de religion con herejes, y dize el Cardenal que auiendo su Santidad tornado tiempo para considerar el negocio Ie auia respondido que era muy digna de la Christiandad y santo zelo de Vuestra Magestad la respuesta dada al Rey de Inglaterra y que su Beatitud no puede dexar de reprobar este matrimonio, como otras vezes 10 ha hecho, por medio del Conde de Castro, y del Arzobispo de Capua,6 por ser ilicito, y espuesto a pecado mortal, y a grandes peligros por el trato y comunicacion con herejes, de que naceria gran escandalo y mal exemplo a los demas principes, demas de que concurrian tres razones muy eficaces, la primera el riesgo de que la compania del Principe y comunicacion de otros herejes, podrian lleuar mas sus opiniones a la Senora Infanta, la segunda que los hijos de tal matrimonio siendo nietos de Vuestra Magestad fuessen herejes, la tercera el inconueniente que podria na<;er del repudio que se usa en Inglaterra y que por estas razones juzga su Santidad que deue Vuestra Magestad insistir en la respuesta dada en tiempo de don Alonso de Velasco que se effectuaria este matrimonio en caso que el Principe de Gales se reduzga a la religion Catholica y se permita en aquel Reyno 7 el uso y exercicio della y que si esto no se alcan<;are no podra su Santidad dispensar en un acto illicito como este ni oyr semejante platica sino es que se Ie propongan causas y condiciones muy justas y de muy evidente probecho al servicio de Dios y de la Iglesia Catholica y que


NOVEMBER 1616

67

entiendole propuestas, las considerara con madurez y tomara la resolucion que Dios fuese servido inspiralie, y en quanta a los inconvenientes que pone el Rey de Inglaterra que nacerian de la negatiua de su Beatitud responde que es un pretexto frivolo y muy de la condicion fraudulenta de los herejes, supuesto que de parte de Vuestra Magestad sin de su Santidad no se ha de faltar de la obligacion del secreto. Y auiendose visto en consejo con la consideracion que la calidad del caso requiere parecio respecto de ser negocio que pi de tanta atencion se recojan las pareceres de teologos que ha hauido en la materia y se tome a ver para refrescar la memoria, y poderse tratar del ,8 despues de muy enterados del estado que tiene. Y que agora se escriba a don Diego Sarmiento agradecienqole el cuydado con que and a en esto y aprobandole 10 que haze encargando Ie juntamente que continue el dar a entender, a aquel Rey los beneficios temporales que se les seguiran si tuviese effecto, alargandose el en 10 de la religion catholica , todo 10 que se pudiere pero caminando don Diego con la reserba de la dispensacion de su Santidad sin la qual no se podra conc1uir y que este muy advertido de procurar el beneficio que se pudiese sacar de la Reyna de Inglaterra en esta materia de religion por via de intercesion con su marid0 9 en que se ha de gouemar don Diego, con la destreza que sabra porque no la haga dana ni el perda ellugar que tiene con ella, y que avise de todo 10 que se ofreciere, y aca se vera 10 que traen los embaxadores de alla y se Ie aduertira con aquel Rey sobre sus conuencias temporales llegando a effecto el matrimonio sera entre otras muchas cosas, la reputacion y (p.7) seguridad que Se Ie seguira viendo Ie tan unido con esta corona y el gran beneficio y probecho que resultara a sus vasalios del comercio con estos reynos asentandolo como conuiene. Vuestra Magestad 10 mandara ver y prober 10 que mas fuese seruido. En Madrid a 23 de Noviembre 1616.

[Translation:]

+

Sire, Don Diego Sarmiento de Acuna in letters of the 2nd and 30th September relates the conversations which he had with that king on the subject of the marriage of his son, the Prince of Wales, on the two occasions when the king himself sent a message to him to talk about it. As your Majesty has seen the letters their contents will be stated in a summary fashion. He said that that king shows a strong wish to have the marriage with the Infanta Dona Maria while promising to proceed as far as he can in the matter of the Catholic religion, although he did indicate that there were some terrible things in the points that have been here provided. 1 [He said] that in keeping with what the Duke of Lerma wrote to Sir John Digby he wishes to appoint the persons immediately who should negotiate on these points with don Diego and


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SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

he excused his role with the remark that as the difficulties arose from this side and the lady was here as well, it was necessary that the negotiations be held at this court and that the king agree to it. Don Diego says that since he sees great disadvantages in negotiations about these arrangements there and that, in any case that king had consented that they should be conducted here, it is important that learned persons be nominated with whom the ambassador who is to come might speak concerning the points and oversee the negotiation. [He said] that there is a further advantage in continuing this negotiation in that the prince will be disposed towards the affairs of Spain and don Diego is trying to pursue good measures about it. Furthermore he said that that king has committed himself not to discuss a marriage for his son with another party while the negotiation with Spain continues. [He said] that although Lord Hay, who went as ambassador extraordinary to France had asked that what had been begun there be continued the king replied that under no circumstances was he to resume it. 2 Don Diego has also sent word that he has learned that Lord Rous 3 does not bear a commision to speak upon this question and that Sir John Digby wishes to return here for this purpose. Together with this the Council has also seen the response which Cardinal Borja gave in a letter of the 21st of October to what your Majesty ordered be written to him about this marriage. 4 He says that after relating the discussion to his Holiness wherein the king of England has made the motion and your Majesty has responded, there will not be negotiations about it without the approval and agreement of his Holiness and without those assurances first being given about the religious question that ought to be binding to that purpose. He has insisted again that, as far as your Majesty is concerned, the mind and consent of his Holiness must be discovered because if he intends to oppose this marriage, as he did with that which was being discussed over the daughter of the Grand Dukes and it does not come to pass, he does not wish to make further progress into the religious question with heretics. The cardinal says that after his Holiness had taken time to reflect on the matter he replied that your Majesty's answer to the King of England was quite in keeping with your Christian faith and holy zeal, yet his Holiness can not fail to condemn this marriage, as he has done on other occasions through the Count of Castro and the Archbishop of Capua,6 as it is illicit because of the danger of mortal sin and the grave risks that exist in the exchanges and dialogues with heretics. Great scandal and bad example will arise from it for other princes. Furthermore there are three very strong considerations involved: first, the risk that the companionship of the prince and the familiarity with other heretics can influence the beliefs of the Lady Infanta, second, the children of such a marriage, although related to your Majesty would be heretics, third, the troubles that can occur with a divorce, that is a custom in England. For these reasons his Holiness decided that your


NOVEMBER 1616

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Majesty had to insist in your answer given in the days of don Alonso de Velasco that this marriage would take place provided the Prince of Wales is converted to the Catholic faith and the use and practice of it is allowed in that realm. 7 If this is not forthcoming his Holiness can not dispense an illicit action like this, nor listen to a similar proposal unless it be that the reasons and velY correct conditions are set forth to the very clear advantage of the service of God and the Catholic church, and that after studying the proposals he would reflect on them in the light of experience and decide what God might be pleased to inspire him to do. As to the difficulties that might be created, as the king of England hints, by his Holiness's refusal, he replies that this is a frivolous excuse and very much in keeping with the fraudulent habits of heretics provided that there is no lapse in keeping secrecy on the part of your Majesty and his Holiness. After the council had reviewed this with a deliberation that the importance of the matter demands, it appeared, in all deference, to be a business demanding such deep consideration that the opinions of theologians should be collected which have been formed on the subject and that then there be a return to refresh the memory, for only after being completely informed about the situation that exists is it possible to discuss it. 8 f We advise} that a despatch be sent now to don Diego Sarmiento commending him for the caution with which he is proceeding in this affair and approving what he has done. He should also be told that he might continue to advise that king about the temporal advantages that will follow if this takes place by dwelling at length on the question of the Catholic faith as much as he can. However don Diego is always to proceed in the light of the condition of his Holiness's dispensation without which a conclusion is impossible. f We advise} that he be very skilful in trying to derive whatever benefit he can from the Queen of England in this question of religion through her intervention with her husband,9 wherein don Diego has to proceed with his known discretion so as not to place her in danger nor lose his position with her. f We advise} that he should send news of everything that might happen and whatever the ambassadors from there might bring will be studied here and he will be advised about what is proper. Furthermore it will be good to advise him that in discussing temporal advantages with that king, he should say among other things that once the marriage is conclUded, there will come to him both renown and security when he sees himself linked with this monarchy, and great profit and advantage will result for his subjects from the commerce of these kingdoms once a suitable arrangement is decided. May your Majesty command whatever might be your pleasure to see and approve. Madrid the 23rd of November 1616.


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See Doc. 20. The official mission of James Hay (1580-1636) to France was to offer congratulations on the marriage of Louis XIII; however he was reported in Spain to have travelled to Lorraine to discuss a marriage alliance (E 2514/78 consulta of 31 July 1616). 3 William Cecil, Lord Rous, son of the 2nd Earl of Exeter was a friend of Sarmiento, "a young gentleman of 26 years who has an estate of nearly twenty thousand escudos of revenue as heir of his mother, he has been in Spain and speaks Spanish well... " (E 2595/77 Sarmiento to Philip, London, 12 May 1616). Van Male thought he was an "ambassador extraordinary" and would discuss "weighty matters" in Spain about a Spanish match (P C 52 f. 196-97, Van Male to Archduke, London, 16 September 1616). His official mission, however was the same as Lord Hay's but he also carried a message for the Duke of Lerma about the crisis in Savoy (E 2595/137 Sarmiento to Philip, London, 12 Oct. 1616). Philip complained to Rous about the failure of the Duke of Savoy to disarm because of James's activities (E 2572/200 minute of 22 January 1617). 4 This is in E 1865/67 ; See also The Narrative, pp. 127-29. 5 i.e. the match between Prince Henry and Catarina, sister of Cosmo II of Tuscany. 6 See doc. 15; Castro was no longer ambassador in Rome, but the Archbishop continued as nuncio in Madrid. 7 See vol. 1, doc. 63 . 8 See doc. 28. 9 See doc. 34. 2

26. DIEGO SARMIENTO DE ACUNA TO PHILIP III. London, 22 December 1616.

Original autograph received on 8 February E 2596/15.

(p.2)

1617, 2 pages,

+

Senor En carta de 10 de Septiembre se sirua Vuestra Magestad de dezirme que ha sido informado que auiendo venido a esta ciudad de Londres desde Flandes don Thomas Vortington 1 a tratar de particulares suyos fue preso por orden del Ar90bispo de Cantarveri y mandame Vuestra Magestad que yo procure su livertad haziendo con este Rey y sus ministros los officios que parecieren convenir que por justas consideraciones que obligan a Vuestra Magestad seria seruido de ello.


DECEMBER 1616

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Y assi cumpliendo 10 que Vuestra Magestad manda he hecho las diligencias que he podido para la livertad deste cauallero ingles, y ayer vino orden del Rey para soltalle libremente dispensando con el en el no tomar el juramento, y dandole licencia para que pueda assistir aqui el tiempo que aya menester para sus negocios y boluerse a flandes quando quisiere sin ser molestado en materia de religion que es todo que el mp. dixo que pretendia y yo procure que hiziese y fue necessario que el Rey mismo 10 ordenare assi firmandolo de su mana y sellandolo con su sella por que en presentando a qualquiera subdito desta corona el juramento y prendiendole por no querelle tomar (p.3) ni el Aryobispo de Cantarveri ni todo el consejo puede soltalle sin que el rey mismo Ie haga la gracia (cosa que aqui dizen los Catholicos que no se ha hecho en tan ampla forma como en este caso agora) y demas de 10 del juramento y religion el Aryobispo acusaba a este cauallero de que tiene aqui hermanos sacerdotes de la Compania de Jesus que andaban ocultos en este reyn0 2 y que por su mana se proueen de aqui dineros a los seminarios y que con sus intelligencias se pasan sacerdotes de una parte a otra, con que se difficultaba y agradabamos el negocio para que el Rey no hiziera 10 que ha hecho, pero en fin todo se ha vencido y el cavallero esta reconocidissimo del amor que Vuestra Magestad Ie ha hech0 3 y me dize que el y los suyos rogaran perpetuamente aDios por la salud y prosperidad del Vuestra Magestad cuya Catolica persona guarde la Christiandad ha menester. Londres 22 de Decembre 1616. don Diego Sarmiento de Acuna [Translation] + Sire, In the letter of September 10th your Majesty was pleased to tell me that you had been informed that Thomas Worthington! was arrested by order of the Archbishop of Canterbury after his arrival in London from Flanders to deal with private affairs; your Majesty instructed me to secure his release by beginning those proceedings with this king and his officials that seem suitable so that after due reflection they are constrained to please your Majesty in this respect. And so in compliance with your Majesty's command I made every possible effort on behalf of this Englishman's freedom. Yesterday the king's order came to let him go free with a pardon for not taking the oath and a licence to stay here for the time that is needed for his business and to return to Flanders whenever he wanted without hindrance about religion which is all that he said that he wanted and that I tried to accomplish. It was necessary for the king himself to give the order after signing it with his own hand and sealing it with his own seal, since once the oath is presented to any of this crown's subjects whatsoever, and upon refusal he is arrested, neither the Archbishop of Canterbury nor the full council is empowered to release him


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unless the king himself grant the favour (a thing that the Catholics say here has not been done in so full a fashion as this instance at present). In addition to the charge concerning the oath and his faith, the Archbishop accused this gentleman of having brothers who were priests of the Society of Jesus who move secretly about this kingdom 2 and that with his help money is being sent to the seminaries and through his guidance priests travel from one locality to another, wherein the case was placed in greater troubles and doubt whether the king would proceed as he did. However everything has been overcome and the gentleman is most grateful for the favour your Majesty has done for him 3 and he told me that he and his family shall pray always to God the health and prosperity of your Majesty whose Catholic person may He protect as Christianity has need. London, 22 December 1616. (autograph) Don Diego Sarmiento de Acuna

1 His career as a recusant in 1584 had been described for the Spanish court in Yepez's Historia Particular de fa Persecucion, Foley, Records vol. 2, pp. 116 ff. 2 John and Lawrence Worthington (Foley, Records vol. 2, p. 133). 3 Apparently he stayed for two years after which he was said to have difficulties in securing a licence to leave (P C 54 f. 172 Van Male to Praets, London, 10 Aug. 1618).

27. JEAN BAPTISTE V AN MALE TO PHILLIPE PRAETS. London, 27 February 1617.

Original autograph, 2 pages, Vienna, Haus Hof und Staats archiv, P C 53 ff. 34-35 v Excerpt. Sir Jean Baptiste van Male was Agent of the Archduke at the English Court from 1614 to 1623 after which he returned to Brussels to become a member of the Council of Finance. Phillipe Praets, the son of the councillor to the Archdukes of the same name, succeeded his father as Secretary of the Privy Council of the Archdukes. Later he was created Seigneur de Saint Aubert and died in 1635. This description of the destruction of books printed at a secret press in London touches upon a very sensitive issue between the court of James I and the Spanish Habsburgs. The king's annoyance extended beyond books of controversy to the existence of all English Catholic publications. Digby thought it significant enough to relate: "Our English in the seminaries of Seville and Valladolid do commonly once a yeare for the moving of greater commiseration towards them from the


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Spaniards, publishe some of the papers of the persecution and their sufferings in England, of late there hath come to my hands one printed at Sevill. . ." (S.P. 94/21/139v, Digby to Somerset, Madrid, 14 July 1615). There had been some retaliation, for the Council of State advised Sarmiento that "a quantity of prohibited and condemned books from England" were presently being sent to Spanish ports and that he must inform James that there would be proceedings "against some of his subjects" in Spain (E 2514/83 consulta of 3 Sept. 1616). The book burning described here was preceded by two related incidents. In the late spring of 1616 Creswell reported to the Duke of Lerma from St. Orner that: "I sent to the king of England by an individual who will give it to him, a book newly printed here which will afford him some disillusionment, if he cares to read it, and even if he does not, at least the cause of God is justified before him. Great care is devoted to Catholic books which are continually being sent into England from this college where we have an excellent press. The opposition does what it can to prevent their entry into the kingdom but caution and money work a great effect. The heretic merchants and sailors themselves transport them and distribute them among the Catholics for a profit, and the books that are misdirected and lost , when they come at times into the hands of people who are being deceived, are the cause of the conversion of those whom we would never think of as believers ... His divine Majesty is very well served by these three houses at Liege , Louvain and here at St. Omers . . . " (E 2858/54 Creswell to Lerma , 30 May 1616). Perhaps Creswell's gift did reach James I, for Sarmiento discussed later the bitterness arising from publications with him at which time the king " took out and handed to the said ambassador another book printed in Douai which reported the life and death of the priests who were recently martyred here which had not pleased him very much ..." (P C 52 f. 252 Van Male to Archduke, London , 15 Nov. 1616). This book: Ex emplar Literarum a quodam Sacerdote Colegii Anglorum Duaceni (Douai, 1616) remains in the Gondomar papers where its title page is inscribed in his hand: "the king of England gave it to me , with his hand in mine , in considerable resentment. .. " (Bib. Nac. Manuscritos tomo 1842 f. 7) .

(f.34) Monsieur, II y'a trois ou quatre jours que l'on a icy pUbliquement brusle sur la place de Saint Paul une excessive quantite de livres catholiques comme breviares , offices de Notre Dame et autres semblables de devotion que l'on avoit recouvert a la maison d'un certain Imprimeur Catholique. Chose a la verite tres deplorable que nous voyons


74

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

aujourdhui en ce Royaulme Ie faict de la vraye Religion si violentement oultrage, sans aulcun espoir de changement, ny que ces pauvres Catholiques y puissent attendre quelque consolation. II soit par la divine providence du Souveran que prendra quelque jour compassion de son peuple tant afflige. Mantenant l'on traicte de faire Ie proces 1 au cest Imprimeur et de Ie convaincre tout ensemble et selon que J'intens il aura du mal assez a sauver sa pauvre vie . . ?

[Translation: ] Sir, Three or four days ago there was a bonfire here in public at Saint Paul's place for an extraordinary quantity of Catholic books such as Breviaries, Offices of Our Lady and similar other [books] of devotion which had been discovered at the house of a certain Catholic printer. It is something truly very much to be deplored that today in this kingdom we see the true faith so violently assaulted without any prospect of a change and that these poor Catholics here have no hope for any relief May it be the divine providence of our Sovereign to take compassion some day upon his deeply afflicted people. At the present there is an effort to bring a charge against this printer and to convict him! and according to what I hear, he will have great trouble in saving his poor life . .. 2

1 Van Male was aware of the efforts of William Trumbull, the English Agent in Brussels, to close the presses in the Low Countries. Earlier, in 1614, he had demanded the closure of the press of the Irish Cordeliers in their monastery at Louvain " as something contrary to the treaties between the two crowns. . ." (P C 50 n. fo1. Trumbull to Archduke, 4 July 1614). This request continued against others thought responsible for the Corona Aurea. Later, in 1618, he forced the Archduke to establish a commision to receive the oaths of the Rector and Council of the universities of Louvain and Douai that they had no part in a new book attacking King James (P C 54 f. 12 Praets to Van Male, 11 Jan. 1618). Then Van Male prepared a strong denunciation of Trumbull's arguments that such books were "against the treaties". He announced he could prove fifty similar violations in London and warned that Trumbull's demand to break up " the presses and the type" of English and Irish printers in Flanders would never be met by an agreement to do the same for protestant presses in England (P C 54 f. 52 Van Male to Praets, London, 7 Feb. 1618).

2 The letter continues with a report on James's speech in the Star Chamber against dueling and with news brought by Baron de la Tour from France.


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28. FRAY LUIS DE ALIAGA TO THE COUNCIL OF STATE. Madrid, 27 February 1617.

Original consulta, 10 pages , E 2518/33 . One of the series of written opinions from the junta of theologians who met in the Madrid residence of the Cardinal of Toledo to advise the Council of State on the marriage (See The Narrative, pp. 132-33, and Docs. 25, 32, 34). Luis de Aliaga, O.P. (1560-1630) the confessor of Philip III and friend of the Duke of Lerma was later to be the Inquisidor General (1618 -21). By this time he was a highly influential voice in the secret negotiations to be begun shortly with John Digby, who then noted: "This kinges confesor being the person appoynted to negotiate with me, by whome the business hath been carried with so much privatenesse that I dare confidently assure your Majestie that unless it be the king, the Duke of Lerma and himself, there is not any man in Spayne acquainted in any kinde with our proceedings ... " (S.P. 94/23/3 and 4, Digby to James I, 15 Jan . 1618). Later, after Gondomar arrived he was to join with Fray Luis in a Junta de Dos - a committee of Two - which discussed the terms concerning religion (E 2572/375 consulta, ca. Dec. 1618). "The Confessor and the Conde of Gondomar have now an express order and commandment from his Majestie to meete two dayes in every weeke about the mayn buisiness. . ." Cottington informed Buckingham (S.P 94/23/97 letter of 18 Dec. 1618).

(p.2)

+

Senor En cumplimiento de 10 que Vuestra Magestad fue seruido mandar por villete del Duque de Lerma se hizo segunda vez la junta de teologos en casa del Cardenal de Toledo y en ella se vieron los papeles que aqui van del Padre Fray Francisco de Jesus, del Padre Federico, del Doctor Montesinos y del Padre Fray Antonio de Sotomayer, confesor de su Altezza, que es 10 que dizen se les ofrece y parece en la materia de que se trata de cada uno de los quales se ha sacado un sumario que tambien va aqui. Y el Padre Confesor de Vuestra Magestad voto 10 que se sigue. 1 Que este negocio de casamiento con Inglaterra es de la grauedad que muestra y aunque sustancialmente esta entendida la materia desde que se emper;o a tratar della Ie parer;e que se reduze ados cauer;as la primera que su Santidad dispensar en las leyes ec1esiasticas aviendo causa de beneficio publico 0 que se reduzga a el y assi todo 10 que en esta materia mirare a solo la prohibicion de las leyes ecc1esiasticas (p.3) podra muy bien dispensar su Beatitud, y para que 10 pueda y deb a hazer


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SPAIN ~l\J"D THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

ay muchas causas bastantes y suficientes en las que se representan a Vuestra Magestad en los papeles dichos. La segunda a que mas cuydado debe dar es el peligro de la Senora Infanta y de sus hijos el qual si Ie ay imposibilita el matrimonio por derecho diuino y natural y segun 10 que se platico en la junta que aqui se huuo el ano de 1615 2 juzgo entonces que Ie auia y assi fue de parecer que ni Vuestra Magestad podia tratar deste negocio ni su Santidad dispensar en que se hiziesse. Y en las condiciones y puntos que se dieron entonces a don Juan Digbi que son las que van aqui con su respuesta se prevenia este peligro respecto de la Senoria Infanta, con la libertad de poder viuir en su ley y de su casa y familia del uso libre de la religion Catholic a pareyiendo que pues los de su casa auian de ser todos Catholicos se aseguraua su persona por este camino y que los hijos se aseguraban tambien con la forma de educacion que aIli se senalaua y se quitaua el impedimento que auia de derecho diuino y natural y se quedaua solo dentro de los limites de los sagrados canones para 10 qual se acudia tambien a su Santidad. (pA) que agora auiendo oydo los papeles que se an leydo y 10 que se ha dicho y conferido en la junta, Ie parece que conforme al estado que oy tiene la materia y 10 que por parte de Inglaterra se insignaua que se concedera, no esta el peligro que arriba se toea saluado y assi se conforma con 10 que dixo la primera vez y tiene por llano que entonces no quedo la materia en el estado que conbenia, pues vee que agora se anaden nueuas condiciones que entonces no se dezia eran men ester . Y que 10 que hast a agora conceden en Inglaterra y se apunta concederan no basta para euitar el peligro y la materia a su parecer esta oy en el mismo estado que al principio y sera menester entrar en nuevo tratado con Inglaterra anadiendo 10 que agora se dize en los pareceres que se han leydo. Para esto pone en consideracion que la reconcilacion del Rey Enrique quarto de Francia la contradixo Espana y que aunque el se reconcilio al gremio de la santa Madre Inglesia Apostolica Romana se entiende no fue Catholico y que las demostraciones que hizo de tal fue por razon de estado para conserbar el reyno que alcanyo por auerse reconciliado y porque Ie perdia 3 no perseverando (p.S) assi por 10 que tocaua a las censuras de la Iglesia y priuacion que se Ie pusiera como tambien porque la mayor parte de Francia eran Catholicos y tenia el experiencia que auian preualecido y sido poderosos para impedirle el . reynar aunque a el Ie auian asistido y ayudado los herejes. En el caso presente succede todo al rebes como es facil de considerar. Y si bien la iglesia hast a agora a permitido tales matrimonios no se sabe , que se aya dispensado en ellos. Y en los Papas es de gran consideracion las consequencias y exemplares para 10 que han de hazer, y parecele que por 10 menos las seguridades que se ayan de tomar de Inglaterra han de ser muy grandes, porque este Rey Jacobo quando fue de Escocia a Inglaterra muerta la Reyna Isabel, ofrecio muchas cosas a los Ingleses Catholicos, y no solo no les cumplio ninguna4 pero la


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persecucion que les ha hecho y haze ha sido mas rigurosa apretandola con nuevas leyes y executandolas tanto las suyas como las que antes auia puesto la Reyna Isabel con mayor rigor. De manera que sin gouernarnos ni guiarnos por reglas generales de Herejes , sino por las obras (p.6) deste mismo Rey de quien se ha de fiar, auemos de sacar, la poca seguridad de la esperan<;:a que se debe tener de que cumplira 10 que ofreciere. Y no parece que la puede auer porque quando el diesse libertad de consciencia no queda preuenido el peligro anteramente respecto de que su edad y poca salud no dan esperan<;:a de vida larga , 10 qual dificulta mas la materia, porque si succediesse el caso , quanta antes entrasse el gouierno del Reyno en manos de un Rey mo<;:o hereje, y el libre de la palab~a que huvieese dado el Padre, se puede inferir facilmente que aun 10 que se capitulare, por instrumento publico no se guardara. Y quando bien sobre viuiese la Reyna Madre 5 y alcan<;:ase de dias a su marido no seria poderosa para hazerlo cumplir (que es en 10 que se podria fundar alguna esperanca) por la poca mana que tienen las Reynas en Inglaterra. De suerte que en vida deste Rey por su condicion y sus obras (p.7) ay poca seguridad de que se cumplira 10 tratado, y si muriesse presto no sabe que pueda auer esperan<;:as considerables de 10 que hara Ie hijo. Y teme que son fa<;:iles de admitir las y que en la execucion seran dificultosas de conseguir. No vee que en 10 que de aca se prop one y hasta agora se dize en los papeles de los teologos (aunque parece que 10 aiiadiran con auerlo advertido) se haze memoria del juramento de fidelidad que en Inglaterra se pide a los vasallos que aunque parece Ie dieron principio por conueniencia politica Ie han pasado ya a religion y seria conveniente tratar dello porque libertad de conciencia 0 tolerancia en la forma que queda dicho no podra executarse sin la moderacion del Juramento quedando en la seguridad que es menester para el Principe que Ie impuso sin tocar en la religion ni indirectamente. Parecele tambien que si llegare a trattar desta materia con el Papa y a pedirle la dispensacion no se haga como apunto el Padre Federico en 10 que dixo de palabra en virtud de los meritos de Vuestra Magestad para con la Iglesia y sede Apostolica, porque no es bien que parezca que la dispensacion (p.B) es gracia que se haze a Vuestra Magestad sino que solamente por servicio de la Iglesia y exaltacion de la santa fee catholica la prop one y trata Vuestra Magestad con su Beatitud y tendria por cosa de poco exemplo de un Rey Catholico que tratase esta materia siendo de la consideracion que es , haziendo demostracion de que no se pretende solo el beneficio de la religion Catholica, pues no es esta para mezc1ar della otro respecto ninguno profesando tanta fineza en la fee catholica. Y consiguientemente Ie parece que todas las razones que miran a fines politicos no se representen a su Beatitud por cuasas para la dispensacion , sino fuese por la calidad que pueden tener de medios para la exaltacion de la fee.


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Y porque en los pareceres que agora de nuevo se dan, yen 10 que de neuvo se platica se aiiaden como queda dicho condiciones no seiialadas antes y que son prudentes y considerables, Ie parece que debria Vuestra Magestad mandar se juntassen con el Padre Maestro (p.9) fray Antonio de Sotomayor confesor de su Altezza los Padres Federico y Fray Francisco de Jesus, y que hagan un papel de solas las causas y condiciones con que se tiene por justificado el matrimonio y licita la dispensacion del Pontifice 6 y por las quales debe darla y que deuaxo de cada condicion pongan las razones que la justifican no en forma escolastica ni de dotrina, sino de manera que con breuedad pueda ver Vuestra Magestad las condiciones y la justificacion dellas. Tambien Ie parege que seria conueniente que alguna persona se hiziese muy capaz de todas las dichas condiciones y razones que las justifican por si fuese necesario servirse della porque como oy esta 1a materia no 1a tiene por licita sino contra todo derecho diuino y natural y con las condiciones que la junta pondra se prebendra el peligro y se justificara todo 10 de mas y como e1 peligro se preuenga se conformara con 10 que pareciere a 1a junta Y quando a su parecer no estuviere preuenido si a 1a junta Ie pareciese que si , desde 1uego se asegura, que podra Vuestra Magestad seguir el que ella diere y no se Ie hara nueuo a Vuestra Magestad este parecer pues en otras ocasiones ha dicho y aconsejado a Vuestra Magestad que puede seguir parecer ageno contra e1 su confesor pudiendo el confesor con seguridad (p.10) respectar 10 que otros aconsejan como tambien quando no lIe gar la materia a estos terminos tocado a su oficio juzgar de las doctrinas agenas en como las puede seguir Vuestra Magestad diria libremente 10 que Ie pareciesse. 7 [Translation:] + Sire, In fulfillment of what was your Majesty's pleasure to command in a letter of the Duke of Lerma, the commission of theologians was convened a second time in the residence of the Cardinal of Toledo. Papers from the Reverend Friar Francisco de Jesus, from Father Frederick, from Doctor Montesinos and the Reverend Friar Antonio de Sotomayor, confessor of his Highness, that were seen there accompany this document. Herein is what they say and what opinion occurred to them about the matter which is being discussed. A summary has been drawn up about each one of them which also accompanies this. The father confessor of your Majesty voted as follows. 1 This negotiation of a marriage with England is as serious a matter as it appears. Although there has been substantial appreciation of the matter from the outset of the discussion about it, he thought it might be reduced to two headings. First that his Holiness can dispense with ecclesiastical laws whenever there is a public advantage, or a reason that can be reduced to that. Consequently everything in this matter which is


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simply connected to a prohibition of ecclesiastical laws can well be dispensed by his Holiness. Many sound and adequate reasons why he can and ought to act are among those that are placed before your Majesty in the aforesaid papers. The second heading, to which more attention ought to be given, is the nsk for the Lady Infanta and her children. Indeed, if this occurs, it will render the marriage impossible in keeping with both the divine and the natural law. Such was the decision of the debate in the committee which met here in the year 1615. 2 It decided accordingly that neither could your Majesty negotiate over it nor could could his Holiness dispense what was about to be done. This risk for the Infanta is now to be averted through the conditions and terms, that were then handed to Sir John Digby, and they are contained here together with his response. Through the freedom to be able to live in keeping with her law, and among her own household and retinue with the free use of the Catholic religion, it was thought that, since each member of her household ought to be Catholic, her person was protected by this measure and her children were protected as well in what touches upon their education. Therein the impediment from both natural and divine law was both identified and removed, and it remained only within the limits of the sacred canons for which recourse is then to be had to his Holiness. Now, having read the papers and listened to the discussion and the recommendations with the committee, he believes that according to the present state of the question and the description of the concession on England's part the aforesaid risk is not being averted. Accordingly he confirms what he said on the first occasion and he considers it as clear now as it was then that the problem is not adequately solved. Indeed he notices that new conditions are being introduced which, at that time, were not said to be necessary. What they have conceded up to the present in England and is being negotiated for concession is inadequate to prevent the danger. In his opinion the matter is in the same condition today as it was in the beginning and it will be necessary to start the negotiation anew in England after adding what is being said at the moment to the opinions that have been read. For this purpose he notes how Spain opposed the reconciliation of Henry IV of France and that although he was reconciled to the bosom of holy mother, the Roman Apostolic Church, it is known that he was not a Catholic and that the signs he gave of being one were from reasons of state so as to keep the kingdom he had won by his reconciliation and because, if he had not persevered, he would have lost it. 3 Thus, once he was faced with the censures of the church and the loss which might happen to him and because the majority of France were also Catholic and he realized that they had won and were strong enough to deny him his throne, even though the heretics had aided and assisted him, in this present case everything turned out the opposite as is easy to see.


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If indeed the church has allowed such marriages until now, it is not known who has dispensed in them. With the popes the consequences and the example are of great importance for what they have to do. He believes that at the least the guarantees that have to be received from England have to be completely certain, because when this King James left Scotland for England following the death of Queen Elizabeth he promised many things to the English Catholics and he failed to fulfill any of them. 4 Instead the persecution for which he is responsible has been most severe by pressing on with new laws and enforcing both his own and those which Queen Elizabeth had imposed with greater harshness. Consequently, if we are not conducting ourselves and acting in keeping with the general norms for heretics and if we are not trusting this same king as far as his conduct, then we are still relying upon the slender guarantee that one might expect him to fulfill what he promises. Indeed it does not seem possible that an expectation is to be had, because even if he might grant a freedom of conscience there is no full provision for the risk pertaining to the evidence that his age and bad health do not promise a long life, which makes the case more difficult. The reason being that if that eventuality occur at once the government will pass into the hands of a young heretical king, poorly instructed and inexperienced in affairs, a person with almost no mind of his own save that of his ministers, all of whom are heretics. It can be easily inferred that he is released from any promise that his father might have given which, even if it is stipulated in a public document, is not going to be kept. When the Queen MotherS shall become advanced in years and each day move closer to her husband, she will not be of influence to require him to keep promise - a thing which could become the basis for some hope - because of the slight role in England that a consort plays. Hence it follows that in the lifetime of this king, in the light of his condition and his behaviour, there is little assurance that he will be bound by the treaty and, should he suddenly die, it is not known whether one is capable of having firm confidence in what the son will do. He fears that the expectations which are easy to declare will be difficult to achieve in performance. He does not see within the proposals here and in the discussion up to this point in the papers of the theologians - although it seems that they would add it once they were informed - that there is an oath of allegiance to be recalled as it is required of the subjects of England. Although it appears that they imposed it at first from political expediency they have now directed it towards the faith. It will be proper to negotiate about it, since freedom of conscience, or toleration, in the fashion that has been described can not be accomplished without a mitigation of the oath, while providing a necessary security for the prince who imposed it yet not touching the faith even indirectly. Furthermore he believes that zf the point is reached of negotiating about this matter with the pope and there is to be a request for a dis-


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pensation it should not be done, as Father Frederick suggests in his speech by referring to a reward for your Majesty's services on behalf of the church and the apostolic see. The reason is that it is not right that the dispensation seems to be a favour done for your Majesty, rather it is only for the service of the church and the exaltation of the holy Catholic faith that your Majesty is presenting and negotiating this with his Holiness. It will be considered somewhat of a bad example on the part of a Catholic king that this matter of such importance is to be discussed with a claim that it is not the progress of religion alone that is to be sought. Indeed no other motive is to be mixed in it if pro testing such integrity of the Catholic faith. Consequently he qelieves that any arguments which pertain to political objectives should not be brought to the attention of his Holiness as reasons for the dispensation except for their possible advantage as measures to advance the faith. Since in the opinions that are now being advanced once again and in the recent debates as well, conditions not previously mentioned are being put forward - as has been said - and these are serious and significant, he believes that your Majesty ought to command that Father Master, Fray Antonio de Sotomayor, confessor of his Highness, Father Frederick and Father Francisco de Jesus should meet together in order to prepare a paper solely concerned with the reasons and the conditions whereby the marriage is to be considered justified and the pope's dispensation licit. 6 In the light of these it ought to be granted. Under each condition they should set down the reasons which prove it, not in a scholastic fashion, nor as a doctrine, but in a way that your Majesty can see more concisely both the conditions and their explanation. Furthermore he believes that it will be proper to have some person become fully versed in each of the aforesaid conditions and in the reasons which prompt them in the event that it might be necessary to have recourse to him, because, as of today, the marriage is not considered licit but totally contrary to divine and natural law. The danger will be prevented by the conditions that the committee will demand and all else will be justified. As long as the danger is being averted, the opinion of the committee is being followed. And should it not be prevented in their opinion, if it seems to the committee ta be so, from that point it is to be assured that your Majesty can follow what it will say. This opinion will not be presented again to your Majesty for on other occasions he has spoken to and advised your Majesty that he can follow an opinion contrary to that of the one who is his confessor, for the confessor is able with confidence to respect what others offer as advice provided the matter does not reach these limits touching upon his office, and to judge upon opposing doctrines and as to how far your Majesty can follow them he will speak freely what seems best to him. 7


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Fray Francisco de Jesus, O.P. is the author of the valuable Narrative concerning this marriage negotiation. Father Frederick Gelder, S.J. , a court preacher, was formerly confessor of Queen Margarita, the late consort of Philip III. When Digby first came to the Spanish court he discussed the marriage with Gelder who was responsible for the articles which were first given to King James. Later Digby found Gelder had left the court, "neither have his courses bene much approved by the confessor (i.e . Aliaga) who indeed desiring to have this buisiness meerely the work of the Duke of Lerma and himself, tyes not himself to any former demands . .. " (S.P. 94/23/3-4, Digby to James I, Madrid, 15 Jan. 1618). Fray Antonio de Sotomayor, O.P. was confessor of the Infante Philip. See also M. Canal, "El P. Luis Aliaga y las controversias teologicas", Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum vol. 1 (1931) pp. 107-57. 1

2

See The Narrative, pp. 123-24.

For a more accurate opinion on Henry's religious observance see Dagens, J, Berulle et les Origines de la Restauration Catholique (Brussels, 1952) pp. 169, 179 ff. 4 See however the report of the Constable of Castile of 1604 (Vol. 1, doc. 8). 3

5 See Loomie, "King James I's Catholic Consort", Huntington Library Quarterly vol. 34 (1971), pp. 303-16. 6 Their report of September 1617 is in The Narrative pp. 298-305. 7 The document noted that Secretary Prada brought this report and the papers to the Cardinal of Toledo.

29. THE COUNCIL OF STATE TO PHILIP III. Madrid, 29 April 1617.

Original consultrz with two initials, 4 pages, E 2514/87.

(p.2)

+

Don Diego Sarmiento de Acuna en carta de 31 de Mar<;;o (que por auerla visto Vuestra Magestad se referira sumariamente) dize que el Rey de Inglaterra hizo un junta 1 de algunos de su consejo y en ella mando que don Juan Digby propusiesse el estado en que estaban las platicas de casamiento de aquel principe con la Senor Infanta dona Maria y 10 que ultimamente Ie auia escrito el duque de Lerma en esta razon y que auiendo 10 referido to do el mismo Rey hizo a los de la dicha junta una grande platica de los conuiniencias que podia tener el negocio y pidiendoles parecer en dos cosas, la una en las conuiniencias del trat?do y la otra en el modo que se auia de tratar. 2 Y que todos los


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de la junta votaron que no auia en el mundo casamiento ni union mas conueniente para aquel Principe y que assi era justo y honroso el procurarlo y pedirlo publicamente embiando persona della y que tambien era puesto en razon que para una cosa de tanta importancia se hiziesse de parte de Inglaterra assi en la materia de religion como en estas todo aquello que fuesse possible y que el rey aprouando el parecer de los de la junta ordeno a don Juan Digby que luego se previniesse para revenir a Espana a tratar deste negocio como 10 hara partiendo de alii (p.3) este mes de Mayo 0 el de Junio ,3 y que aquel Rey hablando en esta materia Ie dixo que protestaba ante dios que su animo era hazer de su parte quanta pudiesse , como 10 haria, buscando los medios mas necessarios para el buen effecto y que si de parte de Vuestra Magestad se desseaba 10 mismo, seria facil el hazer un camello por el ojo de una aguja y acaua don Diego con que se trata este negocio con la autoridad que se deue, pues en tiempo que alla andan los embaxadores de Francia4 haziendo ofrecemientos y solicitando este casamiento (como es cierto que Ie hazen) sin que el embaxador de Vuestra Magestad salga de su casa embian embaxador a la corte de Vuestra Magestad a que publicamente pida el negocio y informe a los de la junta de teologos nombrados por Vuestra Magestad. Y auiendose visto en consejo ha parecido que se aduierta a los de la junta donde se trata desta materia la sustancia de 10 ~ue escriue don Diego Sarmiento para saber 10 que se les ofrece en elle y ver tras esto los que conbendra hazer segun el estado de las cosas y si fuese necessario dar salida al negocio no puede auer camino mas suabe y a proposito que la dificultad que pondra su Santidad por la que se entiende abia de (p.4) parte de Inglaterra, para venir en to do 10 conueniente a la conclusion deste negocio y si de alli se propusieren tales condiciones que conbenga continuarle se abia ganado esto con las diligencias (y quando don Juan Digbi venga sera bien que sea oydo gratamente por la materia y dandole siempre esperancas hasta ver 10 que aconseja el tiempo ).6 Vuestra Magestad 10 mandar ver y probeera 10 que mas fuese de su servicio. En Madrid a 29 de Abril de 1617.

+ [Translation:] Sire, Don Diego Sarmiento de Acuna in a letter of March 31st - as your Majesty has seen it there will only be a summary review - said that the king of England created a committee! of some of his council for whom he instructed Sir John Digby to offer a report about the discussions of the marriage of that prince with the Lady Infanta, dona Maria, and about the letter of the Duke of Lerma on this matter. After he had reported everything, the king personally delivered a long discourse to the members of the committee about the advantages which the proposal


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contained and asked their opinion on two questions, the first about the advantages of the treaty and the other about the way to conduct the negotiation. 2 Every member of the committee voted that there was nowhere in the world a marriage or alliance more suitable for the prince and accordingly it was proper and honorable to seek it publicly by sending a person for this purpose. Furthermore, it stood to reason that for something of such importance everything possible should be done on England's part both in the religious question as in the rest. After the king approved the advice of the members of the committee he instructed Sir John Digby to be prepared at once to come to Spain to proceed with this negotiation, as he will do by leaving there during the month of Mayor June. 3 While this king was talking about the proposal he said to him that he swore before God that it was his determination to do as much as he could on his part, as he will do, by looking for the most essential measures for a good result and if there was the same good will on your Majesty's part it will be easy 'to have the camel pass through the eye of the needle '. Don Diego has concluded the discussion of this proposal with proper authority, still at the same time the ambassadors of France 4 there are keeping up their offers and petitions for this marriage - it is certain that they are doing this - and without having your Majesty's ambassador leave his residence they are sending an ambassador to your Majesty's court where he will openly request the negotiation and report to the committee of theologians nominated by your Majesty. After the council had seen this it decided that the members of the committee where the negotiation is to be handled should be informed of the substance of the despatch of don Diego Sarmiento so as to obtain their opinions about its and in addition to this to see what would be best to do according to the state of affairs. Should it be necessary to leave this negotiation, there can not be a smoother and more suitable way than the difficulty which his Holiness will raise because of what it is believed will have to be done on England's part to reach a completely satisfactory conclusion of this negotiation. Should such conditions be advanced from there that it might be profitable to continue it will have been accomplished by these efforts. (When Sir John Digby arrives it will be best to listen to him courteously throughout the negotiation and to keep his hopes alive until seeing what time might suggest. May your Majesty command this to be seen and may you ordain what what would be most for your service. In Madrid, on 29 April 1617.

r

1 Thomas Howard, Earl of Suffolk; William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke ; Thomas Howard Earl of Arundel; George Villiers, Earl of Buckingham; Thomas Erskine, ViscQunt Fentoun; Thomas Lake, John Digby.


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2 See J. Spedding, The Letters and the Ufe of Francis Bacon London, 1872 , vol. 6, pp. 146-48.

3 P.R.O. S.P. 94/22/120-21 , Original instructions of 4 April 1617 ; Tierney-Dodd. Church History vol. 5 pp. cclxxxi-cclxxxiiii. 4 After Baron du Tour's departure many doubted that an Anglo-French match was possible (P C 53 f. 45 and 71, Van Male to Archduke, 18 March and 22 May 1617). 5 At the junta's meeting the Cardinal commented: " Vela co said it was not proper to speak on this question nor to negotiate a marriage and the Count of Gondomar approves and ays 'yes' ... " (E 2518/39 consulta of 16 September 1617). 6 Sentence written in the margin in another hand.

30. THE COUNT OF GONDOMAR TO PHILIP III. London, 12 July 1617.

Original decipher received on 7 August, 7 pages , E 2596/79.

(p.2)

+

Seiior Yendo este rey a Escocia 1 por J orque el Presidente de aquella Prouincia que es el Varon Gefe gran puritano y el Jarife 2 que es el ministro superior de Justicia dixeron al Rey el gran numero de Catholicos que auia en aquella provincia y que no auia poder contra elIos por que ni querian parecer a llamamientos ni cumplir con las ordenes que se les daban que el remedio era hazerles la notificacion en sus casas y si no pareciesen derribarlas, dizen que el rey se encolerizo y enojo de oyr esto y que respondio que se executasse. El Jarife hizo un auto y pregon della que aqui llaman proc1amacion (de que embio a Vuestra Magestad 3 copia) que causo generalmente en todos los Catholicos gran turbacion y yo acudio luego a ella como me parecio conueniente el consejo mando parecer aqui al Jarife para que diese razon del fundamento que tenia para 10 que hizo el dixo que el Rey se 10 auia mandado, pidieronle la orden y respondio que no la tenia porque auia sido de palabra. , Hizo el consejo una consulta al Rey suplicandole los mandasse auisar delo cierto aduirtiendole que no auia ley que mandasse tal, ni pare cia que se podia hazer (p.3) sin Parlamento a esto respondio el Rey que era


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verdad y yendo ya a cauallo quando se partia de J orque Ie auian dicho tanto de la inobediencia de los Catholicos y que facilmente se podria remediar con ponellos aquel terror que el auia respondido que si se podia hazer conforme a las leyes que se hiziesse pero que no auia sido su animo que se executasse y que todo 10 demas que contenia el edito era falso porque el nunca tal auia mandado ni dicho, que tenia a los Papistas por rebeldes por que en esto en diuersas ocasiones y pIa tic as publicas4 auia la distincion que se sabia que el Jarife Ie auia parecido hombre de poco entendimiento que remitia al consejo el hazer justicia del en la forma que lesS pareciesse. Y aunque en ausencia deste Rey gouiernan los del consejo tienen especial y particular comision sobre todos y sobre todo el que llaman Arcobispo de Cantarueri el Chanciller (que es muy honrada persona) y el conde de Sufolq y el de Uster han mandado poner en la carcel publica al J arife en esta ciudad de Londres donde oy esta y ha dos dias que me dixo un consejero que no podra dexar de ser muy castigado porque si perseuera en dezir que el Rey se 10 ordeno y el rey 10 ha negado y assi su prision sera larga por 10 menos y se abra de buscar algun modo de castigo. (PA) y si se hallara que el Rey no se 10 mando incurre en la ley de Primunire que es prision perpetua y perdimiento de toda su hazienda por auer hecho edito sin orden ni ley. E1 carcelero de Gateus 6 que es donde aqui estan presos la mayor parte de los sacerdotes y de los Catholicos por que los trato un dia muy mal y dio de palos a un Catholico lego de manera que Ie quebro un bra90 (y a 1a verdad ellos Ie auian tambien tratado como el mere9ia Y assi junto gente armada para 10 que hizo) a mi me dieron luego quenta della y yo la di a algunos del consejo y mandaron parecer esta semana pasada en la camera estrellada publicamente al cargelero y Ie reprehendieron mucho y Ie embiaron preso a otra cargel donde aun esta. Esta demostracion que se haze en fauor de los Catholicos la atribuyen toda a la platica que agora corre de casamiento deste Principe con hija de Vuestra Magestad. Haya algunos dias que el cauallero Ramesen ascoces gentilhombre de la camera de la cama deste Rey Ie pidio la hazienda de don Guilliermo Roper 7 cauallero Ingles por ser Catholico recusante el Rey se la concedio, fue el Ramesen al Roper con la gracia para componerse y dizen que se cumpusieron (p .S) en tres mil libras que son doze mil ducados y el dia que acordaron que el Ramesen auia de receuir el dinero fue a casa del Roper y dixole que se auia informado que la hazienda era mucha y que assi Ie auia de dar otros quatro mil ducados mas. Altercaron tanto sobre esto que el Roper perdio la paciencia y con disimulacion atiendo de la mana el Ramesen Ie dixo que fuesse con el a contar el dinero a otra casa alii cerca y llegando a la primera Iglesia se entro en ella el Roper y Ie dixo E me aqui Senor ya soy protestante y vengo a la Iglesia y quiero ser hereje mil vezes antes que dar a Vuestra Merced un maravedi, el Ramesen se turbo mucho viendose


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burlado y con mucha modestia y sumision persuadia al Roper que no hiziesse tal ni perseuerasse en ella y entre otras razones Ie dixo, pues como Senor es posibIe, que por tan poco dinero como quatro mil ducados quiese Vuestra merced condenar su alma y irse al infierno que para sermon dicho de hereje a Catholico es tan notable, que me ha parecido justo dar quenta della a Vuestra Magestad. A este Rey se Ia die ron luego y dizen que respondio quien todo 10 quiere todo 10 pierde, el don Guillermo Roper ha buscado medio como componer su hazienda y se ha pasado a los estados (p.6) de Flandes a Malinas. Donde me dizen que profesa oy ser Catholico publicamente. El Varon Burle 8 que es hijo mayor del conde de Excester y nieto del Gran Tesorero Burle Guillermo Cicil 9 ha .estado con migo esta tarde y me ha dicho que es quien mas sauia de su abuelo, y ~ue en el entendimiento y en 10 interior era Catholico y que se retiraba 0 a hazer sus oraciones y plegarias en latin y por libros Catholicos sino que el conseruarse en la gracia que tenia con la Reyna Isabel Ie hazia perseguir a los Catholicos y a la religion y obrar contra la misma verdad que entendia tanto que el Ie auia contado que un dia Ie dixo la Reyna si seria bueno para quietar a los Catholicos Ingleses y acreditarse con los Reyes sus vezinos dar libertad de conciencia y una Iglesia libre donde se dixese la misa y pudiessen acudir los Catholicos que el Guillermo Cicil la auia respondido Senor si abria una Iglesia con libertad a los Catholicos es menester que sepais que yo tambien ire a ella y que sera cerrar todas las vuestras y assi conuiene el dexar esto para alguna estrema necessidad de que salgamos con permitir dezir una misa. Y contome tambien esta tarde el Varon Burle que el ceremonial de religion que oy se guarda en (p.7) Inglaterra no tiene mas antiguedad 11 ni autoridad que auerle hecho este su abuelo de su misma mana tomando y dexando del Misal Romano 10 que Ie parecio y que esto se imprimio y dio generalmente en Inglaterra y Irlanda a los Obispos y ministros para que 10 quardasen y hiziessen guardar, dixome que buscaria el libro y me 10 mostraria. Guarde Dios la Catholica persona, etc. [Translation:] + Sire, During this king's progress to Scotland 1 he passed through York where the President of that province who is Lord Sheffield, a leading Puritan, and the Sheriff, 2 who is the highest officer of justice, told the king about the large number of Catholics that there were in that province and that he was powerless against them since they cared not to appear after a summons nor obey orders and that a solution was to give notice at their houses and, if they should fail to appear, to demolish them. They report that the king was angered and annoyed to hear this and that he responded that action should be taken.


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The sheriff prepared a warrant, or edict against this which they call here a proclamation - and I enclose a copy of it for your Majesty 3 that created deep anxiety among all the Catholics. A t once I attended to this as I thought proper. The council ordered the sheriff to appear here in order to explain by what right he acted as he did. He said that the king had ordered him. When they asked for the order, he replied that he had none because it was done verbally. The council sent a report to the king asking that he command that they be advised of the truth and telling him that there was no law which had such a regulation, nor did it seem that this could be done without Parliament. The king replied that it was true that when leaving York on horseback they had spoken to him at length of the disobedience of the Catholics and of a possibly easy remedy by treating them with severity. He had replied that if it could be done in keeping with the law it should be done but it had not been his intention that such proceedings happen and that all the rest of the contents of the proclamation were false since he had never issued orders nor spoken in such a way that he considered the papists to be rebels. On this point at different times and publicly he had been making the distinction, as is well known. 4 Since the sheriff seemed to him to be a man of slight intelligence he left the council to render justice upon him in a manner that seemed appropriate to them. 5 While they are directing affairs during the king's absence, the members of the Council hold a special and extraordinary commission above everyone else. In addition to all this the person they call the Archbiship of Canterbury, the Chancellor, who is a very distinguished person, and the Earls of Suffolk and Worcester, have ordered the sheriff to be placed in the public prison in this city of London where he is now staying for the last two days. A councillor informed me that he can not escape severe punishment since, should he continue to say that the king ordered him to do it, while the king has denied, it will follow that his imprisonment will be lengthy at the least and it will be necessary to find a suitable punishment. If it is established that the king did not issue the order he will incur the penalty of Praemunire which means perpetual imprisonment and loss of all property, because he made a proclamation without orders and against the law. The gaoler of the Gatehouse,6 which is where the larger number of the priests and Catholics are imprisoned, is liable for treating them harshly: one day he beat a Catholic layman so badly that he broke his arm. They were getting ready to treat him as he deserved and people were up in arms as a result of what he did which they reported to me at once. I informed some Councillors and they commanded the gaoler to appear this past week in the Star Chamber in public where they severely reprimanded him and sent him in chains to another prison where he is still. They attribute these demonstrations of favour towards the Catholics


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to the negotiations now under way about the marriage of this prince with your Majesty's daughter. Some days ago a Scotsman, named Ramsey, a Gentleman of the Royal Bedchamber asked the king for the property of Sir William Roper,7 an Englishman, as he was a Catholic recusant; Ramsey went to Roper with authority to compound with him and they tell me that they agreed upon three thousand pounds, that is equal to twelve thousand ducats. Upon the agreed day when Ramsey was to receive the money he went to Roper's house and told him that he had been advised that the property was large and that he had to pay four thousand ducats more. They argued so violently over this that Roper lost his patience and with an excuse he took Rarrzsey by the hand and told him that he had to go count the money with him in another house nearby. When he reached the first church Roper entered it and told him: "Here am I, my Lord, a protestant, I am going to the church and I would prefer to be a heretic a thousand times before giving your Lordship a penny". Ramsey was deeply upset at the sight of his mockery and with considerable restraint and courtesy he urged Roper not to do such a thing nor to persevere in it. Among other reasons he said to him: "How is it, my Lord, that for such a small amount of money as four thousand ductas your Lordship would prefer to lose his soul and go to Hell". Since a sermon by a heretic to a Catholic is so remarkable I thought it fitting to give your Majesty the story. Immediately they informed the king and they say he replied: "Whoever wants everything loses everything". Sir William Roper has found a way to compound for his property and has travelled to Malines in the province of Flanders where they say that he professes publicly to be a Catholic. Lord Burghley, is who is the eldest son of the Earl of Exeter and descendant of the Lord Treasurer Burghley, William Cecil,9 has visited me this afternoon. He told me, as one who is well acquainted with his grandfather, that in his outlook and his inner attitude he was a Catholic and that he would retire to say his prayers and devotions in Latin with Catholic books. 1 0 It was only to maintain himself in the Queen's favour that he was brought to persecute the Catholics and the Faith and to labour contrary to the truth that he understood. So much so that he told him that one day the queen asked him whether it would be good, in order to calm the Catholics of England and to gain the good will of the neighbouring monarchs, to allow freedom of conscience and one free church where Mass would be said and the Catholics would be able to come. William Cecil replied: "Madam, if one church should be opened with freedom for Catholics it is necessary that you should know that I would also go there and it would be the closure of all of yours, consequently it is better to leave this for some ultimate necessity from which we might extricate ourselves by letting a Mass be said'. Lord Burghley also told me this afternoon that the religious rite which is observed today in England has no great authority or


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SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

antiquity. 11 Indeed his grandfather composed it with his own hand out of the Roman Missal by taking and leaving what he liked and as he wished and this is printed and distributed widely in England and Ireland to the bishops and ministers so that they should follow it and require its observance. He told me he will look for the book and show it to me. May God protect the Catholic person, etc.

From May - July 1617. Edmund 3rd Lord Sheffield, was Lord President of the Council of the North ; Sir Michael Wharton of Beverley was sheriff. 3 The contemporary text of the Proclamation is in P.R.O . S.P.14/91; The Spanish version is in E 2596/80; see also C.S.P. Dom. 1611-18 pp. 459 , 467 , 468 . 4 Ibid. p. 470 , Thomas Lake to Ralph Winwood, 29 May 1617. 5 C.S.P. Dom. 1619-23 p. 23. 6 Possibly Aquila Wykes, C.S.P. Dom. 1611-18 p . 499. 7 Lord Ramsay of Barnes, Viscount Haddington. (There survives a patent from James I to Ramsay for a grant of lands dated 3 June 1608 i!l W.C.A. , Series A vol. 8 ff. 319-30). Possibly the recusant was Sir William Roper of Eltham, Kent. 8 William Cecil, Lord Burgh1ey (1566 -1640) succeeded to the Earldom of Exeter in 1623. Lady Elizabeth Manners, his wife, had strong Catholic connections. His son, William Cecil Lord Rous was already known to Gondomar (See doc. 25 note 1

2

3) .

The decipher uses "nieto" , a nephew, but in the context it means a relative. His uncle was Robert Cecil, Earl of Salsibury, Lord Treasurer, 1608-12. His grandfather William Cecil, Lord Burghley, Lord Treasurer, 1572-98. 10 He was well read in Latin and Spanish. His Spanish book collection has been reconstructed by G. Ungerer, "The Printing of Spanish Books in Elizabethan England" , The Library (Oxford) Series 5, vol. 20 (1965) , pp. 222-29. 11 See however, G. J . Cuming, A History of th e Anglican Liturgy (London, 1969), pp. 49-65 , 123-25. Breviaries and missals belonging to the first Lord Burghley survive in the Hatfield House Library (I am indebted to Miss Clare Talbot for this information). 9

31. AGUSTIN PEREZ TO THE COUNT OF GONDOMAR. Madrid, 28 September 1617.

Holograph, 3 pages, E libro 369 ff. 38-39. Father Agustin Perez, formerly Gondomar's secretary in London, had returned to Spain in the winter of 1615 (See also Doc. 15 and Vol. 1, doc. 55).


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+

Excellentissimo Senor Estos dias passados hize una visit a al embaxador de Inglaterra y llegando a ablar deste negocio que se trata me dixo que este vez 1 ha de quedar dentro 0 fuera que si se concluye quedara una perpetua hermandad y paz entre las dos coronas y yo anadi que quando por algunas causas justas no pueda tener efecto que tambien se podra conservar par otros medios. Y por auer entendido el gusto con que vuestra Excellencia a uisto otras vezes papeles mios me atreuo agora a escriuir este para advertir (con mucha breuedad) algunos puntos que se deuen poner en consideracion, quando se comenco a dar oydos a estas platicas de casamientos con Inglaterra fue mas por entretener y conservar gustosos aquellos reyes 2 por diuersos respectos de estado y de religion que con intencion de concluir cosa ninguna porque en despues que yo vine la ultima vez de Inglaterra con auisos de la buena resolucion del Parlamento y con las nueuas propuestas deste tratado parece (si yo no me engano) que se abrazo con mas calor y differente yntencion que por 10 passado y esta ya tan adelante que su Magestad (a mi pobre juicio) se halla entre dos inconbenientes muy considerables. El primero es que si no se concluye esta platica forcosamente hallo que dar mal satisfecho el Rey de Inglaterra y aun offendido sospechando que nunca su Magestad tubo intencion de casar su hija con el Principe de Uallia y que todas las aparienzias que ha hauido an sido finxidas y finalmente a de parar en rompimiento de las paces que a mas tar dar sera quando se cumple el tiempo de las treguas con Olandeses. Y si este casamiento se concluye tambien es harto grande ynconbiniente no tener seguridad de alcancar 10 que pretendi fundando el buen suceso del en solas esperancas que par este se vendra a reconciliar (f.38v) el Rey y Reyno de Inglaterra a la Iglesia Catholica que es 10 que deue mouer principalmente a su Magestad fuera de otras conbenientes de estado. Una de las cosas que podian asegurar los buenos effectos deste casamiento quando se propuso ultimamente era el tener entonces la cas a de Huard autharidad en Inglaterra porque della es el Almirante, el Conde de Sufolch con sus hijos y hierons y el Conde de Arandel y otros senores titulados y varones por la mayor parte tenidos por Catholicos a 10 menos en mi corazon y por muy aficionados a las cosas de Espana y hauiendo de apoyer toda esta faccion las cosas de la Infanta se podra esperar que con sola la tolerancia que llaman se vendria poco a poco a la liuertad de conciencia y de aqui de una reducion general del reyno de la Iglesia Catholica. Pero este apoyo y estas buenas esperancias no pueden ser ya de tanta consideracion hauiendo faltado el conde de Nortampton aquien yo reconcili a a1 iglesia Catholic a y caido de su priuanza el conde de Somerset yerno del de Sufolch que hera el que daua authoridad a toda la casa y su muger que hera y es tenida por Catholica effectiuas


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esperancias de que a su tiempo haria grandes efectos con su marido y el con el Rey y Principe y no solamente a faltado la authoridad en esta casa con la cayda del Conde Somerset pero con la mudanza del nueuo privado del Rey esta agora en otras personas no tambien afectas y debotas a la corona de Espana ni a la religion Catholica y es punto que es menester pensar que ansi parece que si este negocio se a de tratar de veras conviene el dedarar auiertamente liuertad de conciencia por que no se deue fiar negocio tan graue de solo el buen natural del Principe la buena intencion de su madre ni de otras esperancas que se proponen antes es necessario asentar alguna cosa sigura que no pueda faltar. Y porque se dice que el conceder liuertad de conciencia toca al parlamento que esta agora compuesto de herejes no pudiendo entrar en el ninguno Catholico conforme a una ley del reyno y que asi seria Cf. 39) muy dificultoso salir con esta propuesta quando se yntentase al presente a esto se responde que concede el Rey la tolerancia desde luego tacitamente y dissimulando con la ley que se a dicho se podrian huir eligiendo Catholicos para el parlamento y estando bien compuesto se podra pedir y assentar la liuertad de conciencia y despues conduir y effectuar el casamiento. Yo ha muchos dias que deje los papeles de la embajada de Inglaterra y por faltarme la luz y la noticia que es necessario para discurrir en esta materia podria ser que me enganase en todo 10 que digo resciua vuestra Excellencia mi buen yntencion que es de alentar y de continuar mas seruicios en la parte y ocupacion que mas fruto pueda hacer no obstante que por los passados no tengo premio ninguno hasta agora. Guarde Dios a vuestra Excellencia como es men ester para el buen gouierno desta monarquia . De mi posada oy Martes 28 de Septiember 1617 . Agustin Perez [Translation:] + Most excellent Lord, A few days ago I paid a visit to the Ambassador from England. When he came to the point of speaking about this matter which is under discussion he told me that on this occasion! he had to end up on one side or the other and that in the event of its conclusion a confirmation of a permanent partnership and peace between the two crowns would ensue. I commented that, should it not be possible to achieve out of reasonable considerations, it still could be achieved by other measures. As I am conscious that your Excellency has read my papers with pleasure on other occasions I am encouraged now to write this to explain - in a very brief manner - some points which have to be kept in mind whenever one starts to listen to these discussions of marriages with England. It has been more from a desire to entertain in continuing


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friendship those kings out of various considerations of state and religion than from the intention of concluding anything at all, because since the last time I arrived with the news of the dismissal of parliament and with the new proposals about this treaty it appeared - unless I am deceiving myself - that it is now being handled with more fervour and a different objective than in the past and it is now so far advanced that his Majesty - in my humble opinion - is caught between two very serious disadvantages. The first is that if this discussion is not finished decisively the king of England will become displeased and even offended once he suspects that his Majesty never had an intention to marry his daughter to the Prince of Wales and that all existing appearances were pretences and and finally have to lead to a rupture of the peace which will be evident when the period of the truce with the Dutch expires. If this marriage is concluded there is still a considerable disadvantage in not having a guarantee of fulfilling what he promises, as the successful outcome is founded merely upon expectations that in this way there will be a reconciliation of the king and the kingdom of England to the Catholic church which is what mainly ought to prompt his Majesty aside from other advantages of state. One of the things which was capable of providing assurance of good results from this marriage when it was last being discussed was the authority that the house of Howard then possessed in England, since members of it are the Lord Admiral, the Earl of Suffolk together with his children and sons-in-laws, and the Earl of Arundel as well as other titled lords and barons for the most part considered Catholics - at least in my opinion - and highly devoted to the affairs of Spain. When the entire faction was supporting the cause of the Infanta there could be hope that by tolerance alone, as they call it, there might be reached a liberty of conscience little by little and from that point a general return of the kingdom to the Catholic church. Ho.wever this support and high expectations can not be of much value at present after the death of the Earl of Northampton, whom I reconciled to the Catholic church. and the fall of their protector, the Earl of Somerset, son-in-law of the Earl of Suffolk, who was the one who provided prestige to the entire house, as well as his wife, who was and is still considered to be a Catholic. There were strong hopes that in time she would have great influence with her husband and he with the king and the prince. Not only has the prestige of this house declined with the downfall of the Earl of Somerset but in the change of a new favourite of the king there are now present other persons not at all devoted and favourable to the crown of Spain and to the Catholic faith. It is a point demanding reflection whether it now appears that this affair should be seriously negotiated and that it is suitable to have an open declaration of freedom of conscience. For so serious a matter should not rest upon the favorable disposition of the prince and the


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good intentions of his mother, nor upon other expectations which are being put forth, but rather it is necessary to agree to something firm which can not lapse. Since it is being said that the concession of freedom of conscience touches upon Parliament, which is at present is composed of heretics with no Catholic capable of entering it from a requirement in the kingdom's law, it will be very difficult as a consequence to accomplish this proposal when it is introduced at present. To this there is the response that the king is granting toleration immediately in secret by dissimulating with the law which has been mentioned, they will be capable of evading it by the election of Catholics to parliament and once it is properly composed freedom ofconscience should be sought and approved and the marriage concluded and carried out later. It is some time since 1 put aside the papers of the embassy of England and as 1 am in need of light and information that are essential to discuss this matter, perhaps I am deceiving myself in every thing 1 say. May your Excellency accept my good intention, which is to advance and maintain my services in a role and performance that can achieve greater results, even though during the past I had no share of my own until now. May God protect your Excellency as it is vital for the good government of this monarchy. From my chamber, today Tuesday , the 28th of September 1617. Agustin Perez

1 i.e. Digby's third visit to Spain , as Ambassador Extraordinary on this occasion, may 1617-April1618 . 2 James 1.

32. THE COUNT OF GONDOMAR TO THE DUKE OF LERMA. London, 22 October 1617.

Original autograph received on 15 November, 5 pages, E 2596/136. Text: Documentos Ineditos vol. 1, pp. 122-24.

[Translation: ] In a letter of July 12th 1 told your Excellency that Sir Henry Wotton, this king's resident ambassador in Venice, has sent here with


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the courrier a man who states that he knows and will reveal great matters against this king and his realm. The Secretary of State here, Sir Ralph Winwood and the Archbishop of Canterbury to whom this person came, as directed, have held him in seclusion and under deep secrecy lest he be capable of speaking to anyone. A servant of the same ambassador who came with him is in constant attendance. He says that he is named Pablo Ferrino, 1 a native of the province of Milan and that he has been a member of the Society of Jesus and formerly superior of the Society's house in the province of Milan. (He says] that through reliable and trustworthy friends whom he has in Paris he has learned for certain that the kings of Spain and France were in agreement that the Infante of Spain, don Carlos, is to be married with Madame Christine, sister of the king of France and that the Pope is to declare the king of England and his son to be excommunicated heretics and to deprive them of the crown of England and confer it upon the Infante, don Carlos, and his wife and Spain and France will offer all the help and forces needed for the conquest. (He says] that before the agreement is announced the Duke of Mayenne, or of Guise, is to arrive here in the name of the King of France under the pretext of some sort of embassy with well armed ships or galleys and will try to sail up this river 2 as far as he can. (He says] that since he is a royal cousin he will invite the king and his son to dine some day on a ship or galley where a great banquet is to be provided, and once the king and the prince are on board the return journey to Calais is to be made. This Pablo Ferrino asserts that this was certain and agreed upon as time will prove if the secret has been kept. He wanted very much to talk to the king alone but he kept himself away from him carefully because of the slight affection he has for the word "Jesuit" and because he thought the man had to be an imposter. However he ordered that Lord Wotton, the Chancellor,3 and the Earl of Suffolk should meet with the Archbishop and Secretary Winwood and examine him again. In the presence of all five he explained himself and remained firm over what he had said but was unwilling to reveal the source of what he knew. At this they wanted to put him to the torture and put him under arrest in the Tower but later it was decided that since he had arrived here in open trust and the promise of an ambassador it will be bad example for other cases no matter what truth or falsehood there was in what he said. Accordingly he was to be given money and his freedom in order to remain or return or do as he pleased. The king approved and gave him two hundred escudos. The man was disconsolate at seeing how different was his treatment from what he expected. He determined to escape one night but was discovered whereupon they are holding him more carefully and after being punished for this he was in a very bad state. Now they tell me that he has departed and that his name Pablo


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Ferrino was fictitious. As to his being a native of the province of Milan , he is a native of Genoa, for some one who knew him has been found. His name is Stanislao Ferrerio and he is certainly a member of the Society of Jesus, where he was a person of repute. He had permission from his General to come to England after claiming that he had some gentlemen friends among those who had been in Italy and that they had invited him believing that there would be a great advantage in his presence for the service of the Catholic religion. They tell me that he stayed so stubborn over it that he told the councillors who examined him that must live and die in it and he would prefer very willingly to be a martyr in defense of the truth. He told the English superior of the Society who lives here 4 that he intended to talk to the king alone so as to explain the error in which he stayed and to convert him. This alone was the purpose of his coming: to achieve it he had relied upon all these tricks. After seeing that they had not succeeded as he expected he will return to his religious [house} in Italy.s This is everything that is available on the subject, it is very lengthy and pointless but after beginning the report about it for your Excellency I prefered to tell its conclusion. There are numerous examples of this sort of deceit every day. May God protect your Excellency as I desire. London, 22 October 1617. (Autograph) The Count of Gondomar

1 Estanislao Ferrerio proved to be Tomaso Cerroneo (or Ceronio) S. J. , the superior, Preposito, of San Fidele in Milan (See L. P. Smith, Sir Henry Wotton , Th e Life and Letters, Oxford, 1907 , pp. 114-18 , 120, 122-23). 2 The Thames. 3 Francis Bacon. 4 Richard Blount, S.J . See also es.p. Venetian 1611-18, p. 25.

33. THE COUNT OF GONDOMAR TO PHILIP III. London, 30 December 1617.

Text: Documentos Ineditos vol. 1, pp. 182-83.


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[Translation: ] In a letter of August 9th your Majesty was pleased to tell me that you have reports by way of Flanders that the persecution in Scotland is very heavy and to require me to tell how many religious there are in Ireland and Scotland. They say that in Ireland there are two thousand priests, both religious of various orders and clergy, although I have not been able to verify the precise numbers among them. However they say that in Scotland there are no more than three !1riests although there are many Catholic nobles. Even the Chancellor, who is the person who governs the realm,l when he was here bemoanel ' the unhappy state of that kingdom with me. [He said] that he has always remained a Catholic and is to d(e as one, however, to prevent a heretic from entering his office who might start to destroy the Faith he maintains himself in it by going at times to the kirk; his wife and all his children are recusants. However the few bishops who have survived there and all the ministers are such seditious puritans that only with the greatest difficulty can a priest be kept there. They tell me at present that those people who in Scotland are called the "ecclesiastics" have made there a senate or committee among themselves and annulled everything that this king has required both as to bishops as well as to organs and surplices and other things which he enjoined for religious observance. 2 At this the king said that the open puritans who are in Scotland are worse than the secret Jesuits who go about England. Consequently everything which your Majesty might command to encourage the increase of priests in Scotland will be a great endeavour although it is to be arranged with the fullest possible secrecy. May God protect the Catholic person of your Majesty. London, the 30th of December 1617.

Alexander Seton, Earl of Dumferline, Chancellor 1605-22. For the rejection of the Five Articles concerning worship by the Assembly in November 1617 see G. Donaldson, Scotland, James V-James VII (Edinburgh, 1965) pp. 209-10. 1

2

34. THE COUNT OF GONDOMAR TO PHILIP III. London, 30 December 1617.

Original decipher received on 2 February 1618 , 8 pages , E 2597/4. Text: Documentos Ineditos vol. 1, pp. 167-71. On the cover the Secretary noted that five councillors approved the activities of Gondomar.


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However his letter reflects his personal uncertainties over the marriage alliance. Before his departure for Spain Digby had been well aware of the dangers in James's lack of a clear policy . He warned : "If whilst this treatye shall be on foote his majesty shall not be pleased with that show of a constante resolution and his favour to strengthen it but that his inclination and affection shall be avowed to be doub tfull , nay, averse but only for other ends .. . I doubt his majestie will not only in Spaine finde colde and unlooked for answers but will (I feare) fayle of any other service to which this might be useful. . ." (S.P 94/22/133v, Digby to Buckingham, London, 1 May 1617).

+ [Translation:] Sire, In a letter of November 15th I reported to your Majesty! that this king said to me how different and changed he found for his part that his wife, the queen, had become in recent days. Hereupon he related to me some extremely coarse things about the matter of the queen 's faith as well as about the affection and friendship which she is accustomed to hold for the Lady Infanta, dona Isabella. 2 All the while he was using the same fluttering gestures and tone of voice as the queen when he told me this. Although my illness and poor health have left me incapable of performing as I ought, and as I desire to do in your Majesty service,3 I forced myself to go to see this queen who at present is here. I spoke with her for an extended period and one day she kept me for nearly four hours while only she and I were in her chamber and her Mistress of the Chamber remained aside4 and the queen herself arranged for the comforts which my ill health demanded. I judge it certain that she spoke as your Majesty 's servant and as if you were hers. I also think that what she most desires today and looks out for are the affairs of Spain and that, if she has spoken any word or token to the contrary, it is because of the aversion she felt for her husband's activities, towards whom she spoke at length of how slight was her obligation. She kept warning me of the caution which we have to use in proceeding with him. She also spoke tearfully to me about religious matters on that day while maintaining that she was intending to be completely worthy from henceforth. Every day since then she has been most attentive to send to inquire about my health. She is uneasy about her son, the prince, as she believes that he wants to follow his father's will in everything. The king of Denmark s has sent her recently a gift of mares and other things in the custody of an official in the role of a partial ambassador. This man carried instructions from his master, the king of Denmark, to visit me at once, as he did, to inquire of your Majesty's


DECEMBER 1617

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health as well as of their highnesses. I issued an invitation and prepared as fine a banquet as I could, for which the queen and he were deeply appreciative and they have reported it to the king of Denmark. The latest letters here from Sir John Digby, the ambassador, were written in Madrid on the 18th and 30th of November. They say that those of the 18th to this king report that he was awaiting there hourly your Majesty's arrival and that owing to your absence he had been unable to ascertain the state of the marriage until then. 6 However, if one could rely upon tokens and words, there would appear to him to be in Spain in general a very strong approval of the marriage despite the efforts of the nuncio of his Holiness 7 and the French ambassador 8 to prevent it by all possible means. However Sir Thomas Carey,9 a gentleman in the suite of the prince who is also there with him, wrote to his mother here that he thought that there is nothing more than a hope of a marriage, although she did not tell this to anyone until he wrote her more details. Despite all this they tell me that she has shown this letter to the prince under the deepest secrecy. Sir John Digby has written to one of his confidants here that he sees the marriage progressing more slowly than he expected which for him is the worst possible crime because he is spending each day 120 escudos and has spent in the journey, and everything else, a large amount. He asked this friend to relate these expenses to the Earl of Buckingham in order that he might give a large allowance for he is unable to stay there in any other way and if he is to be kept there he plans to send for his wife who is very close to childbirth. He wrote other letters of the same date to councillors and officials and in each he speaks and performs his duty well. In the letter of the 30th he says that your Majesty has finally arrived and appointed for him the commissioner with whom he should negotiate the substance and articles of the marriage, 1 0 and another to deal with the arrangements to join the fleets of Spain and England against piracy. News has reached Madrid of the troubles that Walter Raleigh has created in the Canary Isles and as this king will have word by other means of what happened in this affair he does not want to speak about it because he has been aware that there might be some in the council who consider him biased, after his explanation was seen and his excuse for Walter Raleigh's departure was heard. He also says in this letter of the 30th that his secretary! 1 arrived there three days previously and that he would send him away again at once so that he might be here for Christmas, or for the whole month of December in the English reckoning. I have told your Majesty many times about the marriage issue and what occurs to me here and I am maintaining the same outlook at present. Despite the fact that in Ireland the person who is the Viceroy! 2 is conducting a persecution with great severity and cunning, it is certain that the Catholics are growing in numbers daily in England.


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The truth and good name of the Catholic faith is continuing to be established, and a great part of this is to be attributed to this negotiation and to the expectation that it will be concluded. Although it must be conceded that time and tact must pave the way to its conclusion, there are so many other things that can establish the certainty of an agreement before the final conclusion, and there will be on hand so many sufficient reasons against doing so, that of themselves these things create obstacles. Unless there is a failure of good will I do not believe that there is an objection against keeping this alive, while not making an offer of greater promises on your Majesty's part, but simply by listening very courteously and continuing to gain ground as is possible according to circumstances. For affairs of great moment are never concluded on the basis upon which they began. Even now I have been thinking that if his Holiness will make the conditions more dIfficult once they are made clear - something I am certain that he will be doing - a compromise can be reached by having your Majesty sponsor the marriage of this prince with one of the daughters of my lord, the King of Bohemia 1 3 or some one else whom your Majesty judges fitting. Perhaps dun¡ng this period a marriage of the second daughter of the king of France is to be arranged, just as that of the third daughter has already been arranged with the Count of SOissons, 14 and this prince will remain in need of and dependent upon your Majesty's good will. Furthermore keeping these talks alive can contribute to the conclusion of better treaties and agreements with Holland, for the Lady Infanta, dona Maria is of the right age to provide time to listen and to look into everything leisurely. Furthermore I though t I ough t to tell your Majesty this especially in case I should die some time very soon - that, if the state of the Catholic faith is not very markedly improved here and full certainty is reached that this will be continued and increased, although I am the humblest and poorest of your Majesty 's servants, I wculd not marry my daughter to this prince so long as both he and his realm are to stay the heretics that they are now. However if by this measure the Catholic faith could be introduced here, it will be truly a glorious deed on your Majesty 's part, one of the most significant in the world for the good of Christianity. Still, remaining conscious of what is well known, that this prince agreed to marry the daughter of the king of France, as was requested and initiated on the part of France, if I had not prevented it, it would be concluded within eight days if this prince preferred it today, I do not see any objection in Christian prudence to listening courteously to what might be proposed to your Majesty, indeed it is concerned with the good and advancement of the Catholic faith. The very protestants who are making the offer come in with this refrain and it is what I have been telling them and I keep saying here daily. I find nothing to add to this save to commend it to God, as I do, with the hope that y our Majesty shall make the most fitting decision about it.


DECEMBER 1617

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May our Lord protect, etc. The ill disposed are persuading this queen that the authority of the Lady Infanta shall be so great if she comes here that she will be unhappy and without anyone who might follow her nor prefer her. They also tell her a thousand other things without foundation.

1 This letter had been already reviewed by the Council (E 2514/90 consulta of 12 December 1617). 2 See Doc. 28 note 5. 3 B.P.O. Manuscritos vol. 2107 contains many letters about his illness during 1617. 4 Anne's Privy Chamber was attended at this time by Blanche Arundell, Barbara Sydney and Lady Southwell, Finnetti Filoxenis (London, 1656) p. 40. 5 The cordiality of the queen's brother towards Sarmiento had earlier diplomatic reasons, see C. F. Senning: "The Visit of Christian IV to England in 1614" The Historian vol. 31 (1969), pp. 555-72. 6 Digby wrote to Gondomar that the court was unprepared to negotiate specifically on the marriage (B.P.O. Manuscritos, vol. 2170 n. fol. letter of 17 Oct. 1617). 7 A special instruction had been sent to the Nuncio to learn the precise instructions of James about toleration (A.S.V. Fondo Borghese, Series I, vol. 921 f.413, Borghese to Caetani, 4 Nov. 1617). 8 Henri de Bauffrement, Marquis de Senecy. 9 Thomas Carey, son of Robert 1st Lord Carey of Lepington, Master of the Household of Prince Charles. Lady Carey, nee Elizabeth Trevannon, was the widow of Sir Henry Widdrington. 10 i.e. Luis de Aliaga (See Doc. 28). The understanding of the English court was that Digby "should talke of the points of religion but by way of discourse and not as in vertue of the commission till it might appeare how neere they shoulde come together. . ." (S. R. Gardiner, The Fortescue Papers (Camden Society, New Ser. vol. 1, 1891) p. 29 Thomas Lake to Buckingham, 25 October 1617). 11 Simon Digby.

Sir Oliver St. John, Lord Deputy, 1616-22. i.e. Ferdinand II. 14 Louis de Bourbon (1604-41) brother of Conde, later considered a partisan of Spain. 12 13


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35. THOMAS CORNWALLIS II TO THE COUNT OF GONDOMAR. Portillo, 19 February 1618.

Original holograph, 1 page, E 2598/20. In sending this letter to the council, Gondomar urged favourable consideration, "for his father is most useful and faithful to his Majesty's service and so much without ambition that he has done more favours for me than I have for him ... " (E 2598/19 Gondomar to Ciri9a, London, 26 April 1618).

(p.1) + Algunas cartas he escrito a vuestra Senoria lias quales me persuado no han llegado a manos de Vuestra Senoria porque vasta que ha conocido a Vuestra Senoria por tan noble que estoy muy confiado que Vuestra Senoria no dexara de responderlas . EI successo de mi entretenimiento aura dec1arado el Padre Maestro 2 porque en Pamplona ni ay guerra ni occupacion si no estarme alli ocioso entre algunos pobres soldados y por no poder que me pagassen en Madrid Salamanca 0 Valladolid Ie he dejado adonde deseaua vivir y apprender algo entre gente vertuoso. Pero aunque ha faltado el entretenimiento no me falIa el agradecimiento a vuestra Senoria y si pudo simir a vuestra Senoria en algo me estimaria dichoso pero los malos successos solos desanima las pusilanimes. Otra vez me atreuere a supplicar a vuestra Senoria en otro negocio mas importante para mi y mas facil para vuestra Senoria pienso que mi padre 3 ha dado noticia a vuestra Senoria que es de aiudarme con dos cartas en mi fauor para el officio de Caballaerizo Mayor de la Infanta dona Maria que esperamos presto sera Senora y Princesa de Ynglaterra 4 la una para el Duque S la otra para el Secretario de Estado Juan de Ciri9a. Bien yeo que no he meri9ido tanta merced a manos de vuestra Senoria todo 10 que puedo dezir es que mi padre es hombre de bien y pienso que vuestra Senoria 10 dira que yo tengole un poco de ventaja siendo Catholic0 6 en facto y el en fin y assi guarde dios a vuestra Senoria como yo deseo. Portillo a 19 de ebrero de 1618. En esto punto 7 reciui una de mi padre en que da quenta de la poca salud de vuestra Senoria y de mi Senora Condesa que ha sido nueua para mi de harta tristeza, beso mil vezes las man os de mi Senora Condesa y al Padre Maystro, vuestra Senoria dara un gran recado de mi parte agradesiendole el trabajo que aqui tuvo en aiudarme. Don Tomas Cornwaleys

+ [Translation:] I have been writing letters to your Lordshipl which I am convinced


FEBRUARY 1618

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have not reached your Lordship's hands because it suffices that I have known your Lordship to be such a noble person that I remain confident that your Lordship would not fail to reply to them. Father Master 2 will have informed you what occurred with my pension, for in Pampelona there is neither war nor employment unless I was to remain there in idleness in the midst of some miserable soldiers; and as there was no possibility that they might pay me in Madrid, Salamanca or Valladolid I left where they wished me to live to look for something among courageous people. However although the pension has lapsed, my sense of gratitude to your Lordship has not and if I am able to serve your Lordship I will consider myself fortunate. However misfortunes by themselves dismay the fainthearted. Once again I am emboldened to entreat your Lordship about another matter on my behalf easier for your Lordship. I believe that my father 3 has told your Lordship that it is to assist me with two letters in support of me for the post of Master of the Horse for the Infanta dona Maria whom we hope will shortly be My Lady, the Princess of England. 4 One is for the Dukes and the other for the Secretary of State, Juan de Cirica. I am fully aware that I have not deserved such kindness at your Lordship's hands. All that I can say is that my father is a man of good and I think your Lordship might say so, and that I have a slight advantage in being a Catholic 6 in deed and one unto the end. Thus may God protect your Lordship as I desire. Portillo 19 February 1618. At this moment? I received a letter from my father in which he told me about the ill health of your Lordship and of my lady, the Countess. This news brought deep sadness to me. I salute a thousand times my lady, the Countess and may your Lordship say a sincere remembrance on my behalf to Father Master in gratitude for his efforts here to assist me. rautograph) Thomas Cornwallis

1 These were received since the Council, in response to earlier letters of Gondomar, approved the transfer of his pension to Valladolid for studies (E 2515/ 9 consulta of 5 April 1618). 2 Fray Diego de la Fuente.

The recusancy of Sir Thomas Cornwallis is described in A. Simpson, The Wealth of the Gentry , 1540¡1660 (Cambridge, 1961) pp . 175-76. 4 Gondomar reported that Thomas Cornwallis had abandoned "the office that he held in the Household of the Prince of Wales" (consulta of note 1) . His departure from England was first arranged in the ambassador's letter of 4 August 1615 (E 2594/23) . S i. e. Duke of Lerma. 6 See also the depositions of Richard Cornwallis and Charles Yelverton, (Responsa Scholarum , C.R.S. vol. 54 (1962) , pp. 4 , 5 100 , 102). It is of relevance that at this time his uncle, Sir Charles Cornwallis, former ambassador to Spain , 3


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had told Gondomar of his conversion and desire to leave England to retire to a monastery in Spain. There were two discussions in the council after which Philip III granted him a pension of 1000 escudos and support for servants and four rooms in any place he chose but suggested he stay in Liege (E 2514/85 consulta of 4 March 1617; E 2515/13 consulta of 29 January 1618). 7 Written in the margin.

36. LOUIS LEWKENOR TO FRAY DIEGO DE LA FUENTE. London, 17 April 1618.

Original holograph, 1 page, B. Nac. Manuscritos, vol. 18420 f. 101. Lewkenor (See D.N.B. sub nomine) was Master of Ceremonies at the court of King James, an office he retained until his death in 1627. He was reported by the embassies of Venice and Holland to have proSpanish sympathies (See Finetti Filoxenis, London 1656, pp. 118, 139). He had previously published a translation from the Spanish of Hernando de Acufia, The Resolved Gentleman (London, 1594) and from the Italian of Gasparo Contarini, The Commonwealth and Government of Venice (London, 1599) . Fray Diego was Gondomar's confessor at his residence in the Barbican (See docs. 35,37,42,45).

(f.101) Muy Reuerendo y amado Padre, Desseaua mucho de auer hablado con vuestra Paternidad hier pero dixeron mi que staua al altar. EI sefior Conde mi dixo que Riuas era buelto con muy buenas nueuas de Espafia pero no me atreuio de preguntalle si se auia hecho algo en mi negotio siendo el Sefior Guillermo Monson 1 presente todo el tiempo que hablaua con su Sefioria. Vuestra Paternidad mi hara gran fauor de mandar mi con este criado si se ha tratado algo en mi particular sea come fuere mi remetto en todo a la voluntad de Dios. Todo el consuelo que tengo en este mundo esta puesto en el fauor del Sefior Conde y vuestra Paternidad ' Dios de a entrambos todo el bien que se puede dessear en esta vida y la vida vendera. Bezo muy deuotamente las manos de vuestra Paternidad y encomiendo mi y los mios a sus orationes. 17 auril 1618. Luys Leucuenor.


JUNE 1618

105

[Translation: ] Very Reverend and dear Father, I very much wanted to speak to your Paternity yesterday but they told me you were at the altar. My lord count told me that Ribas had returned with very good news from Spain but I did not dare to inquire of him whether anything had been done in my business as Sir William Monson 1 was present all the time that I was speaking to his Lordship. Your Paternity would be doing me a great favour by advising me through this messenger if something has been arranged for my own business, come what may, I leave myself to God's will. Every consolation that I have in this world stands emplaced in the kindness of my lord the count an,d your Paternity. May God grant to both of you that good which can be desired in this life and in the life to come. I kiss most devoutly your Paternity's hand and commend myself and my household to your prayers. 17 April 1618. Louis Lewkenor

1 Van Male had reported earlier that Monson was under suspicion of "some secret intelligence with Spain". He suggested that the only thing he might be guilty of was that " he is known in part to be a Catholic" (P C 53 f. 13 Van Male to Praets, London, 28 Jan. 1616).

37. LOUIS LEWKENOR TO FRAY DIEGO DE LA FUENTE. HackneY,9 June 1618.

Original holograph, 1 Page, B. Nac. Manuscritos, vol. 18420 f. 103. On 26 April 1618 Gondomar wrote to Philip III that on April 22nd his 'confessor received into the church, "a member of the king's council of the highest quality and character and within this house he has confessed him, said Mass for him and given him the most Holy Sacrament. .." (E 2598/38). Although Lewkenor was not a councillor , it is probable that the reference was to him.

(p.103) Muy Reuerendo Padre: La suya singular pied ad usada con migo quando estaua malo, mi ha dado atreuimiento de supplicalle que sea servido de tomar el trabajo de


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venir manana despues de comer a mi casa a Hackney, 0 si esto no se puede hazer de senalar mi otro lugar donde yo puedo venir hallar a vuestra Paternidad yo tengo infinito desseo de seguir el buen consejo que vuestra Paternidad mi dio y para hazerlo con seguridad no ay lugar que mi parece tan bueno como mi cas a en Hackneya en pago de su trabajo yo 10 tendre toda mi vida la osservantia que debia al proprio padre. Dios guarde vuestra Paternidad como puede. Hackaneia, este domingo, 9 de Junio, Luys Leuquenor. Supplico vuestra Paternidad de no dar respuesta alguna a este muchacho porque si no mi escriue un billeto al contrario yo Ie esperare manana entre tres y quatro horas despues de media dia.

[Translation: ] Very Reverend Father, Your singular kindness displayed towards me when I was ill has given me courage to ask that you might please endure the trouble to visit me tomorrow after dinner at my home in Hackney, or if that is impossible to assign another place where I can come to be with your Paternity. I have a profound desire to continue with the good advice that your Paternity has given me, and in order to do it safely there is no place as good in my opinion as my residence in Hackney. In payment for your trouble I will, all my life, retain a proper loyalty as to my very own father. May God protect your Paternity as He can. Hackney, this Sunday, 9 June. Louis Lewkenor I beg your Paternity not to give any reply to this servant since, unless a letter is written to me to the contrary, I shall be waiting tomorrow between three and four after noon.

38. THE COUNT OF GONDOMAR TO ROBERT CARDINAL BELLARMINE. London,4 July 1618.

The contemporary Spanish translation of a Latin original made by Agustin Castana, SJ., 4 pages, Archivum Romanum Societatis Jesu, Fondo Gesuitico, vol. 446 ff. 633-34 v (I am indebted to Miss Penelope Renold for this document).


JULY 1618 (f.633)

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+

lllustrissimo Senor EI favor y merced que recevi con la carta de vuestra Senoria Illustrissima de 26 de diziembre del ano passado 1 es mayor de 10 que puedo encarecer, beso las manos de vuestra Senoria Illustrissima por ello y los pies, que aunque no he mere9ido hazer esto personalmente como 10 he desseado muchos an os ha, es cierto que no tiene vuestra Senoria lllustrissima en el mando mas obediente y afficionado servidor que yo y assi traigo conmigo y leo ordinariamente alguno de sus libros y agora De Gemitu Columbae et Bono Lachrymarum ,2 que me es de grandissimo consuelo. Y para que vuestra Senoria Illustrissima Ie tenga de sus trabajos, Ie hflgo saber que es grandissimo el fruto y beneficio que en estas partes del Norte han hecho sus obras. Y ha muy pocos dias que un gran personaje deste Reyno vino a reconcilarse y a recebir los sacramentos aqui con el Padre Maestro Fray Diego de la Fuente mi confessor, y me dixo, el Cardenal Bellarmino con la efficacia de sus razones me ha obligado y for9ado a dexar la sinagoga y entrar en la Yglesia? Y como digo es de los mayores y primeras personas deste Reyno en calidad y grados. No me agradezia Vuestra Senoria Illustrissima 10 que yo procuro servir aqui a los Padres de la Compania porque aunque es to do 10 que puedo es mucho menos 10 que devo y desseo. Y a este proposito quiero tambien dezir a Vuestra Senoria Illustrissima 10 que me dixo ayer un cavallero Ingles muy santo y muy sabio y es que avia observado aqui en Inglaterra que los penitentes de la Compania eran Catolicos como en Espana y los de otras religiones y sacerdotes como en reynos inficionados de heregias . Cierto, Senor aqui haze gran fruto la Compania y a grandes personas y el Padre BIondo que es aora Superior es eminentissimo en todo. 4 Vuestra Sefioria Illustrissima emplea muy bien su favor y gracia en Juan Barclays y yo me huelgo mucho de auer acertado en 10 que Ie assegure desto. (f.633v) An sentido aqui harto su yda y 10 que ha escrito tan quanta es satisfecho y contentado a los buenos. EI me escrive con grandissimo reconocimiento las mercedes que recibe de su Santidad 6 y de Vuestra Senoria Illustrissima en que yo la recibo muy grande yassi supplico a Vuestra Senoria Illustrissima muy humilmente 10 continue porque cierto amo y estimo a Juan Barclay como a proprio hermano mio. EI averseme gastado aqui mucho la salud me ha obligado a supplicar al Rey mi Senor me concediese licencia para irme a curar a Espana y me la ha concedido y estoy ya despedido destos Reyes y me partire dentro de quatro dias si plaze aDios yendo por Bruxelas y Paris. Ha dado este Rey , por mi intercession, libertad a todos los sacerdotes que avian presos y condenados a muerte que eran setenta y dos y aunque estuvo muy duro en darme al Padre Balduino 7 que estava en la torre ; me embio a visitar ultimamente con el Marques de Boquingam


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que es su gran privado y me truxo una sortija de diamante de su parte en forma de corac;on diziendome que con el embaxador de Espafia que aora se yva el Rey de Inglaterra avia hecho mas demonstracion de 10 que Ie amava y respectava que con otro ninguno. Pero que no se contentava con esto sino que embiava al Conde de Gondomar su corac;on en un diamente para que me assegurasse yo de que seria firme como avia sido dificultoso en labrarse . Y porque sabia y tenia buena experiencia de quan Puritano Papista era Ie Conde de Gondomar se avia resuelto en embiarme otra joya que yo tendria por mejor presente que era la libertad del Padre Balduyno encareciendo harto 10 que el Rey hazia en esto por la causa de su prision el ruido que se avia hecho en traerle de AIemania a este Reyno y los muchos principes embaxadores y personas grandes a quien este Rey avia negado su libertad. (f.634) He hecho desto la estimacion que es razon porque es rigurosissima la prision en que ha estado mas de ocho afios el Padre Balduyno sin poderle hablar ny tratar a nadie, y ser su persona de las calidades y partes que Vuestra Sefioria Illustrissima abra entendido. No quiero embarac;ar mas a Vuestra Sefioria Illustrissima solo Ie supplico no me olvide y me mande todo los que fuera de su gusto y servicio en que yo puedo ser de provecho. Guarde Dios a Vuestra Sefioria lliustrissima tantos y tan felices afios como desseo. En Londres 4 de Julio 1618. AI Padre Balduino tengo ya aqui B en mi posada en su mismo abito de la Compafiia y diziendo rnissa publicamente y acuden innumerabiles gentes a verle, y muchos a confessarse con el que es el alivio de todos los demas cuidades y embarac;os que aqui he tenido y tengo. Illustrissimo Sefior, beso las man os de Vuestra Sefioria Illustrissima, su muy obediente servidor. El Conde de Gondomar [Translation: ] Right Honorable, My very good Lord The kind favour which I received by the letter of December 26th of last year! from your Lordship is of a value higher than I can pay. For this I kiss your Lordship's hand and feet, which, despite my unworthiness, I have wanted to do personally for many years, for it is certain that your Lordship has not a more obedient and loving servant than I in the world. Therefore, I keep carrying with me and reading regularly one or other of your books - at present the de Gemitu Columbae et Bono Lachrymarum 2 - which is a deep consolation for me. Indeed, in order that your Lordship might also grasp this I have to inform you that your works have been of the greatest effect and value in these northern regions. It has been a few days since an important personage of this realm came to be reconciled and to recieve the sacraments with the Father Master, Fray Diego de la Fuente, my confessor and he told me that Cardinal Bellarmine by the force of his reasons has obliged and


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lead me to abandon the synagogue and enter the church. 3 As I said, he is among the highest leading personages of this realm in quality and rank. Your Lordship should not thank me for my efforts to assist the fathers of the Society here, since despite the fact that it is all that I am capable of doing, it remains much less than I ought and want to do. In this respect I want to tell your Lordship what a very saintly and wise Englishman told me yesterday, which is that he had noticed here in England that the penitents of the Society were as Catholic as those in Spain and those of other orders and priests were like those in the kingdoms infected with heresy. It is certain, my Lord, that the Society has a great effect here and distinguished persons are within it and Father Blount, the ' present superior, is most outstanding in every . thing. 4 To a good purpose is your Lordship showing a gracious kindness towards John Barclays and I am extremely pleased that I can rest satisfied that he will stay assured of it. They deeply regret his departure here and what he has been writing is, and has been, giving satisfaction and contentment to the good. He wrote in profound gratitude about the favours he receives from his Holiness 6 and from your Lordship which I deeply appreciate, and accordingly I most humbly beg your Lordship to continue this since surely I love and esteem John Barclay as my very own brother. Since my health has declined considerably here I was obliged to beg my lord, the king, to grant leave to me to go to Spain to recuperate and he has allowed it. I have now taken my leave of this king and will depart within four days, please God, to travel by Brussels and Paris. Because of my intervention this king has granted freedom to all priests who had been imprisoned and condemned to death who number seventy-two. Although he had been quite adamant against granting me Father Baldwin 7 who was in the Tower, finally he sent him to me, in company with the Marquess of Buckingham, who is his great favourite, who brought me a diamond ring in the shape of heart in his name. He said that although the king of England had made a greater demonstration of his love and respect towards the ambassador of Spain beyond that to any other on the point of departure - yet he was not satisfied with this but he sent to the Count of Gondomar his heart in a diamond so that I might stay assured that it would remain as firm as this had been difficult to carve. Since he knew and had full experience of how puritanical a papist the Count of Gondomar was, he had decided to send me another jewel which I would feel to be a finer present, which was the release of Father Baldwin. What enhances enormously this gesture .of the king is the reason for his captivity, the outcry that was made after bringing him from Germany to this kingdom and the numerous princes, ambassadors and emminent personages to whom this king has denied his release. I have indicated properly my


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appreciation of this, for the captivity in which Father Baldwin has spent eight years has been most severe without a possibility of speaking or meeting with anyone, and his character retains the qualities and traits of which your Lordship has long been aware. I had not wished to detain your Lordship further save only to beg that you do not forget me and that you command any thing that might be for your pleasure and service wherein I can be of assistance. May God protect your Lordship for many happy years as I desire. In London. 4 July 1618. I have Father Baldwin in his own Jesuit robe here now 8 in my residence, even saying mass publicly. Countless people flock to see him and many to make their confessions to him. This is the reward for all the other anxieties and difficulties that I have borne and still bear here. My very good Lord, I kiss your Lordship's hand, your most obedient servant, The Count of Gondomar

1 The letter is in his Epistolae Familiares, pp. 353-54 (No. elv) translated (with wrong date) in Broderick, J. The Life and Work of Blessed Robert Bellarmine (London , 1928) vol. 2, pp. 285-86 . 2 There are editions in Rome, Antwerp , Lyon, Paris, Cologne in 1617. 3 Sentence underlined in document. 4 Sentence underlined in document. S John Barclay (1582-1621) a Latin poet, was born at Pont aMousson the sonof William Barclay, a Scottish Catholic professor of law at the university . Late in 1605 he came to England and was appointed a Gentleman of the King's Bedchamber. His poems, dedicated to Robert Cecil, Ludovick Stewart and Baron Hay dealt with King James's favorite anti-Catholic themes. (See D. Fleming, " John Barclay: Neo-Latinist at the Jacobean Court", Renaissance News vol. 19 (1966) , pp. 228-36). 6 In the summer of 1615 the papal secretary of state acknowledged Sarmiento's letter announcing the return of John Barclay to the church which will be "fruitful for the Catholics of England" at that time he promised 600 scudi a year in pension. (A.S.V. Fondo Borghese series I, vol. 973 f. 352, Cardinal Borghese to Sarmiento, Rome, 15 August 1615). In January-February 1616 Barclay wrote several letters to Fray Diego de la Fuente from Rome expressing his gratitude fo r his assistance with the pope (B . Nac. Manuscritos, vol. 18420 ff. 83-96). 7 For William Baldwin see the Appendix II. 8 Postscript in Gondomar's hand.


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39. BARON VERULAM TO THE COUNT OF GONDOMAR. London, 22 July 1618 o.s. o.s. Original Latin autograph, 1 page, E 2598 n. fol. Text: Renaissance Quarterly vol. 21 (1968), p. 1. Sir Francis Bacon, Baron Verulam , Lord Chancellor of England reveals the existence of a private agreement between Gondomar and James I that the activities of pursuivants against Catholics were to be soon curtailed. See also The Narrative pp. 146-49. Previously, Gondomar had explained in a letter to Lucio Morra, Archbishop of Otranto, papal nuncio in Flanders that he had had a long private ' audience with King James who asserted : "The persecution is against his will and intentions, that he intended to remedy it himself and that he would recall immediately the commissions given to each pursuivant who enforces the law and accordingly no one would be able to search houses and effect arrests and penalties without having an express and particular order from six of the Privy Council, and the king himself said that it was already decided and would be ordered into effect the first day he reached Brussels ..." (A.S.V. Fondo Borghese, Series II vol. 354 f. 5, Lucio Morra to the Secretary of State, Brussels, 16 June 1618). The next three documents below illustrate the subsequent events.

[Translation: ] Illustrious Lord In your absence to converse by letters is to alleviate missing you. There is moreover an excellent occasion for this letter. When my king was about to leave the city, he gave me to know in his instructions that he confided to my charge to see that the pursuivants' severity and abuses against Catholics were investigated and checked as soon as possible. While this pertains to the maintenance of justice, than which nothing is customarily more important to our king, yet I perceived at once that this time his Most Serene Majesty was more earnestly devoting himself to it in that he sought to satisfy your Illustrious Lordship. I am sure that this will not be displeasing to you and I myself learned of it with more pleasure because of my affection for you. Farewell, and take care of your health which stands endangered by heavy cares. I felicitate you on the fair crossing. 22 July, old style, 1618 Francis of Verulam , Chancellor


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SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

40. JULIAN SANCHEZ DE ULLOA TO PHILIP III. London, 30 July 1618.

Original decipher, received on 1 September, 3 pages, E 2598/81 . For the twenty months of Gondomar's absence from London, the embassy was officially under the care of don Julian as Resident Agent.

(p.2)

+

Senor Las cosas de la religion catholica aqui se van mejorando cada dia y a los Catholicos y bien intencionados les parece que dentro de muy pocos meses no ha de auer memoria de persecur;ion en Inglaterra por que este Rey pone mucho cuydado en que se quiten los Pursibantes (que son la gente mas perjudicial y los mayores perseguidores que ay aqui contra sacerdotes y Catholicos) y ellos como alguaziles 1 prenden y acusan y he salido que el Rey embio a Hamar al Gran Chanciller de Inglaterra y Ie ha dicho que haga parecer en la camera estelata algunos destos Pursibantes y se castiguen por los robos y vejaciones que hazen a Catholicos y que se les quite todas las comisiones y Guarantes que tuuiesen de obispos para prender. Y auiendo entendido el Rey que el Baron Gefil Presidente de la Prouincia de J orque 2 usaba de su officio con demasiada pasion y procedia muy asperamente y rigurosamente contra Catholic os Ie quite la presidencia y me afirman que se dara al Varon Escruse 3 hombre templado y no malicioso, el Chanciller es muy buen cavallero y muy bien inclinado y aficionado (p.3) a las cosas de Espana y assi 10 muestra en las ocasiones que se offrecen y una persona de mucho credito y autoridad me ha dicho que el chanciller se ha holgado de que el Rey Ie aya cometido 10 de los pursibantes4 porque como vee que esto va enderar;ado al casamiento que se trata deste Principe con la Senora Infanta Dona Maria y que el animo del Rey esta dispuesto a hazer quanto sea possible de su parte para que venga a effecto y el Chanciler 10 dessea Ie parer;e que agora con 10 que el Rey Ie ha encargado podra mas libremente hablar y tratar con el 10 que conuiene para que no afloge de la buena disposicion en que esta y adelantara las cosas de la religion Catholica. Ayer murio aqui el obispo de Winchestre S capellan mayor deste Rey y gran puritano y dize se por muy cierto que Ie succedra el obispo de Glique 6 [sic] es del Consejo de Estado persona docta y biep. affecta a la religion y de buena parte he sabido tambien y confirmadolo por muchas vias que este Rey da intencion de deponer de los officios a todos los ministros assi eclesiasticos como seglares que Ie parece son opuestos al


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casamiento y que 10 ira disponiendo poco a poco porque de g01pe y de una vez dize que no puede hazer todo 10 que (p.4) querria en esta materia. Guarde Dios la Catholica Persona, etc.

[Transla tion: ] + Sire, The affairs of the Catholic faith (;ontinue to improve here daily and it seems to the Catholics and the well disposed that within a very few months the memory of persecution in England is to cease to exist. For this king has exerted considerable care that the pursuivants be suppressed (they are the most obnoxious people and the greatest persecutors of priests and Catholics that exist here) and they make arrests and place charges as an alguacil does. 1 I am aware that the king sent a summons to the Lord Chancellor of England and he told him to render a judgement in the Star Chamber against some of these pursuivants that they be punished for thefts and harassments which they commit against Catholics and that all the commissions and warrants which they held from bishops to make arrests are to be vacated. When the king learned that Lord Sheffield, President of the province [sic] of York 2 made use of the powers of his office with excessive anger and acted with considerable harshness and severity against Catholics, he deprived him Of the presidency and they tell me that it will be given to Lord Scrope a moderate person without malice. The Chanceller is a very fine man, very well disposed and devoted to the affairs of Spain and he shows this fittingly in the opportunities that are offered. An individual of considerable trust and authority told me that the Chancellor was pleased about the king's commission to him concerning the YrJ-atter of the pursuivants, 4 because as he sees that this is linked to the marriage which is being discussed between this prince and the Lady Infanta, Dona Maria and that the king's mind is disposed to do whatever may be possible on his part that it should come to pass and the Chancellor also desires this, it seems to him that at present he will be able to speak more freely with the king about what he has asked him to do and to discuss with him what is suitable to prevent him from abandoning the good disposition in which he is at present and he will assist the affairs of the Catholic faith. Yesterday, the king's principal chaplain and a great puritan, the Bishop of Winchester died. 5 It is being said as a certainty that the Bishop of Ely6 shall succeed him. He is a Privy Councillor, a learned man and well disposed towards religion. From a good source, which I have confirmed in many ways, I have also learned that this king has been thinking of removing from office all officials, whether ecclesiastical or secular, whom he believes are opposed to the marriage and that he will continue to arrange it little by little, since at a stroke and


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SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

at one time he says that he can not do everything that he wants in this question. May God protect the Catholic person, etc.

1 i.e. a constable. Some previous Spanish representations against them are noted in the author's "The Spanish ambassador and the Pursuivants", Cath. Hist. Rev. vol. 49 (1963) pp. 203-10. 2 Edmund 3rd Lord Sheffield (1565-1646) Lord President of the Council of the North; see also Doc. 30. 3 Emmanuel 11 th Lord Scrope (1584-1630). 4 See Doc. 39.

J ames Montague.

Launcelot Andrewes was nominated to Winchester the day this letter was written.

6

41. JULIAN SANCHEZ DE ULLOA TO PHILIP III. London, 24 September 1618.

Original decipher received on 5 November, 3 pages, E 2598/101 .

(p.2)

+

Senor En carta de 30 de Julio dixe a Vuestra Magestad como las cosas de la religion Catholica aqui se yban mejorando cada dia y como este Rer auia mandado proceder contra los pursibantes y que se les quitasen las comisiones que tenian para prender a sacerdotes y catolicos. Esto se va executando y los catolicos dando ynfinitas gracias aDios por el sosiego y quietud que agora tienen 10 atribuyen al casamiento que se trata del principe de Gales con la Senora Infanta Dona Maria y estan contentos que dizen que si acauan de quitar de todo punto los pursibantes es conceder libertad de conciencia y se puede dezir que ya aqui no ay persecucion pues se vee que con sauer este Rey y sus ministros 2 que los mas de los sacerdotes que el Conde de Gondomar saco de las carceles deste Reyno y paso del a otra parte (p.3) de la mar se han buelto y que andan descubiertamente por las calles de Londres algunos se disimula y pasa por ello y dizenme que queriendo el Arzobispo de Cantarberi dar al Rey una informacion hecha contra


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algunos catolicos Ie pregunto el Rey que era 10 que contenia y haziendole el Arzobispo relacion dello sustancialrnente tomo el Rey la informacion y que sin leerla la hizo pedar;os delante el mismo Arzobispo con que y con ver que la gente que acude cada dia sin peligro ninguno ala capilla que vuestra Magestad tiene en esta casa a confesar y a oyr misa es tanta particularmente los dias de fiesta que no cabe en la capilla con ser muy capaz crecen las esperanzas del effecto del casamiento que con gradisima ansia 10 de sea casi toda la nobleza de Inglaterra. Y de buena parte he sauido que este Rey esta con animo de hazer todo quanta sea possible en materia de religion para que se concluya el (pA) casamiento pero que sera poco a poco y no se declarara ni alargara mucho hasta veer que, redunda de la llegada del conde de Gondomar a la corte de Vuestra Magestad y que de ello depende agora todo el negocio. Dios guarde , etc.

[Transla tion: ] + Sire, In a letter of July 30th I told your Majesty that the affairs of the Catholic religion were continuing to improve daily and that this king had given orders to proceed against the pursuivants and that the commissions which they held to arrest priests and Catholics should be vacated. 1 This is continuing to be fulfilled and the Catholics, while giving infinite thanks to God for the relief and quiet that they now enjoy, attribute it to the marriage which is being negotiated between the Prince of Wales and the Lady Infanta, Dona Maria. They are so content that they are saying that if they succeed in blocking the pursuivants in every way it means the concession of liberty of conscience. At the moment one can now say that there is no persecution, for it is to be seen in the fact that with the knowledge of the king and of his officials 2 that the majority of the priests whom the count of Gondomar took from the prisons of this kingdom and brought away from here to the other side of the sea, have returned and that it is concealed and overlooked that some are walking about openly in the streets of London. They tell me that when the Archbishop of Canterbury wanted to hand the king a report against some Catholics the king asked him what it contained. When the Archbishop gave him an account of its substance the king, without reading it, tore it into pieces in the presence of the Archbishop. In addition there is to be seen the people who resort daily to the chapel which your Majesty maintains in this residence for confession and to hear mass. The crowd is so large, especially on feast days, that there is not enough room in the chapel although it is very capacious. The number is increasing as a result of the marriage which almost the entire nobility of England desires with deepest longing.


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From a good source I have learned that this king has determined to do everything as far as possible in the question of religion so that the marriage be concluded, but it will be little by little. He will not declare himself nor exert himself further until he sees what will result from the arrival of the Count of Gondomar at your Majesty's court. A t the moment the entire negotiation hinges upon this. May God protect, etc.

See the preceeding Doc. This is a mistake. The condition of their release was that they should not -return. Digby advised Buckingham that the "greater part have returned" and accordingly the king "wil have just cause to shew himself very sensible ... " (B. M. Harleian Ms. 1580 f. 102, letter of 12 Oct. 1618). 1

2

42. FRAY DIEGO DE LA FUENTE TO PHILIP III. London, 16 November 1618.

Original autograph, received on 21 December, 5 pages, E 2597/71. By order of Philip, Fray Diego was asked, together with don Julian, to report to James I regularly on the progress of negotiations in Spain (E 2572/326, Philip III to Gondomar, 18 August 1618).

(p.2) Se

+

Sefior Este Rey vino aqui el sabado passado 1 de Roeston y deseando yo hablarle por la noticia que (como he escrito a Vuestra Magestad con carta de 10 deste) tenia de 10 qual los mal yntencionados procuraban obrar en el para divertirle del tratado de casamiento y de toda buena correspondencia con Vuestra Magestad hige diligencia para hablar al Marques de Boquingam y tener por este medio audiencia del Rey. Sefialome tiempo para oy viernes a la diez de la mafiana y hauiendome receuido muy grata y cortesamente en camino como tubiesse luego audiencia del Rey que cierto muestra el Marques particular ynclinacion al seruicio de Vuestra Magestad yen las cosas que yo Ie propuse de 10 que los mal yntencionados ha9ian respondio muy bien y me pidiole auisase de todos los singulares que yo supiese en esta parte asegurandome que el Rey estaba con desseo de castigados exem-


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plarmente. Yo Ie di un librillo que ha salido estos dias (p.3) aqui en Londres aunque sin nombre de Autor pero tienele del Ympresor y el dara quenta del Autor senalole algunas proposiciones que tenia notadas en el contra el matrimonio y contra la amistad de Espana 2 y dile tambien una avenga que hi~o un juez en la Provincia de Yorque con el mismo buen espiritu que el que hi~o ellibro, dixome que los mal yntencionados se yean muy apretados de las veras con que procedia este tratado y assi no querrian perder el poco tiempo que les quedaba yo Ie respondi que aora era el tiempo de resistirles con mayor esfuer~o para que se violencia no hi~iesse suerto. Entre a hablar al Rey y hauiendome reciuido muy gratamente Ie represente los ynconvenientes que podria tener el no ympedir la corriente a los mal y'ntencionados en 10 que hauian comen~ado estos dias contra los Catolicos por ser en tiempo en que tambien se yba sazonando y disponiendo la conclusion del tratado en que Vuestra Magestad van con tan buena y verdadera yntencion de que no es mal argumento 10 que sus ministros y criados de Vuestra Magestad han hecho y ha~en aqui desde el principio desta platica que es tratar siempre de quitar estoruos que quien trata desto bien muestra querer el efecto y que el se deuia re~eIar mucho de los que procuran poner tantos (pA) estoruos. Que yo Ie suplicaba que hasta que vie sse mas eficaces argument os que los que Ie ha~ian malas yntenciones no tubiesse ningun re~elo de la verdadera yntencion de Vuestra Magestad. Respondime que si bien era verdad que de muchas partes continuaban el ponerle en desconfianca el no queria entrar en elia por 10 que fiaba de un tan grande Principe como Vuestra Magestad y que deseaba tanto que el tratado se adelantase y concluyesse que en orden desto harai todo 10 que pudiesse y mas si aora despues de la lIe gada del Conde de Gondomar a la corte de Vuestra Magestad Ie viniessen buenas nueuas como las esperaba y que el remediaria los desordenes que yo Ie hauia propuesto particularmente los que tocan a Espana de que hauia y mandado se hi~iesse aueriguacion. Apretele con el exemplo que don Francisco Co tinton ha escrito del castigo que Vuestra Magestad mando hacer en Pedro Mantuano por 10 que escriuio contra las cosas de aca 3 de que este (p.S) Rey mostro estar muy satisfecho. Hi~ele tambien una breve relacion de agrauios de sus ministros contra catolicos diyiendole hablaua en elios solo por ellado que podian ha~er dana a 10 que el mostraba desear tanto y viendole bien dispuesto Ie hice un sermon~illo breue exortandole a clemen~ia y pidiendole siguiese el alcan~e de 10 que con tanto valor hauia comencado po cos dias antes. Y cierto Senor que 10 oyo muy bien y me a sido de la mana por tres vezes haciendome muchas honrras y mostrando estar muy gustoso con que me despedi del de todo 10 demas que se offre~iere en la materia yre


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dando muy particular quenta a Vuestra Magestad cuya catolica persona guarde nuestro Senor largos y felir;issimos anos como la Christiandad ha menester. Londres N oviembre 16 del 1618 . (autograph) Fray Diego de la Fuente

+ [Translation :] Sire, This king came here from Royston last Saturday! and as I desired to speak with him because I had information (as I wrote to your Majesty in a letter of the 10th of this month) about how the ill-disposed were trying to influence him to turn away from the marriage treaty and a full accord with your Majesty, I managed to speak to the Marquess of Buckingham and by this means to secure an audience from the king. He arranged the time for today, Friday, at ten in the morning where he welcomed me most graciously and courteously on the way for the audience with the king was to take place at once - as the Marquess clearly indicated a special partiality for your Majesty's service and to the things that I might explain about the way the ill-disposed are acting. He replied very favourably and asked me to keep him informed about every detail that I might learn from this direction while he assured me that the king intended to punish them in an exemplary fashion. I told him that I had seen a book which had appeared recently here in London. Although its author was not named still the printer was known and he should reveal the author. I pointed out to him certain statements which I had marked within it against the marriage and friendship with Spain. 2 I told him as well about the vindictiveness which a Yorkshire judge displayed in the same fine spirit as the person who composed the book. He told me that the ill-disposed considered themselves very hard pressed because of the progress of this negotiation and thus they did not want to lose the little time still left to them. I replied that now was the time to withstand them with greater force so that their violence might not end in a loss. I then went in to speak to the king who received me very graciously and I explained to him the evils that can result by not frustrating the ill-disposed in their activities which they have recently initiated against Catholics, as it is within the time when a treaty was being completed and concluded in which your Majesty with such a good and true purpose, about which there is not a single bad argument against what your Majesty's officials and servants have done and are still doing here since the start of this discussion, which is always to push away the obstacles. For whoever negotiates for this good purpose shows that he desires that result and one is duty bound to avoid completely those who try to set up so many obstacles.


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[I said} that I begged him that, until he should see more cogent arguments than the ones which these hostile intentions provide to him, he should not have any fear of the true purpose of your Majesty. He replied to me that although it was true that from many quarters they were continuing to render him distrustful he did not desire to become so, since he trusted so great a prince as your Majesty and he was so desirous that the treaty should be advanced and concluded that, in order to have it, he would do everything he could and more if now, at the arrival of the count of Gondomar at your Majesty 's court, the good news that he longed for might come and that he would take care of the disturbances that I had set out before him especially those that touched upon Spain concerning which he had given orders that an investigation be made. I brought before him the case about which Sir Francis Cottington had written of the punishment which your Majesty had commanded to be imposed upon Pedro Mantuano for what he had written against the situation here. 3 A t this the king showed himself quite content. I also provided him with a brief report of the offences of his officials against Catholics, although I told him that I spoke about them only from a fear that they might damage what he was proving that he desired so much. When I saw him so well-disposed I offered him a brief little sermon for mercy and begged him to follow through to the end what he had begun with such courage a few days before. Certainly, Sire, he heard this out very well and gave me his hand on three occassions while showing me many favours and indicating that he was very pleased when at the point of dismissing me. Concerning everything else that might happen I shall continue to present a very special report to your Majesty whose Catholic person may our Lord protect for many very happy years as Christianity has need. London. 16 November 1618. (autograph) Fray Diego de la Fuente

1

i.e. 1 November 1618.

At this time George Calvert reported a search for the au thor of a printed letter of Archbishop Abbot which was a forgery (Breslow, M. A Mirror of England: English Puritan Views of Foreign Nations, 161840, Harvard, 1970, pp.67-68). 2

P.R.O. S.P. 77/16/402-5 contains the "Discourse of Pedro Mantuano touching the match between England and Spaine". This secretary of the Count of Lemos argued that there are signs of God's displeasure after previous marriages of Catholics and heretics. In this year he had published a laudatory account of the marriages of Bourbon and Habsburg in Casamientos de Espana y Francia y Viage del Duque de Lerma (Madrid, 1618). 3


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43. JULIAN SANCHEZ DE ULLOA TO PHILIP III. London, 18 January 1619.

Original with a part deciphered, 2 pages, E 2599/44.

(p.2)

+

Senor Muchos caualleros de este Reyno estan con muy gran deseo de yr a servir a Vuestra Magestad en la guerra y holgarian de que siendo Vuestra Magestad servido, se levantase un regimiento de Ingleses, que para esto , auiendo permission de este Rey ay personas de mucha calidad que se offrezen a buscar y hallar un coronel con capitanes y demas officiales de la nobleya de Inglaterra con gente escogido que yran de muy buena gana a servir en Flandes 0 donde Vuestra Magestad les mandare y en esta conformidad algunos destos cavalleros que ya siruieron a Vuestra Magestad en aquellos estados han escrito agora un papel al Conde de Gondomar para que sepa Ie boluntad de Vuestra Magestad (Llamanse l los que proponen esto don Eduardo Somersea 2 cauallero mozo y de gallarda dispocision, hijo del Conde de Uster que es aqui del Consejo de Estado y tiene de Sello Priuado , don Jorge Piter 3 y don Eduardo Param 4 que estos dos fueren otra vez sospechosos a Flandes y son personas de mucha estima "X todos tres muy buenos Catolicos). De que me ha parecido dar cuenta S a Vuestra Magestad cuya Catolica persona guarde Dios como la Christiandad ha menester. Londres , 18 de Henero 1619. Don Julian Sanchez de Ulloa

[Translation:] + Sire, Many gentlemen of this kingdom are extremely anxious to go to the war in your Majesty's service and they would be pleased that, should your Majesty desire, a regiment of Englishmen be raised, as, once the permission of this king is granted, there are people of high quality who offer themselves for this and to seek out and find a colonel with the captains and the other officials from among the nobility of England with a select troop who will go very willingly to serve in Flanders or where your Majesty might order them. In this respect some of these gentlemen who have already served your Majesty in those regions have now written a paper for the Count of Gondomar in order to learn your Majesty's will. (Those who propose l this are named Sir Edward


JANUARY 1619

121

Somerset,2 a young gentleman of a brave temperament, the son of the Earl of Worcester, who is here a Privy Councillor and Keeper of the Privy Seal, Sir George Petre(?P and Sir Edward Parham. 4 These two have been on another occasion under suspicion of being in Flanders. They are persons of high repute and all three are good Catholics). I thought it best to give your Majesty a report about this.s May God protect the Catholic person of your Majesty as Christianity has need. London, 18 January 1619. (autograph) Don Julian Sanchez de Ulloa

This part was in cipner. Sir Edward Somerset, fourth son of Edward 4th Earl of Worcester. Sir George Petre of Essex? 4 Sir Edward Parham of Lincolnshire. 5 On the cover the Secretary of the Council wrote: the Archduke was to be informed and "should the captains be good, he might consider whether these persons might be suitable at the time of the break of the truce with the Dutch. " 1

2

44. FRAY DIEGO DE LA FUENTE TO PHILIP III. London , 18 January 1619.

Original autograph received on 11 February 1619 , 3 pages, E 2597/ 88.

(p.2)

+

Senor En carta de 21 de Diziembre di quenta a Vuestra Magestad de 10 que los Puritanos y mal Yntencionados trabajan aqui procurando animar la execucion de las leyes que ay contra Catholicos y como en particular en una junta que se tubo en casa del Chanciller habian acordado los dos puntos de que se executase la ley no solo contra los hombres que recusan yr a las iglesias de los Protestantes porque estan condenados en veinte libras a1 mes que ha~en ochocientos reales, sino tambien contra las mugeres que por la misma causa estan condenados en diez libras y que se examinasen de nueuo las composiciones que los Catol~cos cuyas ha~iendas , 0 las dos partes dellas estaban confiscadas


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SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

conforme a las leyes de este reyno habian hecho con el Reyl prometiendose sacar tan gran suma de dinero por este medio. Dixe tambien a Vuestra Magestad que me parecia no se llegaria a executar esto por algunos inconuinientes de consideracion que se descubrian y assi 10 va pareciendo y que aquello no fue mas que amenaca y a (p.3) 10 que se entiende querer quietar a los puritanos, pues no se habla ya en ello, y en 10 demas tienen un poco de respiracion y aliuio los Catolicos por aora, yo procuro quanto puedo se aprouechen de manera que les dure, porque con qualquier ocasion tienen tantos fiscales contra si, que les haren todo el dana posible . Este Rey ordeno al Baron Digbi en Numarquete que me dixese de su parte que la buelta de los sacerdotes de que ya he dado quenta a Vuestra Magestad 2 habia traydo consigo tan grandes inconuinientes que no se podian de<;:ir que por euitar los padres adelante se holgaria mucho de diese orden como los obligasen a detenerse a la otra parte del Mar, dan doles casa y sustento a los sacerdotes seculares en la forma que ay algunos seminarios para Ingleses 3 que desta manera me 10 dixo el Baron 0 acomodandolos en otra forma que mejor pareciese a Vuestra Magestad 0 al Papa. Yo tube por buena esta proposicion juzgando por ella que el Rey estaba cerca de desenojarse contra los sacerdotes pues llegaba ya a tratar de medios y asi me parecio conuiniente offrecer daria quenta a Vuestra Magestad y darle al Baron buenas esperancas de que Vuestra Magestad abra e auia muy bien qualquier medio que fuese a proposito para que ni los sacerdotes ni los demas catolicos diesen disgusto a este Rey y que 10 mismo senti a de la intencion de su Santidad y que (PA) de Vuestra Magestad era bien cierto pues sabia yo que sus embaxadores y ministros habian tenido aqui siempre ynstruciones y ordenes muy apretadas para procurar que los catolicos Ie fuesen seguros y leales vasallos en todo. 4 El hacer 10 que este Rey propone demas de hacerse con su approbacion y gusto y saliendo el al camino que no es poco pues Ie han dado tanta pena los seminarios que hasta aqui se han hecho ternia a mi parecer artas conviniencias de consideracion a si para detener en el por algun tiempo los sacerdotes que salen desterrados del reyno como tambien para retirar de quando en quando algunos de aqui que 10 uno y 10 otro seria importantisimo para el mayor efecto y para la mayor seguridad de los Catolicos y no seria de menos consideracion que los sacerdotes que hubiesen de venir a este reyno se registrasen primero en este serninario algun tiempo , y se conociese quales serian a proposito para aqui y los demas se sa<;:onasen Y madurasen mas de que me ha parecido dar quenta a Vuestra Magestad y suplicarle muy humilmente se sima de ordenar me 10 que debo responder si me ablaren mas en esta materia guarde Dios la catolica persona de Vuestra Magestad largos y felices anos como la Christiandad ha menester. Londres Henero 18 de 1619. Fray Diego de la Fuente


JANUARY 1619

123

[Translation: ]

+ Sire, In a letter of December 21st I reported to your Majesty what the Puritans and the ill-disposed are trying to do here by seeking to revive the enforcement of the existing laws against Catholics and how especially in a meeting which took place in the residence of the Chancellor they secured agreement on two points whereby the law is to be enforced not merely against men who refuse to go to churches of the Protestants, for which they are condemned to twenty pounds a month, which is valued at eight hundred reales, but also against women who for the same cause are condemned to ten pounds. Furthermore there is to be a fresh examination of the compositions which the Catholics, whose estates - or two parts of them - were confiscated in keeping with the laws of this kingdom, had made with the king. 1 They are convincing themselves that they will extort a great amount of money by this means. I also told your Majesty that I did not believe that it would reach the point of enforcement of this because of certain significant difficulties which were discovered and it does continue to seem likely that this was nothing more than a threat and that it is to be understood as a wish to quiet the Puritans because there is no further talk about it. As a result the Catholics have a little respite and relief I am trying as much as I can to maintain their advantage so that it will continue to exist for them since they have so many prosecutors at hand against them at every opportunity who might do them every possible harm. This king ordered Baron Digby at Newmarket to tell me on his behalf that the return of the priests - about this I have already reported to your Majesty2 - has brought such great disadvantages with it that they can not be told, and to avoid them in the future he would be very pleased that an order be given by which they are forced to remain on the other side of the sea, by providing a house and support for the secular friests in the way that happens in certain seminaries for the English. The Baron told me that they should be accomodated in this way or in another that might appear better to your Majesty or the Pope. I took this report in good part, understanding by it that the king was about to lose his temper against the priests for he was getting close to a decision about measures and so I thought it proper to inform your Majesty and provide the baron with fair hopes of what your Majesty would hold and had already accepted in good part any measure that might be proper as long as both the priests and the rest of the Catholics would not give any offense to this king and that I thought the same about the attitude of his Holiness, as this was most certain on your Majesty's part for I knew that his ambassadors and officials had always brought here very explicit instructions and orders to see that the Catholics were reliable and loyal subjects in every respect. 4


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SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

Doing what this king proposes, aside from proceeding with his approval and to his satisfaction and provided it seems that a start is being made, which is no small thing since the seminaries are giving him so much trouble as they have done until now, will create great advantages of importance by the detaining for some time of priests who left the kingdom for exile and also for the removing of some from here, from time to time as either the one or the other will be highly important for the principal result and for the greater security of the Catholics. It wll be of no less value to have the priests who might be coming into this kingdom registered first in this seminary for some time and there be an inquiry as to whether they be suitable for here and others become more seasoned and mature. I thought that a report should be given to your Majesty and I beg most humbly that you would please send advice to me about what I ought to reply if they should speak to me again on this question. May God protect the Catholic person of your Majesty for many prosperous years as Christianity has need. London, 18 January 1619. (autograph) Fray Diego de la Fuente

1 Reports differ about this meeting. Van Male wrote that Bacon rebuked the justices for their faulty observance of penal laws. Lord Montague, Chief Justice , was said to have suggested these changes which were then reserved to King James's decision (P C 54 f. 301 , Van Male to Archduke 14 Dec. 1618). 2 See Doc. 42. 3 Joseph Creswell had already complained to Gondomar of the lack of funds to support the sudden influx of clergy , but he said the clergy did not intend to stay permanently, but "to recover new strength and return better prepared to labour. . ." (Madrid Academia de Historia, Manuscritos 9/84 f. 150 Creswell to Gondomar 28 Sept. 1618). When Digby had seen F ray Diego before this letter was written he saw "some letters from Flanders as likewise a grant of the Archduchess for some relief to such Jesuits as came over. .. " This was a hint that he hoped they would remain there. (P.R.O. S.P. 94/23/80 Digby to Buckingham, 1 Dec. 1618). 4 See for example, Vol. 1, Doc. 6 and 10.


JUNE 1619

125

45. FRAY DIEGO DE LA FUENTE TO PHILIP III. London, 30 June 1619.

Original decipher, 1 page, E 2599/137.

(p .2)

+

Seiior En cartas de 29 Noviembre, 21 de Decembre y 18 de Hebrero di quenta a Vuest ra Magestad de la instancia que hacian con este Rey los Puritanos para executarse algunas leyes penales contra las mugeres Catolicas 1 recusantes y aunque esto trae tantas inconuinientes que elios y la nouedad hacen parece que aseguraban que no tubiera efecto esta proposicion la malicia de los Puritanos y los mal intencionados ha sido porfiada que ha ydo obrando en el animo del Rey y disponiendole sobre la necessidad grande que tiene de dinero para que execute como la ha hecho estos dias a algunas mugeres. 2 Yo he hablado diferentes veces en elio procurando reducir a propria conueniencia suya el no hacer aora 10 que no ha hecho en todo su tiempo ni hi90 la reyna como Ie dixe a Vuestra Magestad con la carta de 18 de Henero 3 y todas las veces que Ie he visto despues aca Ie he dicho algunas cosas en esta conformidad particularmente despues de su enfermedad assegurando Ie tenia grande obligacion a los Catolicos y 10 que en sustancia responde y dicen muchos destubiertamente es que hast a que se asegurase de que el casamiento con la Seiiora Infanta terna effecto no quiere perder el interes y prouecho que puede tener por esta parte. Dios Guarde, etc.

[Translation:] + Sire, In letters of November 29th, December 10th and February 18th I reporter;l to your Majesty about the urgent efforts which the Puritans are making with this kinf for the enforcement of certain penal laws against Catholic women. Although this produces great difficulties, which both they and the novelty create, it seems that there were certain proceedings against having this proposal take effect. Still the malice of the Puritans and the illdisposed has been so insidious that it has continued to work upon the mind of the king and to influence him, because of his great need of money, to enforce it against some women as he has done recently. 2 , I have spoken out at different times about it in trying to show ,his


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SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

own advantage in avoiding something new which he had not done in the entire reign nor had Queen Elizabeth, as I told your Majesty in the letter of February 18th. 3 Every time that I saw him there afterwards I told him some things appropriate to this, especially after his illness, assuring him that he was deeply obliged to the Catholics. What he replies in effect and what he is saying in private to many is that until he is certain that the marriage with the Lady Infanta will take place he does not want to lose the support and interest which he can hold from that faction. May God protect, etc.

See doc. 44. Van Male reported that Catholics of "a good income" were paying a fine of "200 florins a month" because of their wives (P C 55 f. 156 Van Male to Praets, 10 May 1619). See also Aveling, Northern Catholics, p. 213 ff. 3 In this previous letter he reported an interview with James in which he argued that puritans expected to disrupt the marriage "by giving as their excuse their zeal for his service ... " (E 2599/66, Fray Diego to Philip III, 18 Feb. 1619). 1 2

46. JULIAN SANCHEZ DE ULLOA TO THE MARQUIS OF BEDMAR. London, 10 January 1620.

Copy deciphered, 4 pages, E 2600/28. Don Alonso de la Cueva, Marquis of Bedmar, was Spanish ambassador in Brussels.

(p.1) Por relaciones de Padres de la Compania de Jesus y de caualleros y otras personas Inglesas que estan entretenidos por essas partes abra Vuestra Senoria entendido que tal aya side el estado de los Catolicos deste reyno desde que en el entro este Rey y assi agora dare a Vuestra Senoria quenta solamente de algunas particularidades notables del estado presente de las cosas de los Catholicos. Cad a Catholico que profesa serlo descubiertamente, sea cauallero 0 titulado, 0 de otra calidad rico esta obligado a pagar al Rey cada mes de composicion 20 libras esterlinas que hazen ochocientos reales por no ir a la iglesia de los hereges y esto se pagaua assi en tiempo de la Reyna Isabel, pero agora el Rey quiere que se den mas y manda que paguen otro tanto por sus mugeres Catholicos y que los caualleros hereges que


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tienen mugeres Catholicas paguen de la misma manera por cada una dellas 20 libras cada mes y que los unos y los otros, no solo por 10 de presente y por venir queden obligados (p.2) assi a pagar por sus mugeres cada mes sino tambien por 10 passado de manera que hallandose muchas senoras tales que las unas ha que son Catholicas diez afios , otras 15, otras 20 y aun algunas 30 sin obligacion de pagar cosa ninguna los maridos han de pagar to do una vez desde el tiempo que ha que ell as son Catholicas hasta agora, inbencion no menos diabolica y astuta que importante al autor para sacar presto gran suma de ducados y aruynar totalmente las casas y estados de los Catholicos. Y pensando que qui9a muchas destas senoras Catholicas por salbar a sus maridos casas .y hijos de tanto dana y ruyna temporal querrian entrarse en las carceles y dexarse estar alli hasta morlr ha se resuelto no admitirlo. Y el Rey mando a su abogado general! (que en Espana llaman fiscal) que sin delacion ni remision alguna execute estas ordenes y assi estan llamados y citados muchissimos caualleros Catholicos y hereges para que parezcan ante el dentro de un breue tiempo en que seran senten9iados a pagar por sus mugeres como queda dicho . (p.3) tambien los otros Catholicos que no tienen caudal ni hazienda para poder pagar las 20 libras cada mes auiendo la Reyna Isabel tornado para si dos partes d sus rentas de cada ano pretendese agora que se les hizo entonces particion demasiado faborable y que assi se ha de hazer otra particion rigurosa. 2 El estado de los Catholicos Irlandeses no es menos lastimoso pues no solo pagan cada mes los titulados y caualleros pero viniendo a morir alguno dellos su hijo 0 otro heredero si es Catholico por las leyes no puede entrar en posesion de sus tierras y hazienda hasta auer desamparado la profe9ion de la santa fee catholica y aun dado fiadores de no solo de alli adelante viuir hereje frequentando como los demas sus iglesias pero de morir 3 tal es la maldad inuentada para desaraygarlos y destruirlos a todos. Y contra los otros pobres Catholicos tambien se ha establecido ley que el que no fuese a la iglesia de los hereges cada domingo ha de pagar por cada vez nueue peniques moneda de InfIaterra que hazen real y medio , 10 qual se executa sin remision alguna y ansi daran desta suerte la muchadumbre de Catholicos que ay en aquel (pA) reyno se saca cada ano gran cantidad de ducados que es 10 que que este Rey con sumo cuydado busca por semejantes medios y tra9as para socorrer al hierno. Guarde Dios a Vuestra Excellencia .

[Translation: ] Through reports from Fathers of the Society of Jesus, Englishmen and others who are pensioned in those regions, your Lordship will have learned what has been the situation of the Catholics of this realm since


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SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

the time this king arrived here and accordingly I will present a report to your Lordship only about certain noteworthy traits of the present situation of the affairs of the Catholics. Every Catholic who professes to be one openly, whether he is a gentleman, or a nobleman or of other wealthy status, is obliged to pay to the king each month twenty pounds sterling - which amount to eight hundred reales - for not attending the church of the heretics. This was duly paid in the days of Queen Elizabeth but at present the king wants them to pay as much because of their Catholic wives and that heretical gentlemen who have Catholic wives should pay, with the same fee for the other, twenty pounds a month, and that the one or the other, not only for the present and for the future remains obliged accordingly to pay for his wife each month, but also for the past. As a consequence many such women are being found for there are some who have been Catholics for ten years, others fifteen, others twenty, and even some for thirty without an obligation to pay anything. Now the husbands have to pay everything at once from the time they were Catholics until the present. A contrivance no less diabolical and clever as it is important for its inventor to acquire quickly a large amount of ducats and to ruin completely the homes and property of the Catholics. In the belief that perhaps many of these Catholic ladies in the hope of protecting their husbands, homes and children from such a threat and temporal ruin, would prefer to go to the prisons and leave themselves there until death, it has been decided not to permit this. The king has ordered his A ttorney General! - in Spain they call him the fiscal - to enforce these instructions without delay and without any exception and accordingly very many gentlemen, both Catholics and heretics, are summoned and cited to appear before him within a brief period wherein they will be sentenced to pay for their wives as has been said. Furthermore, for the other Catholics who have no wealth or property to enable them to pay the twenty pounds each month although Queen Elizabeth took for her self two parts from their annual rents, it is now claimed that there was then arranged a division that was too favourable and accordingly there has to be arranged a different and more severe division. 2 The situation of the Catholics of Ireland is no less unfortunate. For not merely do the nobility and gentry pay each month but when one of them dies, his son or other heir, if he is a Catholic, cannot enter into possession of his lands or property according to the law until he has made a public rejection of the profession of the holy Catholic faith and even provided bondsmen for living as a heretic in the future, by attending their churches as the others do, and to die as one. 3 Such is the evil planned to extirpate and ruin them all. Against the impoverished Catholics there has been passed a law as well which is that he who had not gone to the churches of the heretics


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each Sunday has to pay for each offense nine pence in English money, which equals one and a half reales, that is exacted without any exception. 4 Th ey look upon the Catholic populace that is in that kingdom in this manner and a large amount of ducats is gained from them each year for which this king is looking about with great diligence through similar devices and schemes so as to help his son-in-law. May God protect your Excellency, etc.

1

Sir Henry Yelverton.

See, for example, Notestein, Relf, Simpson, Commons Debates 1621 (New Haven, 1935) vol. 6, pp. 61-65 for a text of a bill of the House of Lords concerning trusts and recusant lands that was not passed. 3 See R. Bagwell, Ireland under the Stuarts (London, 1909) vol. 1, pp. 153-58 with the example of an inheritance in Wexford. 4 See G. O'Brien, ed. Advertisements for Ireland (Royal Soc. of Antiquaries of Ireland, Dublin, 1923) pp. 15-16, where the fine is indicated at 12 d.: "I have heard that 5000 of them presented at one assizes in the county of Cork there and I know ... such as were presented were compelled to pay ... be they never so poor. " 2

47. WILLIAM STANLEY TO THE COUNT OF GONDOMAR. Malines, 16 March 1620.

Original holograph, 3 pages, E 2600/80. This letter and the next document were sent to Philip III by Gondomar on 29 March 1620. He commented that the Catholics of England were aware of Stanley's financial straits and advised his help. Meanwhile "the enemy exults over it and daily they publish it in the histories of England saying that they should see how the Spaniards treat Stanley. These are the things, Sire, about which we, your Majesty's ministers, ought to pay greater care and attention ... " (E 2600/76). Stanley had corresponded with Gondomar previously, since his newsletters discussing the military positions of the Dutch and the offers of English captains to enter Spanish service survive (B.P.O. Manuscritos, vol. 2165 n. fo1. Stanley to Gondomar, Malines 28 Dec. 1618; 2134 n. fo1. Brussels, 6 February 1619).

(p.2)

+

Illustrissimo Senor Auiendo entendido por su Secretario l

que Vuestra Senoria


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SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

Illustrissima auia llegado con salud y seguridad a Paris me he holgado mucho della reconociendo siempre las gran des mercedes que Vuestra Senoria Illustrissima me ha hecho en todos tiempos Dios Ie recompensa por ellos y guarde siempre a Vuestra Senoria de todos peligros y Ie de muy buen viaje. Por las muchas difficultades que me ha escrito por differentes sus cartas el Reverendo Padre Antonio Vasquez 2 se offrecieron en las cobranzas de mi juro y por su auiso del escriui y procure cartas al Conde de Sala9ar3 Presidente de la Hazienda de su Magestad de fauorescerme en el pagamiento de 10 que deuen por quatro anos enteros que otramente por 10 mucho que me apretauan mis necessidades de fuer9a huviere yo de acudir en persona a pedir gracia de su Magestad a que mandasse compliessen con ella y viendo que ny esso me aprouechaua ny todas las diligencias que el dicho padre de su caridad ny yo podimos hazer en ello, escriui entonces sobre ella a vuestra Senoria Illustrissima manifestando mis necessidades supplicandola fuesse encomendar mis negocios a su Magestad para hallar algun remedio por mis affliciones y como de mi carta no recibi respuesta de Vuestra Senoria Illustrissima yo quedaua como confuso y harto espantado y en el interim auiendo ya hecho grandissimas deudas empenada mi plata y desesperado de socorro y de cobrar 10 que me deuian en Espana y que sin ella no vi possibilidad de remediar a mis necessidades he tornado la resolucion (aunque con harto peligro de mi vida siendo ya 73 anos y sin salud) de yrme otra vez despues de estas pasquas 0 mas presto a Espana a echarme a los pies de su magestad a pedir pagamiento de 10 que despues de entregada la villa de Deuenter a la obediencia de su Magestad que sea en gloria me senalaron de sueldo en Espana por termino de mi vida en respecto de rni gouierno de dicha villa mediante me proveyessen de otra merced que hasta agora no 10 han hecho siendo esso cosa razonable y justa no tomando ny pidiendo merced ny interez ninguno por mis servicios de dicha entrega sino solamente reseruacion de dicho gouierno para entretener mi persona con mi regimiento 10 qual tambien truxe con migo al seruicio de su Magestad siendo por entonces en pie y bien armados no obstante que al entre gada la villa el Senor Melchior de Spinosa4 que auia la comission de tratar el negocio de parte del Senor Duque de Parma me offrecio grandissima merced que yo no la quise aceptar toda via yo he satisfecho y pagado por descargo de mi consciencia a mercaderes y otras personas de mi proprio dinero desde que ha venido al servicio de su Magestad Catholica hasta hazia ocho mil escudos que se deuian antes por armas, vestidos, municiones y semejantes deudas por mi parteS y los soldados de mi Regimiento que truxe conmigo a este seruicio de manera que no quedo deuiendo maravedi en Inglaterra otramente 10 huuieran perdido los accreedores. (p.3) Agora he recibido otra carta del Padre Antonio Vasquez la qual ynbio con esta a Vuestra Senoria Illustrissima que puede ver la


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necessidad que yo tengo de dar prissa por este viaje y aguardare solamente 1a respuesta de Vuestra Sefioria Illustrissima aunque es viaje peligroso y costoso que en los otros passados que he hecho por semejantes occasiones de cobranzas , he gastado casi la mitad de 10 cobrado y no tengo otro remedio para accomodarme por este que de empefiar 10 que me resta de mi hazienda y mi casa auiendo primero de dar a1guna satisfaccion a mis accreedores oltra 10 que soy cargado de mi hija, un nieto, su hijo, dos hijas de mi yerma que son para ser religiosas a mi costa y dos sobrinos a quienes yo soy tambien para proueer ya sabe Vuestra Sefioria Illustrissima que yo he perdido mi patria y no tengo otro patrimonio que las mercedes del Rey que me dieron por mi gouierno y Regimient0 6 ny puedo acudir a otro por remedio que a su Magestad Catolica en' cuyos servicios como he perdido mi hijo, nieto, tres sobrinos y muchos parientes de mi cas a con mi proprio sangre 7 me queda solamente la vida para ser empleada y los afios que me que den por ser empleados en su Real servicio. No pretendo agora aduancamiento ny recompensa por mis servicios de 33 afios que solamente pagamiento de 10 que me deuen y continuacion de mis sueldos sin darme este continuo trabajo y afflicion en procurar pagamiento y tambien que su real Magestad se sirue de particular gracia de hazerme merced de algun entretenimiento por mi nieto Rolando Geraldin hijo unico de mi hija, por ser frustrado el de todo 10 que pudiere pretender en su patria y por estas mis pretensiones tengo de supplicar a Vuestra Sefioria Illustrissima que sea seruido man dar accompafiar me con su favorable carta a su Magestad despues que Vuestra Sefioria Illustrissima se aura informado por mis servicios quando dexe a mi pat ria de cargos estado y patrimonio en Inglaterra y Irlanda. (p.4) Presumiendo que Vuestra Sefioria Illustrissima de su accostombrada gracia no me rehusara la merced ny tomara desgustoso que yo 1a dije parte de 10 mucho que padesco de pura necessidad oltra las affliciones de mis enfermidades supplico a Vuestra Sefioria sea servido mandar me respuesta con la priesa possible, nuestro Sefior guarde y prospera a Vuestra Sefioria Illustrissima con mucha salud, accredimiento de estado y largos afios como yo su criado 10 desseo. Madrid a 16 de Marzo 1620. Guillermo Stanley

[Translation: ]

+

Right Honorable, My very good Lord When I had learned from your secretary 1 that your Lordship had arrived in health and safety in Paris I was very happy about it as I am constantly mindful of the great favours which your Lordship had done for me at every time. May God reward you for them and ever protect your Lordship from every danger and grant you a very fine journey.


132

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

Because of the many difficulties about which the Reverend Father Antonio Vasquez 2 has written to me in his various letters concerning the payments of my pension and because of his advice about it, I have written to the Count of Salazar,3 President of the Hazienda of his Majesty, in support of the payment of what is due to me, after four full years. Otherwise, because my necessities weighed heavily upon me, I was forced to resort to a personal appeal to his Majesty for the favour of an order requesting compliance. When I saw that neither this served for my progress nor any of the proceedings which the aforesaid father, in his kindness, and I were capable of doing about this, then I wrote to your Lordship making clear my extremity and begging you to support my efforts with his Majesty so as to secure some relief for my afflictions. As I received no response from your Lordship to my letter, I was confused and deeply despondent. In the interval since I had acquired a large debt, pawned my plate and become reduced to despairing of any help and of collecting what they owed me in Spain and since I saw no chance of relieving my needs without this step I decided although at great risk to my life as I am now 73 years old and unwell to travel to Spain another time at next Easter, or soon after, to place myself at his Majesty's feet to beg payment. After the transfer of the city of Deventer to the authority of his late Majesty they assigned me a salary in Spain for the rest of my life, in respect of my post as Governor of the aforesaid city, until the presentation of a warrant for another grant, which until now they have not done. Since this was a reasonable and proper action, unaccompanied by any demand for, or acceptance of, favour or bribe in return for my services in the aforesaid transfer except only the reservation of my aforesaid office as Governor, to support my person along with my regiment that I also brought with me into the service of his Majesty, which at that time was on a war footing and well armed, all this, notwithstanding the fact that at the transfer of the city Senor Melchior de Espinosa 4 who held the commission in the name of his lordship, the Duke of Parma, offered me a very large reward which I refused to accept. At that time for the relief of my conscience, I satisfied and paid off the merchants and other people out of my own money after I had entered the service of his Catholic Majesty to the amount of eight thousand escudos which had been owed already for the arms, clothes, munitions and similar obligations on my partS and the soldiers of my regiment whom I brought along with me into this service so that I do not remain in debt for a maravedi in England which otherwise the creditors would have lost. I have now received another letter from Father Antonio Vasquez which I am sending to your Lordship with this in which one can see how urgent it is that I hasten on this journey. I will stay only for the reply of your Lordship even though the journey is both dangerous and costly, for in the other previous ones which I made for similar reasons


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of collection I spent nearly half the payment. I have no other resources to provideformyselfon this occasion save to pawn the rest of my property and my house since I must first give some satisfaction to my creditors aside from the fact that I am responsible for my daughter, a grandson who is her son and two daughters of my daughter-in-law who are to become religious at my expense, and two nephews for whom I also am to make provision. Your Lordship is already aware that I have lost my native land and I have no other patrimony save the grants from the king which they gave me for my post of Governor and the regiment. 6 I have no other resource to which to turn but his Catholic Majesty in whose service I have lost my son, grandson, three nephews and many relatives of my house together with my own blood. 7 There remains only my own life to be expended, as well as the years still left for me to be spent, within his royal service. I am not now seeking an advancement, nor a reward for my 33 years, but only the continuance of my salary without causing me this constant toil and anxiety in securing the payment, and futhermore that his royal Majesty be pleased, as a special favour, to grant me the kindness of some support for my grandson, Roland Geraldine, the only child of my daughter, for he is bereft of everything to which he could aspire in his native land. On behalf of these claims of mine I am forced to beg your Lordship to be pleased to command that there be help for me by a favourable letter to his Majesty after your Lordship shall have become acquainted with my worth and what I lost at that time through my services when I abandoned my offices, estate and patrimony in England and Ireland in my homeland. While presuming that your Lordship in your wonted kindness will not refuse me this favour nor take offense that I speak of a portion of the great amount that I endure from pure necessity besides the afflictions from my infirmities. I beg your Lordship to please send me a reply with all possible speed. May our Lord protect and advance your Lordship with great prosperity, an increase in position and long years as I, your servant, desire. Malines, 16 March 1620. (autograph) William Stanley Don Cosmo de Villa Viciosa; Gondomar was en route back to England. 2

The rector of St. Alban's College, 1600-02 (CR.S. vol. 30, p. xx). Luis de Velasco, Count of Salazar, later Marquis of Belveder.

4

See document 48.

The equivalent of ÂŁ2000. The expenses normally included the initial bounty and payment for food, clothes and passage to the Low Countries (See Cruickshank, C. G., Elizabeth 's Army, Oxford, 1966, pp. 143-58). 6

200 escudos a month. See also C.R.S. vol. 64 , p. 135 .


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7 A partial genealogy of his family is in G. Ormerod, The History of the County Palatine and City of Chester, London, 1819, vol. 2, pp. 231-32; The Visitation of Chester - 1613, Harleian Society, London, 1909, vol. 59, p. 222.

48. MELCHIOR DE ESPINOSA TO THE COUNT OF GONDOMAR. Brussels, 26 March 1620.

Original holograph, 4 pages, E 2600/79. Espinosa was Veedor General, or Inspector General, of the armies of the Archdukes in 1620. This letter is the only extant eye witness account of the events at Deventer. (See also Spanish Elizabethans, pp. 135 -39).

(p.l)

+

Quando partio el cauallerizo del Senor Marques Spinola no pude, por estar ausente, besar a Vuestra Senoria Illustrissima las manos ahora 10 hago por medio deste papel supplicando a vuestra Senoria Illustrissima se sirua de tenerme siempre por uno de los menores criados de su casa mandandome como a qualquier dellos aqui y donde estuviere. El Coronel Guillermo Stanley con saber la merced que Vuestra Senoria Illustrissima Ie hazo ha querido que yo refera el servicio que hizo a su Magestad quando entro en su real servicio, seria historia larga y por no cansar a Vuestra Senoria Illustrissima dire sumariamente el caso, como testigo de vista y que me halle presente a todo el suceso. Siendo el dicho coronel Gobernador de la villa de Deuenter y de algunos fuertes en el contorno y la guarnicion puesta de su mana y a su orden en Deuenter un regimiento que el tenia de Hirlandeses, gente de mucho servicio y velicosa, y en el fuerte principal de Suptefen buen golpe de ynfanteria y una compania de cauallos, muchas municiones de guerra y bastimientos. (p .2) Todo ella en servicio de los estados parte contraria. Trato secretamente de reducirse y comunico esta yntencion con el coronel Tassis 1 Gouernador de la villa de Suptefen vezina a la de Deuenter y resuelto el negocio entre los dos dio parte della al coronel Verdug0 2 Gouernador de Frisa estando en Gruningen y yo con el a cierta comission que truxe particular. Conciertose que yo me partiese con el coronel Tassis para yr a dar quenta al Duque de Parma de aquel intento. Hizose assi y el Duque mando que nos boluiesemos luego y dio al dicho Tassis carta de credencia confirmando los capitulos que Ie auia propuest0 3 y porque en aquel tiempo auia mucho peligro en los


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caminos mando que se me diese assi otra carta para el mismo effecto y de mas desto una orden por el Tesorero General que me asistiese en el de manera que yo lib rase en el y con esto partimos, no sin peligro al llego Tassis primero que yo, viose con el coronel Stanley y trataron del entrego de la dicha villa en Marzo 1587 y para executarlo una noche. Junto Tassis con la mayor parte de su guarnicion otra gente de guerra de mas de 1200 personas y casi al amane~er salio el coronel que tenia una puerta abierta para el efecto y entramos dentro sin que se tocase arma y se hizo esquardron en la plaza y como fue de dia que los de la villa supiessen el trato, se retiraron a sus casas y en todo huuo (p.3) muy buena orden: al fin como causa de Dios alojose la gente sin exceso y el dia siguiente ~egun la orden que tuue recibi en un puesto al regimiento de Hirlandeses donde hizieron juramento de seruir desde alli en adelante al Rey nuestro Senor fielmente con que se les diese el mismo sueldo que auian gozado de la parte contraria y que se les pagase todo 10 que les deuian los estados que asi auia capitulado hizose to do ansi y fueron recibidos al sueldo y servicio de su Magestad y como llego el dinero les hize pagar en tabla a mana propria todo 10 que auian de auer de los estados. Acudi de hecho al coronel Stanley que se auia retrado a su casa yndispuesto y cansado y Ie propuse de parte del Duque de Parma que en senal del servicio que auia hecho pidiese e) dinero que quisiese para si y propusiese la merced que deseaua de su Magestad, alterase desta propusicion y dixeme estas palabras, el servicio que yo e hecho ha sido aDios primeramente y a su Magestad del Rey de Espana como defensor de su yglesia y no por que me aya mouido interes ni permita Dios que se diga ahora ni en otro tiempo otra cosa y assi no quiso recibir un solo real sino que francamente hizo el entre go referido y quedo por enton~es Gouernador de la dicha plaza con su regirniento y alguna gente que Ie truxo el coronel Francisco Verdugo, despues ha servido como vuestra Senoria Illustrissima sabe 4 en todas ocasiones con mucho valor y prudencia de que a su instancia he hecho a vuestra Senoria Illustrissima esta relacion (p.4) y sepa vuestra Senoria Illustrissima 10 que paso en aquel entrego para que en las ocasiones que se ofrecieren vuestra Senoria Illustrissima Ie pueda hazer mas merced. Nuestro Senor guarde vuestra Senoria I1lustrissima como sus criados hemos menester. De Bruselas 26 de Mar~o 1620. Melchior de Espinosa [Translation:] + Right Honorable, My very good Lord Owing to the departure of the cavalry of Marquis Spinola I was absent and unable to pay my respects to your Lordship, as now I do, by means of this letter, as I beg your Lordship to please hold me as but one of the least servants of your house and to command me as well as anyone of those here, no matter where you may be.


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Since Colonel William Stanley already knows the kindness that your Lordship has been doing for him, he wished me to recount the deed which he performed for his Majesty when he entered his royal service. It will be a long history and lest I tire your Lordship I will explain the event in a summary fashion as I was an eye witness and present during the entire affair. When the aforesaid colonel was Governor of the city of Deventer as well as certain forts in the vicinity [there was} a garrison under his control and at his orders in Deventer, a regiment of Irishmen which he held, men of long service, and warlike, and [there was} in the main fortress at Zutphen a good number of infantry and a company of horse, a large quantity of war supplies and provisions. Of all this in the service of the states, the opposing side, he secretly negotiated the delivery and revealed this intention to Colonel Tassis,l the Governor of the city of Zutphen near to Deventer. After the business was settled between the two of them he informed Colonel Verdugo,2 Governor of Friesland who was in Groningen and I was with him under a special commission which I held. It was agreed that I would leave with Colonel Tassis to go to inform the Duke of Parma about this proposal. It was done accordingly and the Duke gave orders that we should return at once and he gave to the aforesaid Tassis a letter of credence which confirmed the articles that had been proposed to him.3 Since at that time there was considerable risk on the roads he ordered that there be given to me another letter as well to the same purpose and in addition to this an order to the Treasurer General to serve me so that I was paid. With this we left, and not without risk, Tassis arrived first and met with Colonel Stanley and they planned the delivery of the aforesaid city in March 1587 and to complete it in one night. Tassis came at the head of the larger part of his garrison and other fighting men, more than 1200 men. Just before dawn the colonel came out and left a gate opened according to plan and we passed within, not having to lay hand upon our weapons, and a squadron was deployed into the square. When it was day the townspeople learned of the event and returned to their houses. In every respect there was good order, totally as if the cause of God. The troops took up lodging without hindrance and on the following day in keeping with the order which I carried I received at the one post the regiment of Irish as they took an oath to serve faithfully from thenceforth the king our Lord. Whereupon the same pay was handed to them that they had had on the opposing side and everything that the Estates owed them was paid, for so it had been stated in the agreement. A nd so everything was completed and they were received into the pay and service of his Majesty. Since the money had arrived, payment was made across the table directly into their hands of everything that they were owed by the Estates. In fact I waited upon Colonel Stanley when he had retired indisposed and fatigued to his own house and I proposed to him, on behalf of the Duke of Parma, that as proof of the


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service that he had rendered he might request the money he would like for himself and that he should suggest the favour he desired from his Majesty. He pushed aside this suggestion and said to me these words: "The service that I have done has been first to God and then to his Majesty the king of Spain as the defender of His church and not because ambition has prompted me, nor may God permit anything else ever to be said now or at any other time. So I do not want to receive a single rea] unless it has been openly agreed to in the transfer which has been reported and I stay from now on the Governor of the aforesaid place with its regiment and some men whom Colonel Verdugo brought here". Since then he ha!Y served at every opportunity with great courage and prudence as your Lordship knows. 4 At his request I have given this report to your Lordship, that your Lordship might understand what happened in this delivery so that in the chances that might occur your Lordship might be able to provide further favours. May our Lord protect your Lordship as His servants have need. From Brussels 26 March 1620. (autograph) Melchior de Espinosa

Juan Baptista de Tassis (1530-1610) later ambassador to France had been Veedor General of the armies of Parma since 1585 and was Philip II's agent with the League in France. He was uncle of Juan de Tassis, Count of Villa Mediana, ambassador to James I, 1603-5. (See Nationaal Biografisch Woordenbock , sub nomine; J. Rubsam, Johann Baptista von Tassis, 1530-1610, Freiburg im-B., 1889). 2 Francisco Verdugo , Governor of Friesland, and colonel of the Spanish tercio there was deputy of Parma L'1 the campaigns in the north. Some of his evidence is found in Carlos Coloma's Las Guerras de los Estados Baxos , Antwerp, 1626, p. 2. 3 This is proven on the original letter Parma wrote to Stanley: " ... praeter laudes quas consequeris, maximas, non paticmur unquam digno et convenienti te praemio destitui. Quod si pro tua vel tuorum securitate malveris de mercede precisi, id erit tibi cum Taxio [Tassis] liberum: pollicemur enim promissa per eum non modo probaturos sed eadem et ampliora liberaliter persoluturos ... " (St. Alban's College, Series II , legajo 5 f. 30 original letter, 10 January 1587). 4 After Stanley's first visit to Spain Philip II wrote to Parma that he did nor need to commend him further since the duke had written of his merits many times (E 2220 (2)/127 letter of 12 July 1591). 1


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49. THE ARCHBISHOP OF CASHEL TO THE COUNT OF GONDOMAR. 31 May 1620.

Original holograph, 1 page, B. Nac. Manuscritos, vol. 18422 f. 96. David Kearney, Archbishop of Cashel, 1603-24, was the author of a report sent to Spain of the persecution of 1612 of Ireland and subsequently his diocese had a fraternity of "prelates, priests and honorable men" to protect religion in the area (Moran, P., Spicilegium Ossoriense, Dublin, 1874, pp. 119 -23, 129). Previously Gondomar had reported about Ireland (doc. 4). When he had remonstrated to James about conditions in Ireland, the king assured him that he would annul laws passed in the Irish parliament without his approval. In turn the Spaniard promised that Philip would warn Paul V to be wary of what he heard from Irish refugees in Rome "until he had been well informed" (E 2592/49 Sarmiento to Philip, London, 9 May 1614).

(p.2) Illustrissime et Excellentissime Domine Recordabitur non dubito Excellencia Vestra prornissi mihi Davidi Kearneo Archiepiscopo Casselensi Hiberno facti obtinendi nimirum conscientiae libertatem cum certis iustis aequis et inviolabilibus conditionibus, si matrimonium inter Regis Magnae Britaniae,t etc. filium et heredem, cui Deus benedicat, et Infantem Hispaniarum Regis ftliam (quam Deus ad multos incolumem seruet) conc1udatur. Valeat Excellencia Vestra pro cuius in omnibus felici progressu ac incolumitate Deum iugiter orabo. Ultimo Mati 1620 .

[Translation: ] Most illustrious and excellent Lord I am confident that your Excellency will be mindful of the promise made to me, David Kearney, Archbishop of Cachel in Ireland to obtain full freedom of conscience under secure, just, fair and inviolable conditions should there be concluded a marriage between the son and heir - may God bless him - of the King of Great Britain, etc.,l and the Infanta, daughter of the King of Spain - may God preserve her safely for many years - May your Excellency prosper and for your happy success in all things I will be always praying. The last day of May 1620.

1

Gondomar's contacts with the Irish episcopate are not very frequent, however,


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later Fray Diego reported that Peter Lombard, Archbishop of Armagh, had written to Paul V in .support of the Spanish marriage stating that the promise of James I under the great seal would be a sufficient guarantee for the Catholics. This too was Gondomar's expectation (E 369 ff. 162, 183, Diego de la Fuente to Gondomar, 10 Oct. 1621 , 11 Jan. 16-22).

so.

JEAN BAPTISTE VAN MALE TO THE ARCHDUKES. London, 6 November 1620 .

Original holograph, 2 pages, P C 56 ff. 399 -399v. There is also an original autograph of Gondomar to Philip III, London, 4 November 1620, E 2601/125.

(f.399)

+

Serenissimo Senor El obispo de Bangor! en la Prouincia de Wallia fue la semana passada a la fuente de Santa Guinofrida donde la misma santa fue martirizada que es una romeria muy antigua aqui del tiempo de Catolicos 2 y donde siempre obrado Dios muchos milagros y se veen cada dia esta rome ria la continuan oy los Catolicos y queriendo el obispo quitarlo diziendo que era supersticion, yendo en persona a prender los sacerdotes y catolicos que alli acudian se leuanto el pueblo de las aldeas (aunque los mas son herege~ y cogieron al obispo y Ie trataron muy mal hechando Ie en un arroyo y me dizen Ie hubieran muerto sino Ie acudiera la Justicia de la tierra. No se sabe 4 hasta agora 10 que este rey mandar hazer sobre ello. Don Juan Trogmorton Principal Juez de Wallia Shismatico y su muger (f.399v) catolica,S yendo esta muger en rome ria a esta fuente santa y lleuando dos criados consigo el uno catolico y el otro hereje, sucedio que los dos criados quedaron solos el Catolico hincado de rodillas hizo su oracion con mucha deuocion el hereje haziendo burla desto entro las botas que lleuaua a pisar la fuente y subitamente se tullio de pies y manos enc1auandose la mana en que lleuaua la espada por el puno de modo que fue menester para quitarsela yr Ie servando con lima todo el yerro y estuuo tollido desta manera muchos dias asta que conuertido y hecha penitencia boluio a la misma fue nte y cobro salud, son infinitas las gentes que vieron esto y a rni me 10 han affirmado personas de mucho credito. Nuestro Senor guarde Vuestras


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Altezzas tan largos y felices alios como la Christian dad ha menester y sus mas fieles vasallos dessean. Londres a 6 de Noviembre 1620. El mas humilde y mas fiel criado y vasallo de vuestras Altezzas. Jean Van Male

[Transla tion: ] + Most Serene Lord The bishop of Bangor! in the province of Wales went last week to Saint Winifred 's well, where the saint herself was martyred, which is one of the oldest pilgrimages here from the days of the Catholics. 2 It is there that God has worked many miracles that are daily to be seen and the Catholics continue to make this pilgrimage today. Since the bishop desired to stop this, saying it was superstition, he went in person to arrest the priests and Catholics who resorted there. The people from about the countryside rose up, even though most of them are heretics and seized the bishop and handled him roughly and then threw him into a ditch. 3 They tell me that they would have left him to die if the local justice had not reached him. It is not known 4 as yet what this king will order to be done about this. Sir John Throckmorton , Lord President of Wales [was] a schismatic and his wife a Catholic. 5 When this lady went on pilgrimage to the holy well she took two servants, one a Catholic the other a heretic. The two servants remained alone and the Catholic, falling to his knees offered his pray ers with deep devotion and the heretic scoffing at this walked in with his boots and tried to trample upon the spring. Suddenly he was stricken in both hands and feet and the hand in which he held his sword by the fist was cut so that it was necessary to loosen it and close up the entire wound with salve. He remained stricken in this fashion for many days until once he was converted and did penance, he returned to the well again and regained his health. Countless people have seen this and persons of considerable trust have reported this to me. May our Lord pro tect y our Highnesses for many happy years as Christianity has need and your most loyal subjects desire. London 6 November 1620. Your Highness's most humble and loyal servant and vassal, Jean Van Male.

1 Lewis Bayley, Bishop, 1616-31. See E. Barnard, " Lewis Bayley, Bishop of Bangor and Thomas Bayley, his son" Trans. Cymmrodorian Society , 1928-29 , pp.99-132 . 2 The devo tion was constant during these years: " At Holiwell in Wales, not many miles off the city of Chester, while every yeer about Midsummer many superstitious papists of Lancashire, Staffordshire and other more remote counties go in pilgrimage . .. they were so bold the last yeere 1623 that they in truded themselves divers times into the church ... and there said masse without


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contradiction... " (Gee, J. Foot out of the Snare, London, 1624, p. 34; see also Foley, Records vol. 4, pp. 428-36; E. Jones, "Catholic Recusancy in Counties of Denbigh, Flint and Montgomery, 1581-1625", Trans. Cymmrodorian Society, 1945 , pp. 114-33; D. Thomas, "Saint Winifred's Well and Chapel, Holywell" , Jour. of Hist. Soc. of Church in Wales vol. 8 (1958), pp. 15-31). The temper of the bishop was reported by Van Male to have annoyed King James when at dinner "he defended the opinion of the Puritans with such vehemence that the king became very angry ... " and forced him to leave the court (P C 57 f. 312v Van Male to Praets, London, 16 July 1621). See also C. Hill, Economic Problems of the Church (Oxford, 1956) p. 310. 3

Gondomar's account adds: "The Catholic faith of itself has strength and maintains its vigour against all human authority".

4

This legend must have dated from over 40 years, since John Throckmorton died in 1580. However' his wife, Margery Puttenham, and his son, Sir Thomas, were known to be recusants as Sir John used his office to protect them (Williams, P. The Council in the Marches of Wales under Elizabeth I, Cambridge, 1958 , pp. 253-55, 266-67). The incumbent when this letter was written was William Compton, Earl of Northampton, President 1617-31. 5

51. THE COUNT OF GONDOMAR TO PHILIP III. London , 18 February 1621.

Original autograph with parts deciphered, received on 7 March, 6 pages, E 2602/11.

(p .2)

+

Senor A 6 de Henero di cuenta a Vuestra Magestad como auia dado a este Rey la carta de Vuestra Magestad y como la auia leydo en mi presencia, y 10 que me auia dicho y yo respondidole sobre 10 que Vuestra Magestad Ie dezia en ella, quedando ultimamente muy satisfecho del proceder de Vuestra Magestad y de la yda a Roma del Maestro fray Diego de la Fuente y que a el tocaba ya el probando y disponiendo las cosas de la religion catolica y seguridad y quietud de los Catolicos, de manera que se llegase al fin que se dessea de que su Santidad tenga justas causas para aprouallo y uendicillo y despues hemos hablado en ella algunas vezes en la misma conformidad. Y cad a dia ua mostrando la experiencia y los afecto que Vuestra Magestad ha encaminado esto como conuiene para el seruicio de Dios y bien universal porque (a las proposiciones de Francia, Olanda y de


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Venecia, cierto 1 es que se respondiera diferentemente y esto es aun de mucho menor consideracion que) las almas que aqui se han ganado y ganan cada dia, conuirtiendose y dec1arandose catolicos infmitos con el silencio de la persecucion, cosa que aun los mismos que 10 veen y 10 gozan, no 10 acaban de creer (p.3) tanto que auiendo entendido 0 inbentado el Arzobispo de Cantuaria y el Secretario Nanton 2 que los sacerdotes presos tenian una emplenta en la carcel donde estan y que imprimian libros y libelos contra este rey y ydo a hazer la busca , no allaron la emplenta pero allaron les todos libros catolicos y de controuersia (contra los hereges y contra este Rey) en mucha cantidad y de ua10r; tomaron se los y el dinero que allaron. Yo hable al Rey sobre ella y finalmente les ha mandado boluer el dinero y los libros sin que les falte una eja, que ha sido cosa de consideracion 3 y estos dias ha hecho este Rey otras muchas magnificiencias en beneficio de los Catolicos, sin permitir que sea hecha uejacion ni molestia a ninguno. (Pero es cierto que la persecucion en Irlanda4 es grand is sima y que si la fuer9a que oy tiene alii la religion catholica se pierde con las artes que este gouierno 10 procura ir haziendo insensible mente perdera Vuestra Magestad la mayor autoridad y combeniencia que puede tener para con este Rey en paz y en guerra y assi es cosa digna de gran consideracion y de no perder de vista ni tiempo en el remedio. En escocia se aumentan cad a dia los Catholicos y mucho mas los desseosos de serlo y oy se hallan en este estado casi los principales de aquel Reyno. Yo he socorrido puntualmente - hasta agora (p.4) que he podido - a aquella mision con los mil y dozcientos ducados al ano que Vuestra Magestad me mando por mana del Padre Juan Robeo s de la compania de Jesus que es el que negocio en Espana y 10 tiene muy bien entendido bien me parece que esto corriera mejor por el embaxador de Vuestra Magestad en Flandes 6 y que se asentase la distribucion aplicando los ocho cientos ducados que al colegio Escoces y los quatrocientos para los sacerdotes que de aliia viniessen a Escocia). Este Rey me embio a dezir que Ie uiese viernes a la tarde 12 deste mes, dixome 10 que suele de su buena intencion y que en respuesta de la carta que yo Ie di escriuia a Vuestra Magestad y embia la carta a su embaxador de que yo he procurado copia y la embio aqui a Vuestra Magestad. Contome muy particularmente la platica que auia hecho en el parlamento 7 y 10 que auia dicho en la materia de religion adulcandolo y dec1arandolo a buena interpretacion y offreziendo la verdadera manifestacion con los effectos de que me dixo mucho y que el estaba ya resuelto en abenturarse a pender allado y partido de Vuestra Magestad y de los puritanos me dixo hartas cosas sobre 10 que inlprimen y intentan cada dia contra vuestra Magestad y contra el. Dixome tambien que de todas partes Ie embiaban sus embaxadores y sus amigos copia (p .5) de la dec1aracion que el hizo y me dio de que ni Vuestra Magestad ni ministro suyo Ie auia dado palabra de no con-


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quistar el Palatinado, tendolo por inbencion de Espana y por cierta la promesa que el auia confirmado el papel y la dec1aracion que me dio tambien contra su hierno sobre el Reyno de Bohemia antes que Ie perdiese, con que se probaba bien su respecto a Vuestra Magestad en no dexar pasar y colar por todas partes la opinion que tenian tan contraria a esto y dio me quenta de su entrada en la iglesia de Uuesmister 8 quando fue al parlamento , como Ie salio a rezibir el clero, como Ie pusieron almohada y se hinco de rodillas, la procesion que se hizo en la iglesia, como todo 10 que se canto fue en latin , y que si me parecia que hasta alii yua conforme con la iglesia Catholic a , pedille que antes de respondelle me dixese si el dia siguiente auia oido misa, pero obligandome mucho de 10 que me dixo Ie hable con llane9a y amor verdaderamente en las materias de religion y en su reducion a la Iglesia y a la obediencia del Papa, diziendoselo de modo que conocio mi buena voluntad y agradeciendola, me dixo que si est as cosas se trataran sin pasion, el tenia por cierto que se podrian acordar platicamos un poco en el reconocimiento al Papa por cabeca universal, y al fin se vino a reducir a esto, y me dixo con ponderacion y resolucion que el vendria en reconocer al Papa (p .6) por su cabeca universal y de toda la Christiandad en 10 spiritual y ec1esiastico y que fuesen al papa las apeleaciones de todos los obispos de sus reynos con que el papa no se metiere en la jurisdicion temporal de sus reynos particularmente en Ie quitar y poner Reyes a su boluntad y que el auer escrito el en sus libros que el papa era antechristo era porque que ria hazer esto que no 10 haziendo Ie ternia por papa y cabe<;a universal ; dixele que si 10 cumpliria como me 10 dezia, dixome que si; y pedile la mane sobre ella y dio me la y licencia para escriuillo a Vuestra Magestad. (Cierto es que si yo fuera rezien llegado agora a Inglaterra ponderara y estendiera mas estos puntos, pero como ya he dicho a vuestra Magestad tanto sobre ello, no hallo que anadir mas de como causa de Dios puede ser que el disponga y obre oy 10 que pare cia impossible ayer.) Dixome tambien mucho de las obligaciones en que se allaba a las honras y fauores que su Embaxador y Cotington Ie escriuieren que Vuestra Magestad les hazia a el y a ellos por su causa en todo: haziendo gran estimacion del Ingles preso en la Inquisicion , que se entrego a su Embaxador. 9 (Y el Baron Digby me ha dicho que escriuia a Vuestra Magestad en su nombre que el trata estos negocios y que tiene puesto en ellos su honra , su vida y su ser y que sabe mejor que nadie la intencion del Rey y del principe con que se asegura que la conclusion de los (p.7) negocios sera en todo muy a satisfacion de Vuestra Magestad y que esta tan satisfecho desto que no pretende ni aconseja a Vuestra Magestad que el Palatinato se restituya sin mucha seguridad primero de que el Palatino sera adelante fiel y obediente al servicio del Emperador y de Vuestra Magestad 1 0 ni tampoco pretende que Vuestra Magestad embie aqui a


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1a Senora Infanta sin que este Rey aya cumplido y puesto por obra primero todo 10 que ha offrecido y fuese necessario y asegurado10 para ade1ante ni es justa que Vuestra Magestad venga en 10 uno y en 10 otro de otra manera.) (Yes assi que el Rey y el Principe y el Marques de Boquingam me responden assi en esta conformidad a proposito de 10 que yo 1es digo en estos puntos con que por agora pare~e que camina esto bien y con beneficio y seguridad para e1 servicio de Vuestra Magestad en todos acontecimientos.) Guarde Dios la Catolica persona de Vuestra Magestad como 1a christiandad ha menester. Londres 18 de Febrero 1621. E1 Conde de Gondomar.

[Translation;] + Sire, On January 6th I reported to your Majesty what this king said to me after I gave him your Majesty's letter and he had read it in my presence; and what I replied to him there concerning your Majesty's message to him at which he remained extremely pleased with your Majesty's action and about the journey to Rome of the [Father] Master, Fray Diego de la Fuente. I said that now it was his concern to try to arrange the situation of the Catholic religion and the security and tranquility of the Catholics in such a way that the desired pUlpose be achieved whereby his Holiness would have just reasons to approve and bless it. Afterwards we spoke about it at different times in the same pleasant fashion. Every day the evidence and the results are clear that your Majes ty has been supporting what is best for God's service and the universal good, for (it is certain! that there will be a different response to the offers of France, Holland and Venice and indeed this is of much less consideration) than the souls which have been won here and are still being won here each day, for countless persons are being converted and declaring themselves Catholics during the lull in the persecution. Something which even the very people who see it are pleased and can not begin to believe. So much so that when the Archbishop of Canterbury and Secretary Naunton 2 discovered, or imagined, that the priests in prison have a press within the prison where they are and that they print books and tracts against this king, they went to make a search and did not find the press but they found many Catholic books of controversey against the heretics and this king which were in a large amount and of high value. They seized them as well as the money which they found. I spoke to the king about this and after a time he commanded them to return the money as well as the books without the loss of a single line. This has been something of importance 3 and recently this king has done many other generous acts on behalf of the Catholics without


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permiting any harassment or annoyance to anyone. (However it is certain that the persecution in Ireland is very heavy 4 and that if the strength which the Catholic religion holds there is lost through the wiles which this regime is trying to employ, your Majesty will lose imperceptibly the greatest influence and advantage that you can hold against this king in peace and war and accordingly it is something deserving deep reflection and is not to be lost sight of, nor time lost to change it.) (In Scotland the Catholics increase each day and there are many more desirous to be one and today virtually the leadership is to be discovered in that situation. I have helped that mission regularly - until the present as I have been able - by the twelve hundred escudos a year which your Majesty ordered me, through the hands of Father John Robbs of the Society of Jesus who is the one who negotiated it in Spain and I consider this very well meant, although I think it will run better through your Majesty's ambassador in Flanders 6 so that the distribution might be arranged by applying eight hundred escudos to the Scots College and four hundred for the priests who might come from there to Scotland.) The king sent word to me that I should see him Friday afternoon, the 12th of this month. He offered me his familiar message about his good intention, and in reply to the letter which I had given him he had written to your Majesty,and had sent to his ambassador a letter, of which I secured a copy, and I am herewith sending it to your Majesty. He related to me in great detail the speech which he had made in Parliament 7 and what he had said about the question of religion all the while mitigating his words and explaining them in a good light and offering the true evidence in the results, about which he spoke to me at length as to how he had already decided to stay at the side and friendship of your Majesty. He spoke severely about i.'>uritans in that they publish daily and conspire against your Majesty as well as against him. Furthermore he told me that from every side his ambassadors and their friends are sending him a copy of the declaration which he made and gave to me to the effect that neither your Majesty nor any of your officials had given him their word not to conquer the Palatinate, a thing which he considers to be a fraud from Spain, and certainly the promise [was], for the document confirmed it for him, as well as the declaration which he had also given to me against his son-in-law about the kingdom of Bohemia, in preference to his loss of it, wherein he showed his courtesy towards your Majesty by not permitting the view, which they were maintaining so contrary to this, to pass about and permeate everywhere. He talked to me about his entry into the church at Westminster 8 when he went to Parliament, and how the clergy came forth to receive him, and how they offered him a cushion and he fell to his knees, and the procession that was held into the church and how everything was sung in Latin and whether I thought until now that this conduct was in


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conformity with the Catholic church. Rather than answer him, I asked whether he would tell me if he had heard Mass on the following day. However, while 1 was deeply obliged for what he had told me, I would speak frankly, lovingly and truthfully about the affairs of religion and about his submission to the church and the papal obedience while talking to him in a way that made him aware of my good will. In thanking me he said that if these things are handled without passion he considered it certain that they would be agreement. He spoke a little about recognizing the pope as universal head and finally he was brought to acknowledge this and he told me that he would reach the recognition of the pope, as his universal head and of all christianity in the spiritual and ecclesiastical, and that there might be appeals to the pope from all of the bishops of his dominions provided that the pope did not mingle in the temporal jurisdiction of his states especially in the removal and deposition of kings at his pleasure, and that he wrote in his books that the pope was anti-Christ because he wanted to act this way, and were he not so acting, he would hold the pope as the universal head. I asked him if he were willing to abide by what he had said to me and he said yes and I asked for his hand upon it and he gave it to me as well as permission to write of it to your Majesty. (It is certain that if I had but recently arrived in England I would reflect upon and further develop these points, but as I have already spoken so much to your Majesty about it I find nothing further to comment save that as the cause is of God, perhaps He will arrange and will accomplish today what appeared impossible yesterday.) He also spoke to me at length about the obligations which he had incurred, because of the honours and courtesies which his ambassador and Cottington had related to him which your Majesty has done to him and them on behalf of their cause in every way, while showing a deep appreciation of the Englishman imprisoned in the Inquisition who was handed over to his ambassador. 9 (And Baron Digby has told me that he has written to your Majesty in his name that he is to deal in these negotiations and that he has placed upon them his honour, his life and his being and that he is more aware than anyone of the determination of the the king and the prince, whereby he is convinced that the conclusion of these negotiations will be in every respect very much to your Majesty's satisfaction, that he is pleased over this, that he is not requesting, nor does he advise your Majesty, that the Palatinate be restored without a full assurance first that the Palatine will in the future be loyal and obedient in the service of the emperor and of your Majesty. 1 0 Neither does he seek as well that your Majesty should send here the lady Infanta without this king first having fulfilled and shown in action everything that had already been promised and would be necessary and guaranteed for the future, nor is it proper that your Majesty should agree to the one and to the other in another fashion. Thus it is that the king, the prince and the


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Marquis of Buckingham replied to me in this cordial manner according to what there is good progress both to the advantage and to the security of your Majesty's service in each event.) May God protect the Catholic person of your Majesty as Christianity has need. London 18 February 1621. (autograph) The Count of Gondomar

2

In parentheses are the deciphered sentences. Sir Robert Naunton was appointed Secretary 8 Jan. 1618.

See doc. 27 above. Gee, J. Foot out of the Snare contains a "Catalogue or Note of such English lmokes" printed in London from 1622 to 24. 4 See Bagwell, Ireland under the Stuarts vol. 1, pp. 150-5l. 3

5 See also docs. 23, 33, 38. John Robb had been recommended as Superior after the death of John Ogilby in 1615 (Forbes-Leith,Narratives p. 316). In his report to Maffeo Card. Barberini, Protector of Scotland, in March 1618 Robb noted that "by the lack of instruction and the severity of persecution nearly all Catholics, even those once very fervent, frequent the services of the heretics ... ". However the divisions of Scottish protestants and the unpopularity of James's "new doctrines" was causing a greater interest in Catholicism. (Bib. Vat. Mss. Barberini Latini vol. 8618 no. 31, autograph memorandum , Antwerp, 31 March 1618) .

6

Alonso de la Cueva, Marquis of Bedmar.

He told Parliament that during the marriage negotiations he "wished you to have that confidence in our Religion and wisdome that we should so manage it as our Religion should receive no prejudice by it. . ." (His Maiesties Declaration touching his proceedings in the late Assemblie and Convention . .. London, 1621, p. 31) See also es.p. Dom, 1619-23, p. 217. 7

8 On 19 Feb. 1621 after the procession from Whitehall Palace "at the abbey the Bishop of Exeter [William Cotton, 1598-1621] preached before him ... " Journals of House of Commons vol. 1, p. 670. 9 This was to lead to the release of all English, Scots or Irish prisoners in the galleys (B.M. Add. Mss. 36451 f. 35, Philip IV to Marquis of Santa Cruz, Madrid, 7 June 1621). 10 After Spinola's recent occupation of the Palatinate, James said that he hoped " it hath bene only by way of diversion and therby so reduce his sonne in lawe to termes of reason for the business of Bohemia . .. " (B.M. Add. Mss. 36445 f. 50 Digby to Aston, Brussels, 13 March 1621).


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52. FRAY DIEGO DE LA FUENTE TO PHILIP IV. Rome, 16 July 1621.

Contemporary copy, 3 pages, E libro 369 ff. 124-25.

(f.124)

+

Senor En carta de 19 de passado 1 di quenta a Vuestra Magestad de la audiencia que hauia tenido de su Santidad a los 4 y de como hauia benido a esta corte don Jorge Caxe 2 cauallero yngles catholico con sabiduria y gusto del Rey su amo para que en nombre de los catholicos de aquel Reyno que con esta cubierta bino haga instancia en que se conceda la dispensacion para el casarniento y que procurando penetrar el animo de su Santidad y ministros esta juntamente atento a 10 que se fuese haciendo por parte de Vuestra Magestad . Tubo la primera audiencia sauado 26 del pasado de que sallo contento por hauerle dicho su Santidad que deseaua grandemente el consuela y aliuio de los Catholicos de aquellos reynos y que en orden a esto estaua despuesto a hazer todo 10 possible en 10 que se Ie pedia, pero no salio tan gusto so de la segunda audiencia que tuba Juebes a los 8 deste porque si bien al principio Ie dijo su Beatitud que aguardaua a sauer el gusto de Vuestra Magestad por carta suya que no la hauia tenido en la materia y despues 10 mandara ver y estaua con resolucion de hacer 10 que pareziese ser mayor servicio de Dios apretando la instancia el don Jorge Ie respondio su Santidad mudando algo el semblante y tono en la voz que este negocio es dificultissimo y precisamente necessario que el Rey de Ynglaterra se disponga a hazer muchas cosas que no se been agora,3 questas fueron las palabras formales de la respuesta. (f.124v) Queria darse por entendido este cauallero que tiraban a la libertad de conciencia 0 a la conversion del principe de Gales 4 ya se metia en desperacion, y biendo yo el inconbiniente que podria tener se entendiese assi en Inglaterra por agora y 10 que cerca de 10 se siruio el Rey nuestro Senor que esta en gloria de ordenarme en mi instruzion que aun quando su Santidad y ministros quisiesen cerrar la platica con razones que la escluyesen del todo no se aceptase en ninguna manera por final resolucion y que tambien se me aduierte que conbiene yr con mucho tiento por que no case luego el Rey a su hijo con persona de su secta de que podria seguirse la toda ruyna de los Catholicos de Ynglaterra y los danos que se dejan considerar a nuestra santa religion procure quietar al don Jorge esplicandole las palabras del papa en menos rigoroso sentido que elIas entendia; diciendole que los


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avisos que hauian benido de los rigores que yntentauan los Puritanos en el parlamento de Londres haciendo nuebas leyes contra Catholicos tenian desabrimiento y dolor a su Santidad que esto 10 podia remediar el Rey y seria bien 10 hiciese luego para que sus diligencias del cauallero sobre las apretadas que se van haciendo en nombre de Vuestra Magestad hagan el efecto . Mostro quietarse y se que escribio Iuego a don Jorge CaIuert S secretario de estado de su Rey haciendo buenos oficios cargando la culpa de la tibieza que ve en algunos y de la dilacion y dificultades que puede hauer en la materia sobre 10 que se har;e contra catholicos que esto parece conbenientissimo 10 entiendan asi en Ynglaterra y aun precisamente necessario hauiendo confidentes de aquel Rey (f.125) en Roma que estan atentissimbs a la caja que aqui se har;e el tratado y a 10 que se camina en la negociaciones . Deste parezer es el Duque de Alburquerque 6 y este lenguaje les ha hablado siempre el Conde de Gondomar en aquel reyno y yo hacia 10 mismo en su ausencia con que han visto se les habla verdad y se muestra deseo del efecto pues continuamente se les va pidiendo que quiten los estorbos. Y en esta conformidad me ha parecido responder a la carta del baron digbi que embie original a Vuestra Magestad con la traducion, va con esta la copia de la respuesta que Ie he hecho para que Vuestra Magestad se sirua de mandarme aduertir 10 que debe emmendar en las conferencias que de aqui adelante se ofrezieren: pues en negocio tan graue qualquier yerro puede ser grande. Besso muy humilde los pies de Vuestra Magestad por la merced que ha side seruido de hacerme con la carta de crecencias para su Santidad 7 usase della como y quando pareciere al Duque. Guarde Dios la catholica persona de Vuestra Magestad largos y felicissimos afios como la Christiandad ha menester. Roma Julio 16 de 1621. Fray Diego de la Fuente

[Translation :]

+

Sire, In a letter of the 19th of last month! I informed your Majesty about an audience which I had on the 4th, and also that George Gage,2 an English Catholic gentleman, had arrived at this court with the knowledge and approval of the king, his master, in order to plead in the name of the Catholics of that kingdom - for he came with that title - that the dispensation for the marriage be granted. While trying to observe the attitude of his Holiness and his officials, he is also looking into what might be done on your Majesty's part. He had his first audience on Saturday, the 26th of last month, and he emerged pleased that his Holiness told him that he deeply desired


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the comfort and relief of the Catholics of these realms and that in pursuit of this he was prepared to do everything possible towards that which he desired. However he did not emerge with the same pleasure from the second audience, which he had on the 8th of this month, because his Holiness told him at the beginning that he was waiting to learn your Majesty's pleasure about the question in your letter which he had not yet received, and after he had ordered its review, he was determined to do what might appear to be the greater service of God. When Sir George pressed the discussion his Holiness responded, with a change of countenance and tone of voice, that this business was extremely difficult and that it was of the utmost importance that the king of England prepare himself to do many things which are not evident at the present. 3 Such were the formal words of the reply. This gentleman preferred to believe that they were aiming at freedom of conscience, or the conversion of the Prince of Wales 4 and is already plunged into desperation. Forseeing the difficulty that will arise should it be thus understood in England at the present moment and seeing what the late king our lord had been pleased to advise me in my instructions that even though his Holiness and his officials might want to terminate the discussion completely it should not be accepted in any way as a final decision, and furthermore as I reflected that it was proper to proceed with great caution lest the king should immediately marry his son to a person of his own sect from which the complete ruin of the Catholics of England might possibly follow as well as harm to our holy faith which is to be left to the imagination, I tried to quiet Sir George by explaining the words of the pope in a less rigorous sense than that in which he had understood them, while informing him that news had come of the severe measures, which the Puritans planned in the Parliament of London by passing new laws against the Catholics, had brought despondency and pain to his Holiness and that the king could alter this and it would be better that it would be done at once so that their endeavours through this gentleman, in addition to the pressing remonstrances which are going to be made in your Majesty's name, might have effect. He seemed to be assured and I know that he wrote at once to Sir George Calvert,S the king's secretary of State, using his good offices to warn of the danger of the coolness, which he sees in some, and of the evasions and the obstacles which he could encounter in the question in response to what is being done against the Catholics. So it seems very important that they should realize it in England, and indeed it is of the utmost importance, since there are confidants of this king in Rome who are very alert to the progress which is happening here an behalf of the alliance and to what is at foot in the negotiations. The Duke of Alburquerque 6 is of this opinion and the Count of Gondomar had always used this language in that country, as also did I in his absence, whereby they have seen that the truth is being spoken to


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them and there is a desire for results that is being shown to them, indeed one is constantly going to them to ask them to clear aside obstacles. It is in this fashion that I decided to reply to Baron Digby's letter, the original of which I have sent to your Majesty along with a translation. A copy of the reply that I made to him is accompanying this so that your Majesty might be pleased to command that I be informed of what I ought to correct in the meetings which might occur from now in the future. Indeed in a matter of such consequence any mistake can be serious. Most humbly do I kiss the feet of your Majesty for the favour which you were pleased to afford me through the letter of credence for his Holiness. 7 How and when it is used shall be decided by the Duke. May God protect the Catholic person of your Majesty for many auspicious years as Christianity has need. Rome 16 July 1621. Fray Diego de la Fuente

For the mission of Fray Diego to Rome see The Narrative pp. 162 ff. George Gage (ca. 1582-1638) a friend of Toby Mathew and John Digby , was to accompny Endymion Porter to Madrid later in 1622. (For his biography see Revill, P. and Steer, F . "George Gage I and George Gage II" , Bull. Inst. Histo. R es. 31 (1958) pp. 141-58). 3 It was reported at this time that the oath of Allegiance was administered in London to a large number of Catholics which revealed "many who had passed without being thought to be one ... " (A .G.R. S.E.G. vol. 363 n. fol. Van Male to Praets, London, 12 March 1621). 4 See the Narrative p. 207. Aware that the Curia could demand too much of the Prince of Wales, Gondomar asked John Bennet, "to go in the name of the clergy of this realm" to request less specific terms on behalf of the Catholics (Bib. Vat. Mss. Barberini Latini vol. 8591 f. 76 Gondomar to Ludovisi, London, 15 Sept. 1621; Tierney-Dodd, Church History vol. 5 pp. ccxci-ccxciii for memorial of clergy of 26 Aug. 1621). 5 As a result Calvert informed Walter Aston in Spain that James I had ordered the justices going on circuit "to pro cede with all moderation and clemency" against recusants, "this being not a time to use severity and rigour. .. " (B.M. Add. Mss. 36445 f.151,letterof26 June 1621). 6 Francisco de la Cueva, 8th Duke of Alburquerque, Spanish resident ambassador in Rome. 7 Digby had been suspicious about a delay of over three months after Philip IV:s accession in the reappointment of Fray Diego to Rome (B.M. Add. Mss. 36445 f. 192 Digby to Aston, Vienna 6 Aug. 1621). 2


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53. ARCHDUCHESS ISABELLA TO THE COUNT OF GONDOMAR. Brussels, 31 March 1622. Original autograph, 1 page, B.P.O. manuscritos, vol. 2170 n. fol. Despite James's assurances to Gondomar of milder treatment of Catholics, results had been disappointing. When the king promised to restrain pursuivants again in 1620 he allowed instructions to be sent to the clergy and officials of each parish for a close watch upon Catholics (P C 56 f. 189v Van Male to Praets, London, 15 May 1620). A year later when Gondomar visited Sir Thomas Coventry, Attorney General, "concerning some recusantes that were extraordinarily vexed by informers and promooters" he was advised that the ordinary proceedings against recusants could not be stopped "without his majesties further direction" (Gardiner, ed. Fortescue Papers pp. 155-56, Coventry to Buckingham, 23 July 1621).

Conde de Gondomar, pariente Ha se entendido y declarado por aGa que el Rey de Gran Bretana a vuestra Instancia a prometido de dar libertad y soltura a muchos Catholicos encarzelados en esse Reyno por causa del juramento y de la religion Catholica en particular a los que se hallan presos en la ciudad de Jorq que se llama en latin Eboracum y assi os encargo muy de veras procureis y hagais todas diligencias y esfuerzo para que se cumpla la promesa del dicho Rey con effecto quanto antes dandoles soltura porque hauiendo corrido voz que esta ya determinada 1 la libertad de los dichos presos han cessado las limosnas que se les dauan para su sustento en la prision, por 10 qual padezen agora mucha mas necessidad que por 10 passado, la obra es tal y de tanto servicio de Dios que no ha menester otra recomendacion para con vos, esperando yo el bueno y breue effecto della? Nuestro Senor sea en vuestra guardia. De Brusselas a ultimo de Marco 1622. (autograph) Issabel

[Translation: ] Count of Gondomar, Cousin It has been learned and reported hereabouts that the king of Great Britain at your request has promised to grant freedom and relief to many Catholics imprisoned in that realm because of the oath and the Catholic faith, in particular to those who are presently kept in the city of York, which is called in Latin, Eboracum. Accordingly I request you


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most strongly that you should try to exert every effort and resource that the aforesaid king's promise be in fact fulfilled at once by granting them release because once the report was current that the freedom of the aforesaid people had been decided! the alms that were being given for their support in prison stopped; as a consequence they now suffer much greater privation than before. The task is important and of so much service to God that no further recommendation is needed to you as I await the happy and immediate outcome of it. 2 May you be in the Lord's protection. From Brussels, the last day of March 1622. (autograph) Isabella

In the previous year the prosecutions in York Lancashire , Durham and the north were "of a greater degree than has been seen in many years" with imprisonment, fines and loss of property (St. Alban's College Mss. Series 2, leg. 6, f. 24 , "avisos" from William Savell, 12 May 1621). However by Gondomar's efforts there were a change. In the P.R.O. Chancery Crown Office, Book of Commissions (C 181/3 ff. 70-70v) there is a list of names of 71 recusants "that were enlarged out of the prisones for the countie and citie of York upon bayle by the Justices of Assize" in Easter term 1622. Names for Hereford, Durham, Devon, Lancashire and London are also given. (I am indebted to Dr. Brian Levack for this information). 2 He replied to the Archduchess: "This king has promised me the freedom of all Catholics imprisoned in the kingdom for the faith by ordering me to secure its effect. It has been done accordingly although I have had the greatest difficulties and obstacles. Today the prince and the Secretary of State [Calvert] told me that it has now been ordered ... tomorrow the orders will be sent concerning this to all places . .. " (B .P.O. Manuscritos, vol. 2108 f. 54 , Gondomar to Isabella, London, 15 April 1622).

54. JUAN DE CIRICA TO WALTER ASTON. Madrid , 7 July 1622.

Original autograph, 1 page, P.R.O. S.P.94/25/116. The secretary of the Spanish Council of State is here writing in the name of Philip IV to Sir Walter Aston (1584-1639), the English resident ambassador in Madrid. He held two appointments there in 1620-25 and 1635-38 (See also D.N.B.). In the preceding document the permission to Gondomar to secure the release of a large number of Catholics before his second departure for Spain has been indicated. It emerged that: "all the Jesuits and priests which were in prison in London and elsewhere were sett at liberty. . ." but "they went under baile to be forthcoming when they


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should be called for ..." (H. Ellis, ed. Original Letters Illustrative of English History, 1st Series, vol. 3, London 1824, p. 128). There was, as a result, some uncertainty over what James intended to do: "The affaires of the Catholike religion stande att a staye, ther is no persecution nor permission, his majestie hath sent downe writts to all the judges, that they shall in their circuits sett att libertie all papists which they finde in prisons upon sureties to retorne to their prisons in Easter terme next, if in the mean time they doe not conforme themselyes to our religion and that the judges shall not question them, for hearinge of mass or praying at mass, nor press them with the oathe of supremacie , or with any matter not totally civille and politique and this is inioyned likewise to all comissioners for the peace in all Englande, there is not any worde, nether can we here tell, whether it extende to the enlargement of priests or not. .. " (P C 58 f. 443 William Sterrell to - - London 25 Aug. 1622). It was found that it required many requests to John Williams, Bishop of Lincoln, Lord Chancellor, to prepare the writs for the justices (P C 58 ff. 290, 334, Van Male to Isabella, 4 June, 24 June 1622). Finally when his decision was made Williams issued two writs to the judges saying that they were to make "noe nicenesse or difficultye to extend his princely favour to all such papists as you shall finde imprisoned in the severall goals of your circute ..." (B .M. Add Mss. 25, 832 f. 79 letter of 2 August 1622; see also A. Wilson, History of Great Britain, London, 1653, p. 196).

Illustrissirne Senor, El Senor Conde de Gondomar dio quenta los dias passados al Rey mi Senor que a instancia suya a dado libertad el Serenissirno Rey de la Gran Bretana a quatro mil personas que estauan presos en aquel reyno por causa de religion, y su Magestad ha hecho tanta estirnacion dello por 10 que corresponde esta demostracion a 10 que dessea, la conserbacion de amistad de entrambas coronas, que me a mandado dar las gracias dello a Vuestra Senoria Illustrissirna y yo se las doy con mucho gusto porque se con el que las receuyra 1 Vuestra Senoria Illustrissima que Dios guarde como desseo. En Madrid, 7 de Julio 1622. Juan de Ciri<;:a

[Translation: ] My very good Lord, The Lord Count of Gondomar has reported in recent days to my Lord, the king, that upon his urging the most Serene king of Great Britain had granted freedom to four thousand persons who had been


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imprisoned in that realm because of religion. His Majesty has such a deep appreciation of this, for this action corresponds to what he desires in the preservation of friendship between both crowns, that he has commanded me to convey his gratitude for it to your Lordship. I know that it is with deep pleasure that I convey them since I am aware with what happiness your Lordship will receive them. 1 May God protect you as I desire. Madrid 7 July 1622. (autograph) Juan de Cirica

1 The ambassador responded at once (E 2603/24 Aston to Olivares, Madrid 8 July 1622).

55. THE INFANTA MARIA TO THE MARQUIS OF SAN GERMANO. Madrid, ca. November 1623.

Contemporary English copy, 1 page, Westminster Cathedral Archive, Series A, vol. 17 f. 237: endorsed "A copie of the last letter that the Infanta of Spaine sent to the Marques of St. Germans at London." Juan de Mendoza, Marquis of La Ynojosa (see next document) was also Marquis of San Germano.

(f.237) Marques, It hath bene thought the providence of God All mightie that this business is come to issue through a number of difficulties. I commande you that you tell such religious persons and any Catholickes as resorte to your house that they be not dismayed at the delation of my journey but bid them be of good comforte and constante in the Catholike faith, and let them be assured that I will most willingly loose my dearest bloode to redeeme the meanest of them from persecution. Marques , God Keepe you. Marie.


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56. THE MARQUIS OF LA YNOJOSA TO PHILIP IV . London,9 November 1623.

Original autograph with a portion deciphered, 1 page, E 2603/10l. Don Juan de Mendoza, Marquis of La Ynojosa, formerly Viceroy of Navarre, had been made a Councillor of State before his departure for England . Aston explained that his mission as Ambassador Extraordinary was "to congragulate with his Majestie the safe arrival of his Highness at this court: he is also to remaine there as an assistant with don Carlos de Coloma .. ." (P.R.O S.P. 94/26/106 Aston to Carleton, Madrid, 12 Apri11623). This letter introduces doc . 57.

+ Senor En 5 deste 1 por la tarde predico en casa del embaxador de Francia 2 un Padre de la Compania de Jesus 3 de mucha opinion a que concurrieron todos los Catholicos que cupieron en la pieca donde hi~o el sermon, estando en Ie hundio la mayor parte del suelo y del quatro baxo adonde corespondia, murieron el predicador y cien personas que sacaron despues y quedaron eridos passados de ciento y cinquenta, fue suceso lastississimo y de que comencaron a formar matheria los ereges para tachar como suelen la religion catholic a y grande escandalo y ynsolencia de los que concurrieron alii luego que se supo pues procedieron en la forma que contiene el papel que aqui ba del Arcediano de Cambray a quien embiamos don Carlos Coloma y yo a visitar al embaxada de Francia offrecelle la assistencia necessaria y pedille se enterrassen los muertos en su casa para excusar que los ereges haciendolo fuera executassen alguna maldad, bera Vuestra Magestad tambien por el papel 10 que dijo el embaxador con esta occasion al arcediano, a don Carlos y a mi despues fuimos a berle nos ablo cassi en la misma conformidad a que Ie respondimos con palabras generales assegurandole quan buena despusicion ay siempre en la voluntad de Vuestra Magestad para corresponder a una verdadera ermandad y amistad, este embaxador es gran Catholico (yen sus acciones y proceder muestra menos que otros la naturale~a francesa)~ Guarde Dios la Catholic a y real persona de Vuestra Magestad. Londres 9 de Noviembre 1623. El Marques de la Ynojosa


NOVEMBER 1623

[Transla ti on: ]

157

+

Sire, On the afternoon of the fifth of this month 1 in the residence of the ambassador of France 2 there was a highly regarded father of the Society of Jesus 3 to whom every Catholic who wished gathered together in the chamber where he was to preach his sermon. While they were there the greater portion of the floor as well as the room below to which it corresponds, collapsed. The preacher died along with a hundred people whom they later removed and over a hundred and fifty remain with injuries. It was a most tragic event. Upon it the heretics have begun to build a case to attack the Catholic religion as they usually do and grea~ were the raillery and insults from those who soon gathered there as is to be seen immediately for they acted in the manner which is described in the report of the Archdeacon of Cambrai that accompanies this. Don Carlos and I sent him there to visit the ambassador of France to offer him needed help and to beg him to bury the deceased within his residence to prevent the heretics who were outside from doing something harmful. Your Majesty will also see in the paper what the ambassador said on this occasion to the Archdeacon. Later when don Carlos and I went to see him he spoke to us in the same agreeable fashion. We replied to him in general terms with an assurance of how well disposed was the will of your Majesty to be concerned with true brotherhood and friendship . This ambassador is a great Catholic (and in his actions and conduct shows less than others the French character). 4 May God protect the Catholic royal person of your Majesty. London 9 November 1623. (autograph) The Marquis of La Ynojosa

i.e. 26 October 1623 O. S. Tanneguy Le Veneur, Count of Tillieres, ambassador from August 1619 to July 1624, had a residence at Hunsdon House in Blackfriars; the accident occurred in the adjoining property. 3 Robert Drury, S.J. , see Foley, R ecords vol. 1, pp. 76-98. 4 Portion is deciphered. 1

2


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57. A REPORT OF THE ARCHDEACON OF CAMBRAI. London,9 November 1623 .

Original holograph, 4 pages, E 2603/102 . Francois de Carondelet, Archdeacon of Cambrai, came to London late in 1622 at the request of Carlos Coloma to serve in the embassy for four months (A.G.R., P.E.A. vol. 2059 n. fol. Coloma to Isabella, London, 13 Sept. 1623). He received a strong commendation from the Archpriest of the English clergy for his efforts to further the relaxation of the penal laws (P C 58 f. 507, John Colleton to Coloma, undated holograph) . Coloma then appealed again to Isabella to secure a continuance of Carondelet's leave of absence from Cambrai for he was "needed not only in matters of religion but also in others of the highest importance for his Majesty's service amongst which there are some which we cannot well negotiate without him . . ." (A.G.R. P.E.A. vol. 2065 n. fol. Coloma to Della Faille, 29 Sept. 1623). For his diplomacy at a later occasion in 1632 see P. Geyl, The Netherlands in the 17th Century. Part One, London, 1961 , p. 96. After becoming an agent of Richelieu, he died in prison in Antwerp in 1635 (See Biographia Nationale vol. 1, p. 690, vol. 3, p . 351).

(p.1) Fui a seis de nouiembre aver el embaxador de Francia el Conde de Tillers a darle el pesame de parte del Marques de la Ynojosa y de don Carlos Coloma de la desgracia que abia sucedido en su casa donde abia caido una pieca en la qual se hazia el sermon y muerto el Predicador y la mayor parte del auditorio. Mostrome los muertos en mumero de mas de ochenta personas que se iuan amortalando para enterralles yen este interim llego un recado del obispo de Londres l que mandaua que se enterrassen en un mulador por ser descomulgados y que se les quitassen los vestidos y 10 que tenian. Visto esto se resoluio el dicho embaxador a venir en 10 que Ie pedi de parte del Marques y de don Carlos de enterralles en medio del patio para este effecto para quitar todo peligro de que el pueblo no se alboratasse y hiziesse crueldades. El dicho embaxador muy sentido dessa propuesta me dixo que bien se echaua de ver 10 que se podia esperar dessa gente, pues en tiempo que se trataria de assigurar las cosas de la Religion, y que prometian tanto en favor del casamiento, no dexauan de usar de crueldad contra los muertos 2 y no gente ordinaria sino los mismos obispos, y que quanto a la que tocaua al (p .2) pueblo, a penas podian tantas guardas que abian alii remediar a que no entrassen en su casa por fuercya. Dixome muchas afrentas particulares que abian hecho por las calles a los heridos que


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lleuauan a curar a sus casas tirandoles piedras y lodos y echandoles mil maldiciones y en particular como abian querido quemar a una seiiora donzella que iua en coche herida, mientras estauan remediando a una rueda rota. Quiza Dios abia permitido essa desgracia para que del successo della nos desenganassemos antez de passar mas adelante en el casamiento,3 sin embargo de que no podra creer que nos pudiessemos resolber a hazer alianca con gente tan enemiga de nuestra religion y tan irreconciliable con la iglesia a la qual y a nuestra nacion aborecian tanto con muchos otras cosas despues de las quales me dixo que desseaua obiesse mayor confianza entre los embaxadores de Espaiia y el que seria en gran prouecho nuestro pues podria dar buenissimos auisos sin reparar en la differentia de las naciones la qual devia cessar en essa tierra y que no debia aber aqui otra differentia sino de religion en la qual eran todos unos Espaiioles y Franceses. Encareciendome mucho 10 que desseaua que los embaxadores de Espaiia se siruiessen del, aiiadio que sabia que los dichos embaxadores de Espaiia abian tenido auisos de Paris que el Rey de Francia Ie abia mandado bolber se ayi en Londres para opponerse al casamiento del (p.3) Principe con la Infanta y tratar del con la hermana del Rey de Francia , pero que Dios no Ie perdonasse jamas sus pecados si tal cosa ubo jamas y que muchas razones abia para que los Espaiioles no se aliassen con Inglaterra pero cinquenta mas dellas para que los Franceses 10 hiziessen tan poco. Y dos en particular la una que si a caso el Rey de Francia y su hermano muriessen sin hijos seria dar occasion a los Ingleses a que pretendiessen otra vez la succesion del reino de Francia , no obstante la ley salica a la qual ellos se opusieron siempre. La otra que seria cosa facil al Rey de Inglaterra rebolber a Francia en qualquier tiempo con la comodidad deste alianca teniendo un partido tan fuerte como el delos herejes desse reyno, los quales luego se leuantarian y reconocierian al de Inglaterra por su Rey ofreciendose la menor ocasion. Y para que se viesse con quanta verdad el desseaua comunicar con los embaxadores offrecio de mostrar 10 que abia escrito en differentes tiempos al Rey su seiior en esta materia y a mas desto los despachos que abia embiado y recibido para que se aprouechassen dellos. Despues de muchos dis curs os con mucho zelo , dixome que el verdadero remedio de establecer la religion en Inglaterra no era con darles un Infanta por prenda , en lugar de (p.4) receuilla dellos, sino haziendo de manera que tengan miedo a nuestras armas , siendo cosa auerigada que es mas facil ganar a Inglaterra que a una forteleza de Oland a encareciendome nuestras fuercas y menos preciando la flaqueza desta gente y desta tierra. Dixome 10 que importaua por esso la buena correspondencia entre los principes christianos y particularmente los Reyes de Espaiia y Francia y que se alias sen mas, el Infante don Carlos y la hermana del Rey de Francia4 podian con nueba aliant;a y renouar y establecer las aliancas priores. En conclusion me pidio que yo dixesse a los Embaxadores que si veian ser a proposito en qualquier tiempo les offrecia emplearse a que su Rey


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entrasse en mejor correspondencia con el de Espana para remediar ala aflicion de los Catholicos y establecer nuestra santa fe prometiendose de salir con ello. Este es el discurso que huuo conmigo al qual me obligo dar mucho credito la consideracion de su zelo ordinario a la religion y la occasion en la qual me 10 dixo y muchas otra circonstancias. D.F. de Carondolet

[Translation: ]

On November 6th I went to see the ambassador of France, the Count of Tilliers to offer sympathy in the name of the Marquis of La Ynojosa and don Carlos Coloma over the tragedy that had occurred at his residence, where a room had collapsed while a sermon was being delivered and the preacher was killed as well as the greater part of the assembly. He showed the dead to me, at a number of more than eighty people, who were then being shrouded for their burial. In the interval there came a warning from the Bishop of London! which directed that as excommunicates they be buried on the refuse pile and that the clothes they wore were to be stripped off When he read this the aforesaid ambassador decided, as I had asked him to do on behalf of the Marquis and don Carlos, to bury them in a pit which was prepared for this purpose in the middle of the courtyard to forestall any risk that the people would riot and commit outrages. The aforesaid ambassador was very downcast over this prospect and told me that indeed he could see what was to be expected from these people, for at the moment when the negotiations were being conducted about the guaranteees for religious matters and so much was being promised in support of the marriage not merely the common people, but even the bishops, had not failed to show cruelty towards the dead. 2 In face of the populace at least they could supply as many guards as they had to prevent them from entering the residence. He told me of many individual outrages that they had committed in the streets against the wounded as they were taken away to their homes, by tossing stones and refuse and uttering a thousand curses. In particular, he said that they wanted to set an injured lady afire when she was travelling in her coach as they attempted to fix a broken wheel. Perhaps God has permitted this misfortune so that we might be disillusioned over the outcome before we proceed further with the marriage. 3 There is no gainsaying the fact that it is unbelievable that we would be capable of agreeing upon an alliance with a populace so hostile to our faith and so irreconcilable to the church against which they show as much hatred as they do against our nation. [He continued] with many other things after which he told me that he desired a greater trust between the Spanish ambassador and himself and that it would be to our greater advantage, as he could provide excellent news, let alone make amends for the animosity between our


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nations which ought to cease within this land and that here there should not be any disagreement except in religion about which the Spaniards and the French were as one. He urged me seriously to have the ambassadors of Spain rely upon his services. He added that he was aware that the aforesaid ambassadors of Spain had had news from Paris that the king of France had commanded him to come back to London to oppose the marriage of the Prince and the Infanta and to negotiate one for the sister of the king of France but God would never pardon his sins if such a thing ever took place. [He said} that he had many reasons against an alliance of the Spaniards with England but there were fifty more than these against the French doing so well. There were two in particular, the first was that if the King of France and his brother died without sons it would provide an opportunity for the English: to make a claim again for the kingdom of France not withstanding the Salic law to which they had always been opposed. The second was that it would be an easy thing for the king of England to come back into France on the strength of this alliance as he had a very strong faction among the heretics of that kingdom who would rise up immediately and recognize the person from England as their king should the slightest chance be presented. In order that it might be seen how truly he sought to communicate with ambassadors he offered to show what he had written at different times to his lord, the king, about this question, in addition to those despatches which he had been sending and receiving so that they might make use of them. After many very friendly remarks he told me that the true means to establish religion in England was not to offer them an Infanta as a guarantee instead of receiving one from them, but rather to act in such a way that they are afraid of our strength for it is an established fact that it is easier to win England than a fortress in Holland. He was high in praise of our forces and low in his esteem of the weakness of this people and the land. He told me that a good friendship between Christian princes, and especially the Kings of Spain and France, was important for this and if the alliance already concluded was not enough then they should bind themselves more closely. The Infante, don Carlos, and the sister of the King of France 4 can renew and make firm the former alliances with a new agreement. In conclusion he asked me to tell the ambassadors that if they should consider it suitable at any time he offered to commit himself to having his king enter into closer ties with the king of Spain to relieve the misery of the Catholics and to establish our holy faith by pledging themselves to undertake it. Such is the conversation that he had with me for which I am forced to commend him out of consideration for his habitual devotion to religion and for the accident, in the midst of which he was speaking to me, as well as for many other reasons. (autograph) D. F[ rancois} de Carondolet


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George Montaigne, Bishop of London, 1621-28. John Chamberlain commented to Dudley Carleton: "in my judgement nothing is more remarkable then this was the first so solemne assemblie of theirs that I have knowne or heard of in England these three score yeares and more ... " He noted the mob's cruelty but also found much charity (Chamberlain Letters vol. 2, pp. 520-21). 3 "The roomes in the frieri have been many yeares decayed and some report that father fisher who provided them was warned by the House Keeper not to trust to the large room for it woulde beare no waight. There wer many there of account, but are not particularly knowne ... " (P C 59 n. fol. William Sterrill to Van Male, 9 Nov. 1623). 4 Don Carlos (1607-32) younger brother of Philip IV was actually named a candidate for the hand of Henriette-Marie shortly after (P.R.O. 30/53/6 f. 103, Lord Herbert to Calvert, 21 May 1624). 1

2

58. THE COUNT OF GONDOMAR IN THE COUNCIL OF STATE. Madrid, ca. December 1623.

Original consu/ta, excerpt of 6 pages, undated, E 2559/77. After the nuncio to Spain, Innocenzo de Massimi, had delivered Urban VIII's dispensation to Philip IV on 29 November, the king declared that 9 December would be the date of the marriage by proxy of his sister, the Infanta, to the Prince of Wales. On 6 December the Earl of Bristol received special instructions from London to raise new issues to Philip before the ceremony could be performed. Since Gondomar remarks below: "Your Majesty was ready to conclude the alliance yesterday morning", his statement can be dated possibly for 7 December. See also the Narrative, pp. 262-67, and his earlier opinion in Doc. 20.

(p.l)

+ El Conde de Gondomar: que el papel que Vuestra Magestad ordeno que el Secretario Juan de Ciri9a escriuiese al Conde de Bristol fue acerdadisimo pues con su respuesta se prueua la puntualidad y prontitude de Vuestra Magestad en cumplir todo 10 capitulado y acordado y ponello en execucion. 1 Que se deue creer que la yntencion del Rey nuestro Senor que aya gloria en el principio del tratado deste casamiento fue principalmente por el beneficio y aumento de la Religion Catholica y aliuio de los


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Catholicos tan perseguidos y mal tratados en aquellos reynos de Ynglaterra aun que el auerse coment;ado este tratado en tiempo que estaua muy adelante la platica de casarse el Principe de Gales con Madama Christina (hermana del Rey de Francia que oy es Princesa (p .2) de Piamonte)2 dio ocasion para que entonces se pensase que la gana de diuirtir los ynconuinientes que de aquella union se podian seguir auia ayudado a este otro tratado . Pero el Conde de Gondomar cree (como a dicho) que 10 principal que a su Magestad que aya gloria Ie deuio de mouer fue solo el bien de la Religion y que Vuestra Magestad, Dios Ie guarde, sauemos que a tenido solo este fm, pues emos visto que tuba aqui al Principe de Gales y el mismo Principe diga si se Ie ablo en cosa temporal de parte de Vuestra Magestad todo fue del bien y aumento de la religIon Catholica en su persona y en sus vasallos y desto buena satisfacion y prueba tiene el mundo y la iglesia y los sumos pontifices en cuyos tiempos se a tratado desto y que abentajo Vuestra Magestad (p.3) las condiciones con que ella se contentauan y muchas dellas tan auentajadamente que el conde de Gondomar Ie pare cia dificultosisimo el bencer las conociendo la naturaleza del Rey de Ynglaterra y el estado de las cosas de aquel Reyno en que se vee 10 que obro Dios por mana de Vuestra Magestad y medios del Conde de Olivares que en su real nombre 10 dispuso tan bien. Y assi deuemos tener firme fee de que su Diuina Magestad dispondara 10 que mas conuenga para su santo seruicio y bien y grandeza de Vuestra Magestad pues ya se a vis to el veneficio que Vuestra Magestad a hecho a tuntas almas con este tratado, mas aun que del tratado se ayan seguido estos beneficios y escusado se daiios si en la conclusion no fuesen muy seguros los prouechos serian muy ciertos los daiios que con esta nouedad (pA) de aora es bien preuenir y assi (pues Vuestra Magestad a tratado este negocio tan ydalgalmente con Dios y estaua resuelto de concluyrlo pasado maiiana y el Rey de Ynglaterra quiere mercancia y que se trate y junte aora con el casamiento el acuerdo del Palatinado cosa tan distinta antes) parezele al conde de Gondomar que Vuestra Magestad conbenga con el Rey de Ynglaterra en esto y se balga de su mismo pretexto de que para que despues no aya causa de disgusto se trate y asiente tan bien antes 10 de Olanda y 10 de la Yndia oriental y que carnine 10 uno y otro a un mismo paso, par que si la paz no a de quedar muy asentada en todo y a de auer despues ocasiones de tenir mejor esta el Palatinado de nuestra parte que de la suya y que (p.S) tan "bien con las menares demostraciones que se pueda se bayan disponiendo las cosas para 10 que se puede offrezer en la guerra como 10 a dicho el conde de Olivares y conseruando a los Yrlandeses sin perder de vista los confidentes en Escocia y Ynglaterra y el aumento de los seminarios porque an sido artilleria que a hecho bateria de mucho efecto en aquellos reynos al seruicio de Dios y a Vuestra Magestad que aun que esto es y sera disgusto para el Rey de Ynglaterra Ie da temor, y autaridad a Vuestra Magestad que es 10 que principalmente se a de


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negociar con aquel Rey y conseguir los buenos afectos que se dessean y assi a sido siempre este su parezer y 10 es aora. 3

[Translation: ] + The Count of Gondomar [said] that the document which your Majesty ordered Secretary Juan de Cirica to writ(! to the Earl of Bristol was most correct. Indeed through it and your reply there is made clear the readiness and willingness of your Majesty to ful(ill everything stipulated and agreed upon and to put it into execution. [He said] that it ought to be believed that the purpose of the late king our lord at the commencement of the negotiation of this marriage was mainly the benefit and advancement of the Catholic religion and the relief of the Catholics who were so persecuted and mistreated in those kingdoms of England, even though this negotiation was started at the moment when considerable progress in a discussion of a marriage of the Prince of Wales with Madame Christine, the king of France's sister, (who is now the Princess of Piedmontp provided an occasion when it was thought at that time that the advantage of preventing the dangers which could follow from that alliance had spurred a new negotiation. However the Count of Gondomar believes - as he has said - that the principal purpose which had moved his late Majesty had been solely the good of the faith and that we are aware that your Majesty - whom God protect - has kept to this purpose solely. Indeed we have seen here what has happened here to the Prince of Wales and the Prince himself would say, should some one speak to him about a temporal matter on your Majesty's behalf, that everything was for the good and advancement of the Catholic religion in his person and among his subjects. There is full satisfaction and proof of this for the world, the church and the popes, in whose reigns this has been discussed, as well as in that your Majesty improved upon the conditions wherein they were contented and many of these were of such a high degree that the Count of Gondomar believes it extremely difficult to surpass them, since he is aware of the natural disposition of the king of England and of the state of affairs in that realm, in which one might see what God has worked by your Majesty's hand and the efforts of the Count of Olivares who in the king's name has arranged it so well. Accordingly we have to keep a firm faith that his Divine Majesty will arrange what should be most suitable for His holy service and the well being and grandeur of your Majesty. Indeed the advantage has already been seen that your Majesty had secured for so many souls by this negotiation, furthermore, although these advantages have followed and harm has been avoided, if at the conclusion the benefits might be more in question there will be more certitude about the harm which, after this recent news, it is best to prevent. Therefore, in as much as your Majesty has, under God,


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conducted this negotiation so nobly and was ready to conclude the alliance yesterday morning and the king of England prefers bargaining and that there should now be discussed and linked together to the marriage an agreement about the Palatinate, something previously quite distinct, the Cnunt of Gondomar believes that your Majesty should face the king of England over this and avail yourself of the same excuse wherein, with the intention that there be no quarrel later, there should also be a prior agreement and negotiation about Holland and East India and that the one or the other should be advanced at the same pace. The reason is that if the peace is not a total accord in every respect and there are to be later opportunities for holding back, the Palatinate is better belonging to, our side than to his, and furthermore with the least possible public notice they are starting to prepare things against what might possibly occur in a war as the Count of Olivares has said, and meanwhile by strengthening the Irish without losing sight of the confidants in Scotland and England and the growth of the seminaries, as these have been an artillery which has given a broadside of great effect in those kingdoms for your Majesty's and God's service, even though this will be vexing to the king of England yet it makes him afraid and increases your Majesty's authority which is the way in which one has to negotiate mainly with that king to achieve the good results which are to be desired. This has always been his opinion and what it is at present. 3

1 The ambassador noted: "they are much startled with this delay . .. " and that his assurance that there was no intention "to breach the match" had "little creditt with them ... " (B.M. Add. Mss. 36,446 f. 275 Walter Aston to Prince of Wales , Madrid, 29 Nove. 1623 o.s.). 2 She married Victor Amadeus 1, Duke of Savoy , 1630-37.

3

Gondomar then voted approval of the official response to the Earl of Bristol.

59. CARLOS COLOMA TO PHILIP IV . London, 10 September 1624.

Decipher, copy, received on 7 October, 3 pages, E libro 375 n. fo1. Carlos Coloma, a member of a distinguished family of Alicante, was at this time Governor of Cambrai and member oflsabella's Council of War. In the summer of 1622 he was sent to the court of James I as an ambassador extraordinary to represent both Brussels and Madrid during Gondomar's prolonged second absence in Madrid. His useful history,


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Las Guerras de los Estados Baxos, Antwerp, 1625, covers the years 1588 to 1599 and was composed in part from his personal experiences. He would return a second time as ambassador to Charles I in January 1630 pending the negotiation of the peace of Madrid during the following summer (See Magurn, R.S. The Letters of Peter Paul Rubens, Cambridge, Mass., 1955, pp. 249 -353). He died in 1637.

(p.1)

+

Sefior Boluio como escriui a Vuestra Magestad en carta de 3 deste el embaxador de Francia! a buscar a este Rey para mejorar las cartas 2 en que el hauia venido muy contento a Londres y despachado aun confesor 3 suyo capuchino por la posta a Paris lleuando el dicho embajador enborrada la sustancia en que abian de benir las cart as para que con ell as se remediase la persecucion contra los Catholicos. Reciuiole el rey muy mal culpando a los autores de aquellos advertimientos como papistas y recusantes dec1aradas que nada les contentaua sino la sedicion y ruina del reyno trato el embajador de mitigarle al principio ubiendo que no aprouechaua echo por otro camino diciendo que muy en ora buena que a su amo no Ie faltarian medios para pagarle en la misma moneda tratando a sus vasallos que se llaman de la religion reformada no como hast a aqui sino como ellos merecian pues Ie hera facil acauarlos del todo siempre y mas agora que las fuercas protestantes estauan tan prestadas en Alemania y los Olandeses en tanto aprieto. Con esto se ablando un poco en las palabras el Rey pero no que mejorase las ordenes en favor de los Catholicos.4 Voluio el sabado el embajador aca echando fuego y allandose a caso aqui Boquingam que yba a una cas a suya veinte millas de aqui que se llama Niuhal 5 fue leugo a berse con el y a procurar mitigarle ofreciendo de yr a ynterceder con su (p.2) amo como fue el domingo, tienese todo por artificio 0 para entretenerle con palabras, costumbre embexecida deste rey afectando hacerle desistir de su pretension de puro cansado 0 para venderle mas caro un aparente aliuio de los pobres Catholicos obligandole a escriuir a su rey conocido de otra parte por demasiado afecto al matrimonio que se a alcan9ado no solo la esperanza de su total remedio sino la possession de quanto an sauido desear. Yo entre otras cosas que me tienen aqui sin consuelo 10 que particularmente lloro es que abiendo justamente cien afios que Vuestra Magestad y sus gloriosos progenitores tienen a su cargo la protecion de la religion Catholica en estos reynos con el fructo expiritual y temporal que es notorio yea yo por mis ojos y sea desdichado de que subceda en mi tiempo el come ncar a depender de Francia este miembro tan noble y tan benemerito de la religion Catholic a sin que mi residencia aqui


SEPTEMBER 1624

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sirva de otra cosa que de augmentar la berguenza en mi y el sentimiento en los que por mas firmes que sean an de acudir por agua a la fuente aunque sea salobre y turbio so pena de morir de sed, la casa de los embaxadores de Vuestra Magestad en esta corte solia ser y aun en mi tiempo 10 ha sido el refugio y consuela de todos los de nuestra sagrada religion 6 y el gusto y satisfacion proprio en esta parte hera tanto que hauia tomar en pacienc;ia todos los trauajos y sin sauores del oficio con ser tales como podran informar a Vuestra Magestad los que han tenido antes que yo todos consejeros y criados de Vuestra Magestad 7 este consuela unico y solo que me quedaua se me ha quitado tan de raiz que no ay catholico en Londres que se atreua a entrar en mi casa aunque Ie vaga en ello poco menos que la vista. (p.3) Aqui ay un mercader que se llama Pedro Ricart 8 que par hauer entrado en ella a ciertas aueriguaciones de quentas la semana pas ada Ie Haman al consejo de estado y el presidente Ie dio una reprehension tal que quedo el hombre medio muerto sin embargo de que no es catholico sino protestante. Todo esto digo tanto para que Vuestra Magestad sepa el estado de las cosas de aca como para que se sirua de considerar del poco fruto que es y a mi persona en esta corte ni la de qualquier embajador que puede venir no hauiendo otro remedio para que bueluan a ser estimados como solian sino hacerse los desear algun tiempo como infaliblemente los desearan enbiendose sin ellos y encomencandose a cansar de franceses como sin duda se cansaran con el tiempo. Aqui ymbio la relacion del Yncognito de la semana pasada podra ya dar pocas por~ue se ba ya tambien embio otra del estado en que esta la persecucion copia de otra que a remitido al Duque de Pastrana.! 0 Nuestro Senor guarde, etc. [Transla tion: ] + Sire, The ambassador of France! came back, as I wrote to your Majesty in a letter of the third of this month, to ask this king for an improvement in the letters. 2 And so he has come back to London very pleased and he was even despatched his Capuchin confesor3 along with the courier to Paris; meanwhile the aforesaid ambassador has been demanding action whereby the letters are to give guidance so that through them the persecution against Catholics is ended. The king received him in a very bad humour with the comment that the authors of those reports were papists and convicted recusants who would be satisified with nothing save the overthrow and ruin of the realm; the ambassador endeavoured to soothe him by declaring it was a principle that he did not approve. He moved to other ground by saying that in very good season his master would not lack means to pay him back in the same coin by no longer treating his subjects who call themselves "of the Reformed Religion" in the same way as he had until the


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present, but rather as they deserved. Indeed it would be easy to finish them off completely and for ever. Further more, the protestant forces were very sorely pressed in Germany and the Dutch were in similar straits. Hereupon the king moderated his words somewhat but not so as to amend the instructions in favour of the Catholics. 4 Saturday the ambassador returned here burning with anger. By chance Buckingham happened to be here and went to one of his residences twenty miles away which is called New Hall. 5 He immediately went to see him and he tried to mollify him by offering to go to intercede with his master as it was Sunday. It is all thought to be for a deception, or for a manoeuvre with him through words, a well established practice of this king wherein he expects to force him to abandon his request from pure exhaustion, or to bargain with him at a higher price, for a fictitious relief for the poor Catholics by making him write to his king, who is already known from another source to be strongly in favour of the marriage, that not only was the expectation for their full relief finished, but even the achievement of as much as they are known to want. Among other things which leave me inconsolable here and which I particularly regret, is that, after your Majesty and your glorious ancestors have for a hundred years duly fulfilled their obligation to the protection of the Catholic religion within these realms with a spiritual and temporal benefit that is well known, I should see before my eyes, and that I should be so unfortunate that it should happen during my stay, this most noble and well deserving branch of the Catholic faith start to depend upon France. Instead my residency serves no purpose but to increase the shame within me and the sorrow that they, no matter how firm they might be, have to go for water to that spring, despite the fact that it may be brackish and muddy, under pain of dying from thirst. The house of your Majesty's ambassadors at this court was once, and even during my stay it has been, the asylum and haven for everyone of our holy religion,6 and my own pleasure and satisfaction on this score was such that I was capable of enduring any trial patiently and without the pleasures of an office which is such as they who have once held it before me can relate to your Majesty, all councillors and servants of your Majesty 7 - and this one and only consolation which remained to me has left me so completely that there is not a Catholic in London who would dare to enter my residence even though he should remain in it for little 10'Wer than a visit. There is a merchant here, Peter Ricaut by name, who after entering this residence in order to settle certain accounts last week was summoned to the Pn¡vy Council and the President delivered such a rebuke to him that the man was half dead despite the fact that he is not a Catholic but a protestant. I relate all of this merely that your Majesty should know the state of affairs here so that you might be pleased to consider the slight advantage in remaining here and of my personal pre-


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sence in this court, nor is there available any sort of ambassador who could come unless he has another resource, through which they might be esteemed again as they once were, unless it were to have them request a pen·od of time and this they will infallibly ask for, if they were sent without it, and if they begin to tire of the French, as without a doubt they will be tired, in the passage of time. I am sending herewith the report from last week of "Incognito ". There is little that he can offer because he has already sent another concerning the situation of the persecution. 9 A copy of the other has has been sent to the Duke of Pastrana. 1 0 May our Lord protect, etc.

Antoine Coeffier Ruze, Marquis d'Effiat, ambassador of France from July 1624 to July 1625. 2 By this time the ambassador had received copies of letters "from the principal officials" of King James assuring him that "no proceedings will be held for the persecution or harassment of his Majesty's subjects of the Roman Cath olic religion in view of the intercession of the most Christian King and his incomparable sister. .. " (P.R.O. S.P. 78/73/39, Conway to D'Effiat, Derby , 15 August 1624). 3 "The Capuchin , the ambassador's chaplain , has been recalled by Cardinal Richelieu", Valaresso to the Doge of Venice, London, 30 August 1624, C.S.P. c.s.P. Venetian, 1623 p. 423 . James I was disturbed at the recent dismissal of the Anglophile Marquis de la Vieuville from his position at court because of his assurances to the English ambassador in Paris that French efforts on behalf of the Catholics were " nothing more than a gesture and that one would not let it pass beyond this ... " (P C 32 f. 287v Henri de Vic to Archduchess, Paris, 15 August 1624). 5 A residence near Hampton Court, Middlesex.

4

D'Effiat had once complained to the leaders of the English Catholics about "their frequent and continuous visits that they pay day and night to the Spanish ambassador whom they are seeing in procession . . ." (B.M. King's Mss. vol. 134 f. 56 D'Effiat to Louis XIII, London, 31 July 1624). 7 i.e. Marquis of La Ynojosa, Marquis of Floresdavila and Count of Gondomar were each members of the Council of State. 8 This is not correct. "Peeter Rycott" appeared before the Pdvy Council on 7 Aug. 1624 and found innocent of charges of "buying and conveying from hence of an English ship". The embassy already owed him £3145 for services rendered to Gondomar while Coloma had contracted further debts. By 1639, for various reasons, including a countermand of a royal order by the Hazienda , the unpaid debt with interest reached nearly £ 12 ,000. At the request of his heirs after Ricaut's death Cromwell, as Lord Protector, sent to Philip IVan autograph letter asking for £20 ,987 and threatening the issuance of letters of reprisal if the sum were not paid. (Acts of Privy Council, 1623-25, p. 299-300 ; E 2521 n . fol. consulta of 20 August 1639; E 2529 n. fol. "Oliverus Protector" to Philip IV, Westminster, 30 April 1655). 9 See Doc. 60. 6

10

Don Rodrigo de Silva, 4th Duke of Pastrana, ambassador to Rome.


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60. AN "AVISO" ON THE CATHOLICS OF ENGLAND . London, ca. October 1624.

Original text, 2 pages, E libro 375 n. fo1. This report was prepared by an Englishman in Spanish employment labelled, "el Incognito". In his embassy accounts dated 20 June 1624 Coloma has the entry: "For Incognito the pay for this month of June: 500 reales . .. " (E 375 n. fo1. "Don Carlos Coloma, su quenta", the amount is approximately ÂŁ12. lOs.). There are three informants who can be traced in the correspondence of this period with Brussels and Ma(~rid: William Sterrill, Thomas Phelippes and "el Incognito." Van Male was also involved in payments for this person's services, for he explained to the Archduchess the need for funds to pay in advance "since he is a person of high reputation and importance, as are also the other two ..." (P C 61 n. fo1. Van Male to Isabella, decipher, London, 21 Dec. 1624).

(p.l)

+

Lo que passa en Ynglaterra contra Catholicos desde que se renovo la persecucion que fue en el mes de abril deste ano 1624.1 Abiendo los jueces tenido orden del Rey de perseguir los Catholicos die ron tanta licencia a los informadores que desde aquel tiempo an puesto pleito a mas de mil Catholicos en sola la ciudad de Londres y a otros tantos que la tierra a dentro. 2 En la sala de Westminster fueron presentados mas de doscientos personas por causa de Religion. Se condeno en la prison que llaman Newgate en Julio 1624 un Hun Leston con pretexto de hauer persuadido a cierta persona que se hiciese catholica. Tambien esta alli presso un pobre cochero por hauer recusado de tomar el juramento y se a dado orden que en la primera session Ie condenen en premunire por donde viene a perder todo 10 que tiene y aguardar presso que siempre tambien est a alli. Mr. Dauis un sacerdote viejo pobre a y ciego condenado a muerte al mismo tiempo por ser sacerdote y no hauer salido del reyno conforme a la ultima proclamacion. 3 Por el pais fueron los jueces muy seberos en sus circuitos y dieron mas precisas ordenes a los justicieros de paz que por 10 pasado 'por la presentacion de todos los recusantes asta la hedad de nueue anos, cobraw,;:a de los dos reales 4 por cada domingo que se ausentaren de la iglesia y por el descubrimiento y aprehension de Jesuitas y sacerdotes de que los jueces pasaron ciertos autos publicos en diferentes prouincias que seran causa de la total ruina de muchos, conforme a estos autos se juntan los jueces sauado 24 de Agosto en la prouincia de Essex.


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(p.2) En la villa de Chester fueron acusados 46 personas por hauer oydo missa, tres por haber receuido sacerdotes en su casa, que es traicion y 4 por hauer persuadido a otros a ser Catholicos que est mismo en la otra prouincia de Yorque dos donyellas hermanas fueron acusadas y condenadas a muerte en Julio pasado por hauer alojado sacerdotes y alli quedan presas aguardando la execucion al beneplacito del Juez todas las cortes espirituales estan ocupadas en excomulgar Catholic os y el porsuibante S Cros que es el principal de todos fue a bisitar con comission diferentes casas de caualleros y por direciones especiales sean ymbiado muchas otdenes fuera de la Thesoreria del Rey en todos los condenados de Ynglaterra y prouincia de Uuales por las quales encargan seberamente a los sherifes que por solo el beneficio del Rey confisquen las tierras. Vendah los vienes y aprehendan las personas de los Catholicos 6 el numero de los nombres contenidos en estas hordenes llega a 10 menos a ocho mil, por manera que considerando la seueridad de los jueces la promptitud y violencia de los"justicieros de paz, el numero de pleitos comencados por los Ynformadores en Londres y por todo el reyno en general, la multitud de acusaciones en general, las excomulgaciones de los obispos, las ordenes que en un ynstante an salido de la Thesoreria contra ocho mil Catholicos, se alIa que la persecucion es al presente mucho major que en tiempos pasados y a obligado muchos a salir del Reyno ya otros ynfinitos a desimular y a frequentar la Iglesias.

+ [Translation:] Proceedings in England against Catholics since the renewal of the persecution occurred in the month of April of this year 1624.1 After the justices had received an order from the king to persecute the Catholics they granted so much freedom to informers that from that moment they have started proceedings against more than a thousand Catholics in the city of London alone and against as many more in the countryside. 2 At Westminster Hall more than two hundred persons were presented under the charge of religion. In the prison called Newgate a John Leston was condemned in July 1624 under a false charge of having persuaded a certain person to become a Catholic. There is also a poor coachman imprisoned there for having refused to take the oath and an order has been given that they should condemn him at the first assizes under a Praemunire for which reason he is at the point of losing everything that he possesses and to remain in prison for ever. There is also a Mr. Davis, a poor elderly blind priest, condemned to death at the same time for being a priest who had not left the realm in compliance with the recent proclamation. 3 In the countryside the judges on their ciucuit were very strict and gave more detailed instruc-


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tions to the Justices of the Peace than in the past concerning the presentment of all recusants above the age of nine years and the collection of the two reales 4 for each Sunday that they were absent from the church and the search for and arrest of Jesuits and priests about whom the judges held certain public hearings in different provinces which will be the cause of the total ruin of many. It was for the purpose of these hearings that the judges were assembled on Saturday the 24th of August in the county of Essex .. In the city of Chester 46 persons were charged with having heard mass and three with having sheltered priests in their homes, which is treason, and 4 with having persuaded others to become Catholics. This same occurred in the other province of York [when] two women, sisters, were charged and condemend to death last July for having sheltered priests, and they are keeping them there in prison for the execution is stayed according to the approval of the judge. All the ecclesiastical courts are engaged in excommunicating Catholics. The Pursuivant Cross, s who is the most important of all, has gone with a warrant to visit various houses of gentry. By special directions many orders have been issued from the Royal Treasury to all the counties of England and the province of Wales wherein they strictly enjoin the sheriffs that they should confiscate the lands solely to the king's use and sell the property and arrest the persons of the Catholics. 6 The number of names contained within these orders reaches to at least eight thousand so that, considering the severity of the judges, the speed and harshness of the Justices of the Peace, the number of proceedings that have been begun through the informers in London and throughout the kingdom in general, the host of accusations in general, the excommunications by the bishops, the orders that, in one instance, have proceeded from the treasury against eight thousand Catholics, it is evident that the persecution is at present much greater than in times past and many are bound to leave the kingdom and countless others to dissimulate and to attend the churches.

1 The English ambassador explained to the French court: "His Majestie doth nothing but remitt things into the state in which they were at what tyme his Majestie beganne to treat with Sl?aine . . . " (P.R.O 36/53/5 f. 66v Lord Herbert to Calvert, Paris, 15/25 March 1623/24). 2 It was said that the king's order, in mid-June, to the Justices was for the enforcement of all laws " while instructing them that he did not desire blood nor ex treme severity . . . " (P C 60 n. fo1. Van Male to Isabella, London, 28 June 1624).

Steele, Tudor and Stuart Proclamations, vol. 2 n . 1374, Proclamation of 6 May 1624. 4 i. e. 12 d. 3

5

For Yorkshire at this time see Aveling, Northern Catholics pp. 221-22; for


NOVEMBER 1618

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Humphrey Cross see M. Havran, The Catholics in Caroline England (Stanford , Oxford, 1962) pp. 124-25. 6 However after the representations by the French ambassador orders were gjven not to receive "any sommes of moneye for the ÂŁ20 a month, rents reserved upon leases, grants, patents or upon inquisition payable to his Majestie for the recusancy of recusants or any persons whatsover. . ." (P.R.O. S.P. 14/177/36 , 37 , King to Lord Treasurer and Chancellor of Exchequer).

Appendix I. , FRIAR PAUL OF LONDON TO THE COUNT OF GONDOMAR. San Lucar de Barrameda, 18 November 1618. Original holograph, 2 pages, Madrid, B.P.O. Manuscritos 2165 n. fo1. Friar Paul's surname is not known. He had lived in Spain since at least 1597 and for a period after 1616 he was reported to be in Lisbon. G. Anstruther, A Hundred Homeless Years: English Dominicans, 15581658, London, 1958, p. 120; W. Gumbley , Obituary Notices of the English Dominicans from 1552 to 1952, London , 1955.

Illustrissimo Senor No puedo ny deuo callar el contento y alegria que siento de la buena venida de Vuestra Senoria a essa corte y assi escojo que antes me tengo por atreuido que desconocido y olvidado de la grande y comun obligacion que yo y toda mi nacion deuemos a Vuestra Senoria de cuyo pio ~elo del aumento de nuestra santa fee catholica y Christiano pecho en fauorescer y amparar los que por ella padescen en Ynglaterra Vuestra Senoria he dexado perpetua fama y memoria. Y assi confiado en este amparo de Vuestra Senoria me atreuo agora con esta a suplicar se sirua de fauorescer mi pretencion que tanto tiempo y con tantos trabajos he pretendido de un convento 0 colegio para los religiosos de mi nacion donde podamos dar habitos para que ayan frayles de la orden de santo domingo que trabajen en la reducion de su patria a la obediencia de la santa madre yglesia como sabe Vuestra Senoria que ay religiosos de otras ordines. Este negocio ya se ha tratado con el Reverendissimo General! de mi orden para que de su propria authoridad de y senale un convento de esta prouincia de Andalucia para el dicho efeto. Y su Paternidad Reverendissima esta muy inclinado de hazer nos merced. Importa mucho el fauor y auxilio y informacion en esta parte de Vuestra Senoria para que tenga el efet0 2 felicissimo que deseamos y porque estamos aguardando su Paternidad Reverendissima aqui a pocos


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dias en este convento de santo Domingo de San Lucar suplico humilmente a Vuestra Senoria se sirua de fauorescerme con una carta suya encareciendo quanto importa para el seruicio de Dios y honra del 4abito que ayan frayles de santo Domingo en Ynglaterra y en esto recibere muy grande merced y quedare obligado siempre a rogar aDios por la salud y prosperidad de Vuestra Senoria Illustrissima a quien nuestro Seiior guarde muy largo aiios como deseo. de San Lucar 18 de noviembre 1618. de Vuestra Senoria Illustrissima capellan y criado fray Pablo de Londres Yngles [Translation: ]

Right Honorable Lord I neither can nor ought to conceal the happiness and pleasure I feel at the arrival of your Lordship at the court here and accordingly I prefer to be considered rash rather than ungrateful and forgetful of the deep and common obligation that I, along with every one of my nation, owe to your Lordship. Due to your pious zeal for the increase of our holy Catholic faith and your Christian kindness in assisting and protecting those who suffer in England for it your Lordship has inherited an everlasting name and repute. Therefore, confident in your Lordship's support I take courage at this occasion to beg by this that you might be pleased to assist my hopes, which I have nurtured through so much time and labour, to have a convent or college for the religious of my nation where we would be able to confer habits in order that there might be religious of my nation who would toil for the reduction of their native land to the obedience of holy mother the church and, as your Lordship is aware, there are present there religious from other orders. This has already been discussed with the Very Reverend General! of my order so that he might in virtue of his authority provide and designate one convent within this province of Andalucia for this purpose and his Very Reverend Paternity is quite well disposed to gran t us this kindness. For this part your Lordship 's favour, assistance and advice are of the highest importance so that this most happy event which we desire might occur. 2 Since we are expecting his very Reverend Paternity here in a few days at this convent of Saint Dominic in San Lucar I most humbly implore your Lordship to please favour me by one of your letters commending how important it is to God's service and the honour of the habit that there be friars of Saint Dominic in England. In this I will receive a very great favour and I will remain ever obliged to pray to God for the health and prosperity of your Lordship, whom may our Lord protect for many long years as I desire. From San Lucar. 18 November 1618. Your illustrious Lordship 's chaplain and servant, Friar Paul of London, Englishman


AUGUST 1619 1 2

175

Serafino Secchi de Pavia, Master General, 1612-28. In 1618 the convent at Alcalez was designated (Anstruther, op. cit. 123).

Appendix II. WILLIAM BALDWIN TO THE COUNT OF GONDOMAR. Madrid, ca. August 1619.

An original Spanish document, unsigned, undated, 12 pages, E libro 381 n. fol. Endorsed in Spanish: "Father Baldwin, the Englishman, presents these opinions concerning the marriage in England". It is possible that his text represents notes taken on a conversation with Gondomar; the format, as will be seen, contains certain repetitions and breaks off abruptly at the conclusion . In the aftermath of the accusation in the Act of Attainder of the Gunpowder Plot against William Baldwin (See Foley, Records vol. 6, pp. 508 ff.; D.N.B. sub nomine) strenuous efforts were made for his extradition from the Low Countries. In August 1610 while travelling to Rome, Baldwin was arrested by officials of the Count Palatine in Speyer and brought a prisoner to London. His examination in the Tower was reported by the envoy of the Archduke to have produced nothing of significance and, in fact, a complete disavowal of the Attainder (A.G.R. P.E.A. vol. 365 f. 314v, Louis de Groote to Archduke, 14 October 1610; Ibid. f. 319,28 October 1610;lbid. f. 325 4 November 1610; Ibid. f. 326,21 Jan. 1611). Subsequently a series of fruitless requests to King James for his release were made. At one time James explained his refusal by stating': "if he were not guilty of the Powder Plot, he was in the treason of Cobham ... " (P C 47 n. fol. Boisschot to Archduke, 9 March 1612; Ibid. 13 Oct. 1612). Similar efforts by Alonso de Velasco and the Marquis of Floresdavila, as well as Samuel Spifame, the ambassador of France, were unsuccessful. As a token of esteem to Gondomar prior to his departure, James issued a warrant for the Jesuit's release from the Tower in June 1618 (Archives d'Etat de Gand, Fonds des Jesuites, liasse 74, f. 264). In return for this favour Gondomar wrote to Paul V asking for the release of "John Moll" then a prisoner of the Inquisition in Rome (Documentos Ineditos vol. 1, pp. 369-70) who had once been a tutor to William Cecil, Lord Rous. Richard Blount, Superior of the Jesuits in England , reported that, at Gondomar's suggestion, Baldwin wrote before leaving England "very pleasing" letters to King James and Buckingham as well as other peers in gratitude for his release (A.R.S.J. Anglia, Historia , vol. 3,2/1 , f. 39 R. Blunt to J. Owen, 24 July 1618). Subsequently to his release


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Baldwin travelled to Rome (Documentos Ineditos vol. 2, pp. 73-77) to inform the papal court of the situation in England . There he praised the activities of Gondomar, but in a letter to the envoy he warned that there remained many suspicions in Rome against James I (B.P.O., Manuscritos, vol. 2134 n. fol. Baldwin to Gondomar, Rome, 10 Jan. 1619). In June 1619 he arrived in Madrid where he visited Francis Cottington, who remained sceptical of Baldwin's good will towards James: "he professeth with great oathes much affection to his service, what he hath in heart, I can nott tell butt I feare me all is fayned ... " (P.R.O . S.P. 94/23/219, Cottington to Naunton, Madrid , 21 June 1619). It is likely that this report to Gondomar was made while Baldwin was living at the same time as the envoy in Madrid. The Jesuit also hoped to resolve the smouldering dispute concerning the funds of the English college of Saint George which had been the occasion of Creswell's departure six years before (E. Henson, The English College at Madrid, 1611-1767, eR.s. vol. 29 (1929), pp. 202 -3). Later, in January 1620, Gondomar prepared a warm introduction for Baldwin's visit to Philip III in Portugal (Documentos Ineditos vol. 2, pp. 251-52). [Translation: ] Since it seems probable that the king of England will take it badly that during this marriage negotiation they would press him for conditions pertaining to the question of religion especially by asking for further assurance than his promise, it seems to me that he can be told that although the king of Spain trusts his Majesty in the way that one Christian prince ought to trust the other, nevertheless because almost the entire world is aware and has knowledge of the promise he made to grant freedom of conscience and everything else the Catholics could want before he became the king of England, the king of Spain , for the greater peace of mind of every one, can properly demand a guarantee of the execution of his promise and the king of England should grant this in the best and most ample fashion. Although the king of England is able to say that what was written to Clement VIII in Rome and to his nephew Cardinal Aldobrandino and to Cardinal Bellarmine was done by his secretary without his orders or knowledge and in this fashion his Majesty [acted} when Cardinal Bellarmine charged him with it in one of his books, for he commanded that the aforesaid secretary should be exiled from England to Scotland! nevertheless it is the truth. So also is it that the Bishop of Glasgow,2 his ambassador in France, and Lord Lethington, 3 his agent in Flanders, and L ord Semphill,4 the nephew of Colonel Semphill,s who is still living today and whom his Majesty sent to stay at this court, promised everything that could be wished in the question of religion. And to this purpose he carried a blank sheet signed by his Majesty under his royal seal, to the effect that the said conditions concerning religion as well as


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other I things] which were to be agreed to by Lord Semphill would be kept, and, according to the clear proof of the letter he carried from his Majesty, the aforesaid lord came with sufficient instructions concerning his pleasure and will to assure it in every respect. 6 Even as this occurred, as has been said, with the aforesaid people treating about these things with so much notoriety, there were others at other courts actin in the same way. One ou/ht to know that the Bishop of Cassano 9in Rome, and Charles Paget in Flanders and some members of the Society had the same purpose. It is impossible to provide satisfaction to the world about their behaviour as is needed, nor are there at hand some Councillors, who even when they were living and were alerted ta his Majesty's way of proceeding when he was in Scotland, such as don Juan de Idiaquez,9 who was the one with whom they negotiated these matters at the court in Spain, as well as Juan Baptista de Tassis, 1 0 and in the court of the Archduke in Flanders, there was Secretary Mancicidor,11 these are now dead, yet there are still many people alive who might have learned by word of mouth everything that transpired about this. The manner of negotiating at these two courts was such that there was discussion of an appointment of a person at each one of them who would be instructed to obtain assurance from his Majesty personally. In fact an individual was appointed who was to go from Spain but he was still en route when Queen Elizabeth died and so he turned back. Although it is true that some one can say that his Majesty did not fulfill what he promised because of the persuasion of Cecil, who afterwards became the Earl of Salisbury - the man he believed to know best the situation in the kingdom and whose opinion and advice he had to follow until he saw the affairs of the realm settled - at present however it is well known that he rules without being dependent on some one no further than any other prince in Christendom and perhaps no more so than anyone else. It is proper then that he can now be required to fUlfill what is completely in his power to accomplish in the opinion of everyone. Furthermore all the world knows who was his mother and where and at whose hands she suffered death and how many persons there were who suffered as well for their troubles, who because of their devotion to her have come to lose their lives, liberty and property and can look forward to the fulfillment in a short time of what was promised to them. They who are inclined to be Catholics, who, as his Majesty well knows, are a large part of the kingdom, will be able to receive the consolation they await. There were such high hopes among everyone when the king entered England that he was going to keep his word in this regard that the opponents of the Catholic faith thought it was about to be put into effect. According to the then current state of affairs in that kingdom, when his Majesty, after canvassing the members of his Council out of consideration for the significance of the question, wanted to discuss it, he found very few - according to what they tell


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me there were not more than six - who were of the contrary opinion to a freedom of conscience. Some of these six stated their reasons in one side or another in such a way that they seemed to be in favour and to show themselves more persuasive to permit freedom of conscience. However one might like things to be, his Majesty then decided to continue the same method of governance. The Earl of Northampton, 12 falling to his knees protested that the aforesaid decision would be a serious wrong in the realm and of considerable damage outside. In keeping with this the queen and persons very close to the king said in the same way that in Spain and other countries there was a belief that within a short time they would grant freedom of conscience as the queen had let it be understood by the ambassadors, don Juan de Tassis and the Count of A rem berg. She made it very believable to everyone first, because the queen was a person so near to the king and second, because in Scotland she had professed the Catholic faith along with some of her principal retinue such as Douglas 13 and Stewart. 14 Aside from the fact that the sister of Colonel Semphill, who was in attendance with the Queen, went out of devotion to our Lady of Loreto and to Rome,l 5 they said that her pilgrimage would be offered for the happy entrance of the king into England and for the restoration of the Catholic faith. Owing to her character and her womanhood she remained less suspect to the Queen of England and to the state at that time that she carried instructions to talk in secret of the king's intention. This was more believable since she was understood to have written to the same purpose and because they said that the queen had become a Catholic with his knowledge and that she continued to profess it with his permission and knowledge. As it is true that all of this rendered his entry into England easier and smoother, his Majesty should be able to afford satisfaction to all the world over the delay in granting freedom of conscience and showing confidence in his Catholic subjects because the Puritans in Scotland, when he left there, were so powerful and headstrong that he had a good excuse for not conceding what they insisted upon strongly and especially because there would be many with the same attitude in England. All of the people in general have a dread of the Spaniards because of the lies and defamatory books and the calumnious manner of the sermons of the preachers where they say that the faith has the inevitable consequence of bringing them into England, however even though they have lived in friendship for 16 years with England, not with standing the injuries received, it appears to be highly probable that they will not look for anything else but true friendship and religion. Furthermore it is true that his Majesty has always been in danger of his life on account of the Puritans, and [they were] showing it through their love of freedom and giving more orders than he wants and by their presenting before his departure certain articles to which he should swear assent which they then published as if in fact he had sworn, yet


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at present he does not have a better way to punish them and check lheir freedom and to assure their decline from power and insolence than by granting freedom of conscience whereby he will be able to perceive how much stronger the party of the Catholics will remain than that of the Puritans. Aside from the fact that in the marriage which is being sought it is proper for the king of Spain to seek assurances for the succession of his daughter and for her protection in a liberty appropriate to princes, it is something which, as experience itself teaches and the king of England recognizes, can not long endure together with the principles of the Calvanist sect. Accordingly as it is notorious that the leading preachers of England are Puritans and that the principal cities and towns are infected by this sect it is most important that a remedy be provided in time, seeing that the persecution and harassment which they inflict upon the Catholics is truely the principal means in support of their growth and as a consequence against the king and the prince, in addition to the fact that, as they are such malicious people, their increase and their continuance in their present situation, wherein many of the principal officers of the king are part of their faction, will be a serious threat to the life of the Infanta towards whom and against whom they will maintain a special hatred and dislike as in fact they are now doing against her father, the king of Spain. At present this sect has considerable strength in other parts of the world and therefore it is true that the king is very hostile to it, as he is saying that there will be found a very good way through the marriage to supress them by his own and the king of Spain's power, otherwise undoubtedly it will overcome him and all his plans. His Majesty is well aware that all the laws against Catholics were meant to prevent the invasions and the assistance that was expected from the king of Spain because of religion. Thus by an alliance as firm as that which is being made by means of this marriage every sort of suspicion is to be abandoned as well as any pretext that will.remain of the Catholics allying themselves with the king of Spain against his Majesty. And so it will be advantageous that, after a freedom of conscience the laws against Catholics be annulled because, although their enforcement depends upon the king's decision, nevertheless as long as they are in force there will be a thousand schemes to revive their enforcement and experience teaches that whatever is held to be the law will easily be rendered enforceable. It is not compatible with the honour of the king of Spain that laws of such a nature should remain in force in the kingdom where his daughter is marn¡ed. Although it can be considered certain about his Majesty the king of England that he will be careful about the succession nevertheless once this alliance is completed, that laws are to be suppressed which are still in force that were passed expressly aginst his succession, because they accused his mother of treason and thus they decreed that no one could legitimately succeed


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to the English crown who desended from whosoever plotted anything against Queen Elizabeth. As the religious laws were intended to prevent his mother's succession and, as a consequence, his own as well, it seems appropriate that everything passed with that intention should be totally suppressed, according to the judgement of the best informed. It is a very new and unusual thing for a great prince to be married to a woman of another religion. For although it is true that the king of Navarre arranged his marriage while still a heretic with the sister of the king of France who was a Catholic, yet when he actually married her he became a Catholic and although some might say that this case is equal in both senses, because whatever touches the good name of the one is protected by the other, despite all this, it is something quite different. First, because it is necessary to have a dispensation for it and that the Catholic church be persuaded that the contract is licit in so far as it is a sacrament, when the pope is to give permission it is scarcely to be believed that he will grant it without adequate security in religion as a sufficient reason for the aforesaid permission. Furthermore the reason for the divergence between the two realms of Spain and England has been principally out of concern for this difference of religion and thus there can never be established the ancient friendship of the Catholic faith with equal permission from the king, a thing which every one understands is not displeasing to him so as not to keep living with the suspicions against his subjects of being Catholics. When Queen Elizabeth through her ambassador, the Earl of Derby, 16 sent to the Duke of Parma to discuss peace between herself and the king, she undertook, in order to end all forms of mistrust, to grant freedom of conscience in the manner and with the assurance that they desired. It is inconceivable how the Catholics can have sufficient security without suppressing the laws and without the king maintaining at least a polite friendship with the pope. For since there are laws which forbid recourse to the Apostolic see which the Catholics are held to observe strictly, they can not accomplish their duty when such recourse is hateful nor can they try to seek their dispensations and other things which are dependent upon his Holiness as long as these laws are not fully suppressed. They have persuaded his Majesty that there is no assurance of the pope's approval, however the opposite is to be clearly seen in that he is looking for ways to provide satisfaction in this quarter as it is well known that he sent one of his household, who is at present a bishop in Lorraine 1 7 to indicate his good will and for this purpose he carried a breve. As far as concerns the pope, if perchance he is still not satisfied, let him be given full satisfaction over what he can properly request. Sir James Lindsay, when he was in Rome, professed to have been sent on behalf of the king of England and that his mission was to assure the pope of the king's good intention to grant liberty to Catholics. 1 8


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Furthermore, although it is true that there was not an open negotiation on the issue of religion when the peace between England and Spain was concluded this was done because of the assertion of some of the King's councillors that it .was not advantageous to have this discussed openly out of consideration for the fact that the king was a stranger in the realm and that he was contemplating the concession on his own of everything that was being requested concerning this point; accordingly the ambassador of his Catholic Majesty, the Count of Villa Mediana, 19 was persuaded to report to this effect with very pressing arguments and he succeeded in having the Count of Villa Longa 2 0 support him so that he filled twelve pages of paper with the reasons that he had learned personally. These were sent to England to support the idea that there should not be a mention of religion until the peace was arranged as he admitted personally to Father Creswell. 21 Wherefore, since he had had a different commision when he left Spain, the Constable received a countermand when he was in Berghes St. Winox while waiting to embark at Gravelines for England. Accordingly after the peace had been concluded he discussed with his Majesty the concession of liberty for the Catholics and he only received in reply that he would proceed with them in a fashion that neither the pope nor the king of Spain would have a just reason to complain. 2 2 A t the same time that the peace was to be concluded there was a parliament in which not merely all the laws passed under Queen Elizabeth were confirmed, but many others - and of greater severity were passed and although the king might be able to say that he would dissemble with them by allowing them to pass so as not tv show himself in opposition to his subjects immediately after his first arrival in the kingdom, nevertheless it can justly be feared that he would do the same after the marriage is completed, if after the revocation of the aforesaid laws, he shall not declare his real intention towards the Catholic faith. Although one can say that he is incapable of suppressing the laws unless there is an act of Parliament and that the necessary votes for this are not in his control he should do one thing on his own: that is that he shall not require those who enter parliament to take the oath which they call of "fidelity" and prior to his summons for the parliament he should let every one be aware that he does not demand of his subjects any further oath than that they be faithful subjects. In such a case he will be able to see to it that Parliament would suppress the laws as he might want. However the queen, and the king himself, sought this device of an oath in order to become established because, aside from the Catholics, there is a large number of men of worth, and those of the best blood of the kingdom, who would not want deliberately to take such an oath and for this reason they excuse themselves from being the representatives of their counties and from being present in Parliament. As long as the laws survive no Catholic can enter parliament and hold public office in the service and government of the state. As this is


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a hindrance for the increase of religion so also will it be a great detriment to the good name of the Infanta herself and against the security of her person. There is great discontent in the Spanish court and particularly in the Roman court as well, and indeed in all of Christendom, that from the time this marriage has begun to be negotiated not only has there been as much persecution of the Catholics as in the past, but more so because the persecution in Ireland is incomparably greater, and even in England there has been a new enforcement of the law against Catholic wives even though their husbands might be of a different faith. This has not been enforced until the present. It is certain that there has been a greater persecution of the Catholics in the dominions of the king of England than has ever been seen in the land of the barbarians and beyond this, aside from the harassments that have been tried in England against the Catholics, they have attempted with particular care to introduce the same laws into Ireland and into the government in Scotland under the bishops together with the same laws, some thing which is to the entire world a clear proof of a very different intention than that which is being announed of granting freedome of conscience to the Catholics. Aside from this it is well known that the Earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnel 23 in Ireland with the rest 'of their supporters in the war against Queen Elizabeth were granted conditions in favour of religion as if it was to be that their province would be able to profess publicly the Catholic faith without being harassed for such a profession. The queen granted this to them when peace was being made between them and the king later confirmed everything. Notwithstanding all this, after the peace between England and Spain was concluded, as the aforesaid Earls had neither the assistance nor help from outside upon which to rely, they were obliged and forced to abandon their lands and all their relatives and friends were prevented from escaping or were arrested, so that until now they are in perpetual imprisonment, or dead, and their estates confiscated and denied to their children without having committed another new crime against his Majesty. Today the heretics own their estates although there was not even one to be found before this in all these provinces and lands. It is a singular glory and a distinguished title to have the Catholic king styled the Protector of the Catholics. Consequently it would appear to everyone to be a great dishonour to marry his daughter without requesting conditions in favour of religion for all the world is fully convint:ed that he would favour the Catholics for no other reason than that they are Catholics. The marriages that until the present have been made with Spain and especially that which Mary, of happy memory, made with the king occurred prior to Parliament and where the king pretends that a danger exists in too rapid a change as would be the annulment of the laws by


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an act of Parliament, his Majesty can very well recall that Queen Mary annulled all the laws when she married king Philip of happy memory and it was even before his entry into the kingdom that she changed the entire government when a much larger portion of the people were infected with heresy than today. 24 His Majesty is accustomed to say at various times that in the event that he would permit freedom of conscience the entire kingdom would become Catholic because nearly all of the important people in general are so inclined, with whole provinces for the Catholic faith were it not for the severity of the laws preventing the profession of it. If this is true, it would seem, as his Majesty is well aware, that his failure to provide sufficient assurance is because he intends rather to repress the Catholic faith than to allow its increase and there is no lack of many very good reasons of state to prove this, especially after putting together everything that has already occurred with what can be feared should the marriage not take place. However, if his Majesty of England can not provide assurances through Parliament not only on account of the circumstance of religion but also on account of other reasons which can be the occasion of some danger to the state as affairs are disposed presently, because the Infanta is still very young and the marriage contract is to be postponed for three years, once the agreement is finally made the king could declare freedom of conscience from the time of the aforesaid agreement, indicating thereby that in real truth he intends to fUlfill his promise so that the world might take notice of it. By this he could show as well that he has trust in his Catholic subjects by rendering them eligible for public offices since it is true that at present not only are they ineligible but also those against whom there is suspicion that they might favour them and their faith. These are oppressed in the same way and are incapable of being promoted to other offices and higher dignities.

See D. Willson, James VI and I (London, 1956) pp. 146-48. James Beaton, Archbishop of Glasgow, died in Paris in 1603. See Stafford, H., James VI and the Succession of England, (New York, 1940) pp. 234-36. 3 It is doubtful that Maitland of Lethington was in Flanders. Lord Balfour of Burley, en route to Florence, and Lord Semphill en route to Madrid, were directed to visit Brussels. Meanwhile James received Scorza, an agent of the Archduke (H. Lonchay, J. Cuvelier, edd. Correspondence de la cour d 'Espagne sur les Affaires des Pays Bas (Brussels, 1923-27) vol. 1, pp. 139-40. 4 See Stafford, op. cit. pp . 242-43. 5 Sir William Semphill (Semple, Sempill) , see Forbes-Leith, Narratives for the text of a 17th century biography; T. G. Law, Collected Essays and Reviews (Edinburgh, 1904) pp. 320-26; Loomie, "Sir William Semple and Bristol's Andalucian trade, 1597-98", Trans. Bristol and Gloucestershire Arch. Soc. vol. 82 (1963) pp. 177-87. 1

2


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See es.p. Spanish, 1587-1603, pp. 651-53. See Dictionary of Welsh Biography, sub "Owen Lewis"; Cleary, J. M. "Dr. Morys Clynnog's Invasion Projects of 1575 -76", Recusant History voL 8 (1966) pp.300-314. 8 See also L. Hicks, An Elizabethan Problem: Some Aspects of the Careers of Two Exile Adventurers (London , 1964) pp . 7-11 ,46-57,143 -50,219-22. 9 Juan de Idiaquez y Olazabal (1540-1614) Comendador Mayor de Leon . 10 Juan Baptista de Tassis, uncle of the Count of Villa Mediana, was Spanish envoy to the court of Henry IV at this time (See also doc. 50). 11 Juan de Mancicidor, presided over the Secretairerie d'Etat et de Guerre in Brussels from 1596-1618, where he directed correspondence between the Spanish court and Spanish officials in the army and at the court in Brussels. 12 See doc. 14. 6

7

Possibly William Douglas, 10th Earl of Angus. Possibly Henriette Stewart d'Aubigny, Countess of Huntley, a confidant of Queen Anne. 15 Helen Semphill visited Italy in 1601 with a letter of introduction from Fr. A. MacQuhirrie to the General of the Jesuits. Forbes-Leith , Narratives , p. 372. 16 Henry Stanley, 13th Earl of Derby (1531-93) with four others met the Prince of Parma at Ecluse in August 1587 (E 592/100; L. Van der Essen, Alexandre Farnese , Brussels, 1937 , voL 5, pp. 191-96' C. Read, Mr. Secretary Walsingham , vol. 3, pp. 260-70) . 17 See vol. I, doc. 18. 13

14

James Lindsay's visit to Rome was in August 1602 , See Stafford, pp. 239-40. See for example, VoL I, doc. 4. 20 Pedro de Franqueza, Count of Villa Longa, had recently been dismissed in January 1619. 21 See doc. 2. 18

19

22 For the Constable's report see Vol. I, doc. 8; Loomie, Toleration and Diplomacy, pp. 33-35. 23 i.e. Hugh O'Neill, Earl of Tyrone and Rory O'Donnell, Earl of Tyrconnel, see Bagwell, Ireland under the Stuarts vol. 1, pp. 30-38; O'Ferrall, B. and O'Connell, D. , Commentarius Rinuccianus (Dublin, 1932) voL 1, pp. 200 ff. 24 This is not correct. See Neale, J., Queen Elizabeth I and her Parliaments (London, 1953) vol. 1, pp. 24-26; Elton, G. Tudor Constitution (Cambridge , 1960) pp. 359-62, 400.


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Appendix III. THE "DIRECTIONS" OF JAMES I FOR ANGLICAN Newmarket, 10 March 1623 o.S. SERVICES IN SPAIN.

Contemporary copy, 1 page, Oxford, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson Mss. Series C, vol. 674 f. 66. Copy in P.R.O. S.P.94/26/80. The rumour that Charles had gone to Spain to embrace Catholicism was not unknown to James I, although there had been nothing in the Prince's attitude to provide a sound reason. On the contrary, when he had learned in December 1622 in Whitehall that "two of his musitians , Angelo an Italian, .Andrew and Englislunan, that was at the Spanish Embassadors on Christmas Eve assisting with there voyces and musicke at the midnight masse" he had dismissed them from his service and only reappointed them upon the earnest plea of Coloma (B.M. Add. Mss. 48 , 166 f. 171v, Calvert to Digby, London, 14 Jan. 1623). This text was directed to two royal chaplains, Mawe and Wrenn , who were sent to the Spanish court "together with all stuffe and ornaments fltte for the service of God". They had been told to act in a way" agreable to the puritie of the primitive churche and yett as neare the Romane forme as can lawfullie be done for it hath ever bene my waye to goe with the churche of rome usque ad aras . . . " he informed the Prince (B.M. Harleian Mss. 6987 fL 29-31, James to Charles , London , 17 March 1623 o.s.) . A contemporary observer recalled later that James asked the chaplains "to have a care of Buckingham as touchinge his sonne Charles he apprehended no feare at all of him for he knew him to be so well grounded a Protestant that nothing could shake him in his religion ... " (James Howell, Two Discourses lately Reviewed and enrich 'd , London , 1644, p. 10). Meanwhile the Bishop of Lincoln, the Lord Chancellor, wrote to Buckingham about his anxiety that the Spanish "will not believe that we have any Liturgy, or Book of Common Prayer , at all" . Consequently at his own cost he had "caused the Liturgy to be translated into Spanish and fairly printed". These copies were sent at once to Charles for James "alloweth of the business exceedingly" (Cabala, sive Scrinia sacra, London , 1654, p. 284). This text called Liturgia Inglesa 0 Libro del Rezado Publico (London, 1623 , STC 16434) was written by the former Dominican, Fernando de Tejeda. The arrival of the two chaplains, whom the Spanish court mistakenly believed to be "two ministers of Calvin's sect" created diplomatic embrassment. Olivares refused any authorization for protestant services in the Prince's quarters in the royal palace in Madrid. Consequently the chaplains became guests of the Earl of Bristol at whose residence Charles and Buckingham had the opportunity to worship (The Narrative, pp. 211-12). In London, meanwhile, James I had granted approval to his Surveyor General, Inigo Jones to prepare designs for the Infanta's chapels in anticipation of her arrival in England. Jean Baptiste


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van Male soon reported to Secretary Charles della Faille in Brussels: "The Lord Treasurer [Middlesex], the Earl of Arundel, Secretary Calvert, don Carlos Coloma and myself have visited last Monday the sites for the Infanta's chapels, that is at the court of the late Queen [Denmark House] and in that of the Prince, which is called Saint James, the length will be fifty five feet and the width in proportion. As for the principal church, orders have been given that the large hospital of Savoy should be fully repaired and set in order, and I assure you that if these three buildings are built according to the drawings of the king's architect then we shall have nothing to complain of'. (P C 59 f. 231, letter of 12 May 1623; see also C.S.P. Venetian, 1621-23 p. 569 and Per Palme, A Triumph of Peace: A Study of the Whitehall Banqueting House (London, 1957) pp. 20-22). His Majesties owne directions and commands given at Newmarket the 10th of March 1622 to the princes two chapplens concerninge the service in Spain. That there bee one convenient roome appointed for prayer, the same roome to be imployed duringe our aboade to no other use. That it bee decently adorned chappellwise with an altar, frontl, palls, lynnen coverings, demy carppet, surplices, candlesticks, tapers, challices, patterns a fine towell for the prince, other towells for the household, a taverso/ wafers for the communion, a bason and flagons, 2 copes. That praiers bee duely kept twice a day , that all reverence bee used by everie one present, beinge unconvered, kneelinge at due times , standinge up at the Creede and gospel, bowinge at the name of JESUS. That the communion bee celebrated in due forme, with an oblation of every communicant and admixinge water with the wine, the communion to bee as often used as it shall please the prince to set down, smooth wafers to bee used for the Bread. That in the sermons there bee no polemicall preaching to envaigh against them or to censure them but onely to confirme the doctrine and tenets of the Church of England by all positive arguments either in fundament all or moral points and especially to apply ourselves to morall lessons to preach CHRIST JESUS CRUCIFIED. That wee give no occasions or rashly entertaine any of conference or dispute (for feare of dishonor to the Prince if upon any offense taken hee should bee required to sende away anyone) but if the Lord Ambassador or Mr. Secretarie 2 wish us to heare any that desire some Information, then wee may saffely doe it; that wee carry the articles of our religion in many coppies, the bookes of common prayer in severallianguages, store of English service books , the kings owne workes in English and Latin. Possibly tabard, his coat of arms. i.e. Walter Aston and Francis Cottington respectively; the Earl of Bristol was Ambassador Extraordinary. 1

2


INDEX 1. The documents are indexed for both English and Spanish versions. 2. An asterisk (*) signifies more than one entry on a page. 3. Footnotes are indicated by the abbreviation "n". 4. Clergy are indicated by the appropriate title. 5. Seventeenth century books have been given a common entry under that word, with the name of the author and the page for the title indicated. Abbot, George, Archbishop, 11 *, 46, 47, 86, 88, 114, 115, 119n; and Carvajal, 15-19; and Worthington , 70-72; and Ferrino, 95*; and a press, 142,144 Albert, Archduke, 55, 57 Alburquerque, Francisco de la Cueva, Duke of, 1.49, 1~1 Aldobrandini, Cardinal, 176 Aliaga, Luis de, Friar, 9, 75*-82*n , lOIn Andrewes, Launcelot, Bishop, 112 *113 * Angus, William Douglas, Earl of, 178, 184n Anne, Queen, w . of James I, xvii, 43n, 67, 69, 77, 80 , 98, 101, 178*, 186; and Gondomar, 32, 33n,98* Argyle, Archibald Campbell, Earl of, xviii Aremberg, Count of, 178 Army of Flanders, English volunteers, 33, 45n, 120-21 *, 130, 132, 134*-36 Arostequi, Antonio de, 60-61 Arundel, Thomas Howard, Earl of, xvii, 36-40n, 91, 93, 186; Lady Alathea, Countess of, xv, xvii Aston, Walter, 153-155, 165n, 186 Bacc.n, Francis, Baron Verulam, 86, 88,95*,111 *,112,113,121,123, 124n Baldwin, Rev. William, xvii, xxii, 107*,109 *, 175*-183 Balfour of Burghley, Lord, 183n Barber, Henry, xiii Barclay, John, 107, 109, 110n Bayley, Lewis, Bishop, 139*-41 * Beaton, James, Archbishop, 176, 183n Bedmar, Alonso de la Cueva, Marquis of, 126, 147n Bellarmine, Saint Robert, Cardinal, 107*-10*n Bennet, Rev. John, Archpriest, 24, 151n Bentley, Edward, 62 *-65 >!en; Catherine, wife, 62, 63, 64n; children: Freerick, Edward, Henry, John, Anne, Catherine, Ibid.

Berry, Richard, xiii, 5*-8*, 58 *, 59* , 60n Birchett, Rev. George, Archpriest, 24-26 Blackfriars, accident at, 156 *-62 *n Blount, Rev. Richard, 96n, 107 , 109 , 175 Boisschot, Ferdinand, 22, 23 , 24n , 47,58 Books: burning of, 72*-74*; and Dr. " Martos ", f 1, 12 n; translations of Lewkenor, 104; on Spanish marriage, 119n; denounced by James, 16, 23n, 30, 33n, 73, 142, 144; Authors: Acuna, 104; Bellarmine , 107, 108, 110n; Bentley, 65n; Carier, 14n; Chalmers, 61; Coloma, 137, 166; Contarini, 104; Edmondes, 57n; Finnet, lOIn, 104; Gee, 141n, 147n; Guadalajara, xxiii; Guardiola, 60n; James I, 53*, 55*, 57n , 58n, 147n; Howell, xxiv, 185n; Lopez de Haro, xxii; Mantuano, 119n; Munoz, 27n; Nicholls, 15n; du Perron, 12, 57n , 58 ; Prynne xi, xxiii; Suarez, 23n; Tejeda, 185; Widdrington, 15n; Wilson, 154; Yepez, 72n Borja y Velasco, Gaspar, Cardinal, 66,68,70n Bristol, John Digby, Earl of, xiv, xviii, xix, 24n, 46n, 53n, 116n, 122-24n, 185*; and marriage negotiations, 49*, 51 *, 75*, 82*n , 83-85n, 99-101n, 143, 146, 149 , 151 *n, 162 *, 164; and Lerma, 9, 12-13, 65, 67, visited by Perez , 91 *, 93 *; and Berry,S, 7, 8n, 58,59 Bruneau, Jacques, xiii, xiv, xv, xxi * Buckingham, George Villiers, Duk e of, xv, xviii, xx, 99, 107 *-10, 116, 118, 144, 147, 167, 168, 175, 185 *; Lady Mary, Countess of, xviii, xxivn Burghley, William Cec;il, 3rd Lord, xviii, 87, 89, 90*n; WiI!iam, 1st Lord, Ibid. Caetano, Antonio, Archbishop, 1, 3,9, 66,68,99, lOIn

187


188

INDEX

Calvert, George, xv, xviii, 149, 150, 151n,185 Cardenas, Inigo, 50, 52, 53, 56, 61n Carey, Thomas, 99, lOIn Carier, Benjamin, 14*n Carleton, Dudley, xix Carlos, Infante, s. of Philip III, 95, 162n Carondolet, Francois, Archdeacon, 156,157,158*-61 * Carvajal, Luisa de, 16*-23*n, 26, 27n,59,60 Castro, Francisco, Count of, 27, 28, 35*,41,42 Catherine, Queen, w. of Henry VIII, 62,63 Catholics of England, embassy reports on, xxi; report of Archpriest, 25; Gondomar assists, xv, 29,153,154; and army, 120 *; and penal laws, (1615) 47, 48; (1617) 92, 94; (1618) 99-100; (1619) 121, 123; 125*, 127. 128; (1621) 141, 144; (1624) 170-72; and embassy chapel, 32, 33n, 114, 115, 167, 168, 169n policy of Philip III towards, 2 *, 3*, 12-13, 175*-83; and French embassy, 166, 167, 169*. Chalmers, David, 60*-61 *n Chamberlain, John, xix-xx Charles, Prince, plot against, 45 *; rumours of conversion, 149, 150, 185*-86*; interest in marriage, 41 , 42,65,67,77,80,91,93,114; see also, Maria, marriage, Gondomar Chester, Catholics of, 171, 172 Chichester, Arthur, 10, 12n Christian IV, king, 98, 10112 Christine, d. of Henry IV, marriage of, 95,100,163,164 Ciri~a, Juan de, 58, 59, 60, 61, 102, 103,153,154,162,164 Clement Vln, Pope, 176 Colleton, Rev. John, Archpriest, 158 Coloma, Carlos, xv, xx*-xxi *, 156*, 157*,165*-69*,185,186 Cornwallis, Charles, xviii, 103n; Thomas II, 102*-103*; Richard, Thomas I, Ibid. Cosmo II, Duke of Tuscany, 66, 68, 70n Cottington, Francis, xviii, 117, 119n, 143,146, 147n, 176, 186 Cotton, Robert, 49,51, 52n Coventry, Thomas, 152 Creswell, Rev. Joseph, 1, 5-8, 73, 124n, 176, 181 Cross, Humphrey, 171, 172 Davis, Rev. - , 170, 171

Derby, Henry Stanley, Earl of, 180, 184n Deventer, city of, 130*, 132*, 134*137* Digby, John, see Bristol Dominicans, see Orders of Preachers Douai, college of, 47, 48, 73, 74n Drummond, Lady Jane, xviii, 43n Drury, Rev. Robert, 156*-57*n; Sir Robert, 44, 45n Dumferline, Alexander Seton, Earl of, xviii,97n Dumolin, Pierre, 50,52, 53*-57n Du Perron, see Perron Edmondes, Thomas, 5 3n, 57n d'Effiat, Antoine Coeffier Ruze, Marquis, 166*-69*n Egerton, Thomas, 15-16,88 Elizabeth I, Queen, 47,48,76,80,87, 89, 125, 126, 127, 178, 180*. 181,182 Ely House, xvi, xxiiin Englefield, Francis, 5,7, 8n Espinoza, Melchior de, 130, 132, 134*-37* Estates General of 1614, 54, 56 Faction, 'Spanish', xiv*-xxii *, 34; Comment of Perez, 91 *-94* Ferdinand II, King, 100 Ferrino, Rev. Pablo, alias Tomaso Cerroneo, Estanislao Ferrerio, conspiracy of, 95*-96*n Fitzherbert, Thomas, 5, 7, 8n Floresdavila, Pedro de Zuniga, Marquis of, xiv, xviii, 1 *, 62, 63, 169n, 175 Fowler, Francis, xiii, 21-23 Francisco de Jesus, Friar, 75*,78, 82n Frias, Juan de Velasco, Duke of, Constable of Castile, 181, 184n Fuente, Diego de la, Friar, xiii, xvi, 107, 108, 110n, 116-19, 120-24, 125, 126n; Cornwallis, 102, 103n; Lewkenor, 104*-106; journey to Rome, 141,144,148*-51 * Gage, George, 148*-51 *n Gatehouse prison, 86, 88 Gelder, Rev. Francis, 75, 77, 78, 81,82n Geraldine, Roland, 131, 133 Gondomar, Diego Sarmiento de Acuna, Count of, career, xiii-xiv, 169n; and James I, xiv*-xix*, xxii*n, xxiii*n, 65*-69*, 117, 119; comments on Catholics, 10-13, 29-32, 83, 84, 111*; release of prisoners,141*, 147*, 152*-54*; Queen Anne,


INDEX 98-99; Palatinate, 142-43, 145-46, 162 *-65 ; and Carvajal, 16 *-23; and Baldwin, 110, 175 *-76; and Berry, 5-8, 58-59; and Northampton, 36 *40 *; and Stanley, 129 *-38; and Bentley, 62-63; and Worthington, 71-72; and Cornwallis, 102-103n; and Friar Paul, 173-74; and Scotland, 142 *,145 *,163,165; and Irish clergy, 138 *, 139n; w ife of, Dona Costanza, 22,23, 102, 103; see also marriage negotiations, James I Grant, Jasper, xiii Gregory XV, Pope, 148*-51 * Guadalajara, Marco de, Friar, xiiin Guadaleste, Felipe Cardona, Marquis of, 45,46, 61n Guise, Charles de Lorraine, Duke of, 55,57,58n Gunpowder Plot, 2, 4,175 Hamilton, James, Marquis of, xv, xviii, xxivn Harrison, Rev. William, Archpriest, 24 Hay, James, mission of, 66, 68, 70n Henrietta Maria, d. of Henry IV, possible marriages, 100, 101n, 159, 161,168 Henry IV, King, 1,76 ,79,180 Henry VIII, King, 62,63 Howard, Henry, s. of Suffolk, 37,39, 40n Huntley, Henriette, Countess of, 178, 184n Hurtado de Mendoza, Diego, xiii, xx-xxi Idiaquez, Juan de, 1,2*,3*,177, 184n 'Incognito', informant, 169,170*-172* Infantado, Inigo Lopez de Mendoza, Duke of, 2,4 Ireland, Catholics in, xxii, 10, 12n, 97, 99-100, 126, 128-29*, 138*, 142,145, 147n, 163, 165, 182* Isabella, Archduchess, xx, xxii, 98, 152 *-53 *,158 James I, King, xiv*-xvi*, xix, 47, 48; and Paul V, 1,9,15, 35; changes terms of marriage, 49, 51, 66, 68, 82,83,84n, 116-19, 126,148, 149, 164, 165, 166, 168; relief to Catholics, 2, 3, 32, 71, 76, 80, 107, 113,123, 153n, 154, 172*n, 177; describes parliament, 142-43, 145 *147*n; complains of Anne, 98*; and Baldwin, 175*-76; denounces books, 73 *, 74 *n; and du Perron, 53*-57*n; and Savoy, 43, 44; and Northampton, 36, 38; and Charles in Spain, 185-86

189

James, Thomas, consul, 5, 7, 8n Jay, Anne, xiii Jesuits, in England, 30, 59,60, 107 , 109, 126, 127; in Scotland, 97; in Milan, 95, 96 *, see also Bellarmine , Blount, Robb, Ogilby, Ferrino Jones, Inigo, 185-86 Kearney, David, Archbishop, 138* Laing, William, xiii Lake, Thomas, xviii, xix, 13n, 34 * La Laguna de Cameros, Sancho Cerda, Marquis of, 2,4 Lennox, Ludovic Stewart, Duke of, xv, xviii Lerma, Francisco Sandoval y Rojas, Duke of, xiv, 1, 3, 5-8, 12, 13, 65, 67, 76 *, 77, 78, 94, 102, 103 Leston, John, 170, 171 Lewis, Owen, Bishop, 177, 184n Lewkenor, Lewis, xviii, 104*-106* Lindsay, James, 180, 184n Louis XIII, King, xvi, xvii, 55, 57 , 159,161,166,168 Lombard, Peter, Archbishop, 139n Louvain press, 73*, 74*n Macdonald, Lord of Islay, 61n Maitland, Lord of L ethington, 176, 183n . Mancicidor, Juan de , 177 , 184n Mantuano, Pedro, 118, 119n Maria, Infanta, d. of Philip III, 41,42, 49,51, 53n, 65,67, 114,115,159, 161; letter of, 155*; English household for, 76, 79, 102, 103, 185; James 1's plan, 126n, 143-44, 146 Marriage Negotiations, Gondomar 's summary of, 162 *-65 *; Spanish doubts against, xvii, 91 *-94 *, 99100, 117, 119, 161, 179*; articles changed, (1614) 41 *42*, (1617) 75*, 78, 82n, (1621) 148-51n, (1623) 162; James's comment in parliament, 143-44, 14647n; clergy support, 138, 139n; see Gage, Fuente, Bristol, Gondomar, James I Marie de Medicis, Dowager Queen of France, xvi, 1 *,3, 4n, 43*, 50, 52; and English marraige, 66, 68, 70n, 83,84,85n Marta, Jacopo Antonio, 11 , 12n Mary I, Queen,S, 7,30,62,63,182-83 Mary, Queen of Scots, 36 , 38, 62, 63, 182-83 Massimi, Innocenzo, Archbishop, 162 Mathias, Emperor, 9,55,57 Mawe, Mr. 185 Mayenne, Henri de Lorraine, Duke of, 95


190

INDEX

Messia, Agustin, 2, 4 Middlesex, Lionel Cranfield, Earl of, xviii,186 Middleton, Thomas, xiv Monson, William, xviii, xix, 104, 105n Montague, Henry Browne, Viscount, 62,63,64n Montague, Henry, 16, 17, 23n, 124n; James, Bishop, 112,113 Montaigne, George, Bishop, 158, 160, 162n Montesinos, Luis, 75, 78 More, Saint Thomas, 62, 63, 64n Morra, Lucio, Archbishop, 111 Naunton, Robert, xvi, 142, 144 Naylor, William, conspiracy of, 45*, 46*n Neile, Robert, Bishop, 15, 23n Newgate prison, 170, 171 Norfolk, Thomas Howard, Duke of, 36,38 Northampton, Henry Howard, Earl of, xvii, xix, 32-34, 36*-40*n , 91, 93, 178 Oath of Allegiance, 10, 11, 71, 72, 77, 80, 151n, 181 Ogilby, Saint John, 50 , 52n Oliva, Rodrigo Calderon, Count of, 26, 27 Olivares, Gaspar de Guzman, Count Duke of, 163-65,185 Order of Preachers, xxii, 173 *-75; see Friars Paul, Diego de la Fuente, Francisco de Jesus, Antonio de Sotomayor, Luis de Aliaga Overall, John, 14, 15n Owen, John, 47, 48, 49n Oxford, 28 * n Paget, Charles, 177, 184n Palatinate, xvi, 142-43, 145, 147n, 163, 165 Parham, Edward, 120* , 121n Parliaments of James I: 34-35, 92-94, 143-44,145 *-47 Parma, Alessandro Farnese, Duke of, 130, 134-36,137*, 180, 184n Pastrana, Rodrigo de Silva, Duke of, 169* Paul of London, Friar, 173 *-74* Paul V, Pope, prohibits English marriages, 35*,41 *,42*,67,69, 70n; and dispensation, 76 *, 79 * , 80-82n, 99*, 100*; and James I, xxii, 1 *, 3*, 9-10, 35, 143,146; and Savoy crisis, 43; and Holland, 35 *; and Barclay, 107, 109, lIOn

Perez, Rev. Agustin, xiii, 36, 37*, 39.90*-94* Perron, Jacques Davy du, Cardinal, xxi, 11, 12n, 53*, 55*, 57-58n Phelippes, Thomas, 170 Philip II, King, 62, 63, 137n, 182-83 Philip III, King, and Gondomar, xiv*xvii*; and a papal entente, 1 *4, 9; approves marriage, 41, 43n, 163, 164, 178-83; see also Carvajal, Berry, and Bentley, Lerma, Bristol Philip IV, King, and marriage, 151n, 162ff.; see also Gondomar , Catholics, Coloma, Ynojosa Piracy, 18, 23n Porter, Endymion, xv, xviii Proclamations, 47, 48, 49n, 86, 88, 90n 'Protestant League', xvi, xvii, 35, 56, 167 'Puritans', described by Gondomar, 29-31, 34; demand penal laws, 11, 46,47,123,125, 126n, 171, 172; denounced by James, 97, 145; reaction to Blackfriars, 157-62 n Pursuivants, xxi, xxiiin, 111 *, 114, 115,152,171,172 Ralegh, Walter, 99 Ramsey, John, Lord, 87,89, 90n Ricaut, Peter, 167*-69*n Richardson, John, xiii Richelieu, Cardinal, 158 Robb, Rev. John, 142*, 145*, 147n Ropp.r, William, 87, 89, 90n Rous, William Cecil, Lord, xviii, 66, 68, 70n, 175 Rutland, Francis Manners, Earl of, xviii Sackville, Thomas, 30 St. John, Oliver, 99 Salazar, Luis de Velasco, Count of, 130, 132,133n Salisbury, Robert Cecil, Earl of, 40n, 177 Sanchez de Ulloa, Julian, xiii, xix, 112*-16,120n Sandobal y Rojas, Bernardo, Cardinal oiToledo, 75,78, 85n San Lucar, convent in, 174* Sarmiento de Acuna, see Gondomar Savoy, 43-44*n Scotland, xviii, xxii, 50, 51, 61n, 85, 87, 97, 142*, J.45*, 147n , 163, 165, 176, 178; see Angus, Anne, Semphill, Robb, Dumferline, Chalmers Scott, Thomas, xiv Scrope, Emmanuel, Lord, 112-14n


INDEX Semmaries, 33n, 71, 72, 73 *, 74 *n, 124n, 163, 165 Semphill (Semple), William, 176, 183n; Helen, 178, 184n Sessa, Antonio Cardona y Cordoba, Duke of, 5,7 Sheffield, Edmund, Lord, 85,87, 90n, 112, 11 3, 114n Soissons, Louis de Bourbon, Count of, 100, lOIn Somerset, Edward, 120, 121n Somerset, Robert Ker, Earl of, Viscount Rochester, xvii, 18-20, 23n, 47,48,49,51,91,93 Sotomayor, Antonia de, Friar, 75 ,78, 81,82n Spifame, Samuel, Sieur de Buisseaux, 1, 3,4n,9*n,23,24n, 175 . Stanley, William, xxii, 129*-B*, 134137*n Sterrill, William, 154, 162n, 170 Suarez, Rev. Francisco, 16, 19, 23n, 24n Suffolk, Thomas Howard, Earl of, xvii, 34, 37, 39, 40n, 86, 88, 91, 93,95 Tassis, Juan Baptista de, 134*, 136*, 137n, 177, 184n; See Villa Mediana Taylor, Henry, xiii Throckmorton, John, 139 *-41 *n; Lady Margaret, Ibid. Tillieres, Tanneguy Le Veneur, Count of, 156, 157*n, 159,161, 173n Toledo, Cardinal of, see Sandobal Trever, Richard, 40n Trumbull, William, 74n Tyrconnel, Rory 0 'Donell, Earl of, 182, 184n Tyrone, Hugh O'Neill, Earl of, 182, 184n Urban VIII, Pope, 162 Van Male, Jean Baptiste, 72 *-74 *n, 139, 141n, 170, 186 Vasquez, Rev. Antonio, 130 *, 132 *, 133n Velada y Astorga, Antonio Gomez Davila, Marquis of, 2,4 Velasco, Alonso de, xviii, 67, 69, 175 Verdugo, Francisco, 134, 136, 137n Vieuville, Charles de Ville, Marquis de la, 169n Villa Franca, Pedro de Toledo Osorio, Marquis of, 2,4 Villa Longa, Pedro de Franqueza, Count of, 181, 184n

191

Villa Mediana, Juan de Tassis, Count of, 178,181 Villa Viciosa, Cosme de, xiii, 129, 131,lBn Wales, xxii, 139 *-41 *n, 171, 172 Walpole, Rev. Michael, 22, 24n Wenman, Thomas, 27, 28n Wentworth, Rev. Thomas, alias Juan Hidalgo, xiii Weston, Richard, xviii Wharton, Michael, 85-86, 87-88, 90n Widdrington, Rev. Roger, 15n Williams, John, Bishop, 154*, 185* Winifred, Saint, well and church, 139*-41 * Winwood, Ralph, 34*n, 35n, 53n, 95* Wisbech castle, 46,48 Worcester, Edward Somerset, Eari of, xviii, 86, 88, 120, 121 Worthington, Thomas, 70*-72 *n Wotton, Edward, Lord, xviii, 32, Bn, 94,95 Wren, Mr., 185 Yelverton, Charles, 103n; Henry, 127, 128, 129n Ynojosa, Juan de Mendoza, Marquis de la, Marquis of San Germano, xx, 155*, 156*, 157*, 158, 160,168, 169n York, Catholics in, 85-88, 112, 113, 152, 153n, 171, 172n ZiLiiiga, Pedro de, see Zutphen, 134, 136

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