Records Volume 52: The Letters and Despatches of Richard Verstegan

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IDerstegan

(c. 1550-1640)

EDITED BY

ANTHONY G. PETTI,

LONDON

1959

M.A.

Published 1959

Printed in Great Britain

by R. H. Johns Limited Newport, Mon.

PREFACE The letters and despatches of the Catholic exile, Richard Verstegan, have, with only a few exceptions, long remained unpublished. In view of their bearing on later Elizabethan history, particularly that concerned with the affairs of English Catholics in England and on the Continent, it has been considered desirable to edit them as a useful contribution to the publications of the Catholic Record Society, thus augmenting the volumes of letters from the Elizabethan and Jacobean periods previously edited by Fr. L. Hicks, S.]., namely, those of Robert Persons and Thomas Fitzherbert, with both of whom Verst egan frequently corresponded, though none of his despatches to Fitzherbert is extant.

The work of editing the letters has been extremely enjoyable and instructive, leading me along many paths and byways of Tudor history and literature, and I am grateful for the better understanding of the period I have thereby acquired.

I am grateful also to those who have furthered this publication and have made my task easier by their help: to the Central Research Fund Committee of London University, who granted me a generous allowance to pursue the work; to the Father General of the Society of Jesus, Very Rev. Fr. J. B. Janssens, S.J., and the Rector of Stonyhurst College, Very Rev. Fr. F. Vavasour, for permission to publish the originals, copies and extracts from the letters which are housed in their archives at Rome and Stonyhurst; to the archivists who aided me, among whom I should like to thank particularly Fr. H. Chadwick, S.J., Librarian of Stonyhurst College, who has always responded most kindly and helpfully to my requests and enquiries, and was of every assistance on my visits to the Stonyhurst . Archives. Thanks are also due to Dr. J. Cummins of the Spanish Department, Queen Mary College, London, for checking my translations of the Spanish copies, and providing emendations for the corruptions in the Spanish texts.

There are a number of people who have helped me in my search for information, chief amongst whom are Fr. L. Hicks, S.]., who gave me every encouragement in my work, made many useful suggestions, and placed photostats and books at my disposal, and Fr. B. FitzGibbon, S.J., who also took a keen interest in the subject, and helped me to solve some of the puzzles presented by the text.

Among others who readily proferred advice was Mr. A. F. Allison of the British Museum, though I am happy to say that I troubled him much less than I did when I was engaged in writing my thesis on Verstegan. Other help of this nature which I received is acknowledged in the relevant places in the notes.

I should like to express my appreciation for the benefit I have derived, chiefly in acquiring a knowledge of background, from v

vi

PREFACE

attending the Tudor Seminar, directed by Professor Sir John Neale and Mr. Hurstfield, at the Institute of Historical Research.

Lastly, though, it may be taken for granted, by no means least, I should like to express my deep gratitude to my dear wife, who not only maintained a lively interest in my work, but also assisted me in checking the readings of the text, the translations from the I talian, and the references in the notes.

It remains for me to add that any inaccuracies or errors that appear in this edition must be considered to be those which I have made in spite of the assistance I have received, and I accept full responsibility for them.

A.G.P.

CONTENTS V

PREFACE TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS

ix

I NTRODUCTION

xi

ApPENDICES I. R eferences to other correspondence II. Calendar for t he period III. A n ote on the Code

xlvi xlvii xlvii

L E TTERS

N9 .

I. II. IlIa. IIIb. IV. V. VIa. Vlb. VII. VIII. IX. X. XI. XII .

XIII .

XIV. XV. XVla. XVlb. XVII .

XVIII. XIXa. XIXb. XX. XXI. XXIIa. XXIIb. XXIII. XXIV. XXV. XXVI .

XXVII. XXVIII. XXIX. XXX. XXXI. XXXI I.

S ender Southwell Verst egan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verst egan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan via Verstegan Verst egan Verstegan Verst egan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan

Intended Recipient Verstegan Persons Persons Persons Baynes Baynes Baynes Baynes Persons Persons Persons Baynes Baynes Persons Baynes Baynes Persons Baynes Baynes Baynes Baynes Baynes Baynes Persons Allen Baynes Baynes Baynes Persons Persons Persons Persons Persons Persons Persons Persons Persons vii

Where Written London Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Scotland Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp

Date Page c. 1 December, 1591 1 12 December, 1591 34 5 March, 1592 39 5 March, 1592 45 49 6 June, 1592 50 27 June, 1592 1 August, 1592 51 1 August, 1592 55 3 August, 1592 57 6 August, 1592 63 c. mid-August, 1592 67 22 August, 1592 72 2 October, 1592 75 15 October, 1592 79 83 18 October, 1592 c. late October, 1592 85 29 October, 1592 86 92 30 October, 1592 93 30 October, 1592 12 December, 1592 94 19 December, 1592 95 26 December, 1592 96 26 December, 1592 96 c. end of 1592 97 2 January, 1593 99 2 January, 1593 99 100 2 January, 1593 100 16 January, 1593 18 February, 1593 101 5 March, 1593 104 c. end of March, 1593 108 1 April, 1593 114 5 April, 1593 119 121 c. mid-April, 1593 126 c. mid-April, 1593 28 April, 1593 130 30 April, 1593 134

viii

CONTENTS

No. XXXIIa XXXIIb XXXIII .

XXXIV. XXXV. XXXVI. XXXVII. XXXVIII. XXXIX. XL.

Sendel' Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan

XLI. XLII. XLIII. XLIV. XLV. XLVI. XLVII. XLVIII. XLIX. L. LI. LII. LIII. LIV. LV. LVI. LVIIa. LVIIb. LVIII. LIX. LX. LXI. LXII. LXIII. LXIV. LXV. LXVI. LXVII. LXVIII. LXIX. LXX. LXXI. LXXII.

Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verst egan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Richard Walpole Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan Verstegan

LXXIII. LXXIV. LXXV. LXXVI. LXXVII. LXXVIII. LXXIX. LXXX.

INDEX

Verst egan

Intended Whel'e Written Recipient Antwerp Persons Antwerp Persons Persons Antwerp Antwerp Persons Persons Antwerp Persons Antwerp Persons Antwerp Antwerp Persons Antwerp Persons Persons Antwerp and Englefield Allen Antwerp Persons Antwerp Persons Antwerp Persons Antwerp Antwerp Persons Persons Antwerp Baynes Antwerp Persons Antwerp Baynes Antwerp Baynes Antwerp Antwerp Baynes Baynes Antwerp Baynes Antwerp Baynes Antwerp Baynes Antwerp Baynes Antwerp Baynes Antwerp Baynes Antwerp Persons Antwerp Baynes Antwerp Baynes Antwerp Baynes Antwerp Persons Antwerp Baynes Antwerp Baynes Antwerp Persons Antwerp Baynes Antwerp Baynes Antwerp Baynes Antwerp Baynes Antwerp Baynes Antwerp Baynes Antwerp Verstegan Seville Baynes Baynes Baynes Baynes Baynes Colville Robert Cotton Robert Cotton

Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp Antwerp

Date 30 April, 1593 30 April, 1593 c. 30 April, 1593 c. Mid-May, 1593 27 May, 1593 c. end of May, 1593 c. early June, 1593 c. late June, 1593 c. end of June, 1593 17 September, 1593

Page 141 142 1,(4 150 155 159 163 168 17.

176

182 25 September, 1593 c. late September, 1593 185 187 2 October, 1593 10 November, 1593 189 c. early December, 1593193 195 15 December, 1593 198 8 January, 1594 203 13 January, 1594 208 26 February, 1594 209 2 April, 1594 210 16 April, 1594 211 4 June, 1594 212 11 June, 1594 214 25 June, 1594 216 2 July, 1594 217 21 January, 1595 25 March, 1595 219 223 25 March, 1595 30 March, 1595 228 231 29 April, 1595 232 13 May, 1595 20 May, 1595 233 25 May, 1595 238 242 30 June, 1595 12 November, 1595 246 c. late 1595 247 249 23 November, 1596 10 January, 1597 250 21 February, 1597 251 252 28 February, 1597 18 April, 1597 253 23 May, 1597 254 10 August, 1597 256 22 August, 1597 10 October, 1597 24 October, 1597 7 November, 1597 1597 22 October, 1603 15 June, 1609 6 October, 1617

258 258 259 261 262 263 266 268

271

TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS Abbreviations of the titles of books (including the various Calendars of State Papers) and manuscripts are normally given in an easily recognisable form. The following, however, should be noted.

A.P.C.-Acts of the Privy Council of England, edited ]. R. Dasent.

C.R.S.-Publications of the Catholic Record Society.

D'Ewes, Journals-Simonds D'Ewes, The Journals of all the Parliaments during the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, 1682 edition.

D.N.B.-Dictionary of National Biography, 1st edition.

Dodd-Tierney-c. Dodd, Church History of England, edited M. A. Tierney.

Foley, Reco,rds S. J.-H. Foley, S.]., Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus.

Morris, Troubles-]. Morris, S.]., The Troubles of our Catholic Forefathers related by themselves.

N.E.D.-A New English Dictionary on Historical Principles.

Persons, Responsio-R. Persons, S.]., Elizabethae Angliae Reginae Haeresim Calvinianam Propugnatis Saevissimum in Catholicos sui Regni Edictum . .. cum Responsione ad singula capita, 1592.

S.T.C.-A. W. Pollard and G. R. Redgrave, A Short-title Catalogue of Books printed in England and Ireland, and of English Books printed abroad, 1475-1640, 1926.

ix

INTRODUCTION 1.

LOCATION OF MSS.

Verstegan's letters and despatches, of which eighty are ext ant in original or extract, are preserved in four different archives: Stonyhurst College, Lancashire; Archives S.J., Rome; Public Record Office, London; and the British Museum. (a) Stony hurst Archives. These contain the largest number of the letters, which are t o be found in four of the manuscript collect ions gathered, catalogued or transcribed in the sevent eenth century

by Fr. Christopher Grene, S.J. (1 629- 97) when they were housed at the English College in Rome : (i) Colle,ctanea B, consisting of letters written mainly to Fr. Robert Persons, S.J., in Spain from 1588 to 1594, thirty-two of which were sent by Verstegan. Persons probably took them with him to the English College when he went to Rome in 1597, and they were catalogued there by Grene some time between about 1670 and 1690. The collection eventually passed into the Westminster Archives where it formed part of Volume IV, pp. 253-419. In February, 1921, it was exchanged for two volumes from Stonyhurst, A nglia VIII and IX. (ii) A nglia, volumes I and II, dealing with the persecution in England in the first half of the 1590s. The former contains four of Verstegan's letters, one to Persons and the other three to Roger Baynes, Cardinal Allen's secretary, and also a long report sent to Verst egan by Bl. Robert Southwell, S.]. The latter volume has six Verst egan despatches, three to Persons and three to Baynes. (iii) Collectanea M. This comprises transcripts made by Fr. Grene from papers on the martyrs and the persecution, and was compiled over a period of years, between 1676 and about 1695. The collection originally contained three parts, but the last two have perished. The only surviving volume, which runs to a little over two hundred folios, includes fourteen extracts or summaries from Verstegan's letters, most of them written to Baynes, eight being from originals which are no longer extant or exist only in Italian extracts in the Jesuit Archives, Rome. (iv) Collectanea N.II, the second two volumes of transcriptions and notes, also by Fr. Grene. There is only one Verst egan letter in this collection, a copy of one in A nglia II concerning the martyrdom of Fr. Cornelius. (b) Archives S.J., Rome. One of the many manuscript volumes on the English Province it houses, A nglia, 38 ii, which is in Italian, contains thirty-seven extracts and summaries from the letters, or references to them, thirty-one being from originals which have since been lost or are contained only in extract in Collectanea M. xi

xii

INTRODUCTION

The letters span the years 1592-8, and were written almost entirely to Baynes. Fr. Grene selected all the extracts in the volume and translated them into Italian for Fr. Daniello Bartoli, S.]., to whom he sent them around 1664 (as may be inferred from his letter to Bartoli, 4 September, 1664, which is on f.186 of the volume) for use in connection with Dell' Istaria della Campania di Geisu , l'Inghilterra, which Bartoli published in 1667, and in which at least five of the Italian extracts from Verstegan's letters are cited. (c) Public Record Office. Three items of Verstegan's correspondence are located in the Record Office, each of them having been intercepted by agents of the English government. Two of them, one to Baynes in 1595, and the other from Fr. Richard Walpole, S.]., at Seville in 1597, are in State Papers Domestic Elizabeth, and the third, to Baynes in 1594, is in State Papers Flanders. (d) British Museum. Here are preserved the only extant letters of Verst egan written in the seventeenth century. They are three in number, and are all in the Cotton Collection. One, a copy of a letter to John Colville in Paris in 1603, is in Caligula E.X, which was badly damaged in the fire at Ashburnham House when the Cotton Collection was housed there; and the other two, both addressed to Sir Robert Cotton himself, and dated 1609 and 1617, are in Julius C.UI.

2.

SYSTEM OF SELECTION.

This edition contains all known letters and despatches sent by Verstegan, and those written to him. In the first group have been included all those despatches and papers which are in his hand or can safely be assumed to have been originally written by him, and, in addition, one manuscript which, although not in his hand, bears his endorsement, namely, the copy of a Scottish proclamation (Letter No. 26).

3.

THE TRANSCRIPT.

The whole text of the letters is printed without any conscious omission. The address and endorsements are included wherever they occur, and, in the case of the latter, an attempt has been made to identify the various hands which appear in them. Seals, when used, are also noted.

Letter headings and marginalia in the hand of the writer of the letter are printed as part of the text. Those written by others, unless in the hand of the recipient, a contemporary or near contemporary, have been omitted if they are of no particular importance (e.g., a large number of Fr. Grene's headings and brief marginal summaries). When they are noticed, it is in the notes rather than in the text.

The spelling and word divisions (e.g., "him self" for "himself") of the original are preserved, except that modern usage has been

INTRODUCTION

xiii

adopted with i and j, and u and v (e.g., "ioye" is printed as "joye", "loue" as "love").

In punctuation and in the use of capitals modern practice has been followed, though attention has been paid to the original punctuation, particularly in cases of possible ambiguity.

All contractions have been expanded, except those in common use today (e.g., "Fr." for "Father").

The original paragraphing has been retained, and also underlinings when these appear to be significant.

Cancellations have been ignored, since none of them was found to be of importance.

Emendations of the text have been made only when the original reading is obviously wrong (e.g., "pleople" for "people"), and in such a case, the manuscript reading is given in the notes.

Words which have obviously been omitted by accident are supplied when they are required to complete the sense (e.g., "EI [Dios J gUa1'de a V uestra Reverencia siempre".).

Obliterated passages are noted, and some indication of their length is normally supplied in the notes. Where possible a conjectural restoration is provided.

Nearly every word or passage in code has been deciphered.

The following conventions are adopted in the text: (i) Italics are used to indicate words written in a language different from the main part of the text (e.g., Latin words in an English or Italian text), though this distinction is not observed in the addresses or endorsements. They are also used to signify passages which are not directly part of the text (e.g., Fr. Grene's introductions in some of the Italian extracts). (ii) Square brackets denote interpolations by the editor to restore obliterated passages, to complete the sense when words have been accidentally omitted, to supply decodings (e.g., "137 [EnglandJ", and, occasionally, to convert a date from Old Style to New (e.g., "1592[-3J"). (iii) Question mark. In addition to its normal function, this has been employed when there is doubt concerning an identity, a date, a reading or a decoding. A question mark used for any of these purposes will not appear in the test unless within square brackets. (iv) Dots indicate obliterations of one word or more which cannot be supplied by any means. They also denote passages which Fr. Grene indicated as being omitted in his transcriptions.

4.

TRANSLATIONS.

Although Verst egan wrote all his despatches in English, there are a number of Spanish copies and Italian extracts from them.

Translations are supplied for these when the original no longer exists, or when the extract or copy differs from it appreciably.

xiv 5.

INTRODUCTION

METHOD OF ARRANGEMENT.

The letters have been placed in strict chronological order, whether Verstegan was the sender or the recipient. When a letter is undated, an approximate date is ventured according to the context. For example, if the only indication of the date of a letter is that it reports on news sent from London, 1 May, 1593 (New Style), then allowing about ten days at the most for the newsletter to reach Verstegan at Antwerp, and two or three days' interval before Verstegan utilised it, his letter could be dated, with considerable justification, mid-May, 1593.

At the head of each letter the following information is supplied; first, the name of the sender, the recipient (or, in the case of intercepted letters, the intended recipient), place of despatch and the date when written (always given in New Style); then the archive reference, the hand (holograph or copy) and a note, where applicable, of other copies of the document, in manuscript or printed.

6.

ANNOTATIONS.

Annotations on both the text and the subject-matter are supplied in notes at the end of each document or translation.

In nearly all the references provided in the notes, the authorities used are cited as fully as possible, so that the information, together with any possible errors, can be traced to its source.

For quotations and the titles of books, the same method of transcription has been employed as in the text, for the sake of consistency, i.e., the spelling of the original is retained, but in punctuation and the use of capitals modern practice has been adopted.

When dates are mentioned in the notes, some indication is normally given as to whether they are in New Style or Old Style, when it is not clear from the context. In general, correspondence and events on the Continent are dated in New Style, whilst those in England are dated Old Style with regard to the day and month, but the year is given in New Style (i .e., reckoned as beginning 1st January).

Annotations on subject-matter are numerous, but necessarily so in view of the nature of the material, in which practically every page is crammed with news-items. They have been provided with the aim of explaining and interpreting the text where it is considered requisite, and of supplying corroborative, parallel and supplementary references, although it is not pretended that these references are exhaustive.

One of the biggest problems in compiling the notes was to decide how much biographical information to provide on the people mentioned in the text. Normally, when the person alluded to is well known, little, if any, has been given beyond his or her immediate circumstances and status, or that which is necessary for an understanding of the text; but if the person is lesser known, a fuller

INTRODUCTION

xv

account has normally been supplied. When the text appears to throw new light on a biography, this is duly noted.

Another problem has been to know how to deal with such major issues as the Babington plot, in which much further research must be undertaken before a fuller and truer picture of events and their causes will appear. Here the editor has concerned himself only with elucidating or corroborating the particular points of reference in connection with the subject.

7.

THE RANGE AND FORM OF THE LETTERS.l

The letters span the period 1591 to 1617, the bulk of them covering the years 1592, 1593 and 1595. They were all written from Antwerp, where Verstegan lived from about the beginning of 1587 until the end of his life, and are predominantly in the form of newsletters ("intelligences" or "advices", as they were sometimes called). It is sad to think that, although more than seventy of them are extant in some form or other, had all the news-letters survived which Verst egan sent only in the last decade of the sixteenth century, there would be well over a thousand, taking into account that he wrote, on average, one letter a week to Persons and to Baynes for a considerable time, and corresponded regularly with a number of others.

It is a pity, too, from the biographical aspect, that there is so little of Verst egan's private correspondence: only the two very human letters to Sir Robert Cotton. None, surprisingly enough, is to be found in the various Belgian archives, including the Royal Archives, Brussels, the Town Archives, Antwerp, and the PlantinMoretus Museum.

In addition, of the countless letters sent to Verstegan by such people as Cardinal Allen, Persons, Garnet, Southwell, Baynes, Henry and Richard Walpole, and many others, all seem to have perished except for three, one from Southwell, which Verstegan forwarded, one from Garnet, which he included in its entirety in one of his despatches, and one from Richard Walpole, which was intercepted.

For exactly how long Verst egan acted as an "intelligencer" at Antwerp is hard to say, but he appears to have done so from about 1589 until at least 1605, and probably much longer (vid. Thesis, p. 132). His duties in this respect, to judge from the extant despatches, was to report on affairs in England, particularly on the state of the persecution there, on local news from the Low Countries and on important events on the Continent, of which his correspondents would not have immediate knowledge. lSome of the material used in this and subsequent sections of the Introduction is taken from my M.A. thesis, A Stu dy of the L if e an d Writings of Richard Verstegan (c. 1550-1640), London University, 1957, Chapters IV and XV.

xvi

INTRODUCTION

His method of writing a despatch was to incorporate into one letter the advices he had received from London, Rouen, Middelburg and elsewhere, occasionally providing verbatim copies (e.g., Letter No.9), but normally condensing them or quoting extracts from them. He sometimes included verbal information, for example, that supplied by Catholic refugees from England and Scotland, and may have relied on travelling merchants and couriers for news from the remoter parts of Europe.

The length of the despatches varies considerably, though they usually consist of about three or four sides of fairly closely written pages measuring roughly 12 by 8 inches. The news-items they contain are brief and succinct. Letter No. 40, for example, has about twenty different items in three pages. There are a number of reasons to account for this brevity, the chief of which must have been the necessity for speedy despatch, coupled with the fact that Verstegan, who had many other things to do and had little or no help (vid., Letter No. 35), was normally pressed for time.

Furthermore, he had to consider the cost of "portage", which presumably affected the amount sent in a news-packet; and the same probably applied to advices from England, on which most of the despatches are based. On occasion, however, Verst egan found time and space to write more elaborate reports, and to include anecdotes, as for instance those concerning Burghley, Recorder Fleetwood and others, and he clearly warmed to his task, having the ability to narrate dramatically and, when appropriate, humorously (vid., Letters Nos. 3a, 25, 32, 48, etc.).

With a number of the despatches enclosures were sent, which might consist of manuscript copies of Acts of Parliament, proclamations, arraignments, title-pages of books, or letters written by the Privy Council on Recusant affairs. Verstegan either wrote out the copies himself or paid others to do so (vid., Letter No. 32).

In some cases, the enclosure has survived when the letter with which it was sent has perished.

8.

THE COMMUNICATION SYSTEM.

Verst egan was at the centre of a very elaborate communication system in the 1590s. It is difficult to over-estimate his importance in this respect. He was the connecting link at Antwerp for a number of leading English Catholics in England, Spain, Italy, France, and the Low Countries, despatching and forwarding letters to and from each of these countries with amazing speed and efficiency, considering the precarious state of letter-carriage at the time. (a) The correspondents. From his own letters, those of his contemporaries, and from the depositions and confessions in the State Papers of the period, it is possible to derive a reasonably good idea of the identity of those whom Verstegan served as an intelligencer and agent.

INTRODUCTION

xvii

(i) England. Verstegan had at least three or four correspondents in England, each of them well informed on public affairs, one of their sources on information being someone who was apparently in a high position at Court (d. Cal. Spanish, 1587-1603, p. 633), to judge from the contents of some of the news-letters, and from the copies of important documents which were sent, including some of Lord Burghley's letters (vid., Letter No. 37).

It is to be noted that it was by no means a one-way communication between England and Antwerp. Verstegan was able to transmit letters to England with the ease and frequency with which he received them, and in addition was able to send across books and money.

His chief correspondent in England was Fr. Henry Garnet, the Superior of the Jesuit Mission there until his execution in 1606, and it is safe to assume that the large majority of the reports which were despatched to Verstegan from London came from him.

Although, for reasons of security, Verstegan does not directly name his informants in England, referring to them by code numbers, if at all, there is at least one news-letter from London which is definitely known to be Garnet's (vid., Letter No.9 and its endorsement), and two or three others, quoted at length by Verstegan, bear marks of his style of writing a despatch (d., extracts in Letters Nos. 37, 40 and 41).

There is also record of his sending Verst egan a number of valuable papers, including a copy of a letter from the Privy Council to the Commissioners for recusancy in Lincolnshire, and the autograph confession of Anthony Tyrell (vid ., Letter No. 32). He may also have despatched the drafts of the 1593 recusant acts before they were finally passed in Parliament (Letter No. 29).

Garnet himself, in some of his letters to Persons, refers to his correspondence with Verst egan, whom he terms his "friend ¡ in Anvers" (vid., Letter No. 55, note 2); and Henry Walpole stated in his confessions that Verst egan was Garnet's agent, receiving and forwarding his letters (S.P. Dom. Eliz., vols. ccxlviii, no. 13, ccxlix, no. 44).

Another correspondent was Robert Southwell, who communicated with Verst egan from about 1590, or earlier, until he was arrested and imprisoned in June, 1592. One long report from Southwell to Verstegan has survived (Letter No.1), though it has not been previously ascribed to him. In a postscript of his letter to Fr. Persons, 5 March, 1592, (3a) Verstegan mentions that he had been expecting to receive news from Southwell for the past three days, and that the delay had probably been caused by contrary winds.

There is also a reference in Henry Walpole's letters (edited A. Jessopp, p. 23) to Verstegan's arranging with Southwell for the conveyance of a sum of money.

Walpole mentions another of Verstegan's informants in his confessions, a certain "Spillor", probably Robert Spiller, of whom B

xviii

INTRODUCTION

little seems to be known. Some information about his activities is given in A. ]. Loomie's excellent Ph.D. thesis, SPain and the English Catholic Exiles, 1580-1604, London University, 1957, pp. 626 ff. It has been suggested, by Fr. Grene among others (Archives, S.J., Rome, Anglia 37) that Spiller was an alias of Fr. Anthony Rivers, S.]., who also used the name Roger Nevell.

It is likely that Fr. John Gerard, S.]., was another correspondent of Verst egan, though there is no evidence of this; and there are a few others besides, one or two of them laymen, including a Dutchman (vid., Letter No. 32), but there is no means of identifying them. It seems that whoever they were, most of them lived in or around London, which could be considered their collecting centre for information.

There is a possibility that Verst egan had an informant in Scotland also, but it is more likely that news on Scottish affairs was relayed to him from London, as appears to have been the case with news concerning Ireland. (ii) Spain. Verst egan was an intelligencer first and foremost for Fr. Persons, and sent despatches very frequently to him at Madrid, Seville and Valladolid, and later, at Rome, when Persons moved there in 1597. This service may have been continued until Persons's death in 1609, and certainly Verst egan was still informing him until 1605, but his extant despatches cover only the period 1591- 5.

Persons thought very highly of him, and in his memorandum to Martin Idiaquez, the King of Spain's secretary, in 1596, recommended him as a valuable informant on English affairs (Cal. Spanish, 1587-1603, p. 633).

In addition to the despatches, Verst egan sent Persons numerous documents, including copies of the letters of Burghley and Walsingham, and books, a particularly large consignment being sent in October, 1593 (d., Letter No. 43).

Persons, in turn, wrote to Verst egan regularly, acknowledging receipt of despatch (a necessity, since correspondence could so easily go astray), and giving instructions concerning the printing of his books, the manuscripts of which he regularly consigned to Verst egan for publication at Antwerp (vid. , my thesis, pp. 117 ff. ; Letter No. 15). He also enclosed letters for forwarding, and sometimes a bill of exchange also to defray some of Verstegan's numerous expenses.

Another person informed by Verst egan was Sir Francis Englefield,! resident at Valladolid, and at the Spanish Court at Madrid, where he was held in high regard, and he may have drawn on Verstegan's despatches, among others, to inform the King on English affairs. These despatches seem to have been sent to EnglelThere is a short biography of Englefield in Fr. Loomie's thesis, pp. 66 fl.

Having become blind in the latter part of his life, he was entirely dependent on his secretaries for the transaction of his correspondence, and unfortunately for him they were not all to be trusted.

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field from about 1590, or earlier, until shortly before his death in 1596, but although Verst egan sometimes refers to them (e.g., in Letter No. 32) only one is extant (vid., next paragraph). They may however, have formed the bases of some of the extant Spanish avisos on English affairs.

Occasionally, Verstegan despatched letters for Persons and Englefield in the same packet, probably to save the expense of sending them separately, and to avoid unnecessary duplication, since at least some of the despatches were intended for both of them to read (e.g., Letter No. 40). Persons disliked this method of despatch, however, and wrote a memorandum on the back of one of the letters (No. 41) to the effect that he would have to tell Verstegan to discontinue the practice.

Other correspondents in Spain, not so much for news as for the transaction of business principally connected with the affairs of the English colleges there, included Fr. Richard Walpole, S.J., Prefect of Studies at Seville and later at Valladolid, who, amongst other things, arranged with Verst egan for the transporting of books from Antwerp to help in the formation of a library at the Seville College; and Fr. Juan de Pineda, S.]., for whose book, Commentariorum in Job, libri tredecim, Verst egan sent copperplates which he himself had engraved (vid., Letter No. 72). (iii) Italy. Most of the correspondents were centred at Rome, though there may have been some at Venice and Milan, who even if they did not directly communicate with Verstegan, may nevertheless have forwarded his letters.

The most important of those at Rome for whom Verstegan acted as intelligencer and agent was Cardinal Allen, who resided there from 1585 until his death in October, 1594. Verstegan sent him frequent news-letters either directly addressed to him (there are two such in the text, though one is a copy, and the other an extremely brief Italian extract) or via his secretary and majordomo, Roger Baynes.

The earliest record of Verstegan's services for Allen from Antwerp is in a spy's report for the English government dated December 1590, in which he is described as the "Cardinalle's agent". (vid., thesis, pp. 117-8). He is also referred to in this capacity in Henry Walpole's confessions, and a letter of his to Allen is mentioned in the correspondence of his fellow exile at Antwerp, Richard Hopkins, in January, 1594 (vid., p. 134). Verstegan seems to have supplied Allen with books and papers in much the same way as he did Persons, and among the documents he sent him was a printed copy of the proclamation of October-November, 1591 (vid., Letter No.2).

Fr. Joseph Creswell, S.J., also received news while he was Rector at the English College, Rome, 1589-92, as appears from Henry Walpole's letters, and he purchased books from Antwerp through Verstegan's agency (vid., thesis, pp. 125, 134). Verst egan may have

xx

INTRODUCTION

communicated with him when Creswell went to Spain in 1592, but there is no evidence that he did so.

H the deciphering in Letter No. 57 is correct, it shows that Verstegan forwarded at least some of the letters from Jesuits in England (Garnet chiefly) to the Father General in Rome, Claude Aquaviva, a considerable number of which have survived.

The person at Rome with whom Verstegan communicated most frequently was Roger Baynes,l and their correspondence must have continued long into the seventeenth century. Baynes probably passed on most of the despatches he received to Allen, and after the Cardinal's death, to Enrico Caetani, the Cardinal Protector of England. Baynes seems also to have been Verstegan's intermediary for distributing letters to prominent Catholics at Rome. (iv) France. Little can be ascertained of Verstegan's correspondence with Catholics in France, but there is sufficient evidence to indicate that it must have been fairly extensive. In a list of exiles in State Papers Domestic for the year 1590 he is referred to as conveying "divers paquets" to and from Paris (vid. my thesis, p. 132). Verst egan himself alludes from time to time to letters he was sending to Thomas Fitzherbert, who was intelligencing at Rouen and Paris in the early 1590s (e.g., in Letter No. 47) ; and also writes of one from Fitzherbert which he was forwarding to Persons (in No. 32). There is, too, at least the one letter which he sent in 1603 to John Colville (No. 78), a political intriguer residing in Paris at the time, who had managed to convince a number of exiles, including Verst egan , of the sincerity of his conversion to Catholicism. (v) The Low Countries. There were chiefly two people here for whom Verstegan acted as agent in receiving and despatching letters, both of them living a short distance from him, at Brussels. One IFrom the little information available on this interesting exile it appears that he was born in England in 1546, fled to the Continent in 1579, arriving at the English College, Rheims, in July, 1579. He travelled with Allen to Rome in 1585, and soon became his secretary and major-domo, while his suitability as an agent for English affairs at Rome was quickly realised.

After Allen's death he lived on in Rome in one of the houses belonging to the English College, to which he made a number of bequests on his death in 1623. His will is still preserved in the College archives (see further Knox Allen, 1st and 2nd Douay Diaries; Foley, Records,S.]., vi; Gasquet, History of the Venerable English College).

A biographical notice of Baynes is contained in Anthony Copley's declaration to the Privy Council in 1596 (Strype, Annals, iv, p. 386): "Cardinal Allen hath about him divers Englishmen, as Mr. Banes, who hath been long out of England, and sometimes in Poland with the young cardinal of that country; a gentleman of some forty years of age, or rather upward, well languaged, and otherwise well qualified, discreet, secret and inclined to high matters. He is a cardinal's secretary of outlandish languages".

Baynes's two literary works, The Praise of 50litarinesse, 1577, and .The Baynes of Aquisgrane, 1617, are discussed in A. C. Southern's Elizabethan Recusant Prose, 1559-82, pp. 332-30. It is tempting to think that Baynes was "Ro. Ba.", the author of a biography of St. Thomas More.

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xxi

was Fr. William Holt, S.]., Vice-Prefect of the English Mission in the Low Countries until 1598, who administered the funds allocated to the exiles by Philip II. Walpole stated in his confessions that Holt received all his intelligences from England and elsewhere via Verstegan; and in Letter No. 32 Verst egan mentions a large packet of despatches he had received for him from Persons.

The other recipient of news-letters from Catholics in England and on the Continent, as also appears from Walpole's confessions, was Hugh Owen,l a very influential Welsh exile always closely associated with Holt, who was himself an intelligencer for Englefield and others in Spain.

During the time he was in the Low Countries, Henry Walpole also made use of Verstegan as an agent, particularly while deputising at Brussels for Holt when he was with the Duke of Parma in France (vid. his letters, edited Jessopp). He may have occasionally communicated with him from Spain as well, and certainly read a number of the letters to Persons, since he endorsed some of them (e.g., Nos. 29 and 32).

Yet another person associated with Verstegan in his intelligencing was the treacherous Jacques Francisco, who played a double game so successfully as agent for the King of Spain, and at the same time for the English government, that he fooled a number of the English Catholics in the Low Countries. He had the freedom of Verstegan's house for a time, and apparently handed on to him advices which he received from Middelburg (vid. my thesis, p. 136).

It is possible that Francisco supplied the despatch from a Dutchman at Middelburg which Verstegan incorporated in Letter No. 40.

There were, of course, many other Catholic intelligencers in the Low Countries at that time, including Hugh Owen, Richard Hopkins and Thomas Covert, to name only a few, but undeniably, Verst egan was the most important in view of the number of highly placed Catholics whom he served, and of the frequency and efficiency with which he was able to convey the despatches. His efforts and achievements in this respect are particularly remarkable considering that he was fully occupied with numerous other activities, including assisting in the publication of many Catholic books, in writing some of them, and in engraving; he was in poor health for over a year, and, as he himself states, he had no help, and had to do all the work himself (Letter No. 35). (b) Method of despatch. Although little can be ascertained of the way in which Verst egan conveyed the news-letters, it has been considered useful to supply what few details there are. (i) Preparation for despatch. Each of the letters was normally made ready for despatch by being enclosed in one large envelope or packet, together with any enclosures and other letters which ITwo important sources for Owen's biography are A. H. Dodd, "Two Welsh Catholic Emigres discuss the Accession of James I " , B u lletin of the B oard of Celtic Studies, vol. 8, pp. 344-58 ; F r. Loomie's thesis, pp. 403 ff.

xxii

INTRODUCTION

Verstegan was forwarding, directed to the same recipients, but some were sealed up separately either with papered seals or seals pendent from a doubled tag (to judge from the slits in the paper of the letters in question), and were probably sent individually. (ii) Routes. There are only fragments of information about the routes used. From Letters Nos. 3a and 47 it appears that the despatches from England were sent direct from Antwerp, but from which English ports is hard to say. The most usual ports, for example, Dover, would be fairly carefully watched, but officials were not above being bribed.

The normal route of the official post-couriers between England and Antwerp was via Calais, or, occasionally, via ports in Holland (Hatfield House MSS., V, p. 112). Verst egan may have used this post for mail which was not of very great importance.

In another Letter (No. 57), Verst egan mentions that the most convenient and usual method of despatching to Rome was via Venice, though Milan was used for a time. I t is possible that letters to Spain were conveyed most of the way by sea, and those to France probably by land. (iii) Frequency, and time taken for delivery. News-letters were sent and received by Verst egan for all the countries he served in an almost continuous stream, broken, as it seems, only by unfavourable winds, and occasional interception by an English agent, always a hazard, though it is to the credit of the communication system that apparently only three letters were lost in this way, and not one of these was to a correspondent in England. There was, however, a short period in 1592 during which Verst egan sent no letters to England because he had learnt that an English spy was trying to find out how he was sending them (vid., Letter No. 15).

It is difficult to judge the exact frequency with which Verstegan received or despatched, but it can be estimated from his statements in the letters, that he wrote or forwarded to correspondents in England, to Persons and to Baynes about once a week, and received from them letters for himself and others at roughly the same rate.

The time taken for despatch is equally difficult to gauge, but to judge once again from the letters, it appears that it took, on average, from about five to ten days between London and Antwerp, from two to three weeks between Antwerp and Rome, and from three weeks to a month between Antwerp and the various towns in Spain, though one packet, possibly sent by the official post, seems to have taken four months to reach Seville (vid., Letter No. 72). To Paris and Rouen it must have taken only a few days. (iv) M eans of conveyance. Obtaining carriers for letters to and from Catholics in England would appear to have been a serious problem, but Verstegan seems to have found no difficulty in doing so, even though, in the course of time, the English government came to learn of his methods of conveyance and of his agents through the reports of informers and from extorted confessions.

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xxiii

Two people in particular are mentioned in the State Papers.

Domestic and Hatfield House MSS. for the period as carriers for Verstegan. One was "Laurence", an English exile from Sheffield, who worked as a bookbinder at Antwerp. He went to and fro with great ease for Verst egan and Sir Timothy Mockett and others (vid., Thesis, p.139). The second was Andrew Buzeline, a merchant of Lille, who transported books to England for Verstegan, and probably did the same for his letters. He is mentioned as intending to convey to England copies of N ewes from SPayne and Holland, which was printed at Antwerp under Verstegan's supervision in 1594 (vid., Thesis, p. 127a). Other carriers included John Hasnet, who is referred to in Walpole's confessions.

That the carriers were able to come and go so freely was due in part to the ease with which officials could be bribed (R. Lechat, Les Rijugiis Anglais dans les Pays-Bas Espagnols, p. 76) and the great skill 'Yith which the letters were concealed; some would be hidden in the cargo of a merchant's goods as books were (vid.

Thesis, p. 127), and there is an instance of letters being stuffed inside coat-buttons (Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, p. 162). Among other devices was the false addressing of a letter to make it appear that it was directed to a merchant or even to a Calvinist refugee dwelling in London (Lechat, loco cit.).

The conveying of letters on the Continent was a comparatively simple matter, and although private carriers must have been used where possible, the bulk of the correspondence was probably committed to the official post. To facilitate reliable delivery, Verst egan had put himself on excellent terms with the Antwerp Postmaster, Charles de Tassis (Thesis, p. 140) and probably with the official couriers also, one of whom was called Joos.

The main disadvantage of this method of despatch was that letters were liable to be intercepted, either by theft or offer of money, and, in fact, in addition to the three letters from the Verstegan correspondence that were intercepted, there were many others written by Catholics on the Continent which found their way into the hands of the English government. The same thing sometimes happened to the correspondence of the English agents, a famous example of which was a letter written by Burghley defending his ancestry, the interception and subsequent publication of which caused him a great amount of vexation (vid., Thesis, p. 140). (v) Cost and maintenance. It seems that Verst egan was responsible for paying the "portage" on all letters he sent from Antwerp, and at least some of those which he received from London. He would not necessarily pay portage for the whole distance that a letter had to travel. In Letter No. 57, for example, he mentions that for a despatch from England which was to be forwarded to Rome, he had paid the postage to Antwerp, and from Antwerp to Venice. In this case, a contact in Venice may have met the cost

XXIV

INTRODUCTION

between Venice and Rome, or Baynes may have done so in a "cash on delivery" system.

No figures are available for the various items of ¡expenditure connected with portage, but Verstegan comments that it was very dear (Letter No. 32) and that from London to Antwerp was the dearest of all, by far, and necessarily so "to the end thinges be well don" (No. 57).

To defray his expenses, Verstegan seems to have been allocated money from various sources. It is highly likely that Cardinal Allen arranged for sums to be paid to him at Antwerp, and Creswell probably did the same while he was Rector at the English College, Rome. From Walpole's letters it appears that his expenses were also partly defrayed by Holt and Owen at Brussels (vid., Thesis, p. 146).

The chief source of reimbursement must have been Fr. Persons who, in addition to sending him bills of exchange (vid., Letter No. 8), also arranged for him to be paid a regular allowance, record of which has survived for the period 1597-1605 (vid., Thesis, pp.

143, appendix, pp. lxvii-Ixix). (c) Code. 1 In common with many other despatches of the period, code was used in the letters, though only sparingly, being reserved for occasions when particular secrecy was to be observed in the naming of important people, places or subjects.

There are two different sets of code, one for Verstegan's correspondence with Baynes, and the other for letters to Persons, though both are based on the same system. In each there is a word and a letter substitution code. The latter was normally used in the case of nouns for which no word substitution existed and appears only very occasionally. (i) The Verstegan-Baynes code. This was the same as that used by a number of others in the Low Countries when writing to Rome, for example, Henry Walpole in his letters to Creswell, and, apparently, Fr. Holt when writing to Allen (vid., Appendix III), and does not appear to have altered between 1591 and 1595. It consists entirely of numbers, two or three digits for word substitution and two digits for letters.

The word code follows no decipherable pattern, and can be decoded only from the context, except when, on occasion, the recipient has supplied the plain text above the code or in the margin. Phelippes also tried his hand at deciphering certain passages in one of the intercepted letters, but despite his ability and experience, his efforts cannot be entirely trusted, as is indicated in the notes of the letter in question (No. 61). This code must have contained a large collection of numbers. In the extant letters, Verstegan used nineteen of them, but there were probably about five times as many.

1 It

has been considered unnecessary to make a distinction here between code and cipher.

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The letter code is much simpler, and it has been found possible to supply the key. It contains a recognisable progression with the alternation of two series of numbers. The only complication is that two numbers are used for each of the vowels when both appear in one word, the larger preceding the smaller.

The following tables have been compiled from the code in Verstegan's letters and from those of Walpole to Creswell, the former being referred to by the number of the letter, and the latter by the page number of J essopp's edition. A bracketted question mark follows a deciphering when it is probable but not certain, and one without brackets, when it is doubtful but possible. A question mark appears on its own when no decoding has been attempted.

VERSTEGAN-BAYNES CODE, c. 1591-c. 1595

Code 30 94 107 108 112 114 127 133 137 140 142 143 148 149 153 213 215 222 225

A

B C D E

A.-Word Substitution Code Letter References Plain text Verstegan Walpole Earl ?

47 Catholic(s) 57a, 63 Persons 61 44 Holt 29, 44 61 Southwell 31, 32 10 Garnet 57a 31 Westmoreland 47, 57a Paget?

57 England 1~ 11, 57~ 61 3~36 Spain 61 44 44 Italy 57a Low Countries ?

63 Middelburg ?

61 Rome 61 44 London 57 a, 61 Protector 61 Priest(s) ?

61 35 61 Jesuit(s) Fr. General ?

57a B.-Letter Substitution Alphabet Letter R eferences Walpole Verstegan 44 57b {20 32 71 57b 40 32, 44 41 47 42 57b 47 44 f43 44 l72

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INTRODUCTION

F G H

I,

J

K L M N 0 P

Q

R S T U,V W X Y

Z

21 44(?)

45 {46 73 47 48 22 49 {50 74(?)

51 52(?)

53 54 23(?) {55 75(?)

56 57(?)

58(?)

59(?)

Letter References Verstegan Walpole 47 47 57b,61 61 57b 61 47,49,61 61

32 32 44 32 32 32 32

47 61

32,44 32

57b

(ii) Verstegan-Persons Code. This is a little more complicated than the previous one, for although the same system was employed for word substitution (two or three digits for each word), the letter substitution mixes numbers, letters and abbreviations. For lack of sufficient examples it has not been found possible to provide the key to this code. A number of the readings supplied in the table are highly conjectural, and although it has been assumed that this letter substitution code, like the word substitution code and the Verstegan-Baynes code did not alter between the years 1592-5 (the period covered by the extant examples) it may well have done so,[or at least have been transposed.

VERSTEGAN-PERSONS CODE,

Code 20 22 25 38 54 68 139

c. 1592-c. 1595

A.-Word-substitution Code Plain Text Letter Reference 8, 58 Spain Italy 15, 58 8, 12, 15, 32, 43 England West Indies ?

8 8 France?

32 ?

15,32 Priest? Jesuit?

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Code 146 153 167 177 179 181 185 195 197 201 208 215 225 227 237 239

Letter Reference Plain Text 12, 58 King of Spain 30 London 12 Elizabeth?

32 Paget (?)

15 Morgan 9, 15 Verstegan 15 ?

8, 32, 58 Garnet "Garlick "?, Southwell ? 8 40 ?

8 Victory?

58 English 32, 58 Catholic(s) 15 Spying?

58 Money News ?, Letter ?

15

B.-Letter Substitution Alphabet A B C

r 6 7?

8

D

E F G H I, K

J

L

M N 0

P Q R S T V, V W X Y Z

Letter Reference 58 58 8 58

20

8, 58

12 O? 14 9?

15,58 58 8, 58 8, 15 8 15

p? &

8 58

{~e?

15

xxviii

INTRODUCTION

9. CONTENTS OF THE LETTERS, and their contribution to the history of the period.

The letters contain a large store of items of information on events in England and on the Continent, particularly for the years 1592 to 1595, and ought not to be overlooked or lightly treated, since they are based, for the most part, on the reports of those who were on the spot and who made it their business to be wellinformed. (a) Religious History. An especially useful amount of material is provided on the religious history of the period, which is best enumerated under three main headings. (i) Catholics in E ngland and Scotland. An informative introduction to the state of Catholics in England and the persecution they were undergoing is provided in Southwell's long report to Verstegan (Letter No.1). It summarizes the persecution up to and including the latter end of 1591, and then gives forebodings, all too justified, of what was to follow as a result of the proclamation of OctoberNovember, 1591. The whole document is a heartfelt and fiercely intense utterance of one who was at the very centre of the persecution, and who, with truly tragic irony, was himself to undergo the torture and martyrdom which he described.

It is interesting to note that this letter figured to a great extent in two printed replies to the proclamation mentioned above, Southwell's Humble Supplication, published long after his death, and Verstegan's Declaration oj the True Causes, 1592, Amongst the items of information on anti-Catholic legislation are details of the commissions set up in accordance with the 1591 proclamation (Letters Nos. 3, 3a) and copies of the two 1593 recusant acts before they were finally passed with amendments in Parliament (No. 29).

Many martyrs appear in the letters, including the Jesuits, Southwell, Cornelius and Walpole; the seculars Bayles, Jones, Beesley, Genings, White, Plasden, Patenson, Portmort, Page, Lampton, Davies and Freeman; and the laymen, Wells. Lacev. Ashton, Errington, Knight, Gibson and Abbot.

Chief prominence amongst these martyrs is given to Robert Southwell, a person to whom Verst egan was obviously very attached, although he may never have met him, and one who profoundly influenced his poetry. Most of Southwell's via dolorosa, from his sudden and dramatic arrest, through his torture under Topcliffe and long languishing in prison, to his trial and execution, is vividly depicted in the letters, which are thereby a most valuable source for his biography.

There are details of other missionaries (as, for instance, John Gerard) who managed to pursue their work without suffering martyrdom, although in many cases they endured their share of torture and imprisonment. In addition, there may be found numerous references to laymen who endured every manner of hardship for

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the Faith, including Richard Webster, Gratian Brownell, Robert Grey, Edward Atslowe, William Wiseman, Thomas Darrell, and the two gentlewomen, Ann Tesh and Bridget Maskew.

By contrast, the letters also mention those priests and who turned apostate and even informer against their former brethren.

Amongst these are Christopher Parkins, formerly a Jesuit, who went on a number of diplomatic missions for the English government, Thomas Bell, later a fierce polemist against the Catholic Church, and John Cecil, who became a successful informant and agent provocateur for the English government.

A certain amount is provided on Catholic affairs in Scotland, particularly that concerned with the Catholic nobility. There is, for example, a copy of the proclamation and band (promulgated only in manuscript) which were issued as a result of the affair of the Spanish blanks (Letter No. 26); and a despatch of December, 1593 (No. 46) completely devoted to Scottish affairs which notes amongst many other things, the Catholic sympathies of James' wife, Anne of Denmark. (ii) Catholics on the Continent. Most of the material in the letters on the English Catholics abroad centres round the Low Countries, where a considerable number of them were exiled at the time.

Verst egan provided only scattered items of information concerning them, but, fortunately, these are very illuminating.

A recurrent theme is the extreme poverty and wretchedness in which most of the exiles were living for the most part of the 1590s, whether or not they were pensioners of the King of Spain.

Pensions were paid very infrequently, and when the money was eventually received, it proved to be only a part of what was due, and did little more than cancel some of the debts which had been contracted in the interim.

The situation was so desperate that a number went begging from door to door; a few, including Sir Thomas Markenfield, actually died of hunger, whilst many others were gravely ill because of malnutrition. Verst egan himself fared little better than the rest, and was often afflicted with "perturbations of want".

Many of the exiles appear in the letters, although only fleetingly: Holt, Owen, Sir William Stanley, with references to the campaigning of his regiment, and the accusations of his pocketing "dead pays"; William Rainolds and his conferences with Verst egan concerning the compilation of an ecclesiastical history of England; the Earl of Westmoreland and his dissoluteness, Thomas Morgan and his banishment. Others include Persons's brother, George, Charles Browne, Anthony Tunstede, Thomas Covert, Peter Phillips, the musician, and many others.

There are allusions to the divisions and factions among the exiles, principally to that concerned with the nomination of a cardinal as successor to Cardinal Allen, in which there were two

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main parties, those who were in favour of Robert Persons, and the supporters of Owen Lewis, the Bishop of Cassano.

A few details are supplied on some of the seminaries on the Continent, as, for example, a hint of the troubles brewing at the English College, Rome, in 1595, the urgent need of a library at the Seville College, and reference to the episode in which six young students together with Fr. Baldwin, who was in charge of them, were captured by English ships whilst travelling from St. Omers College to Valladolid. (iii) The Puritans. There is a relatively large and extremely important amount of material on the Puritans and their persecution by the Anglican episcopacy. A number of references are made to John Penry, including his arrest and the fact that he was commonly held to be Martin Marprelate, and there is an accurate copy of his indictment. Allusions are also made to the arraignment and execution of two other Puritan leaders, Henry Barrow and John Greenwood, and amongst the despatches Verst egan sent was a report of the indictment and proceedings at their trial (Letter No. 33).

Only one other record of this trial is known to exist, and it has never been published.

Other information includes a reference to the body of a Puritan, Roger Rippon, being placed by his brethren in front of the door of Richard Young, with an inscription of protest on the coffin lid ; and an account of the emigration of a party of Puritans with one of their leaders to Holland as a result of the persecution following the passing of the 1593 recusant acts, one of which applied as much to the Puritans as it did to Catholics. (b) Political Historyl. Although the despatches by no means supply a full or perfectly balanced picture of political events in the period, they contain many details which can be considered to be a useful contribution to such a picture. (i) E ngland. The political scene in England in the early 1590s is presented as being dominated by Burghley and, to a smaller extent his son, Robert Cecil; they were able to sway the Queen to their will and to control the government of the country to the detriment of its nobility, people and general welfare. Burghley is described as still "ruling the roost" despite his age and infirmities, and as attempting to make himself a " dictator in p erpetuum" by increasing and consolidating the power of himself and his family, and diminishing the influence of would-be opponents.

In 1592 he is reported as striving to make his elder son, Thomas, Lord Deputy of Ireland, and his younger son, Robert, Secretary of State (a wish fulfilled in 1595, according to Letter No. 63, although he was not sworn in until a year later), while at the same time he was dissuading the Queen from appointing the Earls of lIt has been found convenient to make these subdivisions, although it is realised that politics and religion are so closely associated in the Elizabethan period as to be almost inseparable.

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Essex, Huntingdon and Shrewsbury to the Privy Council. He was also endeavouring to match his grandson, William Cecil with the Lady Arabella, a possible claimant to the throne of England.

Burghley is also mentioned as seeking to acquire the marquisate of Northampton.

The Cecils' domination is represented as being universally unpopular, though since the deaths of Leicester and Hatton there was little effective opposition to them. The Earl of Essex is shown as a prominent opponent, however, and even as early as 1592 and 1593 he is depicted as an antagonist and rival of Robert Cecil, although in recent years this rivalry has been played down by historians.

An ever-present feature of Elizabethan political history is the profusion of conspiracies and intrigues. The letters give details of a number of them, many being labelled as "Papist plots" of some kind or other, though the majority were rigged or at least encouraged, for political rather than religious ends, by the English government.

Amongst those alluded to is the Babington plot, on which a detailed commentary is provided by Southwell (Letter No.1) who was in London at the time, and was well-informed on the workings of the plot. His account is not fully accurate, but is capable of substantiation on a large number of points; and if it does little else, it serves to show the contemporary Catholic viewpoint of the conspiracy. Other "plots" mentioned include those involving Cahill, William and Yorke, Lopez, and the Hesketh affair.

Prominent in most of these plots were numerous government agents and informers. Some of these appear in the letters: Nicholas Berden, a key spy of Walsingham, Robert Poley, who figured prominently in the Babington plot, and Roger Walton, an inexperienced agent connected with the Lopez plot, whose accusations against innocent persons eventually rebounded on himself. Another spy was Michael Moody, who was principally engaged in reporting on the activities of the Catholic exiles in the Low Countries and in endeavouring to aggravate the factions among them.

Wider aspects of the political scene presented in the letters are the relations between England and Scotland, France, the Low Countries and Spain from 1592 to 1595. The main features of the relations with Scotland are the various embassies between the two countries to clear up differences on both sides, to obtain James' co-operation in the persecution of Catholics, and, in particular, to secure the forefeiture of the Catholic nobles, and to curb border incidents. In return, James was offered an annuity and an assurance that nothing would be done to help the Earl of Bothwell.

Policy towards France is shown as mainly concerned with assisting Henry of Navarre against the League which was being supported principally by Spain. A dilemma arose when Henry became a Catholic in 1593, but current feeling in England was that he had

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done so only to gain his own ends, and although the aid given him was diminished for a time, it did not cease.

The Dutch Provinces were also receiving English help in their revolt against Spanish domination, though from about 1592 onwards, it was more grudgingly given. In that year it was decided to transfer some of the English troops stationed there to Britanny ; and in 1593, Elizabeth attempted to make the Provinces maintain the remaining English garrisons themselves.

The relations between England and Spain were markedly hostile, although in 1593 there was talk of a peace treaty being made through the mediation of the Emperor of Germany. In 1591, fears, apparently unjustified, were voiced of a possible second Spanish attempt to invade England, and partially as a result of this, the propagandist proclamation of October-November, 1591, was promulgated. Again, in 1593 there was rumour of another Spanish invasion, this time of the Channel Islands, and these were strongly fortified in readiness.

There is frequent reference to attacks on Spanish shipping by English men-of-war and "adventurers", and to the great amount of plunder which was acquired by this means, the most notable example being that obtained from the captured Portuguese carrack, the Madre de Dios in August, 1592. The marauding expeditions mentioned in the despatches include those of the Earl of Cumberland, Drake, the London merchants Watts and Lane, and others. The Spanish were not always on the receiving end, however, and it is recorded in a letter of 1593 (No. 37) that Spanish ships bringing reinforcements and supplies to the castle of Blaye in Bordeaux, utterly routed the blockading English fleet.

Information on the political scene in Scotland and Ireland is given from time to time; in the case of the former, the picture which presents itself is that of King James caught between the opposition and conspiracies of the ministers on the one hand, and of the Scottish Catholic nobility on the other. Ireland is shown to be in a state of continuous unrest culminating in the Tyrone rebellion, which increased in intensity throughout the last decade of the sixteenth century. (ii) The Continent. An ample amount of material is supplied on political affairs on the Continent, particularly those concerned with events in France and the Low Countries during the turbulent years 1592-5, in which warfare continued almost unceasingly.

News on French affairs centres round the fortunes of Henry of Navarre and his gradual rise to power and near supremacy; that .concerned with the Low Countries deals mainly with the progress of the war between the Dutch of the Northern Provinces, under their leaders Philip and Maurice of Nassau, and the South under the governor-generals Alexander Farnese, Ernest and Albert, the two Counts of Mansfelt, and the able but generally unsuccessful commander, Verdugo.

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Little is to be found on Spanish affairs, apart from reports about the treasure ships from the West Indies, on which Spanish finance depended so much. There are, however, a number of reports concerning other countries, for example, Germany, Italy, Poland, Russia and the great menace to Christendom, Turkey. (b) Social and economic history. As seen through the letters England was financially in a very poor state. The country was being drained by the cost of maintaining wars in France and the Low Countries, by the numerous heavy taxes and subsidies, the many loans which were seldom repaid, by bribes and the general rapaciousness of the Queen and her ministers. Food was expensive and scarce, partly on account of the frequent droughts. Beggary was rife, particularly amongst the disabled soldiery returning from the wars, and in 1592 and 1953 the government had to take a number of measures to endeavour to remedy this situation.

To add to these troubles there were serious outbreaks of the plague in London, in other parts of England and in Wales, and it claimed many thousands of victims, especially in 1593, a serious plague year, which disrupted London. There were also in London at the time a number of riots against foreigners, chiefly instigated by the apprentices, who claimed that they were depriving them of their employment.

Among the many and varied interesting details on English social history for the period are reports on events at Court, including runaway marriages, which seem to have been a frequent feature, even though they inevitably incurred the Queen's displeasure; Court gossip involving leading political figures; an oblique reference to the "School of Night"; mention of a "blasinge starr"; a girl who slept for fifteen days and was tried as a witch; the drying-up of the River Thames and numerous other events. Above all there is a wealth of biographical details on important people, for example, the Cecil family, the Earl of Essex, the Earl of Cumberland, Sir Walter Ralegh, Sir Robert Sidney, the bishops Middleton and Fletcher, the sea captains Cavendish and Cocke, and many others from various walks of life. (d) Literary history. Items relating to literary history are concerned mainly with polemic works, a great number of which are mentioned in the letters. There are, for instance, allusions to the pamphlet war between the episcopacy and the Puritans, including the works of Bancroft and Matthew Sutcliffe on the one hand and of Barrow, Greenwood and Penry on the other; and it is to be noted that Verst egan was normally able to procure copies of nearly all works of this nature, though of course, it was much easier to obtain books printed with licence than those printed secretly.

There is mention also of the many pamphlets attacking Burghley, and of two in particular: Spenser's Mother H ubberd's Tale, in which it can clearly be seen that, in Verstegan's mind at least, the fox c

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and the ape were intended to represent the Lord Treasurer and his son Robert Cecil respectively; and Thomas Nashe's Pierce Pennilesse his Supplication to the Divell (1592), in which the same allegorical references are used. There is also mention of another "epistle to the devil", circulated apparently only in manuscript, from which Verst egan quotes an amusing extract.

Other works circulating in England which are mcntioned in the letters include a manuscript pamphlet by the apostate priest, Thomas Bell, to the effect that it was permissible for Catholics to attend a Protestant church; and Garnet's reply to it, An Apology against the Defence of Schisme. Verst egan also writes of another work by Sutcliffe, this time against Catholic theologians and polemists, Matthaei Sutlivii de Catholica, Orthodoxa et Vera Christi Ecclesia, libri duo, in which three of Verstegan's own works are attacked.!

A few precious pieces of information are supplied on the compilation and printing of Catholic books in Antwerp. In a letter dated 29 October, 1592 (No. 15) Verst egan writes that Persons's A Relation of the King of Spaine's Receiving in Valliodolid would soon be off the press, and that his Responsio would also shortly be completed. A later letter, dated 30 April, 1593 (No. 32) refers to discussions Verst egan had held with William Rainolds about the compiling of a two-volume ecclesiastical history of England, a work which never materialised as such, but which was the precursor of two works by Persons, A Treatise of Three Conversions of England, which appeared in 1603 and 1604 and Certamen Ecclesiae A nglicanae, three large manuscript volumes which were never printed.

10. RELIABILITY OF THE DESPATCHES, and their relation to other news-letters of the period.

It is important to note, first of all, that the despatches should not be placed in the same category as the public news-sheets, bulletins and corantos, such as were published in England, the Low Countries and other countries of Europe at the time, in which the news was prepared, in most cases at the expense of veracity, for propagandist purposes, or for sensational effect, which would ensure a ready sale. Verstegan's letters were intended for private individuals who wanted information which was as accurate as possible; otherwise there was no point in going to the huge expense of such a carefully planned communication system, in which so many precautions were taken to ensure precision and safety of despatch.

Verst egan himself was unquestionably reliable in the presentation of the material at his disposal, and, as can be seen from the letters II am very grateful to Fr. T. Clancy for providing me with a copy of the

title page and details of the contents of this work.

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and from his more scholarly publications (for example, A Restitution of Decayed Intelligence in Antiquities), he exercised a discrimination and accuracy which although certainly not flawless, were of an extremely high standard for that time, hence his wide-scale employment as an intelligencer, and the high value placed on his services by Persons and others. It is true that on occasion he interpolated his own partisan comments, particularly on matters concerning the persecution of Catholics, as might be expected from one who had himself suffered from that persecution, but this would not necessarily alter the truth of the report.1 The same discrimination was exercised by Verst egan in the selection of his sources, particularly on events in England, and he relied principally on the reports of trusted correspondents, chief among whom was Fr. Garnet, who was very well-informed. When he considered that a news-item he was using in his despatch was not perfectly sound, Verst egan would preface it with the comment "it is thought that", or "we hear that", and sometimes add "the truth thereof we have no certainty".

The reliability of the despatches is chiefly to be vouched for by the fact that the vast bulk of the news-items they contain which are stated as actual events 2 can be amply supported by other contemporary references (as the notes endeavour in some measure to show), whilst, on the other hand, they are rarely contradicted by information from trustworthy sources. There is a high degree of accuracy, even in those details, for example dates and figures, about which the Elizabethans were particularly vague and untrustworthy. There are, however, a certain number of news-items which, as yet, can neither be definitely substantiated nor refuted because they happen to contain new information. These should not be lightly regarded in view of the general reliability of the despatches.

Errors do occasionally appear, but normally only where Verst egan stated that he was using uncertain information, and he made every effort to correct such errors in subsequent despatches (e.g., in Letter No. 63 concerning the person executed with Fr. Henry Walpole).

From a comparison with other news-letters of the period, private and otherwise, Verstegan's letters emerge extremely well from the point of view of reliability, regUlarity (even in their incomplete state) and, despite their seeming brevity, their relative completeness. The most ready comparison that can be made is with the contemporary Fugger News-Letters, of which two volumes of selections were first printed in 1924 and 1926 respectively. Although Verstegan's letters do not span as large a number of years, 1A

survey of the various types of English news-sheets in the period is given in M. A. Shaaber, Some Forerunners of the Newspaper in England, 14761622, 1929.

2It is important to note that such things as reports of Court gossip and rumour were not meant to indicate that they were necessarily true, though they can often be proved to have been, but that they were current.

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and are not extant in by any means the same bulk, they are more than a match for them in accuracy when dealing with events on the Continent (though it appears that on a few occasions Verstegan used the same sources as the Antwerp correspondent of the Fuggers for such information), and are vastly superior on events in England.

11. BRIEF BIOGRAPHY OF VERSTEGAN.

It is intended to publish shortly a full-scale study of Verstegan's life and writings, so that it is not necessary to provide more than a brief biography here. For further details and supporting references the reader is referred to my thesis. Acknowledgements for biographical material which has not been derived from my own research will be made in my forthcoming book.

Although not a leading figure in history or literature, Verst egan did attain a position of considerable importance in both these spheres, and certainly a far greater one than has been accredited to him. His career was remarkable. Born in London of Dutch descent, he lived for ninety years (in itself an achievement), and, to the very last he was engaged in some important activity or other.

He was a fervent Catholic, and endured two imprisonments, the risk of execution on at least one occasion, and close on sixty years of exile for his faith, fleeing to Paris, then to Rome, to Paris again, and finally to Antwerp, where he settled about 1587 and died in 1640. As the previous sections of this introduction have endeavoured to show, he was the trusted agent and intelligencer for many prominent Catholic exiles on the Continent, and was one of their main links of communication at Antwerp between England, the Low Countries, Spain, Italy and France. He also seems to have facilitated the sending of missionary priests to England via Antwerp and Middelburg. Before he fled to the Continent he helped to operate a secret printing press in London, and later, although he did not have his own press, as has sometimes been suggested, he edited numerous Catholic books.

Verst egan was a great linguist and scholar. He seems to have known about nine languages, and this proved of considerable help in his philological work. He was a fine engraver, and probably also a carver and painter. Most important of all, he was a gifted and prolific writer. He wrote over thirty books and pamphlets, in English, Latin, French and Dutch, and these comprise poetry, devotional, polemic and journalistic writings, historical and philological works, an itinerary, translations and imitations, character writings, epigrams, and various satirical works. These writings contain many interesting features. For example, the Restitution of Decayed Intelligence in A ntiquities is one of the first books seriously to derive the ancestry of the English race from the Saxons, and contains the first systematic list of Old English words; it also includes the first English version of the Pied Piper story. Verstegan's

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Primer was the first one of the Roman usage to be printed in English as well as in Latin. His itinerary, translated from the German, is likewise the first of its kind in English. The translation of Otto van Veen's Emblemata Amorum places him among the very few writers of emblem verse in English.

His effectiveness in polemic and satirical writings is borne out by the number and vehemence of the replies they evoked, the most notable perhaps being that of Francis Bacon in answer to A Declaration of the True Causes. Another of his works, the Descriptiones, precursor of the Theatrum Crudelitatum, nearly caused a political duel between Elizabeth and Henry III of France.

In Dutch literature Verst egan has gained at least a moderate place for his epigrams and his character writings, which were, incidentally, the earliest written in Dutch.

Verst egan immersed himself in the struggles and controversies of his time. He unceasingly attacked the Elizabethan government, especially its master-mind, William Cecil, and considered that they were leading England to destruction, morally and economically.

No less vehemently did he attack the Dutch Calvinists, "rebels" against the King of Spain. He was involved in the controversy on the English succession and in the internal quarrels of Catholics, ranging himself with the so-called "Spanish" and "Jesuit" supporters as opposed to the "Scottish" and "Appellant" parties, and in all these dissensions and polemics he ardently and uncompromisingly pursued the ideas he considered to be right.

Details of Verstegan's life are set out below under convenient headings: Life in England, c. 1550-82. Verst egan was descended from a prominent Dutch family from Gelderland in Northern Holland. His grandfather, Theodore Rowland Verstegan, emigrated to England towards 1509, when Henry VII died, and probably made his way directly to London, and perhaps to St. Katherine's-by-the-Tower, a liberty much frequented by foreigners, where his son and grandson were reputed to have lived. H e married in England and died shortly afterwards, leaving a nine months' old son called John, who was to be Richard Verstegan's father. In view of the poor finances of the family, John seems to have taken up the trade of cooper, in which he did sufficiently well to give Richard a good education. He had at least one other son besides Richard, who followed his father into the trade.

The exact date and place of Richard Verstegan's birth are unknown, but he seems to have been born about 1550 in the parish of St. Katherine's-by-the-Tower. No information on his boyhood survives, though it may be easily assumed that as he went up to Oxford, he must have shown a certain aptitude for study during his school days. He entered Christ Church College, Oxford, in 1564, paying his way by being a sizar. He is listed in the matriculation registers for the session 1564-5 under the name "Rychard Row-

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land", Rowland being the surname, adapted from the second of his grandfather's Christian names, which he used throughout his life in England. He was naturally precluded from taking a degree, being a "Papist", but nevertheless probably spent about four years at the university, during which time he doubtless devoted a certain amount of his time to the subject for which he showed a great predilection later on : the history and antiquities of England.

Verst egan left the University probably by 1569 and 1570 at the latest. Returning to London, he had, almost of necessity, to turn to a trade, since it was very difficult for him to enter one of the professions without taking the Oath of Supremacy. He decided to become a goldsmith, and worked as an apprentice for a master goldsmith, Philip Cratell, becoming a freeman of the company in 1574. It was doubtless by this trade that he became the skilled engraver he afterwards proved to be.

Two years later, in 1576, he published his first book, an itinerary, dedicated to Sir Thomas Gresham, with the title, The Post of the World . Wherein is conteyned the antiq1ltities and originall of the most famous cities in Europe,· with their trade and traficke,· with their wayes and distance of myles from country to country,· with the true and p erf ect knowledge of their coynes, the places of their martes and fayres; and the raignes of all the kinges of England. This compact but comprehensive little work was printed by Thomas East, who, like Verstegan was a Catholic, and suffered a brief period of imprisonment in the Poultry in 1577, probably on account of secretly printing St. John Fisher's A Spirituall Consolation. Verst egan himself was imprisoned in the same prison, "for religion" in January 1578, but was released after a few days. The exact nature of the offence is not known.

It may have been from East or perhaps from William Carter, who operated a secret press on Tower Hill, near where Verst egan lived, from about 1578 to 1579, that he learnt about printing in his spare time in order to assist in the publishing of Catholic books, for Verstegan was in charge of a press at Smithfield which printed in February, 1582, A True Report of the Death and Martyrdom of M. Campion, ] esuite and Prieste, 0- M. Sherwin 0- M. Bryan, Preistes, at T iborne the first of December, 1581. The press was discovered, and a number of people connected with the publication were arrested, but Verst egan escaped, and made his way as quickly as possible across the Channel to France. I t is possible that he was married at the time of his flight, and that his wife accompanied him into exile.

At Paris and R ome, 1582-86. Verstegan next appears in Paris, where he is referred to as associating with leading Catholic exiles there, both clerical and lay; and amongst those with whom he consorted were some of the best musicians of the day, including Nicholas Morgan, Richard Morris and John Dowland, the famous

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lutenist composer, who confessed that he owed his conversion to Catholicism partly to Verstegan's persuasion.

Soon after reaching Paris Verst egan quickly resumed the work of supervising and editing Catholic books, at least two of which are known to have been edited by him in this period, both being printed at Paris in 1583 : A Treatise of Christian P eregrination, written by M. Gregory Martin, Licenciate and late Reader of Divinitie in the English Coledge at Remes, and A Refutation of Sundry Reprehensions, Cavils and False Sleightes by which M. Whitaker laboureth to deface the late English translation of the New Testament, and the Booke of Discovery of Heretical Corruptions, ! written by William Rainolds, with whom Verst egan was later closely associated at Antwerp.

Besides editing and verbal argument (such as helped to convert Dowland), he endeavoured to further the Catholic cause in various ways during his stay in Paris, one of which was by his engravings.

One of these, accompanied by Latin verses, is a portrait of Mary Queen of Scots, who was looked on by the exiles as the main hope of reclaiming England for Catholicism, and another, in the form of a large broadsheet, in two sections, entitled Typu s Ecclesiae Catholicae et signa quibus ea cognoscitur and Typus Haereticae Synagogae et eiusdem proprietates which he published in 1585 after his return from Rome.

Towards the end of 1583, Verstegan set to work on a pamphlet with copperplate illustrations on the persecution in England, Briefve Description des diverses cruautez que les Catholiques endurent en Angleterre pour la foy. Stafford, the English ambassador in Paris received information about the work and managed to procure full details of it and copies of two of its pages whilst it was passing through the press. Just as the work was completed, Stafford caused the printing house to be raided by the French authorities early in January, 1584, and Verstegan was taken and imprisoned, but not before some copies of the work had been distributed. 2 Hearing of Verstegan's imprisonment, William Allen, Girolamo Ragazzoni, the Papal nuncio, and others, earnestly appealed to Henry III, as a result of which he was quickly released despite all Stafford's efforts and remonstrances with the King, and was sent off to Rome out of harm's way with a letter of introduction from the nuncio.

He arrived in Rome in April, 1584, and after staying a few days at the English College, went to deliver his letter of introduction to the Papal Secretary of State in the hope of receiving monetary lAlthough I have normally refrained from citing authorities for the sake of brevity in this biography, I feel I must mention A. C. Southern's Elizabethan Recusant Prose, 1559-82, in which these two works and Verstegan's part in editing them are discussed (pp. 348, 481-2, 458, etc.) .

2At least one copy of this Paris edition is extant, its existence was made known to me by Mr. John Bossy, to whom I am very grateful.

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aid, but was disappointed. Despite this rebuff, he stayed on in Rome, and probably earned his livelihood by assisting in printing and by engraving. While he was there he arranged for the reprinting of the pamphlet with which Stafford had interfered in Paris, the work being published by the Roman printer, Franciscus Zanettus.

I t bore the title: Descriptiones Quaedam illius inhumanae et multiplicis persecutionis quam in Anglia propter fidem sustinent.

Towards the end of the year Verstegan returned to Paris, since the trouble over the January incident had died down, and renewed his efforts there for propagating the Faith, publishing in January, 1585, the Typus Ecclesiae Catholicae and Typus Haereticae Synagogae broadsheet engravings already mentioned, which he dedicated to the Duke of Guise.

Activities in Antwerp, 1586-1605.

With the victories of Alexander Farnese over the Northern Provinces, a large number of exiles flocked into the Southern Netherlands, particularly to such centres as Brussels, Malines and Antwerp. Verst egan came with them, arriving at Antwerp in late 1586 or at the beginning of 1587. The first reference to him there occurs in the ledger books of the Plantin Moretus printing house, where he opened an account beginning from 5 March, 1587, on which day he purchased, among other things, a Martyrologia . The name of it is not given, but doubtless it was one of the contemporary persecutions, which may have helped him in the composition of a type of work on the same lines as the Descriptiones, but on a much larger scale, the Theatrum Crudelitatum Haereticorum Nostri Temp oris , printed by Adrian Hubert, which was completed by mid-August, 1587. The work is divided into four sections, two of which deal with the persecutions under Henry VIII and under Elizabeth, including the martyrdoms of St. Thomas More and St. John Fisher and the sufferings and execution of Mary Queen of Scots. Each section is illustrated by a number of fine engravings which Verstegan executed himself. The Theatrum caused a great stir and ran to many editions, both in Latin and French. It was followed by a broadsheet by Verst egan on the same lines as the Theatrum and the Typus Ecclesiae, which was called Speculum pro Christianis Seductis, published by the Plantin press in 1590.

There was also a French version of this broadsheet, but no copy of it has survived.

Verstegan's first years at Antwerp were filled with every type of work to further Catholic action, and he never spared himself despite frequent attacks of illness and exhaustion. He had charge of financing the printing of Catholic books in Antwerp, and also saw a great number of them through the press, including all of Persons's works which were printed by Arnout Conincx. One of the most noted books which he supervised in press was A Conference about the Next Succession which appeared in mid-1595. He may also have had a hand in the writing of certain sections of this book.

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He was so occupied with numerous Catholic activities that he had little opportunity of writing books during the 1590s, but he did manage to compose a reply to the proclamation of OctoberNovember, 1591, A Declaration of the True Causes of the Great Troubles in 1592, a work which is based partly on the long letter from Southwell (No. I). This consisted mainly of an attack on Burghley expressed with all the fierceness and intensity characteristic of all the polemic literature of the period, and to judge from contemporary reports, it had a telling effect on the English Court. Francis Bacon was commissioned to write a reply to the pemphlet, but this was never printed, being circulated only in manuscript. Such a reply would probably have done the English government more harm than good if it had been published, since it would have drawn greater attention to Verstegan's pamphlet.

The research of Fr. Loomie (op. cit.) has demonstrated that it is almost certain that Verstegan and not Fr. Creswell, as is normally suggested, was the author of the English abridgement of Persons's Responsio, entitled An Advertisement to a secretarie of My L. Treasurer's of I ngland, which was published at Antwerp about August or September, 1592, shortly before the Responsio appeared.

Among Verstegan's other occupations was the despatching of letters and books between England, the Low Countries, Spain, Italy and France, as has already been discussed earlier in this Introduction. He also facilitated the sending of missionaries and others into England and was able to procure passports for them.

He was financed in this work chiefly by Cardinal Allen and Fr. Persons, who arranged for him to be paid regular sums of money at Antwerp.

These payments seem to have been made solely to reimburse him rather than to provide for his means of sustenance also, since funds were hardly adequate for this purpose. However, shortly after his arrival at Antwerp, a pension was procured for Verst egan from the King of Spain, payable at the Brussels court. A large number of exiles were pensioners, but unfortunately for them, the money they were due to receive was not paid out with any regularity.

So great had been the strain on the Spanish treasury, especially since the Armada, that it could ill afford to pay the pensions.

Payment became so restricted that only those who were due to receive it by direct order of the King of Spain or the governorgeneral of the Low Countries were actually paid, and then only sporadically. Verst egan was hardly better off than the bulk of the exiles, and on the few occasions that his pension of thirty crowns a month was actually paid, it hardly met the debts he had incurred while awaiting receipt of it. He was, therefore, in a state near to penury throughout the 1590s.

Verst egan devised various ways of trying to obtain money.

One of these was to ask for a permit for importing English cloth, though this seems not to have been granted him until 1612. Another

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was to obtain the privilege for printing a Primer in Latin and English. He achieved more immediate success in this, and in 1599, chiefly as a result of his labour in compiling, translating and providing illustrations, was published the Primer or Office of the Blessed Virgin Marie, which fulfilled a very real need amongst the English Catholics, and was reprinted a large number of times.

Verst egan was involved in some of the numerous quarrels that arose among English Catholics towards the end of the century, including those unjustifiably caused by the publication of the Conference about the Next Succession, which accentuated the differences between the so-called Scottish supporters and the Spanish party to which Verst egan belonged; and the controversy over the election of a cardinal in succession to William Allen, who died in October, 1594, in which Verst egan supported the candidature of the unwilling Persons as against that of the eager Owen Lewis, Bishop of Cassano. He was a firm friend of Fr. Holt, who administered the funds and general affairs of the exiles at Brussels, and vigorously defended him when he was attacked by the anti-Jesuit faction in the Low Countries. He also wrote manuscript pamphlets, no longer extant, against the "Scottish nobles" in the Low Countries and against the Appellants, which drew biting replies from William Watson and Anthony Copley.

The turn of the century marked a large increase in the number of the books Verst egan published. First appeared a small pamphlet, Brief et Veritable Discours de la Mort d' aucuns Vaillants et Glorieux Martyrs, 1601, containing a relation of the priests and laymen who had been martyred in 1600. The work is unsigned, but it is highly probable that it was compiled by Verst egan , as also the Dutch version of the work, Cort ende Waerachtich Verhael van het Lijden van Sommighe Vrome ende Glorieuse Martelaers, which appeared contemporaneously, both works being printed by Hieronymus Verdussen at Antwerp.

The same year he published a collection of his English poems, some of which are very fine, Odes in imitation of the Seaven Penitential Psalmes, with sundry other poemes and ditties tending to devotion and pietie. It is unnecessary to say anything about the book here, since it will be given detailed treatment in my forthcoming book, as will all of Verstegan's major works. The next book he published was a translation of a work on a theme very prevalent at the time, in view of the many executions, massacres and plagues, and was entitled A Dialogue of Dying Wel. First written in the Italian tongue by the Reverend Father Don Peeter of Luca, a Chanon Regular, a Doctor of Divinitie and famous Preacher, 1603.

The crowning work of this period was his extremely scholarly and thorough book on Old English history and antiquities, A Restitution of Decayed Intelligence in Antiquities concerning the most noble and renowmed English Nation, which he dedicated to King J ames, to whom the exiles looked at this time with the expectation

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of religious toleration, though their hopes were quickly to prove unfounded.

Life at Antwerp, 1606-40.

From about 1606 onwards, Verstegan's prominence in the affairs of English Catholics began rapidly to diminish. His role as intelligencer seems to have ceased around this time, and although he was still very much concerned with Catholic action, he turned his attention to polemic against the Dutch Calvinists rather than the English Protestants. He was also coming to accept his exile as permanent, and evidently fully acclimatised himself to the way of life in the Low Countries. Nevertheless, he still concerned himself in the publication of Catholic books at Antwerp and elsewhere, as appears from numerous allusions to him between 1605 and 1621, including an incident concerning Henry Jaye, an English exile who later established himself as a printer at Malines, which alludes to him as a "printer servant" to Verstegan .

In 1608, v,erstegan collaborated in an emblem book, the Amorum Emblemata of Otto van Veen, for one edition of which he provided commendatory verses and an English verse translation for each emblem that the book contained. By strange coincidence, it was two years after his translations of these "emblems of love" that he remarried, being about sixty years of age at the time. His bride was Catharina de Sauchy, a young and apparently rich jonkvrouw of Antwerp, and the wedding took place 17 October, 1610, in the church of St. Walburgis. It is not known exactly when Verstegan's first wife died, but since the last known reference to her is in 1602, it must have been some time between that date and 1609 or early 1610.

Whatever fortune Verstegan may have gained by his marriage was temporarily augmented when, in 1612, he obtained a passport for the importation of English cloth such as he had sought twenty years earlier. It was an extremely valuable one: for 2,000 white cloths, and at a time when the import of all other English cloth had been prohibited by an ordinance of the Archduke; and it naturally caused consternation and annoyance among the English merchants.

Verstegan's marriage seems to have drawn him even closer to the Dutch way of life, and from 1610 onwards he wrote nearly all his works in Dutch, drawing copiously in them on material reflecting Dutch society, culture and tradition. The first of these Dutch writings was a small, single sheet embodying an attack on the Calvinist sect and its origin, Oorspronck and teghen woordighe staet van de Calvinische Secte, alsoo die nu versheyden is in vier principale deelen, printed at Antwerp by Robert Bruneau who had printed A Restitution. The Oorspronck seems to have had a wide circulation, and was translated into other languages. A pamphlet written in refutation of it mentions a German version which had been sold openly in a FranJdurt market in September, 1613.

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INTRODUCTION

His next work was on Dutch antiquities, having been partly adapted from A Restitution. It bore the title, Nederlantsche Antiquiteyten met de bekeeringhe van eenighe der selve landen tot het Kersten Gheloove deur S. Willibrordus, 1613. !t was so popular that it ran to at least thirteen editions, the last appearing about 1832.

Verstegan's works appeared in the greatest profusion from 1617 right up to the time of his death, and during that time at least fourteen of them were published. There is space only to mention them here, though some of them are of considerable importance in Dutch literature, and a number are interesting as reflecting to a very marked degree the influence of English writers. They include three volumes of epigrams and epitaphs, published in 1617, 1624 and 1641 (posthumously); two sets of character writings, one published in 1619 and in 1622 in an augmented edition, and another in 1630, in most of which works religious satire appears in great abundance. There are two serious polemics against the Dutch Calvinists and "rebels": De Spiegel der N ederlandsche Elenden, 1621, and Oorloge gevochten met die Wapenen van die Waerheydt en van die Reden, 1628; at least three journalistic satires for Abraham Verhoeven's news-pamphlets, Nieuwe Ti;"dingen; and various other light, humorous works, De Gazette van Nieuwe-Maren, 1618, a type of parody of news-letters and avisos, and books either to sharpen the wits or to drive away melancholy, De Wet-Steen des Vertants, 1620, De M edeci;"ne teghen de Droefheyt en M elancholie, c.

1625-6, Medicamenten teghen de Melancholie, 1633.

Comparatively little is known of the latter part of Verstegan's life. Most of the information which has survived concerns mainly financial transactions involving the buying and selling of houses.

In the Antwerp Schepenbrieven for July, 1625, it is recorded that he and his wife bought themselves a fine house, "The Golden Glove", quite near their old home in Oudaen Straat in the Meer district. The cost of the house was apparently too much for them to pay at once, for a week later they sold an interest on the house.

Three years later, they bought a second house in the Meer. As in the case of the previous house, it was found necessary to sell an interest in their property. The later twenties seem to have been the wealthiest period in Verstegan's life, for in addition to these houses, he purchased a third in 1629.

Nothing more is heard of Verstegan's private life until 1639, when he and Catharina had to settle the debts they had contracted in the course of buying their houses. In order to do this they first raised a new and larger interest on "The Golden Glove", and then paid off the debts with the money they received by this means.

Verst egan left the management of these transactions to his wife; he was probably too feeble and sick to manage them himself.

At the beginning of 1640, after ninety crowded years, Verst egan lay dying. He made his will 26 February, in which he made his wife heir to all his possessions, except for a bequest to the poor

INTRO D UCTION

xlv

or religious houses of a sum of money that his wife would find good and expedient to donate. No children are mentioned in the will, or any other beneficiaries. He died two or three days after making his will, and his funeral took place 3 March at the parish church of St. Jacob. Catharina, although she had apprently been a good and faithful wife, did not mourn her husband long, for in the following month, on 21 April, she married an Irish captain, David Collins (or Gellens) at the same church in which her husband's funeral had taken place seven weeks before.

Richard Verst egan was very much a man of his time, affected by its religious and political upheavals, and by its literature and learning. During his life he witnessed the change in England from the restored Catholic monarchy under Mary I to Protestantism under Elizabeth and James I, to the rapid growth of Puritanism and the beginning of the conflict between Charles I and his Parliament. .

During his very full life he was acquainted with people from every order of society and from every branch of art and learning.

In the earlier part of his life he was known to practically every ruler in Europe, including the Pope, Philip II, Elizabeth and Henry III, Farnese, Archduke Ernest and Archduke Albert. He was also known by most of the eminent statesmen in his day: the Cecils and Francis Bacon, who must have wished to see him on the rack and then on the scaffold, the Duke of Guise, Pinart, ldiaquez, the various English ambassadors abroad, and the numerous people to whom he dedicated his works, among them Sir Thomas Gresham and Louis Vereycken. The foremost Englishmen in the Catholic Church for the most part thought highly of him and made grateful use of his services.

In the sphere of learning he was acquainted with many distinguished scholars, antiquarians, geographers, historians and collectors. These included Justus Lipsius, Cornelius Kilian, Abraham Ortelius, Ludovico Giuccardini, Richard White of Basingstoke, Richard Stanyhurst and Sir Robert Cotton. His circle of friends seems to have also included the architect Wencelaus Cobergher, the poets Jean Bochius and Anna Roemers Visscher, and the famous painter, Van Dyck. The musicians amongst his acquaintance wer~ John Dowland, Nicholas Morgan, Richard Morris, Francis Tregian and Peter Philips.

Verstegan's writings were as much influenced by their age as his life was. Many of his efforts were directed towards propaganda for the Catholic Church in the form of attacks on the Reformers, martyrologies and devotional works; and he aided the cause in which he so fervently believed, not only by his writings, but also by his engravings, and by the printing, editing and circulating of the works of others. His controversial pamphlets are typical of their age: virulent, unrelenting and abusive, particularly in their profusion of epithets of scorn. The martyrologies, also products of

xlvi

INTRODUCTION

their age, are forthright in their depiction of cruelties and outspoken in their commentaries. His devotional works were intended to fulfil a very real need of his time when such books were scarce, and also formed part of a movement towards increasing the fervour of devotion towards the Blessed Virgin.

His other works are also indicative of their period: a new and more scientific approach to the study of antiquity and linguistics, the demand for itineraries in an age of increased travel, and the desire for purely recreational works to act as "medecines against melancholy". There are also the writings which make use in some way or other of the store of classical literature which had not long since come to light, as for example, the character writings and epigrams.

It is difficult to allocate to Verst egan a particular place in history, literature or art. In history he was not a leading personality, but was always an important figure in the background. In literature he did not excel at anything in particular, but he made considerable contributions to many of its genres. In many ways, his engravings were the most important and successful part of his creative work.

They were normally of a very high standard of execution, and fulfilled their purpose very effectively.

APPENDIX I References to correspondence of Verst egan which extant.

To whom addressed Persons Persons Baynes Baynes Baynes Persons Englefield Allen

(a) Verst egan the sender.

Date 21 February, 1592 24 July, 1592 15 August, 1592 28 August, 15921 26 September, 15921 c. February, 1593 c. 30 April, 1593 2 December, 1593

Baynes Baynes Baynes Richard Walpole Pineda Baynes

19 March, 1594 9 April, 1594 18 March, 1595 11 April, 1597 c. April, 1597 3 October, 1597

IS

no longer

Reference Letter No. 3a Letter No.8 Letter No. 10 Coll. M. 127 Coll. M. 127 Letter No. 32 Letter No. 32 Cotton, Titus B.Il, f.224 A nglia, 38 ii, 195 A nglia, 38 ii, 195 Letter No. 57a Letter No. 72 Letter No. 72 Anglia 38 ii, 201 v.

lpossibly the date of the English news-letter on which the despatch was based.

INTRODUCTION

From Persons Baynes Persons Persons Fitzherbert Baynes

xlvii

(b) Verst egan the recipient Date Reference c. July, 1592 Letter No.8 25 July, 1592 Letter No. 10 9 September, 1592 Letter No. 15 19 March, 1593 Letter No. 32 c. April, 1593 Letter No. 32 12 December, 1593 Letter No. 47 APPENDIX II

Year 1591 1592 1593 1594 1595 1596 1597 1598 1599 1600 1601 1602 1603 1604 1605 1606 1607 1608 1609 1610 1611 1612 1613 1614 1615 1616 1617

Calendar for the period covered by the Letters Easter Day Dominica.

L etter Old Style New Style Regnal Year 4 April C 14 April 33 Eliz.

26 March 29 March BA 34 Eliz.

15 April 18 April G 35 Eliz.

31 March 10 April F 36 Eliz.

20 April 26 March E 37 Eliz.

11 April DC 14 April 38 Eliz.

B 27 March 6 April 39 Eliz.

16 April 22 March A 40 Eliz.

8 April 11 April G 41 Eliz.

FE 23 March 2 April 42 Eliz.

D 12 April 22 April 43 Eliz.

4 April 7 April 44 Eliz.

C 24 April B 30 March 45 Eliz./l Jac. AG 8 April 18 April 2 Jac. F 31 March 10 April 3 Jac. 20 April 26 March E 4 Jac. 5 April D 15 April 5 Jac. 27 March CB 6 April 6 Jac. A 16 April 19 April 7 Jac. 8 April G 11 April 8 Jac. 24 March F 3 April 9 Jac. ED 12 April 22 April 10 Jac. 4 April C 7 April 11 Jac. 24 April 30 March B 12 Jac. 19 April A 9 April 13 Jac. 31 March GF 3 April 14 Jac. 20 April E 26 March 15 Jac. APPENDIX III

A note on the code in the letters of Henry Walpole and William Holt.

A comparison with the Verst egan-Baynes code (vid., Introduction, section 8, c.) shows that Fr. Henry Walpole in his letters to Fr.

xlviii

INTRODUCTION

Creswell and Fr. William Holt to Cardinal Allen used nearly the same if not the identical code.

Unfortunately, there are only two examples of the letter substitution code, both of them in Walpole's letters (ed. jessopp, pp. 32, 44). The first reads "Provincial", in a sentence which partily decoded, with the aid of the Verstegan-Baynes word substitution <:ode runs: "112 [Fr. Southwell] writeth to the 51 53 50 55 73 4941 46 71 48 [Provincial] for 166 to come into 137 [England]".

The second word decoded reads "Creake" who is described with {)bvious prejudice in a list of "rebells, traytors and fugityves in Lansdowne MSS. 68, No. 70 as "Raphe Creake, a moste wicked rayling fellow".

Walpole uses twenty different numbers from the word substitution code, of which nine are common to the Verstegan-Baynes code (vid., first table in section 8, c. of Introduction). The other eleven numbers are as follows: 37, 104, 110, 111 [Hugh Owen ?], 113 [Creswell ?], 116, 119, 121, 124, 164, 166.

The possibility of deciphering some of the word substitution code aids the elucidation of a number of passages in Walpole's letters, e.g., letter to Creswell, 17 October, 1591 (Jessopp, p. 44) : " I am glad for the cause and 107 [Persons] if 113 [Creswell ?] go to 140 [Spain] ... " In the same letter: "It grieveth me to hear so many dislikes of 111 [Owen?] and 108 [Holt]; good words would mend much". In an earlier letter to the same person, 25 July, 1591 (Jessopp, p. 31), Walpole writes: "I heard lately from 112 [Southwell], and so, I think, did 113 [Creswell?]. 114 [Garnet] is extremely sick, God send him recovery".

In Holt's letter to Cardinal Allen, 6 january, 1594 (Lansdowne '96, ff. 79-80, printed in Strype, Annals, iv, pp. 206-8, misdated 1593) there are six numbers, 130, 161, 212, 215, 229, 229, 232, which although apparently part of the same series as the Verstegan-Baynes and Walpole-Creswell word substitution code, are, with one exception, not to be found in either. The only number in common is 215 [priest(s) ?], possibly to read as 225 [Fr. General] which fits the context better.

A table of all the numbers belonging to the word substitution code as used by Verstegan, Walpole and Holt for the period 1591-5, with decipherings where possible, is given below. For Verst egan the letter reference is provided, for Walpole, the jessopp, and in the case of Holt, the Strype.

Code 30 37 94 104 107

Plain Text Earl ?

Catholic(s) Persons

Letter References Walpole Verstegan 47 44 57,63 44 44 61

Holt

xlix

INTRODUCTION

Plain Text Holt

Code

108 110

Verstegan

Walpole

61

29, 44 36 29, 32, 35, 36, 44 31, 32 31,36,44 31 36 36 36 36

III

Hugh Owen?

112 113 114 116 119 121 124 127 130 133 137 140 142 143 148 149 153 161 164 166 212 213 215 222 225 229 232

Southwell Creswell ?

Gamet

57

Westmoreland

47,57

Paget?

England Spain ' Italy Low Countries?

Middelburg ?

Rome London

57 10, 11, 57, 61 61 57 63 61 61 57,61

10

Holt

208 32, 36 44 44 44 208 32 32, 35, 44 Protector Priest(s) ?

Jesuit(s) Fr. General ?

61 61 57

208 208 1 35 207 207

~The

code number may be 225 in Holt's letter.

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FACSIMILE REPRODUCTION OF A PORTION OF A LETTER FROM RICHARD VERSTEGAN

k...

THE LEllERS AND DESPATCHES OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN 1.

FR. SOUTHWELL? TO VERSTEGAN. London? c. beginning of December, 1591.

Stonyhurst, Anglia 1, no. 70, f. 122. Contemporary copy. Summary by Fr. Grene, Stonyhurst, Call. M, 148e; short extracts printed in Dodd-Tierney, iii, pp. 77ff; the section on the Babington plot printed by J. Morris in Letter-Books of Sir Amias Poulet, 1874, pp. 386-8. Fr. Grene suggested (Call. M, 148e) that Verstegan forwarded this despatch to Baynes at Rome, but he may equally well have sent it to Fr. Persons in Spain.1

Fr. Grene's hand videtur, 1592.

Generall heads of the persecution in England, anna ut CAPUT PRIMUM.

CAP. 1, n. 1.

Cum lex iubeat singulas in menses 20 minas a recusantibus salvi, they make the yeare of thirtene monthes, and take thirteene score pounds of every recusant. 2 Justice Yong and higher magistrates, as Tirel him self confessed under his hand and oth (for he most deeply avoweth it in his letter to the Queene), bad him say masse, heare confessions and minister sacraments; so in the end he told them what, and to whom he had done it, so seeking to entrap folkes, and making men to breake their owne lawes, of purpose to draw them in to their penalties. 3 Their spies, as namely, Burden, Baker, Vachel,4 have pretended them selves to be Catholikes, and that by the waITantise and advise of their superiors. They have heard Masse, confessed and received only of purpose to discover Catholikes and to entrappe them. s They made one purposely to seeke to be reconciled by one Mr. J. Gerard 6 , now in Wisbich, and came to confession to him, and al this to entrappe the priest, as in deed he did, apprehending him at the same instant. The like they have often attempted with others.

In prison, when they have not certein notice of any whether they be priests or no, they urge them by al extremities to confesse that; or if they know it, they presse him with such odious interrogatories as they thinke wil be most disgraceful or hateful to the people, as, about deposition of the Queene, about excommunication, about her religion, whether she be a schismatike or heretik etc. ; of future thoughts, what they wil doe if the King of Spaine make waITe, etc.-and al this to entrappe us in their lawes, and against the just course of the law of England and nations, by which such interrogatories can not be put, or, at lest, not enforced to be answered. 7 Catholikes' suites, be they never so just, they very seldom take effect unlesse it be by extreme bribery to some of the Councel or

1

2

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. I

judges. Great suites which are of consequence they suspend stil undecided, not suffering any sentence to be geven in them, to the undoing of Catholikes oftentymes.

The Queene during the tyme of the wardship of the heyres generals of the last Lord Dacres enjoyed their living many yeres, the case by her learned Counsail having bene thought most plaine on their side. And when they came to age and were sued by their uncle, the sute was still held in suspense, their evidencies kept from them, the rents taken for the Queen of great part thereof, and no judgement suffered to be geven in the case, though the right were apparant; til their uncle being beggered by the sute, and finding that they wold never suffer ether him or them to have justice, was enforced to flie the realme, because he saw their faire promises and supporting him in his sute was not for love or good they meant to him, or intent they had to make an end, but only to undoe the heyres general, and to seeke, by long discussing the matter, whether any vantage might be taken for the Queen to sease upon it; which in the end she did of a great part, under title of concealed land. 9 The like happeneth to most Catholikes, whom if any Counseiler take against, they are sure, be their cause never so apparantly good, they shal have no justice.

The pursevants from a gentleman, in searching his howse, tooke a bag of mony of three score pounds. The gentleman, coming to the Secretary Walsingham to complaine of the wrong and the theft, was answered that the Queen's men must be considered; and if he put the matter in sute, it should cost him much more. 10 The judges wi! openly say that the Papists shal have no law at their hands, sith they wil not obey the lawes, namely, those against religion.

If by a Catholike's losing his sute, the Queen may be but a trifle the better, or gaine any thing by it, he is sure to be cast, be his cause never so good.

CAPUT 2.

There is no evil publikely done but streyt they father it on Papists. London was on fyre not long since. Catholikes streyt were said to have bene the authors, though it were expressely knowen what the chaunces were, and by whom they came. l l Racket (a most blasphemous man calling him self greater then God, and hanged, condemned, and commonly knowen to have bene a Puritan and highly esteemed by that sect), when they saw his blasphemies so great and were ashamed of his death, they streyt gave it out that he was a Papist, which many of the vulgare sort did verily beleeve and say.12 They of every priest lightly geve it out after his death, and before, in his absence, that he wold have killed the Queene, and that he -came to prepare people for an invasion, no such word or saing being ether touched in his inditement, or proved with any colourable

No. I

LETTERS OF RICH ARD VERSTEGAN

3

argument, nor ever so much as thought by the priests them selves.

So did they by the two last martyrs, Mr. Besely and Mr. Scot, most impudently and falsely, without any likelihod or shew. 13 They since, as often before, raised a report that there were certaine priests and Papists come out of Spayne to kil the Queen, and caused, thereupon, watches in the innes and great adoe-no such imagination being in any man's head but their owne, nor any priests being then come over .14 The matter of Babington was wholy of their plotting and forging, of purpose to make Catholikes odious and to cut of the Queen of Scots. The chief plotters were the Secretary, Lecester and the Treasurer ;15 Poly, the Secretarie's, man was the chief actor in it here in England ;16 Gilbert Gifford, by his owne confession, their actor in it both here and in France. 17 Poly was for a fashon put in the Tower, but had what he wold; and in the end, having their poysoned the Bisshop of Armacan with a peece of cheese that he sent him, was let out,lS and is now in as great credit as ever, being as deepely to be touched in al things, and as much to be proved against him as any that were executed. He was continually with Ballard and Babington; he heard Masse, confessed, and in al things feyned to be a Catholike, and stillearned his lesson of Mr. Secretary: whom they should draw in to the plot, and19 what plot they should lay, and what course they should take that might best serve the turne, for which al this devise was entended. He brought the copy of the letter penned by Mr. Secretary him self, or by his direction, that Babington writt to the Queen of Scots, and upon which she was afterward condemned for having answered it as she did ;20 Naw, her secretarie, and Curle having bene by the same Secretary hyred with seven thousand pounds to betray their maistresse, as it was found in a byll in his study after his decease, as hath bene credibly reported. 21 Poly now liveth like him self: a notoryous spie, and ether an atheist or an heretike.22 Also, the same appeareth by Gilbert Gifford's letters to Philips the decipherer, and Philips also to Gilbert Gifford, who purposely was made priest (as he confessed) to play the Secretarie's spie,23 and acknowledged that he was his chief instrument in this plot; and Philips' letters having bene taken unto him, wherein the same is most manifest.

Savage also, being at the Court long before that any of the Counsell tooke notice of the matter, was by the Queen her self pointed at, and two pensioners commaunded to have an eye unto him that he should do her no harme, being knowen to be one of the agents, and yet permitted to go free, because they had not yet entrapped al they sought to bring in.24 Also, one of Polie's principles was (as appeared by the gentlemen's words and speeches at the barre) that none of the graver sort of Catholikes, or those that were esteemed wise, should have any notice of their entents, because they doubtles wold sone have

4

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. I

smelled the fraud and trayne that was layd for them; but only yong gentlemen whose greene heads and aspiring myndes were easie to be deceived, and apt to be induced in to any high attempt.

Yea, they had so wrought Mr. Ballard the priest, that none of the same calling were acquainted with his intent, they fearing that if the graver priests should have heard, they wold have found the deceit and hindered the course that was entended to al their undoings; as, in truth, it was easie for any that saw the raw devise and more then childish folie; and so lavish talke of it that the Protestants knew it before Catholikes, and the actors, long before their apprehension, pointed at in the streets of London, and yet not touched until the matter was brought to that passe to which the Counsell wold have it come 25 .

While Gilbert Gifford was in England, he had continual accesse and intercourse with the Secretary Walsingham, and in being in daunger of the lawec; because he was deacon, went neverthelesse at fullibertie without feare; and when he went over, it was of purpose to sett forward this action; and from thence he continually writt to Philips, and received letters from him.26 And (I ghesse) Ballard was by his meanes and with his instructions sent in tn England. 27 At the same tyme, Mr. Martin Array having bene released and to go over sea, being by a round summe bought from the shambles, he desired of Mr. Secretary some 20 dayes to dispatch his businesse, where at the Secretary pawsing, "No", saith he, "yow shal have but fourtene, for, within the tyme yow require, the coasts wold be to hote for yow"-as, in truth, it fel out, for about that tyme was Babington's matter disclosed by the Counsell, watch and ward kept every where, and much feare shewed where it was al prevented, and an ugly matter made against Catholikes of a drift of their owne devising; which sheweth who was the author of al this devise, knowing it long before, and yet furthering it until their end was atchieved, and al things rype to reveale their owne plot as the Catholikes' endevour, who, in truth, were lest acquainted with it.28 When any Catholike sueth to courtyers or great personages for favour in respect of their conscience, they wil answere, as divers have done, that "if he were troubled for theft or murther, I durst be bold, but for religion or Papists I dare not medle" .29 In the ]awes by divers clauses and names and penalties they make Catholikes odious, as the lawes shew.

If anyone want worke or mony, streyt if he can rayle against Catholikes or print any thing to their disgrace, it is currant, and goeth presently abrode cum privilegio. And many poore printers and needy libellers make the best part of their living by our slaunders.30 No pamphlet written ordinarily but the rayling against Catholikes is one part of the booke.

No sermon lightly made but Papists are ever part of the theme

No. I

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

5

and a principal common place or common supply for want of other matter. 31 Stages are beholden to Papists for many of their enterludes, Catholiks being now made the fable of England ;32 ballades, minstrels' songs and al dities of enterteynement at innes spiced with some quipp or jest against religion. 33 In the Star-chamber, at the beginning and ending of termes, the Lord Chauncellour should want the best part of his matter, and the Lord Tresurer the musike he most liketh, if Catholikes were not notoriously slaundered and inveyed against.

Ordinaries and banquets are ever accompanied with hyred spokesmen against Catholikes, who make an occupation of forging tales against them.

When any priest first cometh, they, having intelligence of it, streyt geve out by their spies that a spie is come over, and that he was sent over by the Counsell of purpose to be priested to play the spie.

No Catholike man can have any office in the Common WeIth, al the offices and preferments being armed with the Oth of Supremacy against every Catholike. 34 They commonly cal Catholikes traytors, nether can any action of slaunder be heard against the misca1ler, be the poore Catholike never so much disgraced by it. 35 They falsely geve out in proclamations, bookes and pamphlets, as weI at home as abrode, that none are here troubled for their conscience, but only for other crymes, except by a little pecuniary summe (as they cal it) which infamy, though most impudent and false-their owne lawes and judgements daily witnessing the contrary-yet are they so shameles'3e as publikely to proclayme it, print and divulge it abrode. 36 And at every araignement or execution, Catholikes are commonly offred lives and liberties if they wil but go to church; which doubtles can be no satisfaction for any temporal treason, but only for matters of religion. 37 CAPUT 3.

How many wayes Catholikes are pilled and impoverished, it is almost infinite to rehearse, first by the lawes, which are sufficient interpreters of their owne extremitie.

Catholikes' livings are begged first by one, then by an other, and the 38 poore Catholike inforced to compound with aI, and to buy his owne three or fower tymes over. 39 They buy and sel Catholikes like calves in the market, and if they be in prison, their best course to get out is to seeke to be the pennyworth of some catchpoll, who, for a reward of his service, is often permitted to have the sale of some prisoners' libertie. 40 In the law that prescribeth two parts of recusants' lands and goods to the Queen for recusancye when they can not pay thirtene

6

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEFAN

No. I

score pounds by the yere, there is a proviso that the owner shal not be tenant to his owne lands, nor take them of the Queene; but they are geven to some hungry companions, who oftentymes cut downe the woods, spoyle the grounds and make a most careles havocke of al things.41 In subsidies and taxes Catholikes are always used with most extremitie, paying after the rate of better then they are in worth or calling. Also, in lones of mony and Privie Seales they are sure to be set at the highest summes. 42 I wil not repeat the spoyles of pursevants both for their fees and other filtched boties, which they commonly carie away without hope of recovery.

Many gentlemen's sonnes have for being Catholikes bene disherited by their owne parents and kinsmen. 43

4.

Catholikes in their kinred and frends are many ways molested.

First, when their wives are great, they are forced to shift them from place to place to conceale their lying in, lest their children should be christened heretically; and sometimes want the sacrament wholy through the malice and fault of the ministers, and want of due matter or forme of baptisme. 44 Many women with child have bene delivered before their tyme, to the danger of them selves and children, by the sodeyne and violent frights of pursevants, who lyke pitylesse furies rage every where alike without compassion or care of the diseased.

Catholikes have no lesse difficultie to avoid the danger of churching and purification then of lying in, being watched in both respects by malitious eyes.

The children of Catholikes have bene sometimes taken from their parents and forced against their conscieunces, as Mr. Price's were. 45 They are nether suffred to keepe Catholike scholemaisters,46 nor to send them over (but by stelth), that none might be brought up Catholikely.47 No Catholike is permitted ether to stay in any college of the Universitie, or in any Inne of Court of Chauncery, so that ether they must be idiotes, or fly the realme to get leaming.4B Many children are rejected by their parents,49 and wives put from their husbands, because they are Catholikes. Yea, many parents betrayed by their children and by their other he yre s , as Sir Thomas Fitzherbert by his nephew ;50 and husbandes and wives kept in awe, ech by other, if the one be a Protestant. 51 The like misery in servants.

AI frends in Court and Counsel are afrayed to speake in any Catholike's behalfe, al sutes finding more favour then that.

It is the very drift of Julianus Apostata that these men have devised against Catholikes. They can not be alowed in the CAPUT

No. I

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Universities if they be recusants, nor in the Innes of Court. Catholike scholemaisters are forbidden. They are not permitted to go over sea to studie, but they are counted as fugitives; so that ether they must be ignorants, or heretically taught, no other way being left unpunishable.

5.

The libertie of Catholiks is at twentie dayes warning when it is at the most; and every of the better sort bound in great bonds and suerties for his appearance. 52 Yet this libertie is very great in respect of their commonest usage, for they are for the most part in prison, or in restraynt at some men's howses; nether permitted to enjoy their landes, howses and countries, nor to converse or spend that they have emong their neighbours.

They are continually in their libertie vexed with serches and pursevants, in daunger of their lives by such things, which they them selves53 perhaps brought in to the howse.

Over such Catholikes as are abrode they set such watches, that, if there be any meanes to make them fal in to their hands, they fayle not to put it in practise by their spies and catchpols, who, under good pretenses, sometymes worke the undoing of good howses. 54 Their serches are very many and severe. Their chief times for them are when Catholikes are most busie to serve God, as on Sondaies, holy daies, Easter, Christmasse, Whitsontide and such very great feastes. They come ether in the night or early in the morning, or much about dinner time; and ever seeke their opportunitie when the Catholikes are or wold be best occupied, or are likely to be worst provided, or looke for nothing. 55 They willingliest come when few are at home to resist them, that they may rifle coffers and do what they list. 56 They locke the servants and mistress of the howse and the whole familie up in to a rowme by them selves while they, like yong princes, goe rifling the howse at their wil.

Their maner of searching is to come with a troupe of men to the howse as though they come to fight a field. 57 They beset the howse on every side, then they rush in and ransacke every corner--even women's beds and bosomes-with such insolent behaviour that their villanies in this kind are half a martyrdome. 58 The men they commaund to stand and to keep their places; and what soever of price cometh in their way, many times they pocket it up, as jewels, plate, monye and such like ware, under pretense of Papistrie. 59 Both before and after the serches, they pretend emong the neighbours to have had intelligence of great matters, and infame those that they serch for dangerous persones, thus to coulour their owne cruelty; and yet al is mere forgery and falsehode.

When they find any bookes, church stuff, chalices or other like things, they take them away, not for any religion that they care CAPUT

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for, but to make a commoditie; selling afterward by their brokers to one Catholike that which they have robbed from an other-even those things that are most expressely forbidden by their owne irreligious lawes, as, beades, medals, chalices, Catholike bookes, etc.

There have divers, under the names of pursevants, come with feyned commissions, and have robbed Catholiks' howses and others.

In Yorkshire, many Catholikes' howses were by such rifled: to their great vexation and losse. In Worcestershire, one Mr. Reynford, a gentleman, was robbed of better then one hundred marks by these forged companions, they being assisted in their robbery by justices of the shire. And it hath bene put in practise by divers counterfeit mates, who make an occupation of it, and, even with the ayde of the constables and officers, have spoyledmany poore Catholiks, and yet no remedy can be had against these miseries. 6 0 The pursevants are for the most part bankrouts and needy fellowes, ether fled from their trade for dett and by the Queene's badge to get their protection, or some notorious wicked man, whose godles disposition is apt to be emploied to any mischief; in so much that it is a great encrease of Catholikes' misery, and a thing almost untolerable to flesh and blood to have so base and infamous castaways to come and crow over 6! the best gentlemanyea nobleman-in his owne howse, and use such imperious and princely behaviour as wold move choler to the most patient mynd, the vylenes and contemp[t] of so base a commaunder considered.

They oftentymes breake waIs, untile howses unseaIe chambers, pluck up bordes, to the owner's great losse and trouble, and yet no satisfaction for these dammages made.

6.

When ether Catholike or priest is apprehended, they streyt lay hold on al he hath and thinke it their owne, unles they be of great calling that they dare not offer such usage.

From priests they take aI, purse, horse, apparell, bookes and what soever els they find of his.

The varietie of prisons is otherwhere entreated. 62 The maner of imprisonment of priests is that first they are kept in Topliffe's howse, or some other catchpol's. Topliffe ever useth to torture them by his private authoritie before they part out of his dores, and keepeth their taking so secret, that somtymes it is longere it be knowen where the party apprehended is, lest the rumor of his torturing should be spread abrode. 63 From Topliffe's house he is caried to Bridewell. There he is hanged up by the hands in manacles, and examined upon aI hateful and odious points, and CAPUT

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used with such extremitie, that his death is far lesse misery then this bloody usage in this place. If they find him constant, he is caried to some other prison, and there kept close prisonnier with as hard usage as may be. 64 In prison, if they have not relief, or be not able to pay, they are used like dogs, throwen in to dongeons. If they be able to pay, they must pay what price the keeper wil, or els they are most pitifully used. 65 Many tymes, Catholikes are taken and put in prison; and there they lye a long tyme before there is any inquiry of the cause of their committing; and though it were but some pursevant's malice that cast him in, yet he is not lett out without great vexation, losse and misery. 66 Every catchpoll may be a meanes to throwe any ordinary man in prison, if he be a Catholike. And if any Protestant beare any evil will, or -owe any monie, or for some other like cause malice a Catholike, if he do but cry "Traytour" in the streetes or cause a pursevant to arrest him, he may be sure to have him clapt fast inough in prison. 67 They torture those that be taken with manacles, in which some hang 9 houres together, al their body being borne uppon their hands, so that oftentymes they swound uppon the torture, and are hardly recovered and yet oftentimes hanged up againe; thus Mr. Bales, Mr. Jones, Mr. Norton, Mr. Randal and almost al the priests that have bene taken any time this fyve yeare. 68 They whipp priests naked, as they did Mr. Beseley and Mr. Jones, in such cruel sort that the persecutors them selves said that they had charmes to endure so patiently such tortures. 69 Topliffe useth to keep them from sleep by watching them until they are almost past their senses and halfe beside them selves, and then beginneth to examine them a fresh in that impotent mode. 7o Some, as namely Mr. Jones, was tormented in Topliffe's howse by the privie partes, and hailed by them downe a paire of stayres -so filthy and shameles is their crueltie. 71 For thretts and terrours it is needles to report them, as also their barbarous lyes and slaunders that they give out of priests after their apprehensions, seeking to make them al infamous with Catholikes them selves, until their deaths and arraignements prove these reporters lyers.

If they confesse not enough in their tortures to make their arraignement the more odious, then they worke while they are in prison by suborned spies that shal pretend frendship and seeme to pitie their case and offer them helpe to cary letters, messages, or fetch mony if they have it in keeping of any Catholike, and other such devises of purpose to en trappe them, to know to whom they resorted, and what they have, that these may be troubled, and the more matter made against them selv[esJ, or some booty gotten by these ravening felowes. 72

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CAPUT 7.

In judgements, they urge the Catholikes with questions more then by law they are bound to answere, seeking to entrappe them and to make them undoe them selves by their answeres, or in shew to deny their faith. 73 They choose a jury which they are sure wil alwaies crye guilty at their pleasure. 74 One witnesse is inough against a Catholike, as they use the law, and they that sitte on the Benche are taken for witnesses against those whom they are to judge. Yea, dead men's witnesse is brought against us; and the deposition of one forsworne wretch, that a dead priest said such a thing, was brought and accepted for the condemning of a poore Catholike. 75 They threatned Sir Thomas Gerard and Benet, as they both in their owne defence have since alleged, that if they wold not accuse the Erle of Arundel, they them selves should dye for it ; and so, with feare of death, enforced them to beare false witnesse against him.76 When any Catholike or priest is arraigned, they ever farse the enditement with many odious Jyes : of conspiracie for killing the Queene, stirring the subjects to rebellion from their obedience, etc.

And yet, when they come to proofes, they can prove nothing in the world but that he is a priest, or relieved priests; and yet, nothing els being witnessed-yea, that not knowen but by the priest's confession-the jury crieth "Billa vera"77 to al the enditement, and the whole enditement is enrolled as if the party had bene convicted of al that it conteyned. And uppon this they brag that none hath bene arraigned but for treason, as (say they) their enditements shew in the records; whereas, if they had recorded no more then they proved, as in al lawes they were, they should not have one priest (Ballard excepted) 78 that ever had any imagination of treason proved a.gainst him.79 CAPUT 9. 80

The fruit that priests do is unspeakeable. 81 It was not long since that the use of sacraments was very rare, priests shunned for feare, and very few found that refused to go to church; where as now, confession and receiving are the greatest comforts that Catholikes esteeme of, and infinite are desirous to use and to have the helpe and presence of priests, for the benefite of their sowles. 82 If some priests have falne, yet can it not be much marveiled at, considering the rigour of the persecution. But sure it is a manifest miracle that emong so many, so few scandals have risen, especially these things considered: first, here is no superiour over any, every one being equal with other, and in none more power to controle then in other; and therefore, more then the law of conscience and feare of God, here is nether censure nor other temporal or spiritual

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penalty that can be according to the ecclesiastical discipline practised upon any-which hetherto (God be thanked) hath litle needed.

And so, men not standing in awe of these bridles, it is marveile they keepe so happy a course as they do. Secondly, their attyre, conversation and maner of life must here, of force, be stil different from their profession ;83 the examples and occasions that move them to sinne, infinite; and therefore, no doubt a wonderful goodnes of God that so few have falne. Thirdly, the torments to priests most cruel and unmerciful, and able to dante 84 any man without singular grace; and this also encreaseth the merveile. In summe, where only vyce escapeth unpunished, and al vertue is suspected and subject to reproch, the very use and libertie of sinning being so common, and al oportunities so ready, it is the finger of God-yea, and his strong hand and high arme-that keepeth so many and so yong priests in the flower of their age from infinite scandals.

It is a singuler comfort to see how willingly they venture their lives, never sleeping one night in securitie, nor eating a bitt of bread without feare; but, like men ever in hazard of their liberties and lives, they are stil in expectation of the persecutour; yet, nothing dismayed with al these frights, they stil pursue their labours and attend to gayne sowles, ryding, going, toyling and wearying them selves in al kind of travailes. 85 And God hath so framed the myndes of Catholikes that, notwithstanding al dangers, they are in regard of their conscience contented to venture lives and livings for priests' safetie, rather hazarding that they have then that they are, and preferring God and their sowle before al earthly things.

The reverence and respect of Catholikes to priests is very much; and whereas there are now no prelates nor bisshops to honour the c1ergie, God hath so disposed their myndes that every priest is as much reverenced as heretofore bisshops.

They so much esteeme the blessing of a priest that they not only aske it every day at their first meeting with priests and their last parting from them, but if any other come betwene these tymes to aske benediction, they al aske with them, never weary, yea, never almost satisfied with being blessed, so hath God planted in their harts a reverent and loving regard to this function. 86 10.

I t is straunge to see how God maketh the whole realme to tast of the same scourges that Catholikes are wronged with.

First, in the lawes there is no justice used, sutes being more caryed with favour then right, and rather overruled by authoritie then law; never so many at law and in controversie as now; never lesse helpe by law then now, al things being governed by bribes and partialitie. 87 How infamous our nation is now in al Christendome it is to CAPUT

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plaine. In France they are counted church-robbers, cruel and unrnercyful; in Portugal cowards and yet bloody, the pirats of al seas, the sowers of sedition in al countries, the maynteyners of al rebellions; at home, butchers of their owne subjects and persecutors of the Catholike Church. In summe, no nation of Christendome this day so infamous in al countries as the English for vice, for cruelty, for unfaithfulnes and breach of al leagues with their frends and confederats, and for al other odious parts-and this to requite their infaming of Catholikes.88 As they spoile us, so was England before this tyme never acquainted with so common beggery, the people never so needy, oppressed, on the one side, with raising of rents, paying fynes, and infinite devises of gentlemen to undo their tenants; on the other side, never so many subsidies exacted in three kings' tymes as in this only queene's ; so many taxes, and fiftenes, one ever overtaking an other; and no peny being so soone warme in a poore man's purse, but the subsidie gatherer is ready to fetch it-and this with such extremitie that, if there be no mony, they take cattle, selling them at halfe the price; and leaving many poore folkes and their children ready to famishe, to serve the Queene, or, rather, to maynteyne the King of Navarre,89 or to helpe Don Antonio,90 or to send men in to Flaunders,91 to the consumption of English treasure and disturbance of Christian princes. 92 There were never such devises heard of to get monye in England as are now ryfe. One beggeth that none may sell cardes but sealed with his seale, and thus come in thousands; an other that none may sell starch but warranted by him; the like of wines and almost of al kind of ware. 93 The lands of the halls of London and hospitals, and other places of reliefe, bestowed on courteiers, to the undoing and misery of many. What the Queene's takers doe all England feeleth. In wood, provision, come, they take as much for others as for her-yea, much more-and half under the price; and this being general in al countries, and more then ever was heretofore allowed, it is no smal oppression. 94 Their losse of frends abroad everyone knoweth; none but the Turkes favouring their endevours,95 they having so exasperated their neighbours-even heretikes-with piracy, that they no lesse detest them then their bitterest enemies .96 At home it is almost incredible how much the chief persecutours have bene, and are hated. Lecester, a most violent [man ?],97 was no sooner dead but al England cursed him, and rejoyced that so wicked a man was gone. 98 The Secretarie had the like praiers after his death, none sorowing his absence but a few catchpolls and spies that lost their occupation with his lyfe. The Treasurer, yet surviving, a man nether loved in Court nor Country, frendly to none but for his gayne, nether welcome to his peeres nor inferiours, but even like a storme in the ayer that al feare and shunne, but none loves. 99

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Never lesse neighbourhod among the people, never lesse agreement in the peeres ; everyone draweth a sundry way and standeth in feare of his nearest frends. The whole realme is so ful of makebateslOO and factions that, when they beginne to worke, there can be no invasion of equal misery to the civill mutinyes that are likely to ensue.

The liberties of the subjects in many things empaired. N one can go over sea without licenselOl-a thing to English eares unheard of before the tyrannie of this tyme. The marchants have lost their best places of traffike, and have no farther scope on the sea then to portes of lest proffitt. l02 The nobilitie is become so servile that if they be not to the humour of the Treasurer, they must not live in their countries, they must be tyed to the Court or allotted their dwelling, as if they were perpetual wards. None of them permitted to cary any countenance in the common weIth, unlesse it be some few whose wisedomes he can easely overreach; a1 the rest ether drawne to consume them selves, and brought to beggery (as many are), or kept under, like peuples with a rod, not daring to speake what soever they thinke, but, like babish fooles, forced to geve ayme whiles other hitt their markes. l03 The leuetenants and justices of shires so servilely subject that they go at every pursevant's commaundement to assist them and serve them in their offices, which are the basest and most hateful of a1 other; and, in effect, the best of the shires is at every promoter's cornman dement to folow at his tayle night or day, as experience sheweth. The commons and meaner gentlemen are in such extreame bondage that, be they never so much oppressed with taxes and exactions, yet, putting the finger in the eye and sighing out their sorow, they dare not open their mouthes so much as once to complaine or aske any mitigation, so base is their servitude in recompence of our captivi tie. 104 The prisons in no king's tyme ever so ful of detters, theeves, murderers and al kind of wicked persons; al vice being so ryfe that many sinnes are esteemed no faultes, and the very greatest rekened but sleight matters; so that al their penalties can not be sufficient to keepe their prisons empty. Never so many hanged and executed for vice ;105 never in England so much blud shedd without waITe. Soldyers sent furth against their wills in to France, Flanders, Portugall, and nether maynteined in the field with vitails, nor payed their salarye, nor used with curtesy, but put to al adventures til famyne or maynnes make them impotent; and then sent home to pester the country with beggers, the high waies with theeves. and al places with idle and most vicious vagabonds; for if they aske them pay, they are whipped or hanged. If they have it not, they are distressed, and no order taken for them but to lett them range about the country expecting their day, when they may at once pay them selves with the best good and blood in England. l06

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Infinite widowes and fatherles children left in extreme misery by the sending out of their husbands to foreyne wars, while they at home pyne for famine ;107 and this not to good, but to the overthrow of their country, against which, by these meanes, they have stirred al Christendome, and made it the most hateful nation under heaven, or, at lest, in Europe.

And in how litle securitie it standeth for al these infinite charges and death of serviceable men, it may be easely gathered by their daily and extreme feares, which they ether feyne to cosin the people and to draw them the easelier to satisfie their greedy exactions,108 or, in truth, they feele, in respect of the most tickle and hazardous state of them selves and the whole country, first for the foreyne forces which are great and justly incensed against us by our piracy, surprising and invading others' countries. And though they have so disarmed the realme both of men and munition, and impoverished it in monye that since the Conquest it was never in so beggerly and unfurnished an estate, yet seeke they no atonement with their enemies, nor meanes of composition; meaning to see the people destroyed in almost an unpossible resistance, and then to ÂŁlye, or make their partie good by selling the realme. There is much more cause of feare in respect of the civill factions there at home, and unspeakeable discontentement of al estates, who do but attend a beginning to roote out the causers of their servilitie, namely, as the most auncient, so the most malitious and cruell counsellour of Her Majesty; to whome al lay the undoing of the realme, not condemning her whose sexe is easie to be misled, nor the rest of her Counsell, whose willes are violently overruled,l09 but him only who with feyned surmises and odious fictions hath robbed the commons, dispeopled the country of the best soldyers, kept the nobilitie in thraldome, and the gentlemen in the basest servilitie that England ever knew; a man that consumeth his prince of more then 20 thousand pounds by the yeare, of which he at the lest picketh xii out of the Court of Wards, which was never more ful of wards and sutes, yet never so litle beneficial to the prince-to omit his ÂŁleesing her of the subsidie monye, of recusants' lands and goods, of infinite Exchecquer gaines, unseene and unknowen but to him self and his complices. 11o Thirdly, to what exceeding miseries and dangers are al men subject, in regard that, if lIer Majestie should dye, there is none knowen whom to folow or to accept as their prince, and there being so many and so different stiles and competitours to the Crowne, no invasion could be more violent; yea, not any way so daungerous as onely Her Majestie's death, which no man can prevent, and yet al men shal feele. Then these soldyers who have wanted their pay wi! fetch it out of the best purses ;111 then the divisions of sects, ech now condemning other, wil be as ready to be ech other's ruines; then everyone fearing other as ether different in religion, or not agreing in one competitor (both titles of deadly dislike), wil be ready

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to shunne his former neighbours and to seeke ech other's overthrow; then private quarels of noblemen and gentlemen wil, by parts taking, grow to open uprores; then country against citie, one against an other, like a company of mad men, al fearing, none obeying, none ruling but by sworde and fier, allawes ceassing and the course of justice sleeping, there being none to execute it by law or accepted authoritie. Then, if any foreyne power be ready to assalt us (as they pretend the King of Spayne to be), what better opportunitie can be taken then to come to a people dismembred among them selves, dismantled of their chief fences, headlesse and lawlesse ?

And, assuredly, those competitours that are not likely to prevaile, yet have stirred and shewed their good wil to displace al the other, yea, al those that thinke their enemy faction likely to treade them downe, wil be rather willing to admit a stranger to their helpe, then looke for pardon in never pardoned quarels; among which, competency for the Crowne is the chiefest, and murder of their adversaries' frends the second (both which must needs be then incident to those tymes and broyles); and yet take they away al hope of reconcilement.112 Now let indifferent thoughts judge whether the Treasurer with reason make so many outcryes against Catholiks and brute such imaginary feares of a few disarmed priests, who nether have power, wil, not pollicie to medle in the disturbance of the re alme , having only folowed t~e ir bookes, as his owne spies and infinite others can witnesse upon their owne sight and knowledge. But these are but false laroms to draw men's considerations from greater miseries and general calamities that hang daily over the whole re alme , and are only staied upon the tikle uncertainty of Her Majestie's life; which though he both foresee and fynd, yet, being ful owner of Her Majestie's determinations, and ruling her at her owne best liking, he hath no care to prevent, hoping to have the realme so much at his owne commaundement and to be so mightily backed by the faction that he privily fostereth, that he may be able to commaund tn e best competitour and to make his own composition with him for his most commoditie, which is the only ground of his love, and god of his devotion. And that being provided for, and his owne interest likely to ensue, he careth not though he make both the commons and gentry to pay their best blood for his preferment, and the nobilitie's dead bodies and decayed families steppes for his mounting to his intended heighth.113 And if in Lecester's and the Secretarie's time, whom both for wit, favour and might, he feared as countermyners of his practises, he notwithstanding had plotted furture matters, and even in his minoritie of Secretaryship designed the courses of future government (as it hath bene both noted and proved by as wise as him self, and reveeled by his own compartners), how much more wil he now dare to attempt, having absolute regiment over Her Majesty, not suffring her to make officers but whom he liketh, and drawing her and her Counsell to be but the E

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cyphers to al his numbers? He hath the whole treasure of the realme in his custody, beside his priv[yJ1l4 coffers, which with so many, so gainful and great offices he hath this 33 yeres bene filling; beside the helpe of infinite bribes, extorsions and traffickes, with which he never w[asJ1l4 long unacquainted. And how can it be imagined but that he, having power to his wil, and wil to the highest ambition, worketh now on after hope, and keepeth al England at his devotion for a prince, if he chance to survive Her Majestiewhich God of His goodnes never permitt.115 His continual endeevour to make his sannes mighty, the one being now a Counsellor, and he continually labouring to have the other Deputy of Ireland, is manifest proofe of some farther reach then the eyes of most looke into.11 s In summe, he suppressing al the Counsell's authoritie with his owne, and crossing al that they endeevour if it be not to his liking, sheweth that he is already at that point that none dare gainsay or, at the lest, none can resist that which he wil have done; and weI may it be feared what farther strength growth in this might and wil wi1 reache unto.

Lecester, in revenge of his crueltie against Catholikes, the same day sevennight that he had caused divers priests and other Catholikes to be cruelly murdered in London in divers places of the citie and about the same, he sickened, being, in truth, as is verily thought, poisoned and prevented by one to whom he at that very time had intended the same. He was as ugly a corse as he was filthy in maners. He dyed without any signes of a Christian, more like a dog then a man. His stomake was with the poison eaten, and grea t holes made therein; and he then discovered to be a most hated creature in the realme, everyone cursing him and banning him to al mischief according to his desert.1l7 The Secretarie Walsingham, a most violent persecutour of Catholikes, dyed almost in like maner, never so much as naming God in his last extremities, and yet he had his speach, as he shewed by telling the preacher that he heard him and therefore he needed not to cry so lowd-which were his last words. In the end, his urine came forth at his mouth and nose, with so odious a stench that none could endure to come neere him.llB Lecester's lands were presently seased on for his dettes to the Queene, and he as much disgraced that way as if he had bene rather hated of her then so great a favorite.1l9 Likewise, the Secretary died a begger, owing more then his land wold pay; and his favour in the exacting of his dett to the Queene as litle as might be, in respect of the creditt that alive he seemed to carye.120 Such is the just judgement of God to make them feele the iniquitie of their dealings by those whose authoritie they abused to molest Catholikes.

Addressed A Monsieur Verstegan, Gentilhom Anglois.

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N OTES 1

The manuscript, which is u nsigned, appears to be a copy of a news-letter written to Verstegan by Fr. Robert Southwell, who corresponded with him at this time. It contains a large number of passages which closely resemble, both in su bst ance and presentation, corresponding passages in the Humble Supplication, completed by Southwell towards the end of December, 1591 (printed 1600 with false imprint 1595). To illustrate the closeness of the similarity, the relevant sections in the Humble Supplication are printed in the notes . The only difference between the passages in question is that those from the Humble Supplication are more polished and contain a great profusion of imagery, which is almost entirely lacking in the above letter. But such stylistic differences are readily explained by the fact that whilst one work was composed in the form of an epistle to the Queen, presumably to be printed, the other was a despatch, no doubt written in haste, designed to give news of the persecution as concisely as possible.

Although the letter is undated (apart from Fr. Grene's conjectural note), it can be assigned with reasonable certainty to late November or the beginning of December, 1591, since it contains oblique references in caput 2 and caput 10 to the proclamation published in November, 1591 (vid. Letter no. 2, note 6), and terms Beesely and Scot, who were executed in July of that year, "the two last martyrs", no mention being made of the seven who were tried 4 December and martyred 10 December. Thus, tbe above letter was written two or three weeks before the completion of the Humble Supplication, though the earlier part of this work may have been written contemporaneously with the letter, or even a few days earlier. (For the date of the composition of the Humble Supplication vid. R. C. Bald's edition of the work, p. xi).

2

Act of 23 Eliz ., c. i, 1581: "An act to retain the Queen's Majesty's subjects in their due obedience". Cf. Humble Supplication, pp . 42-3 (quoted from R. C. Bald's edition, 1953, since it appears to be the most a uthoritative text) : " .. . there are 20 pounds by the moneth exacted of such as are able to pay it, after the rate of 13 monetbs by the yeare (an account unusu all in all other causes) as the lawes commonly read, printed and p ractised doe witnes". The 20 pounds per month was the fine to be exacted of recusants for not attending church.

3

Anthony Tyrell was a priest who apostatised and recanted a number of times before this eventual reconciliation to the Church shortly before bis death. In February, 1587 he wrote a letter to the Queen retracting the accusations he had made against a number of Catholics, particularly at the time of the Babington p lot, and revealed that he had been urged by J ustice Young, amongst others, to continue his priestly duties in order to discover information against Catholics for the Government. Tyrell's letter is printed in Strype, Annals, iii, pt. 2, pp. 425fÂŁ. See also Fall of A nthony Tyrrell, printed in J. Morris, Troubles of our Catholic Forefathers, 1875, ii, pp. 475fÂŁ.

Richard Young, a London magistrate, was a violent persecutor of Catholics, and for this reason, his name appears frequently in Verstegan's despatches.

4

It is difficult to identify Baker and Vachel with any certainty, but the Burden alluded to is Thomas Rogers, who used the name Nicholas Berden as an alias. He was one of Walsingham's most valuable spies, as appears from his letters, a great number of which are recorded in Cal. Dom.

5

A similar complaint is made by Richard Holtby in his despatch to Garnet in 1594: " . . . they have suborned such a number of secret spies, who,

Addenda, 1580- 1625.

18

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. I

under colour of Catholic religion, do insinuate themselves into our company and familiarity, and that with pretence of such zeal, sincerity and friendship, that it seemeth a thing almost impossible either to decipher or avoid them."

(Morris, Troubles, iii, p. 121).

6

Marginal note in another hand "cave", probably to indicate that the Gerard referred to cannot be John Gerard the Jesuit, who was never imprisoned in Wisbech, and was not arrested until 1594 (vid. P. Caraman, John Gerard, 1951). It is possible that the priest Alexander Gerard is intended, who was imprisoned in Wisbech a short time after October, 1588, and was still there in 1595. He was arrested in Lancashire in May, 1588, and sent first to the Tower, and then to the Gatehouse, before being confined in Wisbech Castle (vid. C.R .S., II, pp. 280, 282, 284; C.R.S., XXI, pp. 189, 196; Cal . Dom. Eliz., 1581-90, p . 544, Morris, Troubles, ii, p. 267). "J. Gerard" could possibly be the copyist's error.

7

Cf. Southwell's letter to Aquaviva, August, 1588 (C.R.S., V, pp. 321ff.)

A similar set of interrogatories was posed to Campion and those martyred with him, as Allen records in his Briefe Historie, 1582, sig. A1.ff. Numerous instances of such questions being put to the martyrs in this period are to be found in C.R.S., V (e.g. pp. 62, 76, 84, 171, 243). Allen states in his True, Sincere and Modest Defence, 1584, p. 31, that because the English government hoped that the answers given by the priests "wold be odious in the sight of the simple, and speciallie of zealous Protestantes (as it fel out in deed), they devised to publish and read them to the people ... that therby they might at least conceive that they were worthie of death for other causes, though not for that whereof they were condemned" and so ether less pitie them, or lesse marke the former unjust pretensed matter of their condemnation."

8

"Heir general" is a term used to include heirs female as well as heirs male.

It is the equivalent of heir-at-Iaw, that is, one who succeeds to property

by right of blood.

\) i.e. "land privily held from the king by a person having no title thereto" (N.E.D.). The situation concerning the D acres , a Cumberland family, was as follows: William 3rd Lord Dacre left four sons, Thomas, Leonard, Edward and Francis. Thomas, 4th Lord Dacre, left a son, George, 5th Lord Dacre, and three daughters. The Duke of Norfolk married Thomas' widow, and obtained the wardship of the heir, George, who died in his minority, leaving his sisters his co-heirs, all of whom married sons of the Duke of Norfolk. The title was contested by Leonard, their uncle, the eldest surviving brother of Thomas and consequently heir male. (Concerning the suit vid. Collectanea Topographica et Genealogica, 1838, V, pp.

317ff.). At the time of the Northern rising, in which he was implicated, Leonard Dacre seized the castles of Greystock, Naworth and other houses of the Dacres as his own inheritance and, under pretence of protecting his own and resisting the rebels, gatbered a force of about 4,000 men.

Eventually he was defeated by Lord Hunsdon who had orders from the Queen to arrest bim, and he fled first to Scotland and then to the Low Countries, where he died in 1573.

In 1586 Southwell became chaplain to Anne Dacre, one of the co-heirs, who was married to Philip Howard, Earl of Arundel. He must therefore have had a good knowledge of the Dacre estates.

10

Various complaints against pursuivants appear in Cal. S.P. for the period.

For other instances of theft vid. R. Simpson, Edmund Campion, 1896, p. 441; Morris, Troubles, iii, pp. 15, 18, 19, etc.

No. I

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

19

11

Cf. Humble Supplication, p. 41. "If any displeasing accident fall out wherof the authors are either unknowne or ashamed, Catholiques are made common fathers of such infamous orphanes, as though none were so fitt sluces as they to let out of every man's sinke these unsavoury reproaches; not so much but the casuall fiers that somtimes happen in London, the late uprores betwene the gentlemen and the apprentices were layd to our charge, though th' occasioners of both were so well knowne that the report against us could not but issue from an undeserved malice."

A contemporary MS. on the persecution in England (in ColI. E, Oscott, printed Morris, Troubles, iii) gives details of the fire to which Southwell was probably alluding. "Certain houses in London accidentally by negligence of servants set on fire and burnt; they gave out this was done

by Catholics" (p. 21). Blame was laid on Catholics for the Great Fire of 1666, also (d. Stow's Survey of London, ed. Strype, 1720, i, 226).

1a

Cf. Humble Supplication, p. 41. " . . . Hacket, a man so farr from our faith as infidelity it self, and a little before so notorious a Puritane that he was of chiefe reckoning among them, when his blasphemies grew so great and his articles so impious that made all Christian eares to glowe and his adherents ,to blush, then was he posted over to us for a Papist, and soe named to the vulgar sort." Vid. also Morris, Troubles, iii, p. 21. William Hacket, a mad religious fanatic, was executed 28 July, 1591 for preaching heresy and blasphemy in Cheapside. A contemporary account of Hacket and his teachings is given in R. Cosin, Conspiracie for Pretended Reformation, 1592. See also Southwell's letter in C.R.S., V, p. 332.

13

Cf. Humble Supplication, p. 41. " . . . the sclaunders forged against priests after their executions, purposely reserved til the parties were past answering, and then devulged to make them hatefull."

George Beesley alias Passelaw and Monford Scott were martyred in Fleet Street, 2 July, 1591. Vid. C.R.S., V, p. 203, containing a letter from England dated 1 October, 1591, which states concerning Scott that "to make him more odious, they examined him in public once more, and asked him what he thought should be done if the Pope ordered someone to murder the Queen" (translation from the Spanish). Cf. Strype, Annals, iv, p. 91.

14.

This appears to be a reference to the proclamation of Oct.-Nov., 1591.

15

In the Humble Supplication (pp. 17-18), Southwell lays the chief responsibility for the Babington plot on Walsingham and his agents. He writes that the conspiracy was "both plotted, furthered and finished by Sir Francis Walsingham and his other complices, who layd and hatched all the particulers therof, as they thought it would best fall out to the discredit of Catholiques and cutting off the Queene of Scotts". Walsingham was blamed for the plot by Babington also, according to the account of a priest named Davis (printed in Challoner, Memoirs of Missionary Priests, 1741, i, p. 214) who terms the plot a "tragedy" of which "Sir Francis Walsingham was the chief actor and contriver, as I gathered by Mr. Babington himself, who was with me the night before he was apprehended". See also "Life of Father William Weston" (Morris, T roubles, ii, pp. 181 ff.).

I t is to be noted concerning the charge made against Leicester and Burghley in the above letter of complicity in the plot, that they were both anxious to secure Mary's speedy death, that Leicester was well informed of the workings of the plot, as can be seen from Walsingham's letter to him 9 July, 1586 (vid. Bruce, Leycester Correspondence, Camden Society, p. 341-2), and that Burghley gave orders for a house to be set aside for Poley's use in connection with the plot. It was in this house that the conspirators met, and in its garden Ballard was arrested (vid. Anthony Hall's letter to Burghley, 12 February, 1593, Strype, Annals, iv, p. 233).

20

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. I

111

Southwell expresses the same opinion in the Humble Supplication, p. 18. " . .. it is knowne to all that Poolie, being Sir Francis Walsingham's man, and throughlie seasoned to his master's tooth, was the chiefe instrument to contrive and prosecute that matter, and to draw into the nett such greene witts, as (partly fearing the generall oppression, partly angled with golden hookes) might easily be overwrought by Master Secretarie's subtill and sifting witt." Poley's part seems to have been underestimated in recent works on the plot, and the fact has not been taken into account that, as mentioned in the previous note, on Burghley's orders, a house was placed at his disposal which he used for playing the part of a generous host to Catholics and, in particular, to his fellow conspirators. Among those to whom Poley offered the full use of his house was Fr. Weston, but Weston was extremely suspicious of him, as he relates in his autobiography (vid. Morris, Troubles, ii, pp. 169ff.)

17

The confession referred to is probably the fourth of those which Gifford made while in prison in Paris, and is dated 14 August, 1588. A copy of it is printed in Hatfield House MSS., iii, p. 346ff.

18

Richard Creagh, Archbishop of Armagh (Armacan) endured over twenty years' imprisonment in the Tower and elsewhere. He is referred to in S.P. Dom. Eliz., vol. clxviii, no. 74 as follows: "1585, May 27. Tower.

Ri. Creaghe, a dangerous man to be among the Irish for the reverence that is by that nation borne unto him, and therefore fit to be continued in prison" (Morris, Amias Poulet, p. 386). See also Acts of the Privy Council, vii, viii, etc; C. R.S., II. Presumably Creagh died some time between November, 1586, the last recorded date of his imprisonment (C.R.S., II, p. 264) and September, 1588, when Poley was released. It has never been proved that Creagh was poisoned, but it was commonly believed at the time of his death (vid. Cath. Encycl., 1908, iv, p. 469).

Nicholas Williamson, in his disposition of 7 April, 1595, while a prisoner in the Gatebouse, alleged that' 'Creichton chargeth Pooley to have poysoned the Bishop of Divelinge" (Dublin). It is possible that this is a confused reference to Creagh (d. F. Boas, Christopher Marlowe, p. 288, n. 2).

The Humble Supplication (p. 18) refers to Poley's imprisonment in a similar way to the account given above, with the notable exception that no mention is made of Creagh being poisoned: "And though none were soe deepe in the very botiome of that conspiracy as Pooley himself, yet was he not so much as indicted of any cryme, but after a little large imprisonment (more of pollicy then any punishment) sett at liberty, and in more credit then ever he was before".

Poley was imprison ed in the Tower in August, 1586, and after periods of intermittent freedom, was eventually released about Michaelmas, 1588 (vid. F. Boas, op. cit., pp. 126-7).

111

MS. "and and".

20

Cf. Southwell op. cit. p. 37 (quoted from 1600 edition since it is closer to the above): "It is further knowen that the coppie of that letter which Babbington sent to the Queene of Scots was brought ready penned by Poolie from Mr. Secretary, the answere whereof was the principal grounds of the Queene's condemnation". R. Bald's edition reads' 'was brought him", presumably the reading in the Petyt MS on which Bald bases his edition.

He does not note that the printed text of 1600 omits "him". It is interesting to observe that one MS. version of the Humble Supplication Ellesmere 2089, reads "Phillipps" for "Poohe" (d. Bald's edition p. 54) in view of the fact that the Babington letter of 12 July, 1586, was delivered at Chartley

by Thomas Phelippes.

No. I

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

21

21

Much the same account of the bribe is given in the Humble Supplication (p. 21) , but the accusation against Nau and Curle is more explicit. "There was also found in Sir Francis Walsingham's accompts after his decease, a note of 7,000 li. bestowed upon N aw and Curle, who, being the Queene's sceretaries, framed such an answere as might best serve for the ditty of a bloudy rhyme, and fitt his intention that rewarded them with soe liberall a fee." A. Strickland, Letters of Mary Queen of Scots, iii, 1843, p. 249, gives details of a payment made to Nau by the English government of ÂŁ73 . . Os ... 2d., which, as she notes, proves that he was "long before the fatal catastrophe . . . the paid agent of Queen Elizabeth". One contemporary account of Mary's death, La mort de la Royne d' Escosse 1588, pp. 143-4 holds that, soon after Mary's execution, Nau took with him to France ten thousand livres, and when he was embarked he lamented that he had left another ten thousand behind him in England, as the people in the boat were reported to have heard. The account mentions further that Nau's assets in France could be reckoned at one hundred thousand livres, a fortune he had amassed during his twelve years in England. (There is a translation of this passage in J. Stevenson's introduction to Nau's History of Mary Stewart, 1883, pp. lxiiiff.)

22

For information on Poley's later years vid. Boas, op . cit., and Letter no.

40, note 11.

23

Marginal note in another hand: "Enquier of this point of Gilbert's examiners". Cf. Southwell op. cit., pp. 18-9: "It is also knowne by Philips the decipherer's letters to his partie practitioner, Gilbert Gifford, in whose chest and chamber they were taken at Paris, and by Gilbert Gifford's owne examinations, that these gentlemen [i.e. the conspirators] were brought and sould, being drawne blindfould to be the workers of their owne overthrow . .. " Gifford fled to France shortly before the conspirators were arrested, and was ordained priest at Rheims in March, 1587 (Knox, Douay Diaries, p. 214). He was arrested in a Paris brothel in December, 1587, and died in prison in 1590. The letters seized after his arrest do not appear to have survived .

24

Cf. Humble Supplication pp. 22-3 where the same account is related, but with the imagery which is lacking in the above letter: "J ohn Savage, likewise, when he came unto the Court was soe well knowne to be a chicken of that fetber, that two pensioners were charged to have a ' spetiall eye upon him and to watch him soe long as be stayed there, and yet was he suffered to goe up and downe the Court and usually to haunt the presence till all the irons were hott that were layd in the fier to seere the creditt of poore Catholiques, and to give the Queene of Scotts her death's wound".

Savage came to England in August, 1585, with the avowed intention of assassinating Elizabeth, and for this purpose later joined forces with Babington.

25

Cf. Southwell, op. cit., pp. 20-1.

26

Gifford was ordained deacon at Rheims in April, 1585, (Douay Diaries).

Letters from Gifford to Walsingham and Phelippes are printed in Pollen, Mary Queen of Scots and the Babington Plot, Scot. Hist. Soc., 1922, and amply bear out the above statements.

27

Marginal note in another hand: "Enquire of this point". Chateauneuf, the French Ambassador was of the same opinion in his memoir (printed in A. Labanoff Lettres de Marie Stuart, 1844 vol. vi, pp. 275ff.). " . . . ledit Gifford repassa en France, au etant et ayant communique avec ceux qui l'avaient envoye, il fit passer en Angleterre un pretre anglais nomine

22

LET TERS OF RI CHARD VER STEGAN

No. I

Ballard ... " But according t o Gifford's letter to Walsingham, 11 July, 1586 (printed in Pollen, op . cit., pp. 105-109) Ballard had not met Gifford to discuss the plot before 10 July, 1586. It seems unlikely that Gifford was trying to mislead Walsingham on this point.

28

The Humble Supplication, p . 22 contains the same account of Array's interview and the inferences to be drawn from it, though the priest's name is not mentioned. There is also a reference to Array in an abstract of one of Southwell's letters written at the time (Foley, Records S. J., i, p. 331): " .. . Martinus Arraius . . . hath procured by money to be pardoned his life, but shall be banished" . Southwell succeeded Array as chaplain to the Countess of Arundel, and would have obtained his information from her (C. Newdigate, The Month , vol. clvii, 1931, p . 249). The Countess probably provided the money with which Array secured his release.

Array was sent on the English Mission in 1579. He was arrested by the pursuivants Newell and Worsley 13 June, 1586, and examined three days later. His release was obtained on 23 July or a little before (Cal. Scot., 1585-6, p . 543) and, as may be inferred from Southwell's account of the interview with Walsingham, was warned to leave England before the end of the first week of August, by which time the hue and cry would be raised over the Babington conspiracy. Even as early as two weeks before the warning given to Array, in fact before the Babington letter of 6 July was delivered at Chartley, Phelippes was advising Walsingham "to lay a strait watch at the ports, for on Babington's apprehension there will be plenty of fugitives" (Cal. Scot ., 1585-6, p. 509).

According to Berden's letter to Walsingham, December, 1586, Array did not leave England, but fled to the North and practised his priestly duties there (Morris, Troubles, ii, p. 165).

29

Cf. Southwell's letter to Aquaviva, 31 August, 1588 (C.R .S., V, pp. 321ff ; translation pp . 325ff.) . "A certain lady went to a man of note, asking him to use his influence that the death of one of the condemned might be delayed . The first question was whether the person whose cause she pleaded were guilty of murder. She replied that he had not been condemned of any such thing but only for the Catholic religion. '0 dear,' said the gentleman, 'for his religion! If he had committed murder I should not have hesitated to comply with your request; but as it is a question of religion, I dare not interfere'." Cf. also "Life of Fr. William Weston" (Morris, Troubles, ii, p. 196) .

30

Cf. Humhle Supplication, p . 40. "Our sclaunders are common worke for idle presses; and our creditts are daily solId at the stationers' stalls, every libeller repayring his wants with impayring our honors, being sure that, when all other matters faile, any pamphlett against us shalbe wellcomed with Seene and allowed." Numerous examples of anti-Catholic pamphlets can be found in Arber, Transcript of the Registers of the Company of Stationers, vol. 2. For instance, on p . 275b the following works are listed : Dehortacon from Papistrie; Warres betwene the Romaines and the Catholiques; Pageant of Popes; J esuites' Challenge.

31

The sermons of John Prime are a good illustration of this, e.g., A Sermon briefly comparing the estate of King Salomon and his subjectes with Queene Elizabeth and her people, 1585; The Consolations of David, 1588. See further J. Haweis, Sketches of the Reformation and Elizabethan Age, 1844, pp . 165ff. Although Haweis does not mention Prime, he provides illustrations from the bitterly anti-Catholic sermons of many other preachers.

32

One of the earliest of these' 'enterludes" satirising Catholics in Elizabethan period was performed at Court in January, 1559 (vid. Cal. Venetian,

I

No. I

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

23

1558-80, p . 11). Southwell may have been referring to such plays as the anonymous Troublesome Reign of John, King of England, performed c.1588-9, and John Lyly's Midas, performed c.1590. See further E. M. Albright, Dramatic Publication in England, 1580-1640, 1927, pp. 94ff, and 1. Ribner, English History Play in the Age of Shakespeare, 1957, pp. 81-5, etc.

33

For an account of ballads against Catholics vid. C. H. Firth's article "Ballads and Broadsides" in Shakespeare's England, ii, pp. 521ff. Those mentioned include four denouncing and deriding the Pope on the occasion of Elizabeth's excommunication, and a group by Munday and Elderton on the execution of Edmund Campion and his companions. (One of these is printed by H. Rollins, Old English Ballads, 1553-1625, 1920, pp. 64ff.).

34

The Oath of Supremacy was imposed by Statute 1 Eliz . c. i, and its scope enlarged by Statute 5 Eliz. c. i.

35

Cf. Persons's letter to Agazzari, 17 November, 1580 (L. Hicks, Letters and Memorials of Fr. P ersons, C.R.S., XXXIX, 1942, p. 56): " ... in proclamations as well' as in discourses and sermons they are made infamous in the eyes of the people under the name of traitors and rebels" (translation).

See also Morris, Troubles iii, p. 20.

36

Cf. Humble Supplication, pp. 39, 40, 42. Verstegan makes use of this section (and many others, as will be noted later in the relevant passages) in his Declaration of the True Causes, 1592, p . 64. "A litle pecuniary summe" is an echo of the phrase in the proclamation of Oct-Nov., 1591, which asserted "that none do suffer death for matter of religion there is manifest proofe, in that a number of men of wealth in our realme professing contrary religion are knowen not to be impeached for the same, either in lives, lands or goods, or in their liberties, but onely by payment of a pecuniary summe as a penalty for the time that they do refuse to come to church".

Of the pamphlets which stressed this point, three of Burghley's are sufficient example: Execution of Justice in England, 1583 published in five languages (passim, especially sig. Biv.) ; A Declaration oftltefavourable dealing of Her Majestie's Commissioners, 1583 (sig. Aa iii v.); and Copie of a Letter sent to Don B ernardin Mendoza, 1588 (p. 10).

37

Fr. Garnet relates in a letter written in 1594 (C.R.S., V, p. 232, translation) that James Bird, who was martyred 25 March, 1593, was offered pardon as he was about to be turned off the ladder, if he would promise to go to church. "Right heartily do I thank thee," he answered. "If by going to the church I can save my life, surely all the world will see this: that I am executed solely for faith and religion and nothing else." Other examples of pardon offered on these terms are given in Allen's Briefe Historie, 1582.

38

MS . "the the".

39

Cf. Humble Supplication, p. 43 . A similar statement is also to be found in Morris, Troubles, iii, p. 23. "The livings of recusants are sometimes begged of three or four several men, and grants made to all of them. If he or any their friends for them think good to deal for the lease, they must compound with them all, notwithstanding that only the first grant be good as against the Queen, but all allowed current against Catholics.

This experienced in Mr. Henry Carey's case and divers others." Elsewhere in the same narration (p. 18) is cited the case of William Stapleton, who had to take a lease on his own living which had been give to somebody else.

24

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. I

40

Cf. Morris Troubles, iii, p . 23 "Known spies and catchpolls are the only means to procure liberty for Catholic prisoners, and this they do for priests or laymen upon an agreement for some certain sum. Their suits in these cases are many times easily obtained, in recompense of their services in that behalf". See also id., p . 80. In S.P. Dom. vol. cxcv, n. 75 (printed in Morris, op . cit., ii, pp. 161ff.) there is a letter from Berden, the spy, asking for the release on sureties of Ralph Bickley and Richard Sherwood. He states that their liberation would make him £50 the richer.

41

Cf. Humble Supplication, p . 43 . Confiscation of all goods and two parts of all lands and tenements on failure to pay the £20 per month was fixed

by Statute 28 and 29 Eliz., c. vi.

42

An instance of the special taxation of Catholics is cited in Morris op. cit., iii, 24. "At the going of Leicester into Flanders, all Catholics of account were taxed, some 100 1., some 50 1. and some 25 1., to furnish horses for that good service, and the most enforced to pay it." See further Acts of the Privy Council, xiv, pp. 86-8; Cal. Dom. Eliz . 1581-90, pp. 273ff. etc. ; also C. Read, Sir Francis Walsingham, ii, p . 298ff. Other instances of the taxation of Catholics can be found in A cts of the Privy Council, xvi, p . 302; xx, 322, etc.

43

The MS . printed in Morris, Troubles iii, gives specific examples: "Rowland Bulkeley, William Heigham, and - Dudley disinherited by their fathers for being Catholics. So were Hugh Moore, Carleton, Jenison, Hummerstone and divers others" (p. 25) . See also P . Caraman, John Gerard, pp. 82-3.

44

Cf. Relatione del Presente Stato d'Inghilterra, 1590, pp . 8-9. "Le donne gravide, avicinandosi al parto cercano luoghi secreti e remoti, dove possino partorire; e Ie spose similmente vanno in provincie remote per maritarsi, acdo non siano forzate a dar conto del battesimo delli fanciulli e della celebratione del matrimonio."

Vid. also Morris, Troubles, ii, p. 123, iii, p. 9; Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, p. 158.

45

Cf. Morris op. cit., iii, 25 . There are numerous instances of children being taken from their homes. Fr. John Gerard, for example, relates that he and his brother were taken away and placed "in a strange house among heretics" where they lived for about three years (vid. P. Caraman, John Gerard, p. 1.) . The Price referred to above may possibly be Robert Price mentioned in C. R.S., XXII, p. 74.

46

By Statute 5 Eliz., c. i. all public and private teachers of children were required to take the Oath of Supremacy; and by the Statute 23 Eliz., c. i. any person who maintained a recusant schoolmaster was to be fined £10 per montb, and such a schoolmaster was to be disqualified as a teacher and to be imprisoned for a year. Also, by a canon of 1571, De Ludimagistris, no one was allowed to teach eitber "openly or privately in any gentleman's house" unless he was approved by the diocesan bishop and had his written license (vid . N. Wood, The Reformation and E nglish Education, 1931, pp. 57, 62-3).

47

In January, 1581, a proclamation was issued recalling students from foreign seminaries and forbidding parents to send any support to their children abroad. A later proclamation, April, 1582, declared that all who went overseas without permission or did not return bome from the seminaries within three months would be considered traitors.

No. I

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

25

48

Cf. Humble Supplication, p . 3. The Oath of Supremacy was originally required only of those taking a degree, but was later imposed on matriculants as well. Wood, op. cit. pp. 121-2, 280, points out that despite these regulations, a number of Catholics managed to obtain a university education.

Southwell himself, however, received most of his education overseas, leaving England for Douay at the age of 15.

49

As an instance vid. letter of Mark Typpet to his son (C.R.S., II, p. 80).

This statement derives additional poignancy from the fact that although Southwell's father died a Catholic, he was apparently a conforming Protestant at the time when Southwell wrote the above letter (vid. C. Devlin, Robert Southwell, 1956, pp. 8, 202-3) .

50

Sir Thomas Fitzherbert was the third and eldest survlvmg son of Sir Anthony. The nephew referred to was Thomas, the third son of John, next brother to Sir Thomas. He conspired with Topcliffe not only against his u ncle, but also against his own father. Cf. Garnet to Persons, 19 November, 1594 (J. Gerard, Contributions towards a Life of Fr. Henry Garnet, 1898, p . 40): " Topcliffe and Tom Fitzherbert pleaded hard in the Chancery this last week For whereas Fitzherbert had promised and entered into bonds to give £5,000 unto Topcliffe if he would prosecute his father and uncle to death, together with Mr. Bassett, Fitzherbert pleaded that the conditions were not fulfilled, because they died naturally, and Bassett was in prosperity." (See also next note). This Thomas Fitzherbert (not to be confused with his cousin bearing the same name, who later became a Jesuit) was with Topcliffe when he apprehended Southwell (See Letter no. 9).

51

This section is illuminated by a passage in Morris, op. cit., iii, pp. 25-6 : "Husbands accused by their wives, fathers by their children, et e converso.

One Mr. Francis Rolson was apprehended and condemned to die by the procurement and evidence of his own son, but the precedent so bad he had his pardon. Mr. John Fitzherbertin like manner molested and troubled by his own son, imprisoned and there dead. This imp also, Thomas Fitzherbert, hath sought by all means to take away the life of old Sir Thomas Fitzherbert, who made him his heir and brought him up from a child . He hath caused him to be suspected of statute treason, and to be committed to the Tower, where he continueth. He hath procured also divers of his uncle's tenants to be imprisoned in Stafford, and there some of them are dead. [Old Sir Thomas now dead in the Tower. Interlined.]

"My Lady Englefield against Sir Francis, the old Countess of Derby against her husband, my Lady Paget against my Lord, Mrs. Shelley against her husband remaining condemned in the Gatehouse, the Countess of Shrewsbury against Father Abraham.

"A father in London caused his son to be whipped and burnt through the ear for being a Catholic."

52

By Statute 23 Eliz., c. i, those who had not attended church service for the space of twelve months, in addition to being fined £20 per month, were to be "bound with two sufficient sureties in the sum of £200 at the least to good behaviour" until their conformity (vid. G. Prothero, Select Statutes, 1913, pp. 75-6). From time to time, possibly because the prisons were overcrowded, a number of imprisoned recusants were able to secure their release on a large bail (normally £200) and on certain conditions (vid. e.g. Acts of the Privy Council, xiii, p. 41, etc.). This is probably what Southwell was referring to in the above letter. Cf. Verstegan's Declaration of the True Causes, 1592, p. 64: " . . . yf any fewe, for some colour of clemencie, be set at liberty, their licence comonly excedeth not above 20 dayes, and it is bothe under bondes and sureties, with limitation of their

26

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. I

residence." Nicholas Berden, in the letter cited in note 39, asked for the release of Bickley and Sherwood "upon bonds with sureties to appear again at twenty days warning" . Fr. John Gerard obtained his release from the Marshalsea on sureties in 1585 on condition that he reported at the prison every three months (vid. P. Caraman, John Gerard, p. 5).

A list of some 128 people who were released from prison on bail with terms of their bonds and number of days notice is to be found in S.P. Dom. Eliz . vol. cc, no. 59.

53

"they them selves", i.e. the pursuivants

54

The spies of Walsingham and Burghley were to be found in every conceiva ble place both in England and on the Continent, as can be seen from the State Papers Domestic and Hatfield House MSS. for the period, in which are contained many of their reports. These spies kept records of the movements and activities of the Catholics, and supplemented their information with the letters they were frequently able to intercept. A number of spies entered the English seminaries either as servants or students, by which means they could collect the fullest amount of information to use against the young missionaries and their relations at home. There were spies even among those close to the Pope as appears from the letter of Mary Queen of Scots to Sixtus V, 23 November, 1586 (vid. Bliss's Transcripts of Vat. Arch., P.R.O. Transcripts 9/82a) .

55

Cf. Morris op . cit., iii, p . 18.

1586 (C.R .S., V, p. 310) how searches of the pursuivants, partition. See also Gerard's John Gerard, pp. 58ff.)

56

The MS. printed in Morris, op. cit., iii, p. 17 cites the case of Hugh Erdeswicke, whose house was rifled in his absence.

67

Cf. "A Yorkshire Recusant's Relation", Morris, op. cit., p. 69. "Before they search a man's house, the doughty champions send forth their scouts, place their spies at every door and window, appoint a guard before themselves, give the charge and assault. Then they enter the house with drawn blades, bent crossbows and charged dags. If they find a priest or Catholic they shout and cry as though they had won a field."

68

Cf. id., pp. 70, 138 (Fr. Holtby's narration).

69

Cf. id., p. 24.

60

Cf. Humble Supplication, p. 44. Morris, op. cit., iii, provides numerous examples of the ravaging of pretended pursuivants, among whom are mentioned William Newnham alias Claxton of Nottingham, Reynold and Pepper of Yorkshire (pp. 19-20, 24). See also Cal. Dam. Eliz ., 1581-90, p. 608, which gives details of the examination of Thomas Edwards of Warwick charged with acting as a pursuivant under false warrants.

61

Southwell uses the same words in a similar passage in the Humble S uppli cation, p. 44.

62

There is no section on "the varietie of prisons". the subject of the missing caput 8 .

63

Topcliffe was one of the most brutal persecutors of Catholics. His infamy was so great that "Topcliffian customs was a synonym for barbarity,

Southwell relates in a letter of December, he had narrowly escaped arrest during the being hidden from them only by a thin account of his own escape (P. Caraman,

This may have been

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LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

27

topclijjizare became a slang term for hunting a man to ruin or death" (Pollen, The Month, March, 1905, p . 277). For a sketch of his activities vid. C. Devlin, The Month, March, 1951, pp. 151ff. Southwell himself was to suffer extreme torture in Topcliffe's house. In a letter to Queen E lizabeth, in June, 1592 (B.M. Lansdowne 72, no. 39, f. 113.) Topcliffe relates how he has Southwell manacled in his "stronge chamber" in Westminster Churchyard, and suggests that if Her Majesty wished to know Southwell's heart he could enforce him to tell all by hanging him up against a wall, "his feett standinge upon the grown de and his han des but as highe as he can reatche against the wawle, lyke a tryck at Trenshemoare" . Verstegan states in one of his despatches (Letter no. 10) that Topcliffe had been granted permission to torture in private because the frequent use of the rack in the Tower was considered to be so odious by the common people.

64

Cf . Southwell's letter to Aqu aviv a, January, 1590 (C.R.S., V, p. 329).

He terms the prison : " Unum istud purgatorium timemus omnes in quo duo illi catholicorum carnifices, Topliffus et Youngus omnem habent cruciandi libertatem". See also Humble Supplication, p. 34. Among those imprisoned and tortured in Bridewell were Christopher and John Bayles, Henry Goorney, Anthony Kaye and John Coxed . Warrant for their torture was given to Topcliffe and Young in late January, 1590. (vid. Cal. Dom. Eliz., 158 1-90, p. 646) .

65

In "A Yorkshire Recusant's Relation" (Morris, Troubles, iii, pp. 74ff.) a list of fees is given which were made by the gaoler in York Castle and Hull . These include charges for fetters, weekly diet and chamber rents.

See also Fr. Holtby's narration (op. cit. p . 134). Transcripts of bills for the Tower are contained in C. R.S., III, IV.

66

Joanna Harrison petitioned the Council in February, 1592, that her husband, who was charged with being a seminary priest and "other dangerous matters" be examined and proceeded with, and not kept in prison without cause". She also complained that she herself had been kept a prisoner in Bridewell 18 weeks solely at Topcliffe's command (vid. Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, p. 194). In January, 1591, the Privy Council attempted to remedy the delay in examining and charging imprisoned recusants in London by appointing commissioners for this purpose (A .P. C., xxii, p. 213).

67

Cf. the humorous account related in Verstegan's despatch of 10 November, 1593 (Letter no. 44).

68

Cf. Humble Supplication, p . 34. "Some are hanged by the hands eight or nyne or twelve howers together, till not only their witts, but even their sences faile them; and when the soule, weary of soe painfull an harbour, is ready to depart, they apply cruell comforts, and revive us, only to martyr us with more deaths; for, eftsoones they hang us in the same manner tyring our eares with such questions which either we cannot, because we know not, or without damning our soules we may not satisfie." The tragic irony of this passage and the one in the above letter is that Southwell was himself to receive the identical torture (vid. note 63). Verstegan relates that on one occasion Southwell was left hanging for so many hours that, fearing he would die, Topcliffe's servants called their master home to have him taken down (Letter no . 7). For Gerard's vivid account of his own torture by this method see P. Caraman, John Gerard, pp. 104ff.

Of the four mentioned above, the first, Christopher Bayles, a priest from Rheims, underwent severe torture in Bridewell, on one occasion being suspended for 24 hours at a time, as Southwell relates in one of his letters

28

LETTER S OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. I

(Foley, Records S. J. i, p. 325); Edward Jones, another priest from Rheims, was racked in the Tower (Challoner, Memoirs, i 252). Bayles was martyred 4 March, 1590, and Jones 6 May, 1590. The other two referred to are possibly the laymen Richard Randall (or Randolph) and William Norton.

(For the former vid. Strype, Annals, iv, p. 233; A.P. C., xx, p. 9, xxi, p. 278, xxii, p . 79 ; C. R.S., II, C.R.S., XXI; and for the latter, Cal . Dom. Eliz., 1581-90, pp. 266-8 .

69

Cf. Humble Supplication, p. 34. "Some are whipped naked soe long and with such excesse that our enemies, unwilling to give constancy her right name, sayd that noe man without the help of the divell could with such undauntednes suffer soe much." The Beseley referred to is George Beesley (see note 13). For other instances of whipping vid. Southwell's letters in C.R.S ., V, pp . 304, 311, 329; also, Morris, T roubles, iii, pp. 27-8.

70

Cf. Humble Supplication, p. 34. "Some have bene watched and kept from sleepe till they were past the use of reason, and then examined upon the advantage, when they could scarcely give accompt of their owne names."

71

Cf. id., i bid.

12

Cf. Morris, Troubles, iii, p. 32. "When priests are apprehended and imprisoned, they suborn some of their keeper's servants to take upon them to be Catholics, and so persuade them to write to their friend s, promising safe delivery. If they write, as some have done, those letters are carried to Topcliffe, or such like. They either then intercept, if matter sufficient, and so apprehend the parties, or otherwise send the letters new written in a counterfeit hand, and so pass them to and fro, till they [think] the parties be within danger, and then entrap them." This, the writer states, was the experience of Ed ward J ones and of Miles Gerard in his letters to Christopher Dryland.

Instances of spies abstracting information from imprisoned Catholics can be found in Cal. Dom. Eliz ., 1581-90, pp. 36, 68, 336. One spy states he has access to the Catholics in every London prison, another expresses the regret that he had not been sent to the Marshalsea where he could have insinuated himself among the prisoners there.

73

Cf. note 7. Such questions were put to Christopher Bayles during his trial (vid. Southwell's letter, C.R.S., V, p. 331) .

74

Meyer states in England and the Catholic Church under Queen Elizabeth (translated McKee, 1916), p. 154, that "nearly all the trials of Catholics took place in London before jurymen drawn from a population deeply imbued with Puritanism and strongly prejudiced against the Catholic Church" .

75

Cf. Morris Troubles, iii, p . 85, 86, 90, 178. The examples cited include Marmaduke Bowes condemned on the evidence of an apostate Catholic who taught his children; and Margaret Clitherow on the evidence of a Flemish boy. For further examples of false witnesses vid. Concertatio Ecclesiae Catholicae, 1583, pp. 252, 256, 263 ff., 362 ff. According to Statute I Edward VI, c. 12, the evidence of two witnese~ was required to convict a man of treason. This proviso was included in numerous acts of Elizabeth's reign (e.g. 23 Eliz. c. ii, section 13).

76

Philip Howard, Earl of Arundel, was committed to the Tower on a charge of treason in 1585, and tried in April, 1589. Sir Thomas Gerard (John Gerard's father) and William Bennet, a priest, who were fellow prisoners of the Earl of the Tower, were induced by threats of torture to give evidence

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against him in the form of confessions which were read at the trial. One of the accusations that they made against the Earl was that he had caused Mass to be said for the success of the Spanish Armada. In December, 1588, Bennet wrote to the Earl asking forgiveness for making a false accusation which had been drawn from him by threats of "death, tower and torment" (C .R.S., XXI, p . 197), but later, at the trial Bennet denied writing the letter. On the suspicious nature of Gerard's and Bennet's confessions vid. C.R.S ., XXI, pp. viiff., 210, etc., Philip Howard died in imprisonment in 1595, and it was suspected that, as in the case of Creagh, he was poisoned (vid . H. Morus, Hist. Provo Angl. Soc. jesu, 1660, p . 188). Southwell was a very close friend of the Earl and managed to correspond with him frequently.

77

i.e. "guilty".

78

Cf. Hughes, Reformation in England, iii, p. 350, note. "The one priest put to death for political conspiracy and actually involved in this was John Ballard, the associate of Antony Babington. He has never figured in any Cat~olic list of priests martyred for the faith ."

79

The whole of this paragraph and a number of others from the above letter were incorporated almost verbatim in Verstegan's D eclaration of the True Causes, 1592, pp . 43-4, so that, indirectly, Southwell had a hand in another reply to the proclamation of Oct.-Nov. , 1591, in addition to his Humble Supplication,

80

There is no caput 8. Caput 7 ends on f. 128r., f. 128v. is blank, and caput 9 begins on f. 129r. This seems to indicate that caput 8 was not lost or tom out, but was omitted, accidentally or otherwise, by Southwell or by the copyist (see note 62). Alternatively, either of them may have miscounted, writing "9" in error for "8".

81

Cf. Southwell's letter of 25 July, 1586 (Foley, Records S. j., i, p. 330) : " ... divers preists do their dutie wonderfully, as well in converting many, and in other offices of a preist, so that the heretickes do terme some of them to be conjurers and enchaunters." For a general appreciation of the work of the missionary priests vid. A. O. Meyer, England and the Catholic Church, pp. 189ff.

82

Cf. Southwell's letter of 21 December, 1586 (C. R.S., V, p. 313): " ... the Catholics suffer a sacred hunger, and seek with great instance to approach the sacraments; nay, they hold themselves most hardly dealt with if for a brief time they must perforce abstain".

83

Priests were permitted and even directed to dress as laymen, and to wear their cassock only when celebrating Mass and hearing confessions in cases where the risk of discovery was remote (vid. Meyer, op. cit., p. 202).

Campion was asked at his trial in connection with his attire: "You a priest and dead to the world, what pleasure had you to royst it? A velvet hat and a feather, a buff leather jerkin, velvet venetians-are they weeds for dead men? Can that beseem a professed man of religion which hardly becometh a laymen of gravity? (R. Simpson, Edmund Campion, p. 413).

On the subject ofthe manner of life and dress which many of the missionaries had to adopt, vid. Meyer, op. cit., pp. 204-6; P. Caraman, john Gerard, pp. 17-8, 165.

84

"Dante" was an alternative form of "daunt".

85

Cf. H. Morus, Historia Missionis Anglicanae Societatis jesu, 1660, p. 184.

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LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. I

86

Cf. Relatione del presente stato d'!nghilterra, 1590, p. 8. "Subito che entra il sacerdote in casa alcuna de' cattolici, ritirato ch'e in parte scereta, si mettono in ginocchioni, piccioli e grandi, che 10 conoscono, per havere la sua benedizione, la quale anche partendosi, ricevono in simil modo, e con grande riverenza."

87

Cf. Declaration of the True Causes, p. 59. "The lawe is exempt from justice, and all causes are governed by bribes and partialitie. Conseyence is least accompted of, aud [and] coosinage is in summo gradu."

88

Most of this paragraph is incorporated in the Declaration of the True Causes, pp. 60-1, with one or two modifications of phrasing, e.g., "in Portugal cowards and yet bloody" becomes "in Portugall disordered and foole hardie".

89

Henry of Navarre who claimed the throne of France on the death of Henry III in 1589, was being supported by English money and troops at this time in his war against the League. In 1589, for example, he was granted a loan of ÂŁ20,000 and his army was reinforced by 4,000 English troops (C. Read, Sir Francis Walsingham, iii, p. 367).

il 0

Don Antonio, Pretender to the throne of Portugal was furnished with a fleet under Drake and Norris in 1589 in his attempt to conquer Portugal for himself. For details of the expedition and its failure vid. R. B .

Wernham, English Historical Review, 1951, pp. 1-26, 194-218.

ill

A short account of the aid given to the Dutch insurgents from 1584 onwards is given by C. Read, op. cit. pp. 106ff.

1)2

Verstegan, op . cit ., pp. 61ff. gives the substance of this paragraph, but also provides fuller details of the taxation, levies and general hardship, which he attributes to the same causes as Southwell does.

~3

The patent for the monopoly of playing cards was granted to Ralph Bowes and Thomas Beddingfield in July, 1576 (Pat. 18 Eliz., pt. !.); of starch to Richard Young in April, 1588 (Pat. 30 Eliz., pt. 9); and that of licenses for retailing wines to Sir Walter Ralegh in May, 1583. See further on the subject of monopolies W . H. Price, The English Patents of Monopoly, Harvard Economic Studies I, 1906, especially pp. 15, 17. A selection of patents granted between the years 1561 and 1599 is given by E. Hulme in Law Quarterly Review 1896, pp. 141ff.; 1900, pp . 44ff.

~4

Cf. Cal . Dom. Eliz ., 1591-4, pp. 326, 362.

< 95

Cf. Declaration of the True Causes, p . 48. Verstegan adds that England is also in league with a "fewe bere-bruers and basketmakers of Holland and Zealand, with a company of apostataes and Huguenotes of Fraunce, and with their feed pensioner, the Chauncelor of Scotland . . . "

1J 6

The writer of a letter to Burghley in 1586 complains of the rifling and seizure of 16 French vessels by English warships, and states that because of this French hatred of the English was very great. The letter continues: "I wish Her Majesty or you heard the general complaints of the commons at it, saying: 'I think we shall rob one another shortly; we rob Frenchmen, our friends, and shall be debarred all traffic from thence if t his be suffered, and shall smart for wealth wickedly got by a few!'" (Cal. Dom. Addenda, 1580-1625, pp. 181-2).

'9 7

MS. "now" probably in error for "man".

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LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

31

»S

Verstegan incorporates this condemnation of Leicester in the Declaration, p . 53, but substitutes "so wicked a monster" for "so wicked a man".

99

Cf. id., p. 72.

100

"makebate"-"breeder of strife" (N.E .D.).

101

Vid. note 47.

102

Cf. Declaration, p . 59.

103

Used verbatim in id., p. 55.

104

Verbatim in id., p. 56.

105

Cf. id., pp. 59-60.

106

Cf. id., pp . 57-8. The rehabilitation of soldiers was a very serious problem.

A proclamation of 5 November, 1591, attempted to distinguish between honourably' discharged soldiers and deserters or imposters, and in another proclamation which appeared in February, 1592, the Privy Council ordered more specific measures for the same purpose. In March, a committee was appointed to decide measures for "the relief of poor maimed soldiers and mariners" (Hatfield House MSS., iv, pp. 295-6). See further G. B. Harrison, Elizabethan Journals, 1591-1603, 1938, pp. 72-3, 107, 359, 363.

107

Cf. Declaration, p . 57.

lOS

Cf. id., p. 3, Foreword "To the indifferent reader".

109

Cf. id., p. 72: "AI men may justly lay unto him the undoing of the realme, not so much condemning her whose sexe is easy to be misled, nor the rest of the Councell whose willes by him are violently overruled." Verstegan directs most of his attack in the Declaration against Cecil and his "confederates" Nicholas Bacon, Leicester and Walsingham, excusing many of Elizabeth's shortcomings on the grounds that she was very easily influenced

by Cecil. The Catholic polemists were not alone in accusing Cecil of attempting to make England a "regnum Cecilianum" (d. Strype, A n nals, in, pt. 2, pp. 379ff.).

110

Cf. Declaration, p. 71. Burghley held the office of Master of the Court of Wards and Liveries for more than 37 years, and undoubtedly derived a considerable income from the position. Numerous accusations were directed against him of making vast profits from it. The contemporary author of the treatise "Observations concerning the life and raigne of Elizabeth Queen of England" (B.M., Add. MSS. 22, 925, f. 28v.) writes that "after Sir Thomas Parrye's death, he was made Master of the Wards and Liveries, by meanes whereof he grew rich and oftimes gratefyed frends and servants that depended and waited on him" . Thomas Wilson in T he State of England, 1600, p. 28 (Camden Society, vol. In, 1936) wildly estimated that wardship brought in yearly between £20,000 and £30,000 to the Queen, twice as much to Lord Burghley and even more, later on, to Robert Cecil. Vid. also Peck, D esiderata Curiosa, 1732, i, 27: "It was imagined he made infinite gaine by the wards .. . " These references are mentioned

by J. Hurstfield in his very comprehensive treatment of the subject, "Lord Bughley as Master ofthe Court of Wards, 1561-98", Tran s. of Royal Hist. Soc ., 1949, pp. 95ff. He holds that although most of the estimates of the amount Burghley made as Master are based merely on guesswork, he nevertheless obtained a large income from the office, and was paid substantial sums by the purchasers of wardships.

F

32

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. I

111

In A Conference about the Next Succession( date of imprint 1594, published July, 1595) a captain interposes in the discussion on the Succession that when the matter came to trial "not you lawyers but we souldiars must determyne this title" (Preface, sig. B3) .

112

Similar arguments to those in the above paragraph are used in the Declaration, pp. 51-2, in the third section, "Of the sundry competitors for the crowne, and the uncertainty of the successor". Cf. also N ewes from Spayne and Holland, 1593, pp. 35fÂŁ. The Succession was a very vexed question . Elizabeth herself had given no indication of her wishes, and in the thirteenth year of her reign an act was passed making it treason to publish any book suggesting that any special person should be her successor (Statutes of the Realm, vol. iv, 1819, p. 526, 13 Eliz. c.i, of which sections II, III, IV and V touch on matters concerning the succession.

V deals with the punishment "on printing or publishing that any particular person not so declared by Act of Parliament is heir and successor to the Queen, except her issue; 1st offence, one year's imprisonment etc.; 2nd offence, premunire"). All discussion of the question was similarly forbidden. In 1591, Peter Wentworth, a Puritan M.P., protested that the Queen was endangering both the Church and Commonwealth by postponing "the setlinge of the succession of the imperiall crowne of this lande" (S.P. Dom. Eliz. cclx, no. 21) . He also wrote a pamphlet entitled Pithie Exhortation (published 1598), urging the appointing of a successor, and spoke on the subject in Parliament, as a consequence of which he was imprisoned in the Tower in February, 1593, where he died in 1596. Sir Henry Bromley was imprisoned with him for the same offence . (D'Ewes journals, 1744 ed., p. 470). Among Catholic books on the subject were Bishop Leslie's, A Defence of the Honour of the Right Highe, Mightie and Noble Princesse Marie Quene of Scotlande, 1569 an.d A Conference about the next Succession, in which book Verstegan collaborated, and also saw through the press when it was printed by Conincx in 1595.

113

Cf. Declaration, pp. 69-70.

114

Partly obliterated in MS.

115

Burghley died 5 years before Elizabeth, in 1598.

116

Cf. Declaration, p . 70. " . . . he laboureth incessantly with the Queene to make his eldest sonne Deputy of Ireland . . . and for the better contriving of the whole domination to himself, he hathe lately brought in his second sonne to be of the Queene's Councell." Burghley's second son, Robert Cecil, was made a Privy Councillor in August, 1591. His eldest son, Thomas, did not obtain the post of Lord Deputy of Ireland which was held at the time by Sir William Fitzwilliam, who was reappointed to that office in February, 1588, and received no major preferment until 1599, when he was made President of the Council of the North.

117

This account of Leicester's death is printed verbatim in the Declaration, p. 53. Leicester died suddenly on 4 September, 1588, on his way to Kenilworth from London. Seven days before, on 28 August, eight Catholic priests and laymen had been executed, followed by six more two days later. A brief discussion of Leicester's responsibility for these executions is contained in C.R .S., V, p . 150. See also id., p. 154; Morris, Troubles, ii, p . 108. Southwell's account of the August massacre is contained in a letter to Aquaviva 31 August, 1588 (C. R.S., V, pp. 321ff.)

For the suspicion that Leicester was poisoned cf. Morris, op. cit., ii, p. 139, in which William Weston mentions "the sudden decease of the Earl, occasioned, as it was said, through poison administered to him by

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LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

33

his wife". According to Ben Jonson, in Conversations with Drummond (Shakespeare Society, 1842, p. 24), she gave it to him accidentally: the Earl had given "a botle of liquor to his lady which he willed her to use in any faintness; which she, after his returne from Court, not knowing it was poison, gave him, and so he died". Bliss, in his edition of Athenae Oxonienses, 1815, ii, 74-5, prints a contemporary narrative which considered her action wilful. It states, on the authority of Leicester's page, that the Countess had fallen in love with Christopher Blount, whom Leicester attempted to kill, and she, suspecting this, poisoned him.

The post-mortem examination, however, revealed no trace of the poison (vid., S. L . Lee, D.N .B., vol. 16, p. 120). Another theory of Leicester's death, "by conjuration" is recorded in Strype, Annals, vol. iii, pt. 2, p . 124. Camden states that he died of a "continuall fever" (Annales, 1635 ed., p. 373). See also Cal. Spanish, 1587-1603, p. 420.

118

Verbatim in Declaration, p. 54. Cf. also Morris, op. cit., iii, p. 59.

Walsingham died 6 April, 1590. It had been suggested on the evidence provided by Camden (Annales, p. 294) that he died from a stoue in the kidney (C. Read Sir Francis Walsingham, iii, p. 448, n.2). As early as 1575 Walsingham was reported to be suffering from "son accoustumee difficulte d'urine" (Read, op. cit., iii, p. 445) .

119

Verbatim in Declaration, p. 53. Cf. Camden, Annals (1635 ed.), p. 374. " ... whereas he was in the Queene's debt, his goods were put to port sale: for though in other things she were favourable enough, yet seldome or never did she remit the debts due to her treasurie." Some idea of Leicester's debts is provided in Cal. Dom. James I, 1603-10, p. 32, which records that in 1603, the Countess of Leicester was granted an acquittance of £3,967. lIs. lId., which was "the remainder of the late Earl of Leicester's debt of £25,168. 2s. 7!d. to the late Queen, and of all his other debts to the Crown".

laO

Cf. Declaration, p. 54. " . . . he died a begger, and more indebted then his landes could satisfy ... " Walsingham expressed the hope in his will, made a year before his death, that his body "be buried without any such extraordinary ceremonies as usually appertain to a man serving in my place, in respect of the greatness of my debts and the mean state I shall leave my wife and heirs in" (Read, op. cit., iii, p. 442). Read (pp. 442ff.) deals extensively with Walsingham's debts, which, according to Burghley, amounted to over £27,000.

II.

SPANISH VERSION OF A LETTER SENT BY VERSTEGAN? TO FR. PERSONS?l Antwerp, 12 December, 1591.

Stonyhurst, Coll. B, 69.

Contemporary italic band.

De cosas de Ingalaterra por cartas de Anvers del 12 de diciembre, 1591. 2 He recibido cartas del primero deste mes de Londres las quales confirman la muerte del cancellero de a quel regno, 3 y la grave enfermedad del tesoriero Sicilio. 4 La reyna estubo con el cancellero cada dia por quarto dias antes de su muerte, y creo que no amasse otro hombre in todo el reyno como el. 5 Murio el cancellero a 28 de novembre, 6 y, el dia siguiente se publico el edicto nuebo de la reyna que se havia impremido dos 0 tres vezes antes de publicarse,7 parte por aver llegada la nueba dela muerte del papa Gregorio xiiii, de quien se avia hecho mencion particular en la prima impression;8 y parte por aver sido contrario el canceller ala publicacion deste edicto, como se cree. 9 El titulo del edicto es el siguiente : t tLa declaracion por la magestad dela reyna a sus subditos de grandes peligros y revuoltas que se pretende ha<;er en el regno de Ingalaterra por medio de un os sacerdotes seminaristas y jesuitas embiados de Espana secretamente, y despercidos por el regno paraque efectuen grandes trayciones debaxo de la coverta y falso prete[xto] de religion; con remedios convenientes para esto mal, etz."

El primero punto deste edicto contiene una quxa larga de la reyna contra10 el papa y el rey de Espana, diciendo que estos dos principes, sin causa ninguna dee] su parte han conspirado de hacer invasion sobra Ingalaterra a instancia de sus rebeldes, y particularmente por la sollicitacion de Guliermo Alan 0 , Hamado cardinal, y de Roberto Personio, jesuita; y que para este effecto y para disponer la gente a rabelion, se han embiado de Espana muchos sacerdotes ingleses el ano passado, y se ha instituydo un seminario de ingleses estudiantes en Espana para continuar la dicha mala intencion, etzc. l1 El segundo puncto es que, por remedio destos males,la reyna, de su parte, pro mete de preparar mayres fuer<;as, tanto por tiera como por mare, que no ha hecho hasta aora, y de estar mas alierta para la defensa de su regne y est ado ; y pide a los subditos que Ie auyden con sus consejos, deneros y fuer<;as para esto.

El tercero punto es que se ponga toda la diligencia y cuydada possibile para prender a estos sacerdotes y jesuitas que entran de Espana, para 10 qual manda a todos su pena de la vida que se guardan bien, de dia y de noche, no solamente los puertos de mar, pero tambien los caminos y las puertas y calleas de los lugares y las mesones y hosterias; y que no se dexa passar ninguno sin 34

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35

esaminarle sino fuere muy conocido; y que los mesonieros no den a comer ne alogiamento alguno sin a<;er los primieramente esaminar por los dos juezes12 que para este effetto en cada lugar se han de nombrar ; y que contra todos los que se hallaron culpabiles se procedan luego con todo rigor como contra traidores, rebeles y perturb adores de la paz publica.

Este es ede facta[?J13 la summa desta edicto, dexando a parte las palabras asprissimas y feras que ay en el quantos nunca he bisto en otro edicto, por 10 qual se entiende el grande enojo que la reyna ha concibido contra esta obra de Espana. No me embiaron mas que un translado empresso, con ordine que la embiasse al cardinal Alano en Roma,14 pero esta es la summa fielmente sacada. De Anvers, 12 de diciembre, 1591.

Endorsed

El edicto dela reyna, 1591, 12 decembri.

Translation.

The affairs of England out of letters from Antwerp, 12 December, 1591.2 I have received letters of the first of this month from London which confirm the death of the Chancellor of that kingdom,3 and the serious illness of the Treasurer, Cecil. 4 The Queen was with the Chancellor daily for four days before his death, and I think that she did not love any man in the whole kingdom as much as him.5 The Chancellor died on 28 November,6 and the following day was published the Queen's new proclamation, which had been printed two or three times before its publication, 7 partly because of the news having arrived of the death of Pope Gregory XIV, of whom there had been particular mention in the first impression ;8 and partly because the Chancellor had been averse to the pUblication of this edict, as it is thought. 9 The title of the edict is as follows : "The declaration of the Queen's Majesty to her subjects of the great dangers and seditions which are intended against the Realm of England through the agency of some seminary priests and Jesuits sent secretly from Spain and dispersed throughout the land in order to bring about acts of treason under the cover and false pretext of religion: with the suitable remedies for this evil, etc."

The first point in this edict contains a long complaint made by the Queen against the Pope and the King of Spain, which states that these two princes, without any cause, have conspired, for their part, to make an invasion against England at the prompting of that country's rebels, and, in particular, at the instigation of William Allen, termed Cardinal, and Robert Persons, a Jesuit; and to effect this and incline the people towards rebellion, many English priests have been sent from Spain in the past year, and a seminary of English

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No. IT

students has been founded in Spain to propagate the said evil intention, etc. l l The second point is that to remedy these evils, the Queen, for her part, intends to raise greater forces-for both land and seathan she has ever done before, and to be more alert for the defence of her kingdom and state; and asks her subjects to aid her to this end with their advice, money and strength.

The third point is that all possible diligence and care must be used by everyone to seize these priests and Jesuits who enter from Spain, for which end she orders all, under penalty of death, to see that, by day and night, not only the sea ports, but also the highways, gateways, streets of villages, inns and taverns are guarded; and that no one be allowed to pass without being examined, unless he be well known; and the innkeepers must give no food or lodging whatsoever to anyone without having them first examined by the two judges12 who are to be appointed for this purpose in every place; and that action is to be taken immediately against all those who are found culpable with all the vigour used against traitors, rebels and disturbers of the public peace.

This is a summary of the proclamation, setting aside the very harsh and fierce words in it, such a quantity of which I have never seen in any other edict; by which may be perceived the great vexation the Queen has on account of this action by Spain. They have not sent me more than one printed copy, with orders to send it to Cardinal Allen at Rome,!' but this is a faithful summary.

Antwerp, 12 December, 1591.

No. IT

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

37

NOTES 1

This despatch appears to be a translation of a letter sent to Fr. Persons, made by one of his assistants, possibly for the perusal of the Spanish court. Since the original letter, presumably written in English, was sent from Antwerp, there is every likelihood that Verst egan was the sender.

It can also be assumed that the comments in the first person are Verstegan's.

2

Incorrectly dated 1592 here and in the endorsement. appears at the end of the letter.

3

The Lord Chancellor was Sir Christopher Hatton, who had been appointed to that office in April, 1587. He died on 20 November, 1591.

4

Lord Burghley's illness seems to have begun around October, 1591. On 31st of that month, his secretary, Maynard, wrote to Robert Cecil, his second son, that Burghley was "troubled with the stone" and that gout "possessed both his hands" . Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-1594, p. 117.

1\

According to John Phillips's poem A Commemoration of the Life and Death of Sir Christopher Hatton (reprinted in A Lamport Garland, Roxburghe Club, 1881), "Five dies our Queene remain'd with the destrest", and not four as given above. Hatton had been a great favourite of Elizabeth's, and during a previous serious illness of his in 1573 she had, as on this occasion, visited him daily.

6

The actual date of Hatton's death was 20 November. This inconsistency in dating may be due to the difference between the Julian and Gregorian calendars; but even so the date is still twa days out, for in the new style it would be 30 November. It is possible that at one stage of copying the original despatch from England an "0" was misread as an 8, though this is not very likely, because the figures were normally easily distinguishable. Fr. Persons makes the same mistake in dating in his Responsio, 1592 (p. 20), which may indicate that he obtained his information from the above letter.

Persons also states, as the letter does, that the November edict appeared the day after Hatton died, and therefore dates its publication 29 November on the title-page of his book. The exact date of the edict's publication appears to be uncertain. It is given as 20 November in Stapleton's Apologia pro Rege Catholico, 1592, while a modern annalist, G. B . Harrison (Elizabethan Journals, i, p. 74) dates it 21 November, which coincides with the idea that it was published the day after Hatton's death. Verstegan in his Declaration (p. 4) states merely that it appeared in November, 1591 (misdated 1592, probably through a printer's error).

7

The proclamation was issued by the Queen as early as 18 October. In a letter to Thomas Barnes on 31 October, Phelippes wrote that it had been printed, but not yet published (Cal . Dom. Eliz., 1591-1594, 118). There were two editions of it when it eventually appeared, a folio and a quarto, both printed by Christopher Barker.

8

Gregory XIV died 15 October, after a reign of only ten months. referred to in the edict as a 'Milanese vassel' of the King of Spain.

9

This is mentioned by Persons in the Responsio (p. 20). There does not appear to be any corroboration of it, but Hatton had often been suspected of Catholic sympathies (d. E. St. John Brooks, Sir Christopher Hatton, 1946).

The correct date

He is

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LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. II

10

MS . "dieci contra". "Dieci" seems to have been inserted in anticipation of "diciendo" which follows in the next line.

11

This was the seminary at Valladolid, founded by Persons in 1589.

12

There is no specific reference to the number of commissioners appointed in each place, either in the proclamation or in the instructions to the commissioners which accompanied it.

13

Being uncertain of the exact transcription and meaning of the phrase "ede facta", I have omitted it in the translation.

14

According to Allen's letter to Persons, 7 January, 1592 (printed by Persons in A Briefe Apologie, 1602, ff. 39-40) he had not yet received, but was expecting, a copy of the proclamation. This was presumably the copy to be sent by Verstegan.

IlIa.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS. Antwerp, 5 March, 1592.

Stonyhurst, Coil. B, 37, Holograph. The part of the letter concerning the martyrs was printed in C. R.S., V, pp. 208-10. A short extract was made

by Fr. Grene in Stonyhurst, Coll . M, 67a.

Right Reverend, in the end of my last letter unto Your Fatherhoode dated the 21 of February,l I signified the arryvall of a Catholik gentleman at this towne ; since which tyme there is another arryved here, and for thesame cause fled oute of England, to witt, for the receyving of priestes. It seemeth by them that very many more shall shortly be forced to followe, yea, priestes aswell as others, so extreme and great is the present persecution;2 which, albeit I do otherwise understand, yet had I rather write uppon the relation of thease two gentlemen, beeing knowen and of credit, then uppon other reportes of lesse certainty.3 First, you shall please to understand that by the new Cecillian Inquisition 4 there are certaine comissioners ordayned in every shyre to take the examinations of Catholiques; and thease comissioners do in every parish apoint 8 persons, of which number must be the minister, constable and churchwardens. Thease 8 do once a weke (or every day in the weke yf they please) go from house to house and examyne those they fynde of what religion they are, and whether they do go to the churche ; and as they fynd them doubtfull in their answers, they do present them to the further examination of the comissioners.5 The servantes of recusantes they do eyther perswade by flattery, or compell by torture, in hanging them up by the handes, to betray their masters; in discovering what preistes he dothe relieve, what persons do frequent the house, and the lyke.6 There were executed aboute Christmas 3 priestes, and 4 laymen for receiving them; the names of the priestes were Mr. Jeninges, Mr. Eustace Whyte and Mr. Paille Blasden. 2 of the laymen were gentlemen-the one named Swithin Welles, the other Bryan Laycie; the other twaine were servingmen, whose manes I have not. 7 Since which tyme there hathe bene a priest executed at Norwich, and one Mr. Grey, in whose house he was taken, is sent unto the Towre. 8 The last moneth was one Mr. Patteson, a priest, executed at Tyborne, for receyving of whome one of the gentlemen before mentioned is fled away. 9 This Mr. Patteson, the night before he suffred, beeing in a dungeon in Newgate with 7 prisoners that were condemned for fellony, he converted and reconsyled 6 of them, to whom also he ministred the Sacrament; which the seaventh, remayning an heretike, in the morning uttered. They were all 39

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LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

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executed together. The six died Catholik, which made the officers to be the more fierse and cruell unto the priest, who was cut downe and bowelled beeing perfectly alive. 10 No priestes are suffred to speak at their deathes; but so soone as they are dead, Topclif, in an oration unto the people, faineth the cause to be for assisting the intended invasion of the realme; and to that end he fixeth also papers uppon the gallows or gibbett. l l The aflicted state of Catholiques was never such as now it is, and therefore it is highe tyme to solicite the redresse thereof. Some other thinges I would signifie, which for want of more secure meanes of writing I will omitt.

There is not any Chauncelor made as yet, nor none lyke to be ; the Treasurer meaneth to mak himself dictator in perpetuum,12 and, beeing discended of princes, it wilbe no disparagment in blood to make up his intended match betwene Sir Thomas Cecill's eldest sonne (beeing his grand child) and the Lady Arbella.13 The yonge youth is as pretely instructed in athisme as the Lady Arbella is in puresy,14 for he will not stick openly to scof at the Byble, and will folkes to spell the name of God backward.15 I cannot thinck that there was half so great iniquitie in Sodoma as is now in England, besydes the shedding of innocent bloud, which daily crieth for vengeance and may give us most hope of our countrie's recoverie.

Our Lord send due consideration thereof in the myndes of such as have the best meanes to remedy this great evill, which, I can assure Your Fatherhoode, was never at such rypenesse as now it is. 16 There dothe passe among Catholiks divers foxes in lambes' skinnes, with protections in their bosomes from the Treasurer, by which meanes they go invisible among the inquisitors.

The old Recorder called Fletewood is oute of his office; the cause I thinck was only slacknesse in proceeding against Catholikes, for another hathe it that is of a more whoter spirite. The aforesaid Recorder meeting of late with a gentlewoman, asked her what kin another was unto her, whome he then named. "Marry," quoth the gentlewoman, "she is my aunt". "I assure you," quoth hee, "yf she were my aunt as she is yours, I would forthwith send her woord that Justice Yong dothe meane to search her house this night for a priest"; by meanes whereof the gentlewoman did asmuch for her aunt as the Recorder would have donne for his.17 Thus having troobled Your Fatherhoode with a long letter, I will for the presente tak my leave and comitt you to Gode's tuition.

Antwerp, this [5J18 of Marche, 1592.

5 of March.

Your Fatherhoode's assured servitor, R. Verstegan.

I have expected now thease 3 dayes past to heare from F[r.] S.,19 but the wynde seemeth to have bin contrary to passe over.

Mr. Covert comendeth him unto Your Fatherhonde. 20

No. IlIa

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

41

Addressed Al molto Reverendo Padre in Christo 21 , il Padre Roberto Personio della [Compa]gnia di Giesu a Validolid or Madrid.

Endorsed by Fr. Persons

Mr. Verstingham of the martyrs, 5 Martii, 1592.

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No. llla

NOTES 1

This letter is no longer extant.

2

Cf. a contemporary account of the persecution in Morris, Troubles, iii (p. 50) also testifying to the severity of the persecution at the time which followed as a result of the Oct.-Nov. 1591 proclamation against Jesuits and seminary priests.

3

This serves to illustrate the discrimination Verstegan used in the selection of his information. The second of the gentlemen mentioned is Laurence Mompesson (vid . note 9) .

;\ The same phrase is to be found in the Declaration of the True Causes (p . 73), published at the end of March, 1592. " . .. Let him prosecute what new Cecillian i nquisition he can devise . .. " The "inquisition" refers to the body of commissioners appointed in accordance with the proclamation of Oct.-Nov. 1591. The commission was renewed in January, 1592, in the counties of Kent, Buckingham, Middlesex, Surrey and Durham (A .P . C. xxii, p. 174).

5

This section on the method of procedure in each parish provides valuable information on the way the commissioners acted, and on the composition and scope of the committees they appointed. It greatly supplements the instructions issued in "Articles annexed to the Commission for recusants" which were published with the proclamation. See also Letter no. 5.

6

Cf. "A Yorkshire Recusant's Relation", Morris, Troubles, iii, p . 69: "In these searches also, with much diligence they observe one point of devilish cruelty, that is, by threats, by dissembling promises, by flattery, and by all wicked means to force servants to betray their masters . .. "

7

These seven martyrs were condemned 4 December and executed 10 December, 1591 ("Aboute Christmas" is not so wide of the mark, since Verst egan was probably using New Style dating). Edmund Gennings and Swithin Wells were martyred outside Wells's house in Holborn, the other five at Tyburn. The two serving men were John Mason and Sydney Hodgson, one of whom, gratifyingly, but foolhardily, knocked Topcliffe down a flight of stairs when he came to make his arrest while Mass was being celebrated in Wells's house. See further concerning these martyrs, The Life and Death of Mr . Edmund Geninges, 1614; Challoner Memoirs, i, pp. 262ff.; Morris Troubles, iii, pp. 48-9; Pollen, Acts of English Martyrs, 1891, pp. 98 ff: ; C.R.S., V, p. 205 ff, 292; A.P.C., xxi, pp.

426-7; xxii, pp. 15, 39-40. Unfortunately there are a number of discrepancies between these accounts, particularly in dating.

8

Marginal note by Grene: "In the catalogues I finde no such martyr".

This reference to a priest executed at Norwich was copied by Pedro de Ribadeneira in Segunda Parte de la Historia Ecclesiastica, 1593, lib, iii, cap . x, f. 39; and other martyrologists, following Ribadeneira, have considered that he must have been a martyr separate from any other known by name. Pollen, however (C.R.S., V, p. 208), presumed that the martyr was Thomas Portmort (see Letter no. 20, note 1), who was executed in St. Paul's Churchyard, 20 February, 1592. But neither Ribadeneira nor Pollen took into account a later letter of Verstegan's, 6 June, 1592, to Roger Baynes (Letter no. 4) in which he alters his previous statement and writes that the priest harboured by Grey was a Mr. Fox who had died in the Tower from' 'ill usage" . This was Nicholas Fox alias Hales or Haley, a Londoner who was ordained at Rheims in 1581 and went

No. Ina

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43

on the English Mission the same year (1st and 2nd Douay Diaries, pp. 10, 28, 179, 180,261, 293; Foley, Records S.]., vi, pp. 728, 730). He was arrested in Norfolk at the end of 1591, examined by Sir Arthur Heningham, and then brought to London and imprisoned in Newgate before being confined in the Tower (A.P.C., xxii, pp. 176, 195). The man accused of harbouring him was Robert Grey of Marton in the diocese of Norwich (Hatfield House MSS., iv, p. 268, A.P. C., xxii, 176). He was sent to London with Fox, and imprisoned in the Gatehouse about 21 January, 1592 (A .P. C., xxii, pp . 194-5).

9

William Patteson or Patenson suffered at Tyburn, 22 January, 1592 (N.S. I February, hence Verstegan writes "the last moneth"). Laurence Mompesson was the person at whose house he stayed. James Younge the apostate priest wrote to Puckering, the Lord Keeper in August, 1592, that Patenson said Mass every Sunday at the Mompessons' house in Clerkenwell, Mr. Mompesson standing behind the door, to hear and not to be seen by the servants" (Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, p . 262) . The contemporary account of the persecution in Morris Troubles, iii, p. 49, states that when Patteson was arrested in his house, Mompesson 'escaping himself by chance the persecutor's hands, had all his goods taken away, his house entered and rifled and now indicted of felony, and enforced to leave the country."

Cf. Gerard's account in C. R .S ., V, p. 292. Mompesson's wife escaped with him, and they eventually went to live in Brussels (vid. Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, p. 490.

I

10

Much the same account is given in the MS. printed in Morris, op. cit., ibid; and by Gerard, loco cit.

11

Cf. Morris, op. cit., iii, pp. 45-6.

12

The same phrase is applied to Burghley in the Declaration of the True Causes, p. 10. No Lord Chancellor was appointed after Hatton's death in November, 1591 until Sir Thomas Egerton received the office in July, 1603, but Sir John Puckering was made Lord Keeper in May, 1592 (vid.

F. M. Po wicke, Handbook of British Chronology, 1939, p. 70).

IS

Cf. Declaration, pp. 55, 70. Lady Arabella Stuart, a member of the Scottish Royal House and a cousin to James VI, was a possible claimant to the throne of England. Her claim is discussed in A Conference about the Next Succession, pt. ii, pp. 124ff.

Thomas Cecil's eldest son was William Cecil (1565-1640), who succeeded his father as 2nd Earl of Exeter. He had been married to Elizabeth Manners, who died in 1591 (see further Letters nos. 30 and 31). A little later, Robert Cecil was also alleged to be a possible husband for Arabella (vid. Hatfield House MSS., iv, p. 335; P. M. Handover, Al'bella Stuart, 1957, pp. 100-1, 128, 133, 152, 162).

The reference to Burghley's ancestry is, of course, ironical. He was very sensitive about his origin, and the Catholic polemists (including Verstegan) were quick to seize on this point when replying to the proclamation of Oct.-Nov. 1591, in which the character and family background of the Jesuits and seminary priests had been denigrated. Cecil, wounded by their attacks on his ancestry, wrote a letter defending it to one of his spies in the Low Countries. Unfortunately for him, the letter was intercepted, and held up to ridicule in Person's Responsio, p. 133, and in the English summary of that book, An Advertisement written to a Secretarie of My L. Treasurer's of Ingland (pp. 37-9). Persons mentions that Cecil's latest pretence is that he is descended from the ancient house of Sitsalt in Wales, but he remembers the time when Cecil affected to derive his name from Cecilius Claudius, a wealthy Roman.

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No. ilIa

14

MS. "as in puresy". "Puresy" is presumably an archaic form of "purity", though no such spelling is recorded in N .E .D. It may refer to Puritanism.

15

This is undoubtedly a reference to the School of Atheism founded by Ralegh, which is mentioned by Persons in the Responsio, the English summary of which, An Advertisement, probably compiled by Verstegan (see Introduction), contains the following passage: "Of Sir Walter Rauley's Schoole of Atheisme, by the waye, and of the conjurer that is master thereof, and of the diligence used to get young gentlemen to this schoole, where in both Moyses and Our Savior, the Olde and New Testamente are jested at, and the schollers taughte, amonge other thinges, to spell God backwarde" (p. 18) . The last phrase which is the same as that in the above letter, has no equivalent in the section of the Responsio from which this passage is translated (p. 36), and therefore appears to be Verstegan's own insertion. Ralegh's "school" is dealt with by M. C. Bradbrook in The School of Night, 1936. It numbered among its members Thomas Harriot ("the conjurer that is master thereof") and Christopher Marlowe; and Verstegan's letter seems to imply that Burghley's grandson also belonged to it.

16 17

This is the opening theme of the Declaration.

William Fleetwood was elected Recorder of London in April, 1571, and held the post until January, 1592. The much "hotter spirit" who succeeded him was Edward Coke . Fleetwood seems to have had at least a trace of tender-heartedness, for whilst presiding over the torture of Sherwood in 1578 he burst into tears (C.R.S., II, p. 74). A short account of him is given in D .N.B., vol. xix, p. 268.

18

Blank in MS.

19

There is little doubt that "F.S." stands for Fr. Southwell, who was sending despatches to Verstegan at this time (e.g. Letter no. 1; see also Henry Walpole' s letter of 29 November, 1590, printed by A. Jessopp, Letters of Fr. Henry Walpole, 1873, p. 23). Verstegan frequently uses the initial "F" rather than "Fr." as an abbreviation of "Father".

20

Thomas Covert (or Court) was a fellow exile of Verstegan's who sent despa tches to Cardinal Allen from time to time (C. R .5., V, p. 262) .

Earlier, around 1584, he had been agent for both Allen and Persons in Paris, and had corresponded frequently with Fr. Agazzari (vid. Knox, L etters an d Memorials of Cardinal Allen ; 7st and 2nd Douay Diaries : L. Hicks, Letters and M emori als of Fr. P ersons, 1578-1588, C.R.S., XXXIX p. 259). From Henry Walpole"s letters it appears that Verstegan and Covert were at loggerheads for a time in 1590, but the quarrel seems to have been settled by January, 1591, when Walpole wrote: "The little strangeness between Mr. Verstegan and Mr. Covert is now ended." (J essopp, op . cit., pp . 18, '27).

:n MS. "Reverendo in Christo Padre".

lIIb . SPANISH VERSION OF THE SAME LETTER.1 Avises de Anveres 5 de Mar<;o de 1592, de las cosas de Ingalaterra.

Stonyhurst, Coll. B, 41. Contemporary italic hand . Short translated extract in T. E . Gibson, Lydiate Hall and its associations, p . 260 . The passages concerning the martyrs were incorporated in Ribadeneira's Segunda Parte de la Historia Ecclesiastica, 1593, if. 39-40.

Eista sernana han llegado aqui dos cavalleros de Ingalaterra catholicos que han huido de alla por causa de ser la persecucion queay contra los catholicos intolerable y grandissirna despices de el postrero edicto de la reyna que se publico el mes de noviembre pas ado , en el qual los de clara por sabidores y fautores de la invasion que ella diye que el rey de Espana pretende hayer en aquel . reyno el verano que viene.

El uno de estos cavalleros trae con sigo tambien su rnuger para tenerla aqui con elen su destierro; y el otro quisiera hayer 10 rnisrno sino que Ie ataxaron los passos y Ie pusieron en grande aprieto y peligro de prenderle, en que yva su vida porque su delicto fue aver recivido en casa un sacerdote del serninario de Rhemis llamado Patison, alqual rnartiricaron en Londres en el mes pasado de hebrero; y 10 rnismo hicieran a este cavallero por averle sustentado si Ie prendieran.

Lanoche antes que martiricassen a este sayerdote, 10 hecharon en un calaboyo muy hondo de la caryel de Neugat de Londres donde estava, y 10 pusieron entre siete ladrones condenados tarnbien a muerte la qual avian de padesyer el dia siguiente con el; y fue Nuestro Senor servido dar espiritu a este su siervo de predicarles con tal efficacia que convirtio seis de los siete que todos eran hereses, los quales el dia siguiente, saliando a morir, se confessaron por catholicos y rnurieron con rnucha paciencia y edificacion de los buenos, confessando su fee y con grande enojo delos herejes los quales para vengarse de el sac;:erdote por averlos convertido, Ie abrieron vivo con cuehillos y Ie hicieron quartos con gran crueldad.

El mes pasado, martiric;:aron tarnbien otro sac;:erdote en la cuidad de Norvice, alqual prendieron en la casa de un cavallero llama do Gray, alqual tienen preso en el castillo de Londres, y se piensa que tanbien Ie aran rnartir presto.

En el fin de diciembre, rnartiriyaron en Londres a siete juntarnente, de los quales tres eran sac;:erdotes de los serninarios de Rhernis y de Roma, cuyos nombres eran Juan Jeningo, Eustacio Vito, Paulo Plasdeno; los otros quatro eran legos dos caValleros llarnados Suithen Wello y Brianto Laceyo por aver tratado con los dichos sac;:erdotes, y los otros dos eran criados suyos. Todos fueron presos juntamente, estando oyendo miss a en la calle de Holbom en Londres.~ 45

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LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. IIIb

J amas pienso que se a visto tal rigor de persecucion porque la reyna ha enbiado atodos los condados de el reyno (que son quarenta) un juez y comisario particular para inquirir contra los catholicos, y estos an sefialado en cada perrochia y pila a ocho personas de las masmalas y herejes para examinar continuamente atodas las personas que en cada perrochia viven opasan por ella; y tienen sus espias en cada casa y meson, y estan obligados a juntarse todos una vez cada semana para dar quenta deloque han hecho.

Offre<;en alos hijos y criados de catholicos premios y dades tormentos paraque descubran as us padres y amos.

No se permite ya a ningun sacerdote hablar palabra al pueblo quando salen a morir; sino que luego despues de la muerte, el juez que esta presente y la manda executar ha<;e a la gente una larga arenga sobre las causas de las muertes di<;iendo mill mentiras y disparates de las conspira<;iones que les inponen que avian hecho con el rey de Espafia para la conquista de el reyno, y luego van divulgando 10 mismo en cartones por todas las pla<;as y puertas de las ciudades. Plega adios de remediarlo presto y de mover los cora<;ones de los principes catholicos que tienen fuercas para concurrir en esto pues entiendo que su divina magestad no permitira yr muy adelante una crueldad tan fuera detoda christiandad y ra<;on. El [DiOS]3 guarde a Vuestra Reverencia siempre. De Anveres, a 5 de Marco, de 1592.

Contemporary hand Advises from London, the 5 of March, 1592.

Translation.!

Advices from Antwerp, 5 March, 1592, concerning affairs in England.

This week, two Catholic gentlemen have arrived here from England who have been forced to fly because of the persecution, which has been unbearable and very intense against the Catholics since the late proclamation of the Queen, published last November, in which she declares them informants and abettors of the invasion she states the King of Spain intends launching against that kingdom in the coming summer.

One of these gentlemen has brought his wife also to live here in exile with him; and the other would have done the same, but his efforts were frustrated and he was in great danger of being taken, in that his life was to be forfeited for the crime of having received into his house a priest from the Rheims seminary called Patison, whom they martyred in London in the past month of February; and they would have done the same to this gentleman for having assisted him, had they captured him.

The night before they martyred this priest, they put him in a very deep dungeon of Newgate prison in London where he was being held, and they placed him among seven thieves who were also

No. Illb

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

47

condemned to death, which he was to suffer with them the following day. And Our Lord was disposed to give this, his servant, the grace to preach so successfully that he converted six of the seven, all heretics, who, going to their death the following morning, professed themselves Catholics, and died with great resignation, steadfast in the Faith, to the edification of good people, and to the intense vexation of the heretics, who, to take vengeance on the priest for having converted them, cut him open with knives while he was still alive, and quartered him with much cruelty.

In the past month they also martyred another priest in the town of Norwich, taken in the house of a gentleman called Gray, whom they keep prisoner in the Tower of London; and it is thought they will soon make a martyr of him also.

At the end of December they martyred seven together in London, three of whom were priests from the seminaries of Rheims and Rome, whose names were John Gennings, Eustace White and Paul Plasden ; the other fouT were laymen : two gentlemen called Swithin Wells and Brian Lacey, for having dealings with the said priests, and the two others their servants. All were taken together while attending Mass in the street of Holborn in London. 2 I think that such a rigorous persecution has never been seen before, for the Queen has sent into all the counties of the kingdom (which number 40) a judge and a special commissioner to make investigations against Catholics, and these have nominated in every parish and district eight of the most wicked heretics to examine unceasingly every person who lives in it; and they maintain spies in every house and inn, and are all obliged to meet once every week to give news of what they have found.

They offer children and servants of Catholics rewards, and utter threats of torture to make them betray their fathers and masters.

They allow no priest to address the crowd when he goes to his execution, but immediately after his death, the judge who is present and orders his execution delivers a long harangue on the reasons for the executions, telling a thousand lies and absurdities about the conspiracies which they allege were made with the King of Spain for the conquest of the kingdom; and soon afterwards, they distribute the same on placards in all public places and gates of the city. I pray to God that He may swiftly supply a remedy, and that He strengthen the hearts of the Catholic Princes who have the resources to join together to this end, for I believe that His Divine Majesty will not permit a cruelty so contrary to all Christianity and reason to continue for very long. May [GodJ3 keep Your Reverence always. From Antwerp, 5 March, 1592.

G

48

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. mb

NOTES 1

This document appears to be a free translation, with certain additions of detail, of the first part of the previous letter, which Verstegan sent to Persons 5 March, 1592. It may have been written for the benefit of the Spanish Court, since it contains references to King Philip which are not to be found in the original despatch or it may have been provided solely by Fr. Ribadeneira's use in his book on the persecution in England (see above).

For annotations vid. previous letter.

2

This addition to the information in the English original (Letter no. 3a) to the effect that they were all taken altogether at Mass is inaccurate.

Eustace White and Brian Lacey were apprehended about two months before the other five, as appears from A .P. C., xxi, pp. 426-7, and xxii, pp. 15, 39-40. The same error is to be found in The Life and Death of Mr. Edmund Geninges (p. 65), which is quoted by Challoner in his Memoirs; though Challoner also prints a different account of White's capture.

'Supplied ed.

IV.

VERSTEGAN TO ROGER BAYN:&,.

Antwerp, 6 June, 1592.

St onyh urst, Coll. M. 127b. Fr. Grene's summary. Very brief Italian extract from the same passage, also by Grene, in Anglia 38 ii, 198.

Some of our nation arryved at Doway out of England reporte ... that the persecution of Catholics is very great; that one Mr. William, a priest, hath of late bin executed att London;l and that one Mr. Grey of Norfolk, now prisoner in the Tower, is like to be executed for receaving a priest ... his lands and goods be all seased on. The priest by ill usage is dead in the Towre; his name was Mr. Fox. 2

NOTES 1

Marginal note by Grene "Gulielmus, an hic est Pateson, occisus 22 Januarii, anna 1592." Despite this conjecture of Grene's it seems likely that Verstegan is referring to the Williams executed shortly after Portmort, and described by Garnet in his report on the martyrs of 1592 and 1593 (C.R .S ., V, p. 230) as follows: "Mr. Williams, one of the old priests made in Catholic times, whom they nevertheless condemned to death because, having abandoned the side of Calvin (for he had discharged the office of minister among them for some time), he had joined the Catholic Church and had obtained a dispensation for the impediment bigamia which he had incurred" (translation) . See also Pollen's note, op. cit., p. 231; Acts of English Martyrs, pp. 120-1 ; Persons, Responsio, p. 267; Cal. D om . Eliz., 1591-4, p. 151 (c. April, 1592, misdated December, 1591).

Williams is listed by Ribadeneira (oP' lcit.) for the year 1592. but other martyrologists list him as Richard Williams executed in 1588 (C. R .S., V, pp. 10, 12.289).

S

Cf. Letter no. 3, note 8. Verstegan had stated earlier that the priest harboured by Grey had been executed in Norwich, but he now corrects this statement.

49

V.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES.

Stonyhurst, ColI. M, 127a.

Antwerp, 27 June, 1592.

Fr. Grene's summary.

The course and practice of the niew inquisition continueth in England, as it hath done ever since the proclamation of November last. Twice or thrice a weeke, or oftner, in every street of London, dyverse companies are appointed to goe from house to house, as well to know Protestants as others, and to examin whosoever, and as many as they please! ... Sir John Pickering, that was Speaker of the Parliament, is made Lord Keeper of the Greate Seale of England; Sir John Popham, that was the Queen's Attorney, is made Lord Chief Justice. 2

NOTES 1

Compare with Letter no. 3.

2

Puckering, one of the Queen's favourites, was made Lord Keeper 28 April, 1592, and Popham Lord Chief Justice 2 June, 1592, in succession to Sir Christopher Wray. Both of them were knighted at the time of taking office (D.N .B., vol. 46, pp. 148, 443).

50

VIa.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES.

Archives S.J., Rome, Anglia 38ii, 199.

Antwerp, 1 August, 1952.1

Italian extract by Fr. Grene.

Cited

by Fr. Bartoli in Inghilterra, pp. 376, 377, 379.

Richard Verstegan, Antuerpia 1 Augusti, 1592, scribit ad Rogerium Banesium.

Postquam retulisset quaedam de morte domini Rogerii Ashtoni qui suspensus est Londini circa 10 praecedentis mensis eo quod suo regi Hispaniae militasset etc., haec habet de patre Sotoello: Padre Sotoello fu pres0 2 a la casa d'un certo signore Bellamy, 3 lontana di Londra 15 miglia,4 alii 12 di luglio incirca. 5 Era venuto qua la sera precedente, 6 e Gon nome finto non mai usato prima. 7 Topliffo, venuto per pigliarlo, domand6 per lui sotto questo nome, onde appare che fosse tradito da qualcheduno di casa. 8 Di piu, Topclifo domando dalia padrona di casa (essendo assente il padrone) 9 che li mostrasse la secreta. Ella rispose di non sapere nissun luogo simile. "Bene donque", disse egli, "la so io", e cosi ando dritto alluogo secreto dove stava nascosto il padre. 10 Top1cifo [sic] mene> il padre a casa suanelrione diWestmonasterio,n e la l'a tormentato quattro diverse volte, sospendendolo dalie mani, e in altre maniere, 10 domando se non era Giesuita, qual era il suo nome, etc.12 II padre recuso di dare risposta a qualsi voglia cosa, dicendo che se li dicesse uno, loro non cessarebbono di torment arlo per sapere altre cose. Alhora uno domando se fosse stato mai nella chiesa di San Paolo. II padre rispose che non voleva confessare ne anche questo, non potendo confessare nulla, dallo quale loro non farebbono tante altre consequenze, e cercarebbono di farlo confess are piu che egli non sapesse. 13 Alhora 10 sospesero per Ie mani ad uno muro per 10 spatio di molte hore, e Toplifo 10 laceio in questo stato e se ne parti di casa. Dopo qualque lungo tempo un suo servitore, vedendo ch'il padre era venuto meno, e in qualque pericolo di morire, 10 chiamo a casa in pres cia a levarlo di la per questa volta.14 L'uso frequente della tortura essendo tanto dispiaciuto a tutto il popolo, Toplifo ha autorita di tormentarli sacerdoti a casa sua, come parera a lui, la cui crudelta inhumana e tale che non tralasciara tormento nissuno. Iddio consoli i suoi servi.

Un certo signore Y onger sta nelli carceri (Counter). Non si sa ancora il suo vero nome, e non si confess a essere sacerdote . . .16 Un certo signore Shawe, altrimente Marchant, sacerdote, s'e fatto apostata. 16

51

52

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. VIa

Translation.

Richard Vestegan writes to Roger Baynes from Antwerp, 1 August, 1952.1 After relating certain things concerning the death of Mr. Roger Ashton, who was hanged in London about 10 of the preceding month because he fought for the King of SPain, etc., he has this concerning Fr. Southwell: Fr. Southwell was taken2 about 12 July5 in the house of a certain Mr. Bellamy,3 15 miles from London. 4 He had arrived there the night before,6 and under an assumed name which he had never used before. 7 Topcliffe, who had come there to arrest him, asked for him under this name, by which it appears that he was betrayed by someone of the house. s Further, Topcliffe asked the lady of the house (the master being absent)9 to show him the hideout. She replied that she did not know of any such place. "Well, then," said he, "I know it", and so went straight to the secret place where the father was hidden.lo Topcliffe brought the priest to his own house, in the City of Westminster,11 and there tormented him on four separate occasions, by hanging him up by the hands, and in other ways, demanding of him whether he was a Jesuit or not, and what his name was, etc. 12 The father refused to give an answer to the things required, saying that if he told them one thing, they would not cease torturing him in order to learn more. Then one asked him if he had ever been in St. Paul's church. The priest replied that he was unwilling to reply to this either, being unable to confess anything without them making many other things follow from it, and seeking to force him to confess more than he knew. 13 Then he was suspended by the hands from a wall for many hours, and Topcliffe left him in this condition and went out. After a long time, one of his servants, seeing that the father had fainted and was in some danger of dying, called him home in haste to take him down from there for that occasion. 14 The frequent use of torture being greatly disliked by all the people, Topcliffe has authority to torture priests in his house as he sees fit, whose inhuman cruelty is such that he does not omit any torture. May God comfort His servants!

A certain Mr. Younger is in the Counter prison. His real name is not yet known, and he has not confessed to being a priest ...15 A certain Mr. Shawe, otherwise known as Marchant, a priest, has apostatized. 16

No. VIa

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

53

NOTES 1

The letter is extant in two extracts, both made by Grene, one in Italian concerning Southwell, which he prepared for Bartoli, and the other in English concerning Roger Ashton. The whole letter must have contained much the same information as that sent to Fr. Persons 3 August, 1592 (Letter no. 7).

2

This account of Southwell's arrest should be compared with that in Garnet's letter to Verstegan 16/26 July, 1592 (Letter no. 9) which is a fuller, and, apparently, a more accurate version. For a composite account of Southwell's arrest based on a collation of the earliest sources vid. C. Devlin, Robert Southwell, 1956, pp. 274ff.

3

The Bellamys lived at Uxendon Manor. They had given help to the Babington fugitives, as a result of wbich, two sons of the house were put to death, a third suffered torture and exile, and the aged mother died in prison. Her eldest son, Richard, was master of the bouse at the time of Southwell''!) apprehension. See further, W. D. Bushell "The Bellamies of Uxendon", Harrow Octocentenary Tracts, 1914; Morris Troubles, ii, pp. 48ff.; C. Devlin, op. cit., pp. 138, 275ff.

, Garnet's account states with greater accuracy 8 miles, tbe distance estimated

by Davis who frequented the house (Challoner, Memoirs, i, p. 215), and

by Richard Bellamy (Morris Troubles, ii, p. 52). Devlin (op . cit. p. 278) ominously gives the distance as seven and a half miles from the north-west fork at Tyburn.

Ii

A variety of dates has been put forward for Southwell's capture. While tbe above letter and that of 3 August, 1592 give 12 July (O.S. 2 July), Garnet's letter to Verstegan 16/26 July has 5 July (O.S. 25 June), which is followed by P. Janelle, Robert Southwell the Writer, 1935, p. 65, and by Devlin,op. cit., p. 278. A tbird date is provided by two of the accounts of Southwell's trial "A Brefe Discourse" (Anglia II, i), and Challoner Memoirs, i, p. 332, which quote the date of capture mentioned in the indictment as 20 June (adopted by Morris, Troubles, ii, p. 60, M. Hood, The Book of Robert Southwell, 1926, p. 44; ct. however T. Morus, Hist.

Provo Angl. Soc. Jesu, p. 195). The correct date appears to be Sunday, 25 June-5 July as given by Garnet, which is supported by Topcliffe's autograph letter to the Queen, Monday 26 June (Landsdowne 72, no. 39, f. 113, vid. Letter no. 1, note 63) in which he states he has just taken Southwell; and Robert Barnes's speech before the Bar in 1598 (printed in Tierney-Dodd, Church History of England, iii, p . cxcviii).

To add to the confusion in dating, Topcliffe's letter has often been incorrectly dated 22 June (Strype, A nnals, iv, p. 186, followed by Morris, op. cit., ii, p. 62, Harrison, Elizabethan Journal 1591-4, p. 140, P. Hughes, The Reformation in England, iii, xxviii).

6

According to Garnet, however, (Letter no. 9) Southwell rode to the house on Sunday morning. In Barnes's account, Southwell set out from London at 10 o'clock and arrived at midday (Tierney-Dodd, op. cit.,ii i, p. cxcviii).

7

This was tbe alias Cotton (ct. Letter no. 9), wbich he apparently took from George Cotton in whose house in Fleet Street be had often stayed (Devlin op. cit., pp. 215, 256). Southwell had long been friendly with the Cotton family, and had travelled with some of them on the Continent (vid. 1st and 2nd Douay Diaries; Devlin, op. cit., p. 27, etc.).

54

LE TTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. VIa

8

Southwell was betrayed by Anne, one of Richard Bellamy's daughters.

She had been imprisoned in the Gatehouse in January, 1592, where she was seduced by Topcliffe, who, when he realised she was pregnant, married her off to Nicholas Jones, one of his servants. In the meantime she was prevailed on, for the future safety of her family, to entice Southwell to spend one night in the Bellamy household where he would be apprehended

by Topcliffe. Jones seems to have been the instigator of the plan (vid. Topcliffe's letter, cited note 5), details of which appear in Robert Barnes's deposition (Tierney-Dodd, loco cit.).

9

Richard Bellamy in his answers to charges brought against him by Topcliffe (B. M. Harleian MSS . 6998, f. 23, printed in Morris, op . cit., ii p. 52ff.) state that on the day when Southwell was arrested in his house "he was from home and three days before". Those who were present included Richard's wife, Catherine, and his two daughters, Mrs. Audrey Wilforde and Mary Bellamy (Devlin, op. cit., p. 279).

10

This should be compared with the account in Garnet's letter of 16/26 July (Letter No. 9) stating that Catherine Bellamy revealed where Southwell was hidden, either because she had been overcome by threats, or because the hiding-place had already been betrayed, which coincides with the suspicion in the above letter that one of the household had betrayed the Jesuit. Barnes declared that Topcliffe had gone to Uxenden "bringing a letter in his hand, written by the hand of Anne Bellamy, giving him the way to the house, giving him marks to know the house by, and directing him right unto a secret place within the house where he did apprehend Mr. Southwell" (Tierney-Dodd, loco cit.) . For a note on the Bellamy hiding-place vid. Devlin, p . 356, who suggests it was in the attic.

11

Topcliffe's house was in "'\iVestminster Churchyard (vid. Letter no. 1, note 63), close by the Gatehouse prison.

12

At his trial in 1595 Southwell stated that he had been tortured, in all. on ten occasions, each one worse than death (d. Letter no. 57 a, note 4).

For an account of the effects of the hanging torture vid. Devlin, op. cit .â&#x20AC;˘ pp. 285-6.

13

Cf. T. Morus, op . cit .â&#x20AC;˘ p. 193. Devlin, op. cit., pp. 287-8.

14

Cf. Garnet to Aquaviva. 7 March 1595 (Arch. S.J. Rome, Anglia, 31. i. f. 109).

15

James Younger or Younge. who used the aliases George Dingley and Thomas Christopher, was ordained priest in Rome. went on to Spain and thence into England disguised as a sailor early in 1591. He was arrested about March, 1592, and imprisoned in the Poultry Counter. Although at the time of the above letter he had not yielded any information, he made an extensive confession towards the end of August. and volunteered to turn informer against Catholics. Amongst the items of information he gave was that concerning one of Persons's intelligencers who lived at Antwerp, this being almost certainly Verstegan (Cal . Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, p. 261) . See also id., pp. 255 ff; 315 etc.; Hatfield House MSS., iv, pp. 403, 432; C.R .S., V, pp. 199, 262.

16

This may possibly have been Francis Shaw of Chester, who was ordained priest at Rheims in 1584 and went to England the same year. He was soon captured, and was first imprisoned and then exiled, but later returned to England (1st and 2nd Douay Diaries, pp. 12, 29, 200, 201, 208, 262, 296; C.R .S., II, p. 240; V, pp. 306-7; XXI, p. 344).

Vlb.

English extract from the same letter.

Stonyhurst, Coll. M, 127c.

Fr. Grene's band.

About the 10 of the last month, Mr. Roger Ashton was drawn, hangd and quartered at Tyborne . . .1 Bishop of Bristow . . .2 present at his execution, willed him to desyre the people to pray with him. He answered that he desyred such Catholics as were present to pray for him, but the praiers of the others he requyred not, because they could do him no good. Ad multa contra ipsum obiecta ... he answered that he was not any principal actor in the delivery of Deventer, and confessed that he had a pension from the King of Spaine ... being a younger brother ... with little annuity of his own . ' .. that he had never practised any treason, nor ever . . . had heard of others' talke of treason. .. He was willed to pray for the Queen, and soe he did; and soe dyed very resolutely, making profession of his faith ... he was not exc1amed on, but rather pityed by the people. Multa hic narrat de captura et de tormentis P. Southwelli quae alibi narrata habes a P. Bartoli. One Mr. Hardesty, a priest, being taken in the North, was brought up to London, and is sent down againe-but to what end is not yet known . . .3

55

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LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. VIb

NOTES 1

This date (10 July, 1592) is wrong, and that cited by Grene in a marginal note "23 June in catalogo V, fo1. 38d." appears to be the correct one.

Cf. Gerard's catalogue (printed in C. R.S., V, p. 293), and Challoner, Memoirs, i, p. 288.

Roger Ashton was the third son of Richard Ashton of Croston. In 1585 he had gone to serve under Leicester in the Low Countries, and was with Sir William Stanley when Deventer was handed over to the Spaniards in January, 1587. He seems to have been commissioned by Stanley to ask Cardinal Allen to write a defence of the surrender of that town, and the resulting work, The Coppie of a Letter written by M. Doctor Allen concerning the Yeelding up of the Citie of Daventrie, 1587 contains a prefatory letter which in one edition is signed' 'R.A." and was probably written by Ashton.

Later he returned to England and was apprehended "coming in secrett manner into the realme with a bill of the Pope's about him to dyspense with him for the marrying of a gentlewoman being neere of kindered unto him" (A .P. C., xx, p. 356). Although he escaped from the Marshalsea, he was recaptured soon after, condemned and executed (see further A .P. C., xx, loc o cit., xxi, p. 127, xxii, pp. 440, 524; Challoner loco cit. ; Cath .

Encycl., i, p. 777) . A fuller account of Ashton's execution is contained in the next letter.

2

The Bishop of Bristol was Richard Fletcher who later became Bishop of London.

3

Marginal note by Grene: "Robert Hardesty, martyred 24 September, 1589, dicitur laicus in catalogo anni 1612". But the Hardesty mentioned above is not Robert Hardesty the layman but William Hardesty from York, who was ordained ' at the English College Rome in 1586, went on the English Mission in 1588, and when arrested in 1592, apostatized and turned informant. See further C.R.S., V, pp. 242, 272, 282; XXXVII p. 28; Foley, Records, vi, pp. 507, 551 ; Morris, Troubles, iii, pp. 122, 175, 193; A. Jessopp, Letters of Fr. Henry Walpole, p. 19.

VII.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS. Antwerp, 3 August, 1592.

Stonyhurst, Coil. B . 53. Holograph. The part concerning Ashton and Southwell was printed in C.R.S., V, pp. 211-12.

In Antwerp, the 3 of August, 1592.

Aboute the 10 of last month Mr. Roger Ashton was drawne hanged and quartered at Tyborne. 1 There was present at his excution their Bishop of Bristow, who willed him to desire the people to pray with 'him;2 whereunto he answered that he desyred such Catholikes as were present to pray for him, but the prayers of the others he required not, because they could do him no good. He was charged by Toc1if at his [trial ?J3 that he had bene a principall actor in the delivery of Deventer, and that he had taken a pension of the King of Spaine; and moreover, that he had practized with divers fugitive traitors beyonde the seas. He answered that he was not any principall actor in the delivery of Deventer, and confessed 4 that he had a pension of the King of Spaine. "For," quod he, "I, beeing a yonger brother,5 had only 5 poundes annuity by yeare, and it pleased the King to give me 25 crownes the moneth".

But that he had ever practized treason with any fugitive he denied, saying further that he did never amonge them heare any talke of treason. He was willed to pray for the Queen, and so he did, and was bidd farewell by divers of his acquaintance, and so died very resolutely, making profession of his faith. Neverthelesse, he was not exc1amed on, but rather pittied of the people, in such sorte as the lyke in this tyme hathe not bene sene.

Mr. Anthony Skinner is condemned, but not executed. 6 Neither is it thought he shalbe, for that some kynde of offer of his pardon hathe bene made to some of his frendes for the some of 500 poundes ; and it is thought lesse wilbe taken. The Vicechamberlaine, 7 as I he are , hathe undertaken to get it. When he was on the torture, they urged him to confesse that he was sent to kill the Queen, to which he confessed; but so soone as he was released, he foorthwith denied it, saying that their tortures were such as might make him to say whatsoever they pleased.

Fr. Southwell was apprehended at one Mr. Bellamie's,8 15 myle[s]9 from London, aboute the 12 of July. He came thether but the night before, and by a name that before that tyme he had not used.

And Topc1if, coming thether to apprehend him, asked for him by thesame name, which argueth that he was betrayed by some of that house. Moreover, Topc1if did will the gentilwoman of the 57

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LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. VII

house (for her husband was absent) to tell him where the secret was wherein he was conveyed; and she answered that she knew no such place. "Then," quoth he, "I do". And so he went directly unto the place. Topc1if caried the Father with him to his owne house in Westminster, and there he hathe excedingly tormented him at fowre severall tymes, bothe by hanging by the handes and otherwise, demaunding of him whether he were not a Jesuyte, and whether his name was not Southwell, whether he were not employed there for the Pope and King of Spain.

The father refused to answere to any thing, saying that yf he should tell them any thing at all, yet would they not leave to torment him to knowe more, yea, to know more then himself did knowe. Whereuppon, one of the examiners did aske him whether he would confesse yf ever he had bene in Powles. The father answered that he would not confesse that neither, because he could confesse nothing unto them but they would still enferr further matter uppon it, and seke to get from him more then he knewe. Uppon this, he was hanged by the handes against a wall many howres together; and Topc1if left him hanging, and so went abrode. After he had bene a long tyme10 absent, one of his servants, perceaving the father to be in a swund or in some danger to give [UpJll the ghoste, called him hastely home againe to lett him downe for that tyme. Because the often exercise of the rack in the Towre was so odious, and somuch spoken of of the people, Topcliffhathe aucthoritie to torment priestes in his owne house, in such sorte as he shall thinck good; whose inhuman cruelty is so great, as he will not spare to extend any torture whatsoever. Our Lord of His infynite mercy strenghthen and comforte this good father and all such as shall fall into his mercilesse handes.

Mr. Yonger is in the Counter. His right name is not knowne, nor that he is a priest. He telleth them that he is a Catholike, and desyreth them to let that suffise, alleaging that yf any man can accuse him of ought els, he must answere it; in the meane tyme he is not bound to accuse him self. There is one Mr. Shawe, otherwise called Marchant, a priest falne from the Churche, who fell before Fr. Southwell, his apprehension. He remaineth in London, and is brave in apparell. He was brought unto the Counter to see Mr. Yonger, and whether he did know him or not I cannot leame ; but he denied that he knew him.12 One Mr. Hardesty, a priest, beeing taken in the northe partes, was brought up to London, and is sent downe againe to the Northe, but to what end is not knowne to the Catholiks as yet.13 The Catholike gentlemen that were under bondes do yet remaine at their wonted libertie, to witt, in their owne or in their freindes' howses, within 7 myles of London.14 The Lord Hunsdon, beeing Chamberlaine, exhibited a note unto the Queen to move her to make the Earl of Huntington, the Earl of Shrewesbury and the Earl of Essex of her Privy Councell. The

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Queen brought the note unto the Lord Treasurer demaunding his advice, who told her that her judgment was sufficient in the choise of her Councellors; but beeing urged by her to say his mynd, he made answere that she did well knowe how dangerous it was to give to great aucthoritie unto her no billitie. "And as for the Earl of Huntington," quod he, "Your Majestie hathe made him President of the Councell of Y orck, which is a very highe and honorable place.I5 The Earl of Shrewesbury Your Majesti[e] knoweth to have a very wise wyf,16 and my Lord of Essex you may spare for a whyle untillhe hathe gotten more experience".17 So that their are not any new councellors made, notwithstanding all former bruites, except only Sir John Puckering, who, beeing Lord Keeper, is of the Privy Councell.

The Treasurer is become exceeding insolent, and dothe thereby encrease the stedfast hatred of the nobillity and people, unto whome he dothe dayly growe more and more odious. He suffred, of late, the Lord Admirall,18 the Lord Chamberlane , and the Lord of Buckhurst to stand bare headed before him a quarter of an howre together, and many of the noblemen can have but a yea and a no at his handes. The Queen will listen to none but unto him; and somtymes, she is faine to come to his bedsyde to entreat him in some-things. He useth the Lady Hobby19 (notwithstanding his old age) in secret familiarity, and his crooked sonne, envying her favour, laid a libell against her on his father's pillow, which caused a great breach betwene the fox and his cubbe.

The Earle of Essex is of all other the most discontented person of the Courte, who having consumed 40 thowsand poundes, lost his owne brother, and the love of sundry his followers, fyndeth himself to be mocked and deluded with woordes by Cecill.20 There were never more malcontents of all sortes, aswellgentlemen as others, insomuch that they seeme to be at that point that they care not what stirr may happen, or who would attempt it, so they might mend their conditions, and revenge their injuries. And it is well knowne that Cecill dothe at this presente more feare this discontented multytude, yf any tumult should happen, then he dothe the Catholikes; for he hathe taken order to restraine those, but the others he cannot.

It was of late determyned by the Councell that a lone of mony should be required of the Londoners; the which beeing understood by some of the citie, they consulted together that they would deny it, ale aging that they were somuch pressed that they were not able to graunt it; and this beeing lykewise certified unto the Councell, they went not forward with their determynation. 21 Sir John Parrat is not executed. The only thing that could be prooved against him was that he should say, when the Spanish Armada was on the seas, that the Queen was of a dastardly nature, and that he thoughte she did then bepisse her smock (in thease tearmes the woordes were repeated at the barr), and that he hoped to live the day that she should have nede of him.22

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The Earl of Huntington is appointed to go downe unto the Northe' there to take againe his former office or dignitie.

The Lord Bothwell of Scotland hat he given some attempt of late to take the King or the Chauncelor, which hathe not succeeded.

A great part of the nobillitie do favour him.23 Addressed

To Father Robert Parsons, Madrid.

Endorsed by Fr. Persons

Mr. Verstenghan's advises from Antuerp, 3 Augusti, 1592.

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N OTES 1

Vid. Letter no. 6b, note 1.

2

MS . "with with him".

3

Supplied ed. Pollen (C .R .S ., V, p . 211) does not supply any word, but instead omits "at his".

4

Pollen (lac. cit.) omits "confessed".

6

Ashton was the third son. The pension he stated he received was a little below the average amount granted to English pensioners.

6

Anthony Skinner, a former servant to Cardinal Allen was apprehended in company with Richard Ac1iffe at Gravesend whilst coming up the Thames in a small boat from Calais, and was imprisoned and interrogated in the Marshalsea. He very quickly turned apostate and spy (vid. A .P. C., xxii, p. 130; Cal. Dam. Eliz., 1591-4, pp. 217, 225, 228, 229, 573; Cal. Dam. Addenda, 1580-1625, p . 486; A Jessopp, Letters of Fr. Henry Walpole , pp. 29-31 ).

7

Sir Thomas Heneage.

8

For annotations on this section see Letter No . 6a, notes 2-14.

9

10

Partially obliterated in MS. Pollen (lac. cit.) reads "while".

11

Supplied ed.

12

Vid. Letter no. 6a, notes 15 and 16.

13

Vid . Letter no. 6b, note 3.

14

Vid. Letter no. 1, note 52.

16

Henry Hastings, third Earl of Huntingdon, was President of the Council of the North from 1572 until his death in 1595. He never became a Privy Councillor.

16

Gilbert Talbot, seventh Earl of Shrewsbury, was married to Mary Cavendish daughter of Sir William Cavendish of Chatsworth. A few details of her character and activities are given in P. M. Handover, Arbella Stuart, 1957.

17

Essex was only 24 at the time.

1593 (A.P.C., xxiv, p. 78).

18

Lord Charles Howard of Effingham.

19

This is possibly Mary, the daughter of Henry Carey, who married Sir Edward Hoby, the elder son of Sir Thomas Hoby, in 1582 (D.N.B., vol.

27, p. 52). It is unlikely that Verstegan could be referring to Elizabeth Hoby, Burghley's sister-in-law, who was married first to Sir Thomas Hoby, who died in 1566, and then to Lord Russell, who died in 1584. She was well over 60 by 1592. Neither can Lady Margaret be intended, since she did not marry Thomas Posthumous Hoby (younger son of Sir Thomas) until 1595. (See further concerning Elizabeth and Margaret Hoby D.N.B., vol. 27, p . 56; D. M. Meads, Diary of Lady Margaret Hoby, 1930; V. Wilson, Society Women of Shakespeare's Time, 1924).

He was made a Councillor 25 February,

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20

Essex had conducted an unsuccessful campaign in France, during which he lost his brother Walter at the siege of Rouen in September, 1591, and spent, without recompense, a considerable amount of his private money, which was estimated at about ÂŁ14,000 (d. E. M. Tenison, Elizabethan England, ix, p . 30) . By mid-1592 he was hopelessly in debt, and endeavoured to peti tion the Queen through Robert Cecil. It is to the failure of this petition that the above letter appears to refer when it states that Essex was "mocked and deluded" by Cecil. Early in July the Earl wrote to him expressing his exasperation and accusing him of double dealing: "I have been with the Queen and have had my answer. How it agree!> with your letter you can judge after you have spoken with the Queen.

Wither you have mistaken the Queen or used cunning with me I know not. I will not condemn you, but leave you to think, if it were your own case, whither you would not be jealous. Your Frend if I have cause, R. Essex" (Murdin, State Papers, p. 655). Late in the month, however, Essex acknowledged that the failure of his petition seemed to be due not to falseness on the part of Cecil but to the obduracy of the Queen, or so he wrote (id. 656) .

Despite the polite cordiality which is to be found in some of Essex's correspondence with the Cecils, there was a natural rivalry between them which was to increase and to culminate in Robert Cecil's bitter denunciation and victory over the Earl in 1601; and Lord Burghley was jealous of anyone who might compete for power with his younger son, as can be seen from this and other letters of Verstegan (see also M. A. Hume, Lord Burghley, pp. 450, 454 if.).

21

It is possible that Verstegan is referring to the request made to the merchants

of London in June, 1592 for contributions towards the cost of fortifying Plymouth (A .P. C., xxii, pp. 529-30). From a letter sent to the Lord Mayor of London by the Privy Council in December, 1592, it appears that the appeal had come to nothing (A .P. C., xxiii, pp . 361-2). For details of loans and their repayment in this period see Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, p. 216, etc., Hatfield House MSS., iv, p . 182.

22

Sir John Perrot, reputed to be an illegitimate son of Henry VIII, was Lord Deputy of Ireland from 1584 until 1588. On 27 April, 1592, after a long imprisonment, he was tried for High Treason alleged to have been committed whilst holding that office. The indictment charged him with contemptious words against the Queen, relieving priests and traitors, encouraging the rebellion of Brian O'Rourke, and with treasonable correspondence with the King of Spain and the Duke of Parma, the last charge being based on a letter, obviously forged, which he was supposed to have written to Philip II. The prosecution concentrated on the charges of speaking contemptously of the Queen, and Perrot did not deny speaking the words, although he resented the interpretation placed on them. He was condemned to a traitor's death 26 June, 1592, but not executed, and died in the Tower in November of the same year. See further, Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4; R. Naunton, Fragmenta Regalia, 1641; R. Rawlinson, History of Sir John Perrott, 1728; D.N.B., vol. 45.

23

This refers to the daring but unsuccessful raid by the Earl of Bothwell on Falkland Palace in June, 1592, in an attempt to capture James VI (Cal. Scot., 1589-1593, pp. 707-713, 716-720). Earlier, in December, 1591, Bothwell had attempted to seize the King and the Chancellor, Sir John Maitland, in Holyrood Palace (id. pp. 609, 616, 618, 623, 627-8) . Concerning Bothwell's friends and supporters vid. id., pp. 538, 543, 709, 732.

VIII.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS. Antwerp, 6 August, 1592.

Stonyhurst, ColI. B, 57.

Holograph.

Right Reverend, in my last unto you dated the 24 of the last moneth,l I acknowleged the receit of yours with the bill of exchange, which is promised to be paid the 16 of this present, beeing two monethes after the date; I am right sory to send you the ill newes of Fr. Southwell his apprehension, who is now in combat with his mortall enemyes.

Our Lord grallnt him strenght to go forward as he hathe resolutely begun, and so shall he ,remain perpetuall victor. Somuch as hetherto I have understood thereof I have written in a sheete of paper enclosed in this pakett unto Sir Frauncis ;2 but that paper is unsealed, to the end he may read it with the other thinges therein conteyned, because I would save the labour to write it twice. Yett, yf you see any inconvenience in this course, you may please to let me understand it.3 Here are letters from London of the 28 of July,' by the which I understand that Navarr his ambassador is either departed, or uppon the point to departe, but withoute either many or men. 5 There are not any forces in levying for Navarr in Germany; and in Fraunce, his meanes is very much decreassed, espetially since the deathe of the Marshall of Biron; 6 so that he is almost brought into a very desperate state, and, I trust, wilbe driven to great extremity when our Duke shall enter with his forces. 7 Whereby, it may please God that some good oportunity may fall oute for 208 [victory?J, yf the occasion be taken hold on; and in my slender judgment, it were good that the 7 m 14 p me 20 [convio?] that cometh from 38 [West Indies ?J, having delivered their chardge in 20 [SpainJ, might foorthwith corne into 54 [France ?J, which may fall oute to espetiall good purpose, yf some thinges do succede in 25 [EnglandJ that I shall not nede to name. I beseech you to consider hereof. s Thease late letters from England before mentioned do still signify the generall discontentment of the people, all marchandice and necessary comodities beeing very scarse; yet are vitualls resonable cheape, which may procede of want of many, and corne is so very aboundant, that thease twenty yeares there was not such store, nor thesame so good [andJ cheape.

We heare not, as yet, of any pay, and this is the 11 monethe that we had nothing but the third parte of one monethe's pay. 9 I do not directly perce ave Your Fatherhoode's meaning touching the 230 florins which you have appointed me to receave over and above H

63

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the 80 li. for Mr. Barcrofte,lO but I shalbe enforced to use thereof, by reason of this great extremity, to the end I retaine my creditt here, and content such as I do deale withall for entelligence, etc.

I sent of late unto 19711 before I hard of his absence, but I trust my letters will come to 195 [Garnet] his handes, whose answere I expect the next weke. More for the presente I will not trouble you with, but, comitting Your Fatherhoode to God, I humbly take my leave. Antwerp, this 6 of August, 1592.

Your very asured servitor, R. Verstegan.

We he are from Germany that the yong Duke of Saxony and the heire to the Counte Palatine of the Rhene are with the Emperor at Prage, and both brought up under Catholike tutors.12

Addressed

Al Molto Reverendo in Christo, Padre il Roberto Personio della Campagnia di Giesu, a Validolid.

Endorsed by Fr. Persons Werstenghan's advises and accomptes, Augusti 6, 1592.

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NOTES 1

This letter, which does not survive, was not the last Verstegan had sent, since he despatched a later one dated 3 August; but he was probably estimating that it was the latest Person would have received .

2

i .e. Sir Francis Englefield.

3

Persons did not consider this a convenient method, and he wrote a memorandum on the back of one of Verstegan's letters (no. 41) to the effect that he would ask him to discontinue this practice.

4

Verstegan does not appear to have received Garnet's letter of 26 July as yet (vid. Letter no. 9) .

5

Navarre sent the Sieur de Sancy over to England in June to negotiate for further help in his war against the League. Elizabeth drove a hard bargain with de Sancy, and in return for aid which consisted merely of a force of 4,000 English to co-operate with 5,000 French and Dutch troops, she procured the cession of a town in Britanny (vid. Camden Annalls 1635, p. 412; T . Rymer's Foedera 1742, vii, pp. 96-7; J. B. Black, Elizabeth and Henry IV, 1914, pp. 56ff).

6

Marshal Biron was killed by a cannon ball at the siege of Epernay, 26 July, 1592. In view of his treachery, it is hard to say whether or not his death was a very serious blow to Henry (vid. Q. Hurst, Henry of Navarre, 1937, pp. 108-110).

7

Alexander Farnese, Duke of Parma, went to the aid of the League on two occasions, in 1590 and 1591-2, each time with great success (vid. L. Van der Essen, Alexandre Farnese, 1937, v ., pp. 272fÂŁ') . He returned to the Low Countries in June, 1592, intending to re-enter France later in the year; but although he made plans for a third campaign there, he died before he could carry them into effect.

8

Decoding in this letter supplied ed. See section of Introduction on code.

It is hard to decide to what "some thinges" refer.

9

In a letter to Burghley written 4 months earlier than the above, Reinold Bosely (see Letter no. 11, note 7) wrote as follows: "All Englishmen in the Low Countries live hardly, and for seven months have not had a penny, so that many are ready to starve" (Cal . Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, p. 209).

Verstegan, as a pensioner of the King of Spain, was entitled to 30 crowns per month, but this was very infrequently paid (vid. Introduction).

10

Probably Thomas Barcroft of Chester, whom Verstegan had met in Rome in 1584 when they stayed at the English College together (Pilgrim Book, printed in Foley, Records S. J., vi, p. 555). He was ordained priest at Rheims in September, 1589, and went back to England as a missionary the following month (1st and 2nd Douay Diaries). In a list of priests in and about London in February, 1591 (S.P. Dom. Eliz ., vol. ccxxxviii, no . 62, printed Foley, op. cit., vi, p. 164) he is described as "Barcroft alias Croftes, of a mane statuar, flaxy herre, a white stayn dobolet, &c., and hathe layne at [Mr.] Mompesson's"; and he is mentioned in a similar list for 1593 (Foley, op . cit., vi, p. 742). His brother John turned a government informer in 1591 (Cal . Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, pp. 148-9, 233).

11

197 may be "Garlick", referred to in Garnet's letter of 26 July as being out of town (see Letter no. 9); or it could possibly be Southwell, his "absence" being his imprisonment.

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The young Elector of Saxony, Christian II (1583-1611) succeeded his father in 1591. He was nine years of age in 1592.

The successor to the Palatinate of the Rhine was Frederick IV (15741610), son of Louis IV who died in 1583. He had been brought up as a.

Lutheran by his uncle, John Casimir, on whose death early in 1592 he refused to be subject to another tutor, and although still a minor took up the reins of government the same year (Hoefer, Nouvelle Biographie Generale, vol. XVIII, pp. 688-9) .

The Emperor of Germany was Rudolph II (1552-1612) , who held court at Prague.

IX.

VERSTEGAN TO PERSONS. Antwerp, mid-August, 15921

St onyhurst, Coll. B. 49. Verstegan's hand. Printed in its entirety in Foley, Records S . j. , i, p p . 352-4; the first letter of the despatch printed by J. Gerard, Contributions towards a Life of Fr. Henry Garnet, S. j., 1898, pp.

23-5, by W . Done Bushell, "The Bellamies of Uxendon," Harrow Octocentenary Tracts, 1914, pp. 47-9; and by C. M. Hood, Book of Robert Southwell, 1926, pp .43-6.

The copy of [Garnet] his letter dated in London 26 of July, 1592, stylo novo, to 181 [Verstegan]2 After my harty comendations, I sent you letters of late, which I hope are come to your handes, concerning our marchandise and manner of writing, which I would willingly understand of.3 We are lyke to have heare a very plentifull yeare, so that we may make great comoditie of corne, yf we be secret in our course; whereof you shall know more by the next oportunitie. We would willingly understand some of your newes, for all forreyne matters are here concealed. All our newes here is of taking of Jesuytes and priestes, with great hope of discovery of highe treasons; but mountaines many tymes prove molehilles. Of late, even the fyfth of July, beeing Sounday, at one Mr. Bellamye's house, 8 myles from London, was apprehended one Southwell, a Jesuyte,4 a man by reporte very learned, and one that for many good and rare partes in him had setled a generall good lyking in all that either knewe him or but hard of him. The manner of his taking I have hard delivered in this sorte. He rode to thesaid house on Sounday morning, and there said Masse, purposing the next morning a further j orney. In the meane, by some meanes (whereof the certainty is not knowen) his beeing there was discovered to some in aucthoritie; and aboute midnight thether came Mr. Topclif (a famous persecutor of Papistes), accompaned with one Mr. Barnes, a justice, and dwelling neere the place, also yong Mr. Fitzherbert,5 and divers others, and so besett the house that none could escape. Then comaunded he the dores to be opened; which donne, he entred and first bound all the men in the house, then called for the gentlewoman, for he himself (I meaIie Bellamy) was not at home, and presently willed her to deliver him one Mr. Cotton (for so was he there named that came that day to her house), which she, at first, very stoutly denyed. In fyne, either overcome with threates, or, as she [sa]yeth, her secret place whereinto she had conveyed him beeing betrayed, she yeilded to deliver him, which she performd, speedely fetching him thence; whome, as soone as Topclif had sight of, he offred to run at with his drawne rapier, calling him tray tor ; which he denying, he demaunded what he was. He answered, "a gentleman". "Nay," saithe he, "a priest and a traitor". He bad him proove it; whereat he would againe have run at him with his rapier, urging him that 67

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he denyed his priesthoode. He said no; "but", quo the he, "it is neither priest nor treason that you seeke for, but only blood; and yf myne will satisfy you, you shall have it with as good a will as ever anyone's; and yf myne will not satisfy, I do not doubte but you shall fynd many moe as willing as my self; only, I would advise you to remember there is a God, and He is just in His judgment, and therefore blood will have bloode; but I rather wishe your conversion"-or some lyke speech to lyke effect. This doen, Topclif dispatched Fitzherbert to the Courte to tell what good service he had doen, and so fell to searching of the house, fynding there much Massing stuf, papisticall bookes and pictures ;6 all which he caused to be laid in a carte which was redy provyded, and sent to his loging at Westminster, whether also by 6 of the clock in the morning he had brought thesaid Jesuyte. And so the rumour thereof came presently unto us marchants from the Courte, where there was bothe joy and, I thinck, some sorrowe for his taking. '1 All that day he remained in Topclife's house, and the next night he was coveyed8 close prisoner to the Gatehouse. He hathe bene examyned divers tymes by Topclif and others, as by Mr. Killigrew, Mr. Wade, Mr. Bele and Mr. Y onge, by order from the Consaile, bothe jointly and severally. 9 In all which examinations, they can get nothing but that he is a priest and a religious man, true to the Queene and State, free from all treasons, only doing and attending his function. 1 0 It is reported by some, and very credibly, that be hathe bene tortured: as by beeing hanged up by the handes, put in irons, kept from sleepe, and such lyke devyses to such men usuall, but hereof there is no certainty. I write this long discours because I knowe you shall fynde many his favourites there, that will reporte it more plausable to the Papistes; and therefore I thoughte good to advertise the sole truthe as farr as I could any way leame. And what I shall learne further you shall be certified of either by my self or John Falkner,ll whome you may creditt. London is at this season so whot12 that for my health I meane to take the country ayre for a season, uncertaine of my tyme of returne. But you may hold on your course; I will leave some one in trust to receave and answere. I wrote how my marchant was arrested, but his elder brother hathe undertaken his busynesse, who with all other freindes are well. And thus troo bling you with this tedious and unnecessary13 newes, I pray your patience, and comitt you to God. Your assured frend and partner, John - - , Marchant.

This parties14 other letter, beeing of an elder date, briefly signifieth how his marchant was arrested for debt, etc.; and also how Mr. Skinner and Mr. Ashton were condemned for adhearing to the King of Spaine, etc. 15

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The latter letter, which is written by John Falkner (a yonger brother to your partner), dated there the 4 of this presente, signifieth that the marchant that was arrested16 continued still in his distresse, till, of late, that his father by his freindes hath laboured that he is not now used in the extremest manner as he was. 17 Mr. Garlyke18 the fishmonger was oute of towne, but he saith he will very shortly be there and give order for our affaires. This is the chief effect of the last letter.

Endorsed by Fr. Persons Fr. Gamete's letter of F. Southwel's taking. London, 26 Julii, 1592.

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NOTES 1

This despatch appears to ' have been sent a short time after 15 August, 1592, since it contains news from a letter from London 4 August which had not yet reached Verstegan in time for inclusion in his despatch to Roger Baynes 15 August, but which he was able to use for his next despatch to the same person a week later (vid. Letter no. 10).

2

Names supplied ed. That the letter was sent by Garnet appears from Person's endorsement.

3

Verstegan had mentioned in the previous letter that corn was plentiful, but here Garnet is obviously speaking metaphorically of the mission field.

He writes with his customary guarded phraseology, referring to himself and his fellow priests as merchants, and gives a non-committal account of Southwell's capture for "debt", commenting that he has written a very full and true account because there are many favourers of Southwell in London who "will reporte it more plausable to the Papistes".

4

For annotations of this account of Southwell's capture vid. notes to Letter no. 6a.

5

Thomas Fitzherbert who had betrayed his own family to Topcliffe (vid.

Letter no. I, note 50).

6

Cf. Topcliffe's charges against Bellamy of having found in his house a great number of "horrible and most traitorous books both printed and written" (Morris, Troubles, ii, p . 55).

7

Cf. Devlin, op. cit., p. 282. From this letter and from many others in Verstegan's correspondence it appears that there was at least one Catholic informant in Elizabeth's court.

8

No record of "covey" for "convey" appears in N.E.D., though there is a note of it being used as a substantive with the sense of "conveyance" in the 14th century. It is possible that the mark of contraction for an "n" has been accidentally omitted. Gerard, op. cit., p. 24, reads I "carried".

9

Sir Henry Kiligrew, Richard Young and the two Clerks of the Council, Robert Beale and William Waad, were amongst those appointed by the Privy Council in January, 1592, to examine and charge imprisoned recusants (A .P. C., xxii, p . 213). According to another letter of Garnet's, 7 March, 1595 (Arch. S.J., Rome, 31. f. 117a, cited Janelle, op .cit., pp. 66-7), Robert Cecil was also amongst those who examined Southwell.

10

Cf. Garnet's letter to Aquaviva, 16 July, 1592 (quoted Devlin, op. cit .â&#x20AC;˘ p. 287).

11

John Falkner is probably an alias, but of whom it is difficult to say.

The reference is too early to relate to John Falkner the Jesuit (biography in Foley, Records S . I. iii, pp. 522fÂŁ') .

12

i.e. "hot". Foley, op. cit., i, p. 353, reads "wet". There was a drought in London at the time (recorded in Camden, Annals, 1635 ed., p. 414), but Garnet is probably speaking metaphorically of the persecution there.

13

Foley, loc. cit., omits "and unnecessary".

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71

14

Although Garnet uses "marchant" here as his profession (according to Verstegan's copy of the letter), he frequently employed it as his surname (Foley, op. cit., iv, p. 38 and note).

15

For Ashton vid. Letter no. 6b, note 1, and for Skinner, Letter no. 7, note 6.

16

MS. "arresteth".

17

See further Letters nos. 12 and 13.

18

Foley, op. cit., i, p. 354, reads "Carlyle". "Garlick", like "Falkner", appears to be an alias. The name is also m entioned in Younger's confession of August, 1592 (Cal. Dom. Eliz. , 1591-4, p. 263) in which he gives details of priests still at liberty; but Younger is probably confusing the priest with Nicholas Garlick, who was martyred in 1588.

x.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES.

Antwerp, 22 August, 1592.

Stonyhurst, Anglia I, no. 67, f.118. Holograph. Summaries by Fr. Grene in English, Stonyhurst Coll . M, 127f.; and in Italian, Archives S.]. Rome, 38 ii, f.198 . Brief extract printed in Dodd-Tierney, iii, p. 106 note.

Good Mr. Baynes, I have receyved yours of the 25 of July and the others therewith enclosed, which I have sent unto the part yes unto whome they were endorsed. With my last of the 15 of this presente I sent you a copy of a 222 [Jesuit]l his letter from 137 [England].2 Since which tyme I have receyved another letter from a brother of that parties dated there the 5 of August;3 and he writeth that 112 [Southwell] his father hathe somuch labored by meanes of frendes that his sonne is not so continually tortured as he was. I have also receyved a written discours of the late proceedinges of the new commissioners against Catholique recusantes in Cheshyre, Shropshere, Stafordshere and North Wales, where the number of recusantes are found so great (as also in other provinces of England) that the co missioners do not knowe what course to take to extinguishe them. 4. In one parish in Warwickshere there were found 7 score recusantes;5 but in the provinces afore named, great numbers have bene by the comissioners constreyned by force to go to heare sermons, where at was hard such weeping, lamentation and sighinges as was most wounderfull.

In this discourse there is a very notable conference, written dialogue wise, that was betwene a famous preacher of Chester and a Catholique prisoner; and sondry other thinges are also set downe, some of them beeing very admirable. 6 I do not perceave that any forces are to be levyed in England to be sent foorthe. I have hard that there was a determination in 137 [England] to have given succours to the banditos yf they had continued somwhat longer in vigeur. 7 Heere is litle newes stirring in thease partes. Our nation [is] as yet unrelieved and in woonderfull misery. Sir Thomas Marckenfeild died this last week in Bruxells in very extreeme want, in a most miserable poore cotage. 8 I will heere sease to trooble you further, beeing somewhat troobled with an agew at this present. I desyre you to remember my humble duty to His Grace, and to accept my very harty commendations to Mr. Hesket 9 and your self. Antwerp, this 22 of August, 1592.

Yours assuredly.

Richard Verstegan.

Addressed

AI Molto Magnifico Signore, il Signore Rogero Baynes, Secretario all Illustrissimo il Cardinale di Inghilterra, aRoma.

72

No. X

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

73

Endorsed by Baynes?

. . . the 19 of 7, 1592.

The number of recusantes are founde to be more and more. No forces levied to send any whether. Intention to have given succors to the banditos in Italy yf they had continued. Sir Thomas Marcenfielde deade.

Endorsed by Greene

Verstegan, 1592.

Papered seal depicting Christ Child.

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LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. X

NOTES 1

Decodings in this letter supplied ed.

2

This appears to be Garnet's letter of 26 July, a copy of which Verstegan had sent to Persons also, as appears from the previous despatch.

3

Verstegan had dated it 4 August in the previous letter.

4

A letter from the Privy Council to the Justices of Assize of Cheshire in March, 1592, urged them to be "carefull in th' execution of that charge against recusant Papist[s], in respect of the nomber latelie increased by the practise of the Jhesuites and seminaryes, as dangerous subjectes to the State" (A .P. C., xxii, p . 324). For details of recusancy in the various counties at this time, and the difficulties the commissioners were encountering in dealing with it, vid. id., pp. xxix-xxxii, 324-5, 543-5; A .P. C., xxiii, pp. xxxiiiff., 25-7, 188, 191-2, 202-3; Cal . Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, pp. 158-9, 298.

5

A very full list of recusants in Warwickshire, as submitted b y the commissioner s for the county around November, 1592, is contained in S.P. Dom. Eliz ., vol. ccxliii, no. 76.

6

Neither the treatise nor the conference appears to have survived.

7

Bandits were active in the Papal States and other parts of Italy throughout the first half of 1592. Under the principal leadership of Mario Sciarra, who proclaimed himself King of the Campagna, they plundered and murdered on a large scale before being subdued by Papal troops. See further Jacque-Auguste De Thou, Historie Universelle, 1734 ed., ix, ix, pp. 919ff.; Fugger News-Letters, 1st series, 1924, pp. 169, 171-2.

8

Markenfield had been attained for High Treason in 1571 for his part in the Northern Rebellion of 1569, but fled before action could be taken against him. He appears to have been in want for the greater part of his long exile, and in 1580 had attempted, without success, to obtain a pension from the Pope. (See further Hatfield House MSS., i, ii; Cal. Dom. 1547-80, pp. 411, 587; R. Lechat, Les Refugies Anglais dans les Pays-Bas Espagnols, 1914; P. Hughes, The Reformation in England, iii, pp . 273, note 2,421) . Verst egan was deeply shaken by his terrible death, and mentions the occurrence on no fewer than three occasions in his letters.

9

This was Thomas Hesket or He keth, who later adopted the name Allen.

He was a nephew of Cardinal Allen, and journeyed with him to Rome from Rheims in June, 1585, remaining in his household until the Cardinal's death in 1594 (Knox, Allen; 1st and 2nd Douay Diaries). Verstegan may have made his acquaintance either during his first stay in France (1582-4), or whilst he was at Rome (1584-5).

10

Signature almost completely obliterated by the crumbling of the edge of the paper.

XI.

VERSTEGAN TO BA YNES.

Antwerp, 2 October, 1592.

Stonyhurst, Anglia I, no. 69, f.120. Holograph. Brief Italian extract by Fr. Grene, Archives S.]. Rome, Anglia 38 ii, 198.

Advices from England of the 20 of September, 1592.

Aboute the 4 of September there was a particular relation brought into England by a pinnasse of the taking of a very ritche ship of the East Indies; but as yet it appeereth not, which giveth suspition that it hathe bene rescued and taken againe by the Spaniardes. l Sir John Norrice, having a large comission to take up soldiers (which they say shalbe sent unto Britany), dothe presse the ritchest farmers and,yeomen, and then taketh summes of mony of them to admitt them to put others to serve in their places. Of some he taketh 10 li., of some 15 li., etc. 2 I t is confirmed that the River of Thames on the 16 of the said moneth for two tydes was so dry that many passed over thesame dry shodde. 3 The plague in London rather encreaseth then deminisheth. 4 The Queen remaineth neere Oxford with the Treasurer and some fewe others. 5 The Lord Buckhurst and the Lord Keeper are bothe in London aboute the levying of mony by a generall tax or forced benevolence. 6 One Bisley, a yongman, that twice or thrice came over to thease partes and returned, is apprehended, and by the Lord Buckhurst comitted to the Clynck. 7 All the Catholique gentlemen recusants that were under bonds and suretesies are comitted to prison. s In Scotland the Catholique party remaineth strong and more resolute then was supposed; and some of the nobillity have masse publykely said in their countries, as I understand. 9 Our newes here, this begining of October, 1592.

The muteny of the maryners of this towne lO is even now appeased by giving them their pay. They have not thease three weekes suffred any bote to passe the river, by which meanes we have bene in a manner as prisoners.

Since the losse of the towne of Covorden, the Colo[nel]l1 Verdugo with the Spaniardes and our regiment [have] gotten very neere the enemy, and, as it were, betwe[en them] and home; so that it is utterly unlykely that they [can] depart the one from the other withoute blowes. Our D[uke] hathe sent thether a new supply of horse; and Ver[dugo] hathe written that he hopeth the enemy shall not escape him unbeaten. Yf God send us victory we shall therewith recover our late 10sses.12 75

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No. XI

The Duke of Parma is yet at the Spawe and well recovered of his later sicknesse. He is shortly expected at Bruxelles.13 Having written hetherto, woord is brought me that the shipp taken by the English before mentioned is brought into Dartmouth in England; and that the English that tooke it did set all the men that were in it at free liberty in certaine iles neere unto Spaine.14 3,000 soldiers shalbe presentely sent from England into Britany, and order is given for the levying of 3,000 more, very shortly to follow, of which number many shalbe taken foorth of the English garnisons in thease partes.IS Marginal note by Fr. Grene From England, 20 September, 1592.

Sent by Verstegan to Mr. Baines in Rome, dated 2 [October, 1592].

No. XI

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

77

NOTES 1

The Madre de Dios, a vast Portuguese carrack, was captured on its voyage home from the East Indies by the English fleet off the Azores in August, 1592, and brought into Dartmouth 7 September. The ship's tonnage was estimated at 1,600 tons, of which 900 tons consisted of precious merchandise to the value of about ÂŁ150,000 (see further R. Hakluyt, Voyages, Everyman ed., 1907, v, pp. 57ff.; Hatfield House MSS., iv; Cal. Dom. Eliz ., 1591-4.

2

Sir John Norris was appointed commander of the English army in Britanny in August, 1592, and was in England at the time levying troops for his command (vid. note 15) . A report of men purchasing their release cocurs in A .P. C., xxiii, p . 224.

3

Verstegan has, as usual, converted the date into New Style. Stow (Annales, 1631 ed.) writes of the phenomenon as follows: "Wednesday the sixt of September, the wind west and by south, as it had beene for the space of two dayse before, very boysterous, the river Thamis was made so voyd of water by forcing out the fresh and keeping back the sault, that men in divers places might goe 200 paces over, and then fling a stone to the land ; a collier on a mare rode from the north side to the south, and backe againe on either side of London Bridge, but not without danger of drowning both wayes." Cf. Candem's account, Annales, 1635, p. 414, in which the occurrance is dated 5 September.

4

Cf. Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, pp. 266-7; A.P.C., xxiii, pp. 183, 203.

The increase of the plague in London necessitated a number of precautions , among them the diverting of the passage of the levied troops through London, the swift release from prison of those convicted of debt and minor offences, and the postponement of Thames Fair. By 19 September the plague had spread to East Greenwich, and there was a likelihood of it spreading to Deptford and Lewisham.

6

The Queen went on progress in late summer 1592, and journeyed to Oxford, stopping at Woodstock on the way. She stayed at Oxford from about 23 September until 28 September; and among those who were with her was Lord Burghley, as stated in the above letter (J. Nichols, The Progresses of Queen Elizabeth, 1788, vol. 2).

8

According to a letter from the Privy Council, 1 September, 1592, Lord Buckhurst and Puckering, the Lord Keeper, by the Queen's "speciall appointment" were "resident neer London to meet with such disorders and inconveniences as may happelie fal out there . . . " (A .P. C., xxiii, p. 160).

7

Reinold Bisley was arrested about July, 1592. According to his deposition in the same month, he was a relation of Ingram Thwing (a great friend of Verstegan's) on whose recommendation Hugh Owen and William Holt had considered employing him. He stated that he had travelled between the Low Countries and England on three occasions, but denied that he had brought letters with him, except on his last journey, when he was entrusted with some by Thwing and Michael Moody (a government spy masquerading as a Catholic exile in the Low Countries). Phelippes, as appears from his notes on Bisley's examination, thought be might be used as a spy, and if, as seems extremely likely, he is the same person as Reinold Basely (Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, p. 208), he had already been employed as such by the English government. When, at Phelippes's request, he was eventually released in September, 1593, he was paid ÂŁ10 towards his charges whilst in prison, and was promised a very liberal reward from the Queen

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LETTER S OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. XI

"upon proof of service". Whether or not Bisley earned this reward and became a regular member of Phelippes's spy service is difficult to ascertain .

(See further Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, pp . 162, 164, 246, 297-8, 371, 373; C.R.S., V, p. 214).

8

According to the instruction of the Privy Council, 7 August, 1592, because of the "notable backwardnes and defeccion in religion of late time growen generallie", all those recusants who had been released on bonds from their prisons at Ely and Broughton were to be re-imprisoned either in those places or in Banbury (A.P . C., xxiii, pp. 106-9) .

9

In 1593 the Scottish Kirk declared that the land was "defiled in divers places with the develish and blasphemous Mass", and complained of "the King's slowness in repressing Papistry and planting of true religion" (P. Tytler, History of Scotland, 1843, ix, pp. 128-9) . See further concerning the Scottish nobility Cal. Scot., 1589-93, pp. 713-6 etc.

10

For other MS. references to this mutiny vid. L. Van der Essen, Alexandre Farnese, v . p . 359, note 14. There were frequent mutinies amongst Farnese's forces, principally on account of lack of pay.

11

This and the following bracketed words have been wholly or partly obliterated by the crumbling of the edge of the paper.

12

The town of Koevordon in Northern Holland was taken by the Dutch under Maurice of Nassau early in September, 1592. A detailed account of the seige and capture of the town, which represented a very important victory for the Dutch States, is given in C. Coloma, Las Guerras de los Estados Baxos, 1624, pp . 183ff.; P. Bor, N ederlantsche Oorloghen , iv, year 1592, ff. 25ff. Francisco Verdugo, who was in charge of the campaign in Friesland, was one of the best of Farnese's generals, but was severely hampered by a lack of men and money. Concerning his campaigns vid.

Commentario del Francisco Verdugo, 1899, pp . 134ff. Little fighting took place in the remaining part of the year, and both sides soon went into winter quarters.

13

Farnese had returned from his French expedition "plus mort que vif", as he himself put it. He was suffering from dropsy, gout and general fatigue, and went to Spa (July, 1592) to take the waters and recuperate. At the beginning of October, feeling better, he returned to Brussels (L. Van der Essen, op. cit., v, p. 376) .

14

The captain and other survivors from the carrack were set free by Sir John Burgh, commander of the Roebuck, who sent them back to Portugal with sufficient provisions for their voyage, "intending not to ad de too much affliction to the afflicted" (Hakluyt, Voyages, v . p. 65). Cf. Hatfield House MSS ., iv, p . 223.

16

Cf. Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, p. 283. The reports of the number of troops to be sent to France vary not only in Verstegan's letters (d. Letters nos. 12 and 15) but also in S.P. Domestic and in A .P. C. At first, the main aim was to make up the number of troops in Britanny to 4,000, but Elizabeth later decided to increase this number, though she was, unwilling to pay for the maintenance of the additional men (A .P. C., xxiii, p. 267). Despite the numerous levies, however, Norris had fewer than 2,000 effective troops at his disposal in 1592. The French campaign was so unpopular that a number of the men who were levied deserted or purchased their release before embarkation (Cal. Dom. Eliz. , 1591-4, pp. 280-1; A.P.C., xxiii, p. 224; J. B. Black, Elizabeth and Henry VI, p.59).

XII.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS Antwerp, 15 October, 1592.

Stonyhurst Coll. B, 59. Holograph. There is a copy of the first letter in Verstegan's despatch to Baynes, 18 October 1592, Stonyhurst, A nglia I, no. 69, f. 121 (see next letter).

The contents of a lettre from a [Jesuit ?]! in England of the 14 of September.

Fr. Southwell by alllykelyhoodes hathe bene very much tortured to confesse, but hathe said nothing. Aboute the 1 of September2 he was removed to the Tower, when, as it was observed by some that sawe him, that with close keeping and hard usage, wanting linen to shift himself, he was much troobled with lice. But since his beeing in the Tower, his father hathe obtayned leave of the Counsaile to send him some necessary apparell ;3 whereby he fyndeth himself in farr better state then before he was, beeing in the custody of a mercilese monster, one Topdif; who of late at the execution of a priest, using a long speech was by the priest interupted. ' 'Peace," quod the hangman, "and heare our maister"; whereat some marvailed who this hangman's master was, till they learned that it was Topclif.

Uppon a reporte that a fleete of Spanish shippes were seene aboute the lIes of Jarsey and Garnsey, all the principall gentlemen that had liberty uppon certaine dayes' warning Were called to prison.

Those that were at Banbury are sent to Ely, and those that were at Ely to Banbury.4 We have had many musters of late, and many men are prest to be in a redyness to be sent into Fraunce.

My Lord Mountacute is very sick and not lyke to lyve. 5 My Lord Treasurer still rules the rost, and hathe followed the Queen in this progresse. 6 There were two Semynarie priestes taken of late at Newcastell, and I thinck newly come over; and they were there executed. 7 Some supposed Papistes uppon this late persequution have published a pamphlet that it is lawfull for Catholiques to go to the churches of Protestantes. 8 [Marginal note: I expect this pamphlet shortly.]

The contentes of another letter from another party.

Sir John Norrice is departed towardes Britany, and with him went Sir Roger Williams, who is suddenly returned back againe. 9 There went with N orrice 4 or 5 thowsand men, and 2 thowsand more of English are to passe thether also from Holland and Zealand.! 0 79

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LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. XII

The great ship lately taken by the English coming from the East Indies is brought unto Dartmouth.l1 Sir Walter Rawleghe is sett at liberty and sent downe to survey the said prize.12 The plague is still in London, and dispersed in sundry places of England. 13 20 of those that followed the Queen in this progresse have died of the plague. The most of them were her owne servantes, and among others one was a gentleman that was Cup-bearer unto the Lord Treasurer.

Sir John Norris, having of late a comission to take up soldiers, did usually presse the ritchest farmers and yeomen of the county, and took of some 10, and of some 15 pound, and els as he thought good to admitt them to put others in their places.l4 146 [King of Spain] his dealinges with Britany is much mislyked and feared in 25 [England] ; and 167 is noted to be very melancholy, and nothing frolikke. 15 This is the effect of the later letter dated aboute the end of September.

Antwerp, 15 of October, 1592.

R.V. Endorsed by Fr. Persons Verstenghan's advises, 15 Octobri, 1592.

No.m

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

81

NOTES 1

MS. "frend" deleted, and then a space left.

2

This date appears to be a month out, since the order for Southwell's transfer from the Gatehouse to the Tower is dated 28 July, 1592, O.S. ( A .P. C., xxiii, p . 71) . See also C.R.S., IV, p. 224; Devlin, op. cit., p . 357.

3

Cf. Letters nos. 9, 10 and 22; Yepez, Historia Particular de la Persecucion de Inglaterra, 1599, p . 643.

4

Vid . Letter no. 11, note 8. The rumour that a Spanish fleet had been sighted off the Channel Isles appears in A .P. C., xxiii, p . 160.

5

Anthony Browne, 1st Viscount Montague (1526-1592) died about 25 October, although, as Verstegan later reports (Letter no. 15), he made a brief recovery from his illness. He had been Master of the Queen's horse and Standard Bearer of England in the reign of Queen Mary. Camden (Annales, 1635 ed., p. 415) writes that "Queene Elizabeth, having had experience of his fidelity, held him most deare (though an earnest Romane Catholicke) and a little before his death visited him" .

6

Vid. Letter no. 11, note 5.

7

The two seminary priests, Joseph Lampton and Edward Waterson were apprehended soon after their arrival in Northumberland from overseas around Midsummer, 1592. They were taken to Newcastle, where they were tried and sentenced to death. Lampton was martyred on Monday, 31 July, 1592 (O.S.), but Waterson's execution was delayed until "the Munday next after the Epiphanie the year followinge [8 January, 1593, O.S .] . .. for he, beinge perceived to be [a] more simple man, was reprived for a tyme in hope to overcome his constancie". An account of the martyrdoms of these two priests is contained in a report by Richard Holtby, Stonyhurst, Anglia I, no. 74 (copy Coll. M., 151ff. ; printed Morris, Troubles, iii, p. 221ff.) from which the above information is taken. See also Harleian MSS. 6995, no. 76, f. 89. Pollen, following a number of other martyrologists, has misdated each of their martyrdoms by a year.

S

According to a later despatch of Verstegan's (Letter no. 27), a pamphlet of this nature was written by Thomas Bell alias Burton, who turned apostate and informer in late August, 1592 (A .P. C., xxiii, pp. 164, 166, etc.).

No printed copy of such a work is to be found in S. T . C. or in Transcript Registers oj the Company oj Stationers, and it is possible that the work circulated only in manuscript. The first of Bell's printed works appears to have been Thomas Bel's Motives concerning Romish Faith and Religion, which was not published until November, 1593, and goes much further than the above-mentioned pamphlet, since it is a forthright attack on the Catholic Church and its dogma.

See further concerning Bell Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, pp. 283, 288, etc. ; D.N .B., Supplement I, p . 166; L. Hicks, Letters and Memorials oj Fr. Persons (C.R.S ., xxxix), p. 233, note 17; C.R.S., LI, pp. 205-6.

9

This is incorrect, for although Norris made plans for embarkation, he was unable to sail until early November. See further Letter no. 11, note 15, Letter no. 15, note 6. Sir Roger Williams, commander of the English troops in Normandy, was appointed Marshal of the Field under Norris in October, 1592 (A .P. C., xxiii, p. 268).

10

Vid. Letter no. 11, note 15, Letter no. 15, note 6.

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LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. XII

11

Letter no. 11, note 1.

12

Raleigh had been imprisoned in the Tower in May, 1592 for secretly marrying Elizabeth Throckmorton, one of the Queen's ladies-in-waiting (vid . M. Waldman, Sir Walter Raleigh, 1943, pp. 72ff., H. R. Williamson, Sir Walter Raleigh, 1951, pp. 61 ff). He was sent from the Tower under escort in September to join the commission which had been appointed to survey the treasures contained in the carrack (Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, pp. 271, 273).

13

Cf. Letter no. 11, note 4.

14

Cf. Letter no. 11, note 2.

15

167 possibly stands for Elizabeth.

XIII.

VERSTEGAN TO BA YNES. Antwerp, 18 October, 1592.

Stonyhurst, Anglia I, no. 69, f. 121. Holograph. There are two brief extracts by Fr. Grene: one in Italian concerning Fr. Southwell, Arch. S.J. Rome, Anglia 38 ii, 202v. ; and the other in English concerning the priests taken at Newcastle, Coil. M, 127h. The text is practically the same as that contained in the preceding despatch, which was sent to Fr. Persons three days before. 1

The contentes of a [Jesuit ?J2 his letter dated in 137 [England] the 14 of September, 1592.

Fr. Robert Southwell by all lykelyhoode hathe bene very much tortured to confesse, but hathe said nothing. Aboute the 1 of September he. was removed to the Tower, when, as it was observed by some that sawe him, that with close keeping and hard usage, \\'anting lynnen to shifte himself, he was much troobled with lyce.

But since his beeing in the Tower, his father hathe obtayned leave of the Counsaile to send him some necessary apparell, whereby he fyndeth himself in farr better state then before he was, being in the custody of a mercilesse monster, one Topclif; who of late at the execution of a priest, using a long speech was by the priest interupted.

"Peace," quod the hangman, "and heare our maister speake" ; whereat some marveiled who this hangman's maister was, till they had learned that it was Topclyf.

Uppon a reporte that a fleete of Spanish shippes were c;eene aboute the lIes of Jarsey and Garnsey, all the principall gentlemen that had liberty upon certaine dayes' warning \\'ere called into prison. Those that were at Banbury are sent to Ely, and those that were at Ely are sent to Banbury.

We have had many musters of la.te, and many men are prest to be in a redynesse to be sent to Fraunce. My Lord Mountacute is very sicke and not lyke to lyve.

The Treasurer rules the roste, and hathe followed the Queen in this progresse.

There were t\\'o semynary priestes taken of late at Newcastell and there executed. I thinck they were of those that last came over. 3 Some supposed Papistes uppon this late persecution have published a pamphlet that it is lawfull for Catholiques to go unto the Protestant churches. [Marginal note: [T]his4 pamphlet [IJ expect shortly.]

Endorsed by Fr. Grene

+ This

sent by Verstegan from Antwerp to Mr. Baines, 18 October, [1592J.

83

84

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No.

xm

NOTES 1

For annotations of the identical passages vid. previous letter.

2

Blank in MS.

3

Grene had written in the margin of his English extract from this letter (Coll. M, 127h.): "Hi erant Lamptonus et Watersonus de quibus vid.

Ambo statim eondemnati, sed un us tum morte affeetus" (d. fot. ISle. Letter no. 12, note 7).

4

The letters in brackets have been obliterated.

XIV.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES. Antwerp, c. late October, 1592.

Arch. S.J. Rome, Anglia 38ii, 202v . mentions the letter in Coll. M, 127h .

Brief reference by Fr. Grene who also

. . . ex literis datis ex Anglia 26 September, 1592 ait : Il padre gesuita (P . Sotoello) che stava nel Gatehouse e condotto ala Torre. l Translation . . . . out of letters from England dated 26 September, 1692 he says: The Jesuit priest (Fr. Southwell) who was in the Gatehouse has been sent to the Tower. l

NOTE 1

The same information had been given in a letter sent from England twelve days earlier (vid. Letter no. 12).

85

xv.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS. Antwerp, 29 October, 1592.

Stonyhurst, Coil. B, 61.

Holograph.

Right Reverend Good Father, in my last unto you, beeing of the 15 of this presente, I acknowledged the re('eit of yours of the 9 of September.

The Latin booke goeth forward with somuch spede as I can bring the printer to make. The fourthe leaf is at this presente in hand, and the whole, as he gesseth, wilbe aboute 16leaves.1 When he began this he had some other woorck in doing which will shortly be ended, and then shall our woorck go forward with more expedition.

The rdation in English of His Majestie's beeing at Validolid will shortly be printed, and had bene don 2 eer this had I not stayed a litle for an other printer's leasure. 3 I sent unto Your Fatherhoode long since an hereticall pamphlet entituled A Triall of Truthe, because I supposed Your Fatherhoode had a woorck in hand of lyke tytle, wherein I could wish that the untrue triall of this vaine pamphlet were confuted, because the foolish thing carieth some cIedit among Protestants. 4 By letters of the 15 of October from E[nglandJ5 I understand that such men as were embarcked to passe into Britany and said to be departed were not yet gon;6 and in lyke sorte, the 2,000 English from Holland and Zealand are kept back by contrary wynde, and ly still embarcked neere unto Flushing. 7 Sir Robert Sidney, the Governor of Flushing, hathe of late bene distracted of his wittes, and hathe burnt almost all his bookes, and still cryed oute that he was damned. Some ministers have bene busy with him to put him oute of this humour, and some reporte that he is somwhat more quiet; howbeit, he still retayneth some degree of frensie. 8 Sir John Norris is sent with expedition into Britany, but hathe left his forces behynde. It is thoughte that they of England were afrayd to send them over, having had entelligence that their were in that province 11,000 Spaniardes. 9 Generall musters are made throughoute England. The plague encreaseth still, bothe in London and other places. 1o The Lord Mountacute is recovered of his daungerous sicknes. l l The Queen cometh to lye at JIampton Courte for this winter.12 The fury of the inquisition is aswaged, and men do passe reasonable well up and downe the country withoute beeing examyned at their innes or otherwise.13 86

No. XV

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

87

Sundry English Catholiques are gon over into Ireland, where for the tyme they are at more quiet then yf they were in England; and by reason that the country hathe now some yeares together bene withoute WaITes, ther is very great aboundance of victualls, and come so plentifull that this yeare great quantitie hathe bene transported to other countries.

The Queen hathe bene very depely lurched in this late East Indian prize, and therefore, by a new proclamation, hathe made it felony for any man to have any of the goodes that were of it, yf he do not reveale them to her officers.14 Ardington, one of William Racket his prophetes, hathe set foorthe, some monethes since, his submission to the Queen and recantation of his opinion, wherein a man shall see strang stuf. I expect the book shortly, for, having hard of some pointes thereof, I have sent for it.15 When RaGket was executed, Copinger,16 one of his prophetes, died raging in prison. This [man]1? (as is said) was in daunger of death and reported to be dead, but he yet liveth. .

From thease partes I can send Your Fatherhoode litle newes.

Here is an uncertane reporte that the new Duke of Muscovia hathe sent his obedience to the Pope, but my owne letters from Roome speak not of it. IS The Duke of Parma is in Bruxells, and in health, entending to go into France. 19 The Counte de Fointes is very shortly expected at this courte. 20 Fr. Holte, Sir William, and all frendes are well at Bruxells ;21 185 is yet in 22 [Italy], or on his returne; Mr. Raselwode is departed this world at Liege. 22 Our Lord have mercy of his soule.

181 [Vestegan] dothe thinck it best to stay for a fewe weekes to send any 239 [letter] to any 139 [priest] in 25 [England], because Mr. 9 m 12: [Poly?] dothe here by 227 [spying?] meanes very much seek to understand which way and how 181 [Verstegan] dealeth, insomuch that some of the parties he hathe enquyred of have told it to 181 [Verstegan], which maketh him the more wary,23 There is no one of all our nation now 179 [Morgan ?] is gon that dothe kepe such a do. 24 I pray God he may do himself good and othermen no hurte.

I am in some doubte that Fr. Walpole and Fr. Archer are still attending the wynde for their passage. 25 Your brother and my self have bene at Bruxells aboute our sute, but nothing is don in it as yet. Fr. Holte hathe promised to solicite Secretary Cosmo. 26 Meane whyle your brother is returned to Doway because his wyf was neer lying downe, and I thinck afterward will returne hether againe. More for the present I have not, but with most harty thanckes I humbly take my leave. Antwerp, this 29 of October, 1592.

Your Fatherhoode's ever assuredly to comaund, R. Verstegan.

88

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. XV

Your F atherhoode may please to do my very harty comendations to good Fr. Creswel1. 27 Since the writing of this letter I understand that Sir Robert Sidney is put oute of his frantike humour. 28 Since the tyme that His Majestie's letter were 29 delivered to the Duke and Counte we have had no answere; only we lyve in hope. \Ve are now entring into the fourteenth moneth since we had any pay, except one succours long since. 3o Some 0f the books Your Fatherhoode wrote for I will send by the first good comoditie that I can fynde; and the others that yet I have not gotten into my handes, so soone after as I can. 31 Addressed

Al muy Reverendo in Christo Padre il Padre Roberto Parsonio deja Compagnie de Jesus, Validolid.

E nd01'sed by Fr. P ersons Advises from Vestenghan of 29 October,

1592.

Mark of seal.

No. XV

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

89

NOTES 1

This book is the Responsio, which Persons wrote in reply to the proclamation of Oct.-Nov., 1591, under the pseudonym Andreas Philopater. Persons had arranged for one edition of this work to be printed at Antwerp at the expense of the Spanish government (vid. A. J. Loomie's thesis, SPain and the English Catholic Exiles, 1580-1604, Appendix 8/1. Two Latin editions were published in 1592, and appeared with the following title: Elizabethae Angliae Reginae Haeresim Calvinianam Propugnatis Saevissimum in Catholicos Sui Regni Edictum . . . Cum Responsione ... " One of these editions was printed by Jean Didier at Lyons, and bore the date 25 October, 1592; the Antwerp edition had a false imprint and the collophon (sig. S7) : "A ugustae, apud joannem Fabrum, Anno Domini MDXCII, Mense Octobri". No such printer as Joannes Faber of Augusta (Augsburg) appears to have existed (there is no reference to him in J. Benzing's Buckdruckerlexikon des 16 jahrhunderts, 1952); and it is also to be borne in mind that Augsburg was never a printing centre for the English Catholics, though, like Cologne, it was often used as a "blind" . On the other hand, the edition shows many marks of Antwerp printing both in its type and ornaments; but from whose press it came is difficult to say. The text of the work runs to 16 sheets (in gatherings of eight) as the printer had estimated, and there are two additional sheets containing the index, which was probably compiled by Verstegan. From the above letter it appears that the Antwerp edition could not have been published until late ovember or early December, about three months after the abridged English version, An Advertisement, appeared which was also printed at Antwerp.

Two further Latin editions of the Responsio were published the following year, one of them at Rome under the supervision of Roger Baynes (A. J .

Loomie, op . cit., appendix 8/2) . There were also many subsequent editions in other languages.

2

MS . "dom".

3

Another of Persons's works, an octavo pamphlet published anonymously.

The full title is as follows : A Relation of the King of SPaine's Receiving in Valliodolid and in the Inglish College of the Same Towne in August Last Past of this yere, 1592. Wry ten by an Inglish Priest of the Same College. No printer's name is given, but the work came from the press of Arnout Conincx, who printed a large number of Persons's books and at least five of Verstegan's (vid . A . F . Allison and D. M. Rogers, Catalogue of Catholic Books, no. 636) .

4

The book in question is a translation by R. Smith of a Latin work, De Constituendo j udice Controversium Religionis Pontificae atque Reformatae.

It was published in London with the title: The Trial of Trueth; or a Treatise wherein is Declared who should be judge (4° . J . Windet for R. Dexter, 1591). Persons does not appear to have published a work with such a title, despite Verstegan's statement in the above letter.

5

MS . "E."

6

According to Norris's letters of 19 and 20 October, his embarkation from Southampton with the new levies for Brittany was being delayed because of contrary winds. There was also insufficient shipping in which to transport the men. On the 27th of the same month, he wrote that he was still awaiting favourable winds, and that because of the delay his supplies of money and provisions had been exhausted. Norris eventually sailed in early November. (Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, pp. 280-1; A.P.C., xxiii, p. 298).

90

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. XV

7

The troops to be sent from the Low Countries were delayed in Flushing not only on account of unfavourable winds, but also because of the rumour that the League had gathered a fleet at Dunkirk in readiness to intercept them. In November, the Privy Council sent a letter of rebuke to Sir Robert Sidney, Governor of Flushing, for his tardiness in despatching the troops. But in early December, the reinforcements were still in the Low Countries (Cal. Dom. Eliz ., 1591-4, pp. 280, 293; A.P.C., xxiii, p . 297).

8

Sir Robert Sidney, later Viscount Lisle and Earl of Leicester (1563-1626), was the younger brother of Sir Philip Sidney. He was appointed Governor of Flushing in July, 1588. There are references to his sickness in letters written to him by Thomas Bodley, who was ambassador to the Dutch States, from which it appears that by 16 September, 1592, Sidney had temporarily recovered from an illness, and that in November it had overtaken him again (De L'Isle and Dudley MSS ., ii, pp. 127-8).

9

Cf. Norris's letter dated 8 November, 1592 (S.P. France, xxix, f. 296, extract printed in G. B. Harrison, Elizabethan Journals, i, p . 180).

10

The plague increased throughout October, particularly in London, where 198 were reported to have died in one week. A great number of measures had to be taken, including the removing of the Term from London to Hertford, and the banning of public gatherings (A. P. C., xxiii, pp. 220-1 ; 232; Proclamations, fl . 312-3; Fugger News-Letters, 2nd series, p. 243).

11

12

Vid. letter no. 12, note, 5.

Vid . A .P. C., xxiii, p. 205.

13

The rigorous examination of strangers had been imposed by the proclamation of Oct.-Nov. , 1591. The lull in the "inquisition" proved to be only temporary.

14

The proclamation was issued by the Queen during her stay at Oxford , 23 September, 1592 (Proclamations, f. 311).

15

The work referred to is The S eduction of Arthington by Hacket especiallie, with some Tokens of his Repentence and Submission. 4°. R. B[arker] for Thomas Man, 1592. The pamphlet also contains a "Lamentation" written by Arthington while in prison. Concerning Hacket vid. Letter no. 1, note 12.

16

Edmund Coppinger died in prison from voluntary starvation eight days after Hacket's execution (D .N .B., vol. 12, p. 193, which however gives the year incorrectly as 1592 instead of 1591).

17

Supplied ed. Verstegan is referring to Henry Arthington.

18

Theodore I (1557-98) was the reigning Tsar of Russia having succeeded to the throne in 1584; but being of weak intellect, the kingdom was governed by Boris Godounov, his brother-in-law. It is hard to say what Verstegan meant by the "new Duke" of Moscovia, since Theodore had already reigned eight years, and remained nominally Tsar until his death in 1598. He may possibly be alluding to Boris Godounov.

19

Vid. Letter no. 11, note 13. Farnese left Brussels for France with his army 11 November, 1592, but got no further than Arras before he died (L. Van der Essen, Alexandra Farnese, v, pp. 381-3).

20

The Count de Fuentes, envoy of Phillip II arrived in Brussels with instructions for Farnese 23 November, 1592. By this time Farnese was at Arras, and died before Fuentes could reach him.

No. XV

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

91

21

i .e. the Jesuit Fr. William Holt, who administered the Spanish funds for the exiles at this time, and Sir William Stanley.

22

Henry Haselwood, who had been described as "nobilis adolescens" in 1580 in the Douay Diaries . See further 1st and 2nd Douay Diaries, pp.

155, 160, 169; Estate of English Fugitives, 1595, sig. F. Iv; Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, p. 296; Jessopp, Letters of Henry Walpole, pp. 27-8.

23

Although the deciphering of some of the numbers is uncertain, the sense is clear: Verstegan considered it unwise to send any despatches to England for the time being because he had learnt that some agent of the English government, possibly Robert Poley, was trying to find out how the letters were being conveyed.

:2,

Thomas Morgan had been arrested in February, 1590, shortly after his arrival in the Low Countries, on various charges, including that of having betrayed and caused the death of Mary Stuart; and after his arrest, some compromising correspondence was found in his house. He was banished

by Farnese at Allen's request in June, 1592 (Lechat, Les Refugies Anglais dans les Pays-Bas Espagnols, pp. 162-3; Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1597-4, p. 244).

25

The Jesuits Fr. Henry Walpole and Fr. James Archer were delayed at Calais for three months, waiting for a "convenient passage" to Spain.

They eventually sailed in December, 1592, and landed at Seville where they joined Fr. Persons at the English seminary there (C.R .S., V, pp.234, 247) .

26

Fr. Persons's brother, George, was entitled to the same pension as Verstegan, thirty crowns per month. Neither of them had received any pay for a considerable time, and at last decided to go to the Court at Brussels to intercede for payment. They also asked Fr. Holt to petition Farnese's secretary Cosmo Masi on their behalf. Their efforts were of no avail, however; they were not to obtain payment by these means.

A pamphlet ridiculing the condition of the English exiles at this time states that their "necessitie was greate, and they followed the Duke from towne to towne, importunately requiring paiment ; but especiallye, they never lefte Cosmo, the Duke's Secretorie, in quiet . . . " (Estate of the English Fugitives, 1595, sig. F.lr.). See further concerning George Persons, 1st and 2nd Douay Diaries; L. Hicks, Letters and Memorials of Robert Persons, C. R .S., XXXIX.

27

Fr. Joseph Creswell, who had been Rector of the English College, Rome since 1589, was sent to Spain in 1592, where he acted as Persons's assistant.

28

V id. note 8.

29

sic.

30

The letter to which Verstegan refers was sent by Philip II, probably at the intercession of Persons, to the Duke of Parma 15 August, 1592, concerning the payment of the pensions of Verstegan and George Persons.

This letter had no effect, but a second one despatched in March 1594, produced the desired result ( Archivo N acional, Madrid, Sec. Estado, lib.

215, 253). Transcripts of these documents, kindly made available for me

by Fr. A . J. Loomie, S.J., are contained in my thesis, Appendix III, pp. lxiv-lxv, as also the certificate of payment (Archives du Royaume, Brussels, Registre des Patentes, etc., 28fevrier, 1594-20 jivrier, 1595, f.171v., thesis p. lxvi).

81

Verstegan sent a large consigment of books to Persons in 1593 (Letter no. 43).

XVIA.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES. Antwerp, 30 October, 1592.

Stonyhurst, Coll. M, 127h.

Fr. Grene's English summary.

The plague still encreaseth in London ... About two daies past, here came a Catholic from England who confirmeth the report we had of the execution of 3 priests in the north. They were taken at their landing, and one of them called Mr. Thules escaped, but was within two daies taken againe and executed with the others, whose names I have not as yet ...1

NOTE 1

Grene adds in parenthesis: "Nota hunc scriptorem hie et in aliis novis ex Anglia sepissime errare, atque ideo fidem non posse illi adhiberi". But this view of the inaccuracy of Verstegan's letters is exaggerated. On the whole he had access to reliable information, which is usually easily verifiable.

When errors do occur, they are normally rectified in a later letter, e.g. cf. Letters nos. 3 and 4. On this occasion, however, his source of information proved to be extremely inaccurate. As has already been stated (Letter no. 12, note 7), two of the three priests mentioned, Lampton and Waterson were condemned to death, but only Lampton was immediately executed; Waterson's martyrdom was delayed until the following year. The third priest, John Thules, did not suffer martyrdom until 1616. He had been ordained at Rome in March, 1590, and was sent on the English Mission about April, 1592. (See further C.R .S., XXXVII, p. 70; Challoner, Memoirs; 1st and 2nd Douay Diaries; Pollen, Acts of English Martyrs).

92

XVIB.

Fr. Grene's Italian extract.!

Arch. S .J. Rome, Angtia 3Sii, 202.

Un catolico arriva qua d'a Inghilterra due giorni sono, il quale conferma quella nova che habbiamo hauto di tre sacerdoti fatti morire nelle parti aquilonari. Furono presi all primo arrivare nel regno. Un di loro, il signore Thules, scappa, rna fu ripreso dopo due giorni, e guistitiato insieme con Ii altri ... 1

NOTE 2

Since the Italian extract is taken from the same part of the original letter as the English extract, it has been considered unnecessary to provide a. translation.

93

XVII.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES. Antwerp, 12 December, 1592.

Arch. S.] . Rome, Anglia 38ii, 202.

Italian extract by Fr. Grene.

Uno venuto da Inghilterra hogidi otto, raconta che un catolico, trovando a caso un sacerdote suo amico, l'invit6 a pranzo, e in tempo di pranzo furono presi, insieme con una terza persona. II sacerdote e quello che l'invito furono fatti morire, e anco quella terza persona, benche non sapesse che quel sacerdote fusse tale. 1

Translation.

One who arrived from England eight days ago relates that a Catholic, meeting by chance a priest who was a friend of his, invited him to lunch; and while they were eating they were taken, together with a third person. The priest and the man who invited him were executed, and also the third person, although he did not know the priest to be such. 1

NOTE 1

I am unable to identify the people referred to in this letter.

94

XVIII.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES. Antwerp, 19 December, 1592.

Archives S.}. Rome, Anglia 38ii, 202.

Brief summary in Italian b y F r. Grene.

II persecutore Young fece fare alli 27 di novembre un foco grande nella strada avanti la cas a sua, e fece abbrugiare un gran numero de miss ali e breviari, imagini . .. II suo compagno, Toplifo, sta perseguitando Ii catolici nelle provincie, e ambidue si sforsano di farsi credito con ogni magiore crudelta .

Translation.

On 27 November, the persecutor Young, had a large fire made in the street' in front of his house, and caused a great number of missals, breviaries and images to be burnt . .. His colleague, Topcliffe, persecutes the Catholics in the provinces; and both of them try to gain credit by means of all the worse forms of cruelty.

J

95

X1XA.

VERSTEGAN TO BA YNES. Antwerp, 26 December, 1592.

Stonyhurst, Call. M, 128a.

Extract by Fr. Grene.

This day one Mr. Middelton, an English gentleman who hath 40 crowns montly of the King if it Were payd, was aneyled. He protested that he thought if he had meanes to give his body sustenance he should yet recover; and that if he dyed, it was through very want. Dyverse daies together he has drunk only water.1 Sir Thomas Markenfild was found dead, lying on the bare flowre of his chamber, noe creature being present at his death. 2 It is a pittyful state wherin our nation noW is . . .

X1XB.

Fr. Grene's Italian extract.

Arch. S.]. Rome, 38ii, 199v. This extract is taken from the same section of the despatch as that of the English extract. Paraphrase by Bartoli in Inghilterra, p. 351.

Hogidi un certo signore Middleton, un gentilhuomo inglese, il quale sono dovuto deputati 40 scudi il mese dal re di Spagna, se Ii potesse havere, ha ricevuto Ii ultimi sacramenti. Protesto di credere che si potrebbe rihavere, se havesse a mangiare; e se morisse aliora, sarebbe per mesa necessita e mancanza. Molti giorni continui non ha bevuto altro che acqua. 1 II cavaliere Tomaso Markenfieid e stato trovato morto nella stanze sua, in terra, senza havere hauto, nissuno presente a Ia morte. 2 10 vi assicuro che 10 stato e compassionevolo dove adesso si trova la nostra natione ...

NOTES 1

2

Middleton, who resided at Antwerp, is referred to as an intelligencer for Hugh Owen (C.R.S ., V, p. 262). He appears to have had a brother who was captain of a ship in the English Navy (Cal. Dam. Eliz ., 1591-4, pp.

532, 544, and Philip Middleton, probably a son of his, is mentioned in 1st and 2nd Douay Diaries, p . 281.

Vid. Letter no. 10, note 8.

96

XX.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS. Antwerp, c. end of 1592 ?

Stonyhurst, Anglia I, no. 68, f. 119. Holograph. Copy by Fr. Grene.

Coll. M, 10Sa. Printed in C. R .S., V, pp. 210-11. Since the original manuscript is badly damaged, the obliterated words have been supplied from Fr. Grene's copy.

A copy of certaine notes written by Mr. Portmort, Priest and Martir, of certaine speeches used by Topc1i[ff] unto him whyle he was prisoner in the house and custody of the said Topclif.l The which notes were since delivered to Wade, one of the Clarckes of the Counsel; and by him shewed to the Co[uncil] in November last, 1592.2 1. [That] Topclif said that all the Stanleyes in England are to [be] suspected to be traitors.

2. Item Topclif offred (this priest) his liberty yf he would sa[y] that he was a bastard of the Archbishope's of Canterbury, [and] that the Archbishop had maintayned him beyonde the seas. 3 Marginal note: Whyte gift of Canterbury was godfather unto the said Mr. Pormort.

Item, Topcliff told (unto the said priest) that he was so [great and] familiar with Her Majestie that he many tymes putteth [his hands] betweene her brestes and pappes, and in her neck.

That he hathe not only seene her legges and knees, [but feeleth them] with his handes above her knees.

That he hathe felt her belly, and said unto Her Majestie that she head] the softest belly of any woman kynde.

That she said unto him, "be not thease the armes, legges and bo[dy] of King Henry?" to which he answered, "yea".

That she gave him for a favour a whyte linnen hose wroughte with whyte silke, etc.

That he is so familliar with her that, when he pleaseth to sp[eake] with her, he may tak her away from any company; and that she [is] as pleasant with everyone that she dothe love.

That he did not care for the Counsell, for that he had his aucthor[itie] from Her Majestie.

That the Archbishop of Canterbury was a fitter counsell[er in a] kitchin amonge wenches, then in a Prince's courte.

97

98

LETTE RS OF RIC HAR D VERSTEGAN

No. XX

And to Justice Yonge the said Topdif said that he would hang th[e] Archbishop and 500 more yf they were in his handes.

Addressed Endorsed

Al Padre Personio. . Topdiffe's speeches, 1592.

NOTES 1

The seminary priest Thomas Portmort alias Whitgift came to England towards the end of 1590. He was arrested in September of the following year and imprisoned in Topcliffe's house, where he was examined and tortured. His martyrdom took place in St. Paul's Churchyard in February, 1592 (C .R .S., V, pp. 200, 202, 292).

In his observations on Portmort's notes (id., p. 209), Pollen states that their object "was not to give currency to scandal against Elizabeth, but to show what a rascal Topcliffe was . The charges were given, we see, to members of the court, and did not come into the hands of Catholics till much later; nor did they ever publish them against the Queen". He adds that "Portmort did not allege Topcliffe's words were true. The charge was that he did utter them".

According to James Younger's account of Portmort's sufferings (Stonyhurst, Anglia, vi, 117, extract printed in Pollen, Acts of English Martyrs, pp . 118 ff . ; C.R.S ., V, p. 209), he made his accusations openly at the bar, stating that Topcliffe "had said unto him that he had used very secret dealing with the Queen, and had seen her bare above the knee. This Topcliffe to Mr. Portmort when he thought to have persuaded him to recant, in hope to come to preferment by Topcliffe's means, being as, it might seem by that action, in favour with Her Majesty." At his execution, the martyr "was enforced to stand in his shirt almost two hours upon the ladder in Lent time, upon a very cold day, when Topcliffe still urged him to deny the words; but he would not" .

2

1592 has been altered by a later hand to 1593, which is the date given in Fr. Grene's copy also. The most likely date, however, would appear to be late 1591, at the time of Portmort's imprisonment and examination.

<I

Portmort was using the name Whitgift as an alias at the time (Hatfield House MSS ., iv, p. 258 ; Jessopp, Letters of Fr. Henry Walpole, p. 25).

XXI.

VERSTEGAN TO CARDINAL ALLEN. Antwerp, 2 January, 1593.

Arch. S.J . Rome 38ii, 205.

Brief Latin extract by Fr. Grene.

Richard Verstegan, 2 january 1593 ad Cardinal Allen, Antuerpia.

Haud ita pridem regina cuidam ex pedisseguis dixit se vere credere Deum ei non negaturum quod peteret, quia raro illi precibus suis erat molesta.

Translation.

Richard Verstegan from Antwerp, 2 january, 1593 to Cardinal Allen.

Not long since, the Queen said to one of her courtiers that she truly believed 'that God would not deny her what she asked for because she so rarely troubled Him with her prayers.

XXIIA.

VERSTEGAN TO BA YNES. Antwerp, 2 January, 1593.

Arch. S. J. Rome 38ii, 202. Brief Italian extract by Fr. Grene. This despatch, which is included by Fr. Grene amongst the summaries and extracts of Verstegan's letters to Baynes, was probably enclosed with the preceding letter addressed to the Cardinal.

Ex literis datis in Anglia 18 decembri, stylo novo, 1592, haec refert: Topclifo 0 emorto, 0 senza speranza di vita nelle parti boreali, dove era andato a perseguitare i catoIici. 1 Padre Sotoello sta sempre in prigione della torre, e Ii hanna permesso di havere Ie opere 2 di San Bernardo e alcuni altri libri. 3 Translation.

From letters dated in England 18 December 1592, new style, he relates this: Topcliffe is either dead or dying in the north, where he had gone to persecute the Catholics. 1 Fr. Southwell is still imprisoned in the Tower, and has been given permission to have the works of St. Bernard and some other books. 3 NOTES 1

If Topcliffe was as ill as this letter states, he made a very rapid recovery

by early 1593, when he was energetic as ever in his persecution of Catholics (cf. Letter no. 25).

2

MS. "Ie opera".

3

Yepez appears to have made use of the above letter or a similar one sent to Persons in his Historia Particular de la Persecucion de Inglaterra (p. 643).

99

XXIIB.

Fr. Grene's English extract from the same letter.

Stonyhurst, Coli. M, 128c.

By letters from England of 18 December, stilo novo, 1592 ... we have ... that the commission, or rather, inquisition, is still most violently prosecuted for Catholics, and they dayly committed to prison; and the misery of prisoners is incredible.

XXIII.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES? Antwerp, 16 January, 1593.

Arch. S.J. Rome, Anglia 38ii, 205.

Brief Latin extract by Fr. Grene.

Richard Verstegan, 16 January, 1593, referens miserias Anglorum exulum in Flandria sic ait: Dominus Thomas Marckenfield, eques auratus, et alius quidam senex reperti fuere in cubilibus suis mortui. 1 Translation.

Richard Verstegan, on 16 January 1593, referring to the sufferings of the English exiles in Flanders reports as follows: Sir Thomas Marckenfield, Knight, and another old man were found dead in their beds. 1

NOTE 1

Vid. Letter no. 10, note 8. Who the other old man referred to was, is hard to say. It seems unlikely that it was Haselwood, whose death Verstegan had announced in a previous letter, because he could hardly have been described as old at the time of his death (d. Letter no. 15, note 22). Middleton may be the person alluded to, since, as mentioned in Letter no. 19, he had been given the Last Sacraments.

100

XXIV.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS. Antwerp, 18 February, 1593.1

Stonyhurst, Coll. B, 135.

Holograph.

[Fr. Person's hand] Antwerp, 1593, 18 February.

From Fraunce we heare litle, but remaine in expectation that the election will go forward. 2 In this country the enemy ment to have passed throughe Luxembourg and so into France for the ayde of Navarr. But by reason of the spoiles he made in that country, the people gathered together and stopped all the passages to go forward, and since, they have lykewise shut up the wayes to returne back. The Count Barlamont with his regiment, and Sir William Stanley with ¡5, are marched thether and, as we he are , have envyroned the enemy. Our forces are said to be 5,000, and the enemy to be 2,000 foote and 800 horse. 3 From England we heare that the Treasurer hathe bene very sick and at the point of death, whereat the people generally rejoysed ; but since, we heare that he is somwhat recovered, howbeit troobled with a skurf in manner of a leprosy, for remedy whereof he sent unto Dr. Atslow, who at the first excused him self to take him in hand least he might be thought not to have don his part yf his phisike avayled not. But, in the end, the Treasurer willed him to set downe his opinion, "for, notwithstanding your religion", quod he, "we take you to be an honest man"; whereuppon Dr. Atslow wrote downe his opinion, which the other (after his owne phisitions had sene) did put in practize, and found some remedy by it; and ever since, continueth with Dr. Atslow his phisition.'

The 17 of January, Mr. Skidmore the priest was apprehended and comitted to the Tower, It is given oute that he was sent from the Lord Cardinal to kill the Queene. 5 Aboute thesame tyme was another apprehended whome they say came from the Earl of Westmerland, 6 What he is or with what he is charged I cannot learne as yet. Mr. Webster and one Mr. Browning are comitted to BrydeweU.7 Having written this above three or fowre dayes since, I do now understand that the enemy is retyred back oute of Luxemburg, and hathe caried many prisoners and great spoiles away with him.

Addressed

Al Padre Personi0.

Endorsed by Fr. Persons Verstengham's advises, 18 February, 1593.

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NOTES 1

Persons's heading and endorsement to this despatch; "18 feb., 1593" were misread by the earliest cataloguer of the letter (probably a near contemporary), who dated it "18 sep., 1593"; and this error has been followed by subsequent cataloguers, including Pollen, though it is apparent from the contents of the letter, as well as from Persons's dating, that it was despatched in February, 1593.

2

Early in 1593, the States General of France was summoned to elect a Catholic king, since the Catholic party would not recognize Henry of Navarre as their sovereign. Henry forestalled all other claimants by stating in May of the same year that he would become a Catholic (vid.

De Thou, Histoire Universelle, 1734, xi, pp . 665ff.) .

3

Further details are supplied by De Thou, op . cit., xi, pp . 650-1. He differs from Verstegan concerning the number of Dutch troops, which, according to him, totalled 4,000, though he agrees in stating that their infantry was more numerous than their cavalry. The Dutch were commanded by Philip of Nassau, who made an unsuccessful attack on St. Wit, but plundered the surrounding countryside. He retired on the arrival of Count Barlemont with Italian and Spanish troops from the garrisons of Malines, Brussels and Liere, and of Sir William Stanley with his regiment, which consisted of English, Irish and Walloons. The Dutch retreated through Limbourgh, Hainault and Brabant, carrying a great deal of booty with them. See also Pieter Bro, N ederlantsche Oorloghen, iv, year 1593, f. 8.

4 References to Burghley's ill-health at this time occur in Hatfield House MSS., iv, pp . 278, 285, 318, 322; Cal. Dom, Eliz., 1591-4, pp . 310, 325, 346. He appears to have made a partial recovery at the end of January, 1593, but had a relapse in May, when he wrote in the postscript of a letter to his son Robert: "If I may not have some leisure to cure my head, I shall shortly ease it in my grave . .. " Edward Atslowe (d. 1594). a celebrated Elizabethan physician and a firm Catholic, had been an ardent supporter of Mary Queen of Scots, and in 1579 had been arrested on suspicion of conspiring with the Earls of Northumberland and Arundel to obtain help from the Continent for the Scottish Queen's cause. He was released soon afterwards, but in 1585 was again arrested on various charges, which included trying to assist Arundel in his attempted escape from England, and having a copy of a Catholic libel in his possession (probably Allen's reply to Burghley's Execution of Justice in England) . He underwent torture and suffered a long term of imprisonment.

One of Atslowe's medical achievements was the curing of the Earl of Northumberland, who was suffering from the effects of poison (Cal. Spanish, 1580-86, p . 542; Cal. Scottish, 1585-6, p . 29). There is a great amount of information concerning Atslowe in C.R.S., XXI, and a useful though very incomplete article on him in D.N .B. Verstegan's letters appear to be the only source for his treatment of Burghley's illness.

6

John Scudamore alias Walkin and Wiseman, the son of Sir John Scudamore, was ordained priest at Rome in 1591. He went to England in January, 1593, with an Irishman, Hugh Cahill, who, when they were apprehended, accused him of attempting to kill the Queen at the bidding of Fr. Persons (not of Cardinal Allen, as stated in the above letter) . Despite Cahill's accusations, Scudamore was set free and allowed to leave England shortly after his arrest and examination (C.R.S., V, pp. 247-8, 253, 262, 264; Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, pp. 322, 437-8, 443, etc.).

6

This was apparently Hugh Cahill, mentioned in the previous note In his voluntary confession (which seems to have been concerned with

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implicating as many of the leading English Catholic exiles as possible) he affirmed that he had been urged in Brussels by Fr. Holt, Hugh Owen and Sir William Stanley to a"sasc:inate Elizabeth, but that he had 'done his duty' on arrival in England and revealed the plot to the Lord Treasurer (Cal . Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, pp. 436ff.) Cahill's plot is one of the many bogus plots for the murder of Elizabeth which were concocted at this time.

7

Richard Webster and Gratian Brownell, both of them recusants, were transferred from the Marshalsea to Bridewell for examination and torture in connection with certain accusations made against them by a fellow prisoner, Richard Stone. Richard Webster, a schoolmaster born in Yorkshire, had been imprisoned in 1582 for hearing Mass and for recusancy, and was still in prison at the end of Elizabeth's reign. Brownell: a Bachelor of Law, had been committed by Walsingham six years previously, in 1587, also for recusancy. Further details concerning these two men are to be found in their examination held in April, 1593 (printed in Strype, Annals, iv, pp. 256ff.). See also C.R .S ., II, pp . 231, 285, 288; C.R.S., V, pp.

213-5.

XXV.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS. Antwerp, 5 March, 1593.

Stonyhurst, Col!. B, 75.

Holograph.

By a letter from London dated the 17 of February, 1593, stylo novo.

The Parlament holdeth either at London or at Windsor the 1 of Marche : stylo novo, the 19 of February, stylo veteri.1 It is thought that very severe lawes wilbe made against Catholiques. 2 Fowre thowsand men, whereof 2,500 are pykemen, and the rest muskets, are in a redynesse presently to be sent unto Generall Norris in Britany.3 Sir Francis Drake is provyding for the sea with great spede with some 20 saile, whereof 5 are the Queen's shippes. 4 The Burdeaux fleete is not as yet come home. 5 There is sent unto the Turck a ritch bedstede which was found in the carick, valewed at some 3,000 li., and 50 chestes of skarlet, the best that could be bought in London for mony.6 The manner of the Duke of Parma's death is here diversly reported, and many hard and strange speeches divulged of him. 7 Sir Roger Manhoode, Lord Chief Baron is dead, and Justice Periam knighted and this day chosen in his place. s The Lord Treasurer hathe beene long sick, and many hope he will never recover, albeit his phisition, Dr. Atslow, dothe seeme to warantise 9 him. The Queen is now at his house visiting him, and there she meaneth to stay thease 4 or 5 dayes.

The Jesuyte lO is till in the Towre. Some think he hathe bene rackt, and that he shall have his triall towardes the end of this terme. Topc1if followeth it hard. All frendes are well, etc.

Since the receit of the aforesaid letter, I do understand that the Parlament was begun at Westminster on the day aforesaid.

Thesame day, or thereaboutes, that the Queen went unto the Parlament, she found a paper in her pocket which was written in manner of a supplication in the behalf of a poore old servant of hers, who after his long service was growne aged, gowty, and subject to sundry deseases. His name was William Cecill. And for all the long and faithfull service he had don, he had no more but thease and thease offices, which the author of the supplication putteth downe in order, begining with the Treasurership, and ending with the Balywyke of vVestminster,ll and so conc1udeth with very earnest petition for further recompence.

There is also another prety fixion divulged abrode, and it carieth the name of a letter written and dated in hell by Sir Roger Manhode unto the Lord Treasurer,12 signifying unto him that at his coming 104

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thether he found the Earl of Lecester, Sir Christopher Hatton and sundry others of His Lordshipe's most familiar freindes, who all woundred at his so long stay, considering how long since they have expected him. And, further, that the Earl of Lecester is in so great favour and credit with Belzabub, the chief devill, that all hell is of opinion that yf he chance to die he will apoint the Earl of Lecester to have his place; and therefore (he saith) My Lord Treasurer dothe not well to lose the oportunity of his frendes' credit, but were much better to hasten thether to seeke advancement in so good tyme then to stay away and absent himself aboute other thinges of lesse durance as the preferring of his eldest sonne to be Deputy of Ireland13 and himself to be Marquis of Northampton.

Addressed

To Fr. Persons.

Endorsed by Fr. Henry U' alpole14 Verstegan with advises, the 5 of March, 1593.

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N OTES 1

Parliament assembled at Westminster 19 February, 1593 (O.S .) and was dissolved 10 April. "Holdeth" is used with future sense.

2

This supposition proved to be correct. Two such measures were passed

by Parliament. Vid . Letters nos. 29, 34, etc.

3

Elizabeth had intended 1,000 troops to be transported to Britanny (the figures in the above letter are grossly over-estimated) but decided later (12 February, 1593) to send them to Normandy, where there was greater need of them (A .P. C., xxiv, pp. 57ff.) Phelippes, in his letter to Thomas Barnes in mid-February, wrote that 1,200 pikemen had been shipped to Normandy. Cf. reports from Antwerp in Fugger News- Letters, 2nd series, pp . 247-8.

4

Cf. a despatch from Antwerp, 15 February, 1593, in Fugger News-Letters, 2nd series, p . 247: "Captain Drake is said to be intending to sail with six warships, and the Adventures with 30 vessels" . Preparations for this voyage were suspended when it was learnt that the Spanish treasure fleet from the West Indies was shortly to reach Spain, and instead it was decided that eight of the Queen's ships under the Earl of Cumberland, accompanied by twenty four private ships, should set sail for the Azores with the hope of intercepting it (Cal . Spanish, 1587-1603, p. 598). When Cumberland's fleet eventually set sail, it was much smaller than had been anticipated (d. Letter no. 30, note 5).

Drake did not sail for the West Indies until 1595 (d. Letter no. 63, note 10) .

6

The Bordeaux fleet was a convoy of ships which brought wine to England from Bordeaux (see further A .P. C., xxiii, pp. 293, 319-21).

6

Cf. Letter no. 30. These gifts appear to be the ones alluded to in a letter from Constantinople dated 8 April, 1593, when the ship bringing them was expected daily (Fugger News-Letters, 2nd series, p. 248). There are also references to the arrival of presents for the Sultan from England in September, 1593, in Cal . Venetian , 1592-1603, pp . 106, 109.

Rumours were circulating at this time that Elizabeth and Henry of Navarre were attempting to incite the Turks to attack the German Emperor in Hungary in order to divert Philip from his campaign in France (Cal. Venetian, 1592-1603, p. 78 ; Strype, Annals, iv, p. 213).

7

Farnese had made a number of enemies in his own court at Brussels as well as in other countries (vid . J . L. Motley, History of the United Netherlands, 1867, iii, pp. 221ff; L. Van der Essen, Alexandre Farnese, pp. 361ff.). Camden writes, however, that E lizabeth never spoke of him except "honourably, and with commendations, yet warily, lest her praises might hurt him" (Annales, 1635 ed., p. 412).

8

Sir Roger Manwood had been created Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer 17 November, 1578, by the influ ence of Walsingham and Hatton. He died 14 December, 1592 (D. N.B .).

Sir William Periam or Peryam (1534-1604) succeeded Manwood as Chief Baron of the Exchequer in January, 1593, having previously held the office of a Justice of Common Pleas (D.N.B .).

9

This verb is now obsolete. Among the meanings recorded in N.E.D. are "guarantee", "sanction", "confirm", none of which seems to fit the meaning here. The word is possibly used in the sense of "reassure".

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10

i .e. Fr. Southwell.

11

The office of Stewardship of Westminster bad been bestowed on Burgbley in 1561, at the same time as he was made Master of the Court of Wards.

The Stewardship was said to have been worth 300 marks a year (C. Read, Mr. Secretary Cecil, 1955, p. 221).

12

There is no trace of this manuscript libel, which may have been suggested

by Nashe's Pierce P ennilesse his Supplication to the Divell, concerning wbich vid. Letter no. 27, note 17.

13

Cf. letter no. 1, note 116.

14

Handwriting identified by Fr. Pollen in the table he compiled for Collectanea B . Walpole was with Persons at the time (d. Letter no . 15, note 25).

He was not tried until February, 1595.

XXVI.

TO PERSONS, sent via Verstegan.

Scotland? c. end of March, 1593.

Stonyhurst, Coll. B, 71. Contemporary hand. The address alone is in Verstegan's hand. Copy of the proclamation issued by the King and Privy Council of Scotland against the Catholic nobility; and the band of the Scottish nobility. Other copies of the proclamation, which appeared only in MS., are contained in S.P. Scottish, vol. 50, no, 36 (printed in Cal. Scot., 1593-5, pp. 66-7) and in B. M. Cotton, Caligula Dii, f. 67; and copies of the band in Caligula Dii, if. 62, 84 (printed in Rymer's Foedera, vol. 7, pt. 1, pp. 115-6, in Cal. Scot., 1593-5, pp. 70-1, and in Cal. Scot ., 1589-92, pp. 661-3, where it is misdated 1592). The earliest printed version of the band appears to be that in D. Calderwood, History of the Church of Scotland, 1678, p. 283. 1

Apud Aberdene, quinto die mensis Martii, anno Domini 1592[-3J. Forasmekill as albeit the tressonabil practizes and conspiracies of George, Erle of Huntlie ;2 William, Earle of Angus ;3 Francis, Erle of Errole ;4 Sir Patricke Gordoun of Auchindoun, Knight ;5 Sir James Chesholme of Dunderne, Knight ;6 Master James Gordoun ;7 Master William Ogelvy ;8 Master Robert Abircrumby ;9 and uthers, Jesuitis, seminary priestes and traffiquing Papistes, against the state of the true religion presentlie profest within this realme, His Majestie's persoun, crowne, and libertie of this their native countre, is and hes ben plainely discoverit and made maist manifest by the deposi<;ions and dec1ara<;ioun of the carier of there credite and certaine lettres and blankes apprehendit, subscrivit by thame ; and li>y the lyke dec1aratioun and subscriptioun of umquhilt David Grahame of Fintre, that latelie sufferit for the same, his affirmation at the latter houre of his execution ;10 the not denial thairof be the Earle of Angus, the tyme of his warding, vanting proudlie in thir termis quhat he had written or subscrivit sic lettres and blankes; and last, by the contumacie and not comperance of him and of the sayd Erles of Huntley and Errole, and uthers forsayd bifore His Maj estie and Counsaille to have answerit theruppon, and accepting tharby of the sayd tressonabil crime upon thame, sa that few or nane of His Hienesse ' lieges can pretend ignorance herof. Zitl l His Maj estie, being informit that some persons inhabitantes of the north parts were movit by the craftie persuasion of some of the sayd erles and uthers thair friends and favourets, assistaris as, appearis, with thame in thair tressonable practizes, to doubt of the trueth hereof, His Majestie, for removing of the same doubt, and thair resolutioun and satisfactioun, causit the sayd blankes latelie to be brought and presentit before certaine barons and uthers, inhabitants of thir partis, be quhom, at the last,12 agreate number of thame acquentit with the sayd conspiratoris' hand writs, thair subscriptions being cognoscit. His Majestie and thay are movit not a litle to wonder at the unnaturall and unthankfull behaviour of some of thame, 108

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maist ableist to His Hienesse be many benefitts, that they being sa oft pardonit, and after sa many solempnit aithis and promeis, vowes and subscriptiouns, sould show thameselvis sa tressonabill as to procure the overthrow of His Hienesse and all professing the sayd true relligioun with him, and the rewine and conquest of this ancient kingdome, thaire awne native soile and libertie, quhilk the same hes enjoyit sa many aegis, that it may be subj ect hereefter to the slaverie and tyrannie of proud and mercilesse strangers, to quhom they professe thameselfis be thair handwrits, freinds and factouris, chiefelie to the Spanzearts, quhais actiounes in all countreis quhair thay reparit, quidder under cullour of aide and freindshippe or uther wayes, t endit evin13 to a conquest and utter ext erminioun of the native inhabitants of the same, and of quhais crueltie thaire is na ende, as the signes and monuments therof extendit to all ranckes and degrees of persons, man, wife and children, auld and zoung, in all partis quhair they repayrit, t estifeit, and is able to testifie to the posteritie to come. And thairefore, that nane of His Maj esti's sUbj ectis heretofore abusit and dissavit be the craftie illusions of the pernicious and wickit spreits sall remaine any langer doubtfull of the trueth hereof, His Hienesse, with advise of Lordis of his Secret Counsall, ordaines officers of armes to passe and make publicacion of the premisses be open proclamacion at the Marcat Croce of this burgh of Abirdene, and all uthris pIa cis needfall ; and t o forewarne all His Hienesse' subj ectis of thaire awne danger gif they sall suffer thameselfis ony langar to be led in errour be sic dissavabil spreits to the parill of t hair sawlis, bodies, lands and gudes; and tharfore to abstaine from further harkening t o thair t ressonabil persuasions, and fra14 resseit, intercommoning or having intelligence with thame under the payne of tresson . And gif ony sall preis to perswade thame in the contrary hereof, or to doubt of the unnaturall behaviour of the sayd conspiratouris or utherwayes to decline from the sayd true religion or H is Majestie's obedience, to notifie their names to His Heinesse, quharthrow they may be persewit and puneist thairfore as traytouris and unnaturall subjectis to God, His Maj estie, and this thaire native contre, certifieng thame that failzis herein they salbe alsua perswit and punist indifferentlie with thame with all rigour and extremitie .

BAND .

We the noblemen, barons and uthiris undersubscryband, being fully and certainlie perswadit of the tressonable practizeis and conspiraceis of sundry His Hienesse unnaturall and maist unthanckfull subj ect is agains the state of the trewe religioun presentlie professit within this realme, His Majestie's person, crowne, and libertie of this our native cuntrey ; and finding His Majestie's gude disposicioun t o prevent and resist the same and to represse the chieff authouris th airof, H is Maj estie having our concurrence and assistance to the

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same affect: tharefore, according to our bounden dewitie and zeale aucht to Godis glorie, luif of our native countrey, caire and affectioun to His Majestie's person, crowne and estate, we have promittit and be thir15 presentis promittis, faithfullie bindis and obliss us and every ane of us, to concurre and take ani efauld,16 leill and trew parte with His Majestie and ilkane 17 of us with uthiris to maintenance and defence of the libertie of the said trew religioun, crowne and cuntrey from thraldome of conscience and conquest and slavery of strangearis and resisting, repressing and persute of the chieff authoris of the said trissonabill conspiracies, as in speciall of George, Erlp. of Huntley; William, Earle of Angus; Frances, Erle of Errole ; Schir Patrick Gordoun of Auchindoun,18 Knight; Schir James Cheisholme of Dunkorne,19 Knight; Master James Gordoun; Maistre William Ogilvy;20 Mastre Robert Abarcrumby; and all uthiris, Jesuitis, seminary priestes, trafficquing papistis and uthiris His Hienisse declarit traitouris, rebellious and unnaturall subjectis, tressonabill practizearis agains the state of the said trew religioun, His Majestie's persoun, crowne, and libertie of this our native cuntry. And to this effect we and every ane of us sall put our selfis in armis, rise, concurre and passe fordwart with His Majestie, his lieu tennentis or uthiris having His Hienesse' power and commissieun, at all tymes as we salbe requirit be proclamacionis, missive letters or uthirwayes; and sail nevir shrink nor absent our selfis for ony particular caus or quarell amangis our selfis. We sall nocht ride, assist, shawe favour, gif consall, assistance, nor take parte with the saidis earlis, Jesuitis and utheris forsaidis; nor zit with the personis denunceit or that sail be denunceit to the horne,21 or declarit fugitives fra His Hienis' lawis for the tressonable fire rasing and birning of the place of Dymubirsill and murthour of umquhile James, Erle of Murray;22 nather ressev, supplee not intercommoun with thame, nor zit furneis thame men, drinck, house nor harbory ; nor uthirwayes have intelligence with thame privatelie nor publicklie be letterz, messageis, nor na uther maner of way.

The skait or harme of uthiris we sail not conceill, but discloose and impede the same to our utter poueris; the querrill or pursute of we, or ony of we for this caus we sail estime lyke as presentlie we do esteeme equall to us all; and be our selfis and our haill forcis, like as His Maiestie with His Hienes' face and auctoritie hes promittit, and promittis, to concurre and assist togidder ilkane in the defens of uthiris to our utter pouerie. And in cais ony variance or controversie sall happen to fall out amongis ony of us for quhatsomever caus, we shall submitte, like as presentlie we submitte we, to the judgment and delivirance of ony twa or three of the principallis of us subscriviaries of their present band, and fullfill quhatsomevir sail be determinit be thame, but reclamacioun or contradictioun, attour His Majestie, be quhaiz directioun and commaundement, with advise of his Counsall thair is certaine baronis and utheris gentillmen directit to remayne in the south parties of this realme, hes promittit

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and be thir present is promittis in the word of a prince, that the said baron is and uthiris forsaidis sall nocht be licentiat to returne hame agane to the saidis north partis, nether sall any favor or pardone be grant it to the saidis earllis, Jesuitis and uthiris above mention at nor na ordour now tane dispensit with, without the spetiall knaulege and advice of the lieutennent or commissioner for the tyme, and sax of the principall baronis at the leist, inhabitantis of ye saidis northe partis, subscrivaris of this present band. And this to do and periorme, we, the saidis noblemen baronis and uthiris forsaidis, have sworne and sweris by the Grite God, Our Creator, His Sonne, Jesus Christe Our Redemair, the Halie Gast, Our Santifear, wittnesse of the veritie heir aggreit uponn and revenger of the break thairof; and farther oblisse us thereto, under the payne of perjury, infamie, and tins ale of perpetuall credite, honour and estimacion in tyme comming, besidis the ordinarie paines of the lawis to be execute upon us in signe and memorie of our unnaturall defectioun from God and His Majestie. In withnisse quhairof we have subscrivit thir presentis with our handis as followis, lyke as His Majestie in taikin 23 of his allowance and approbacion of the promis hes subscrivit the same. At Aberdene, the [blank] day of March, 1592[-93].24

Addressed by Verstegan A. Padre Roberto Pesersonio [sic].

Endorsed by Fr. Persons A proclamation of the ministers of Scotland agaynst the Catholique nobilitie, 5 Martii, 1593.

K

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NOTES 1

The proclamation and the band were issued as a direct result of the affair of the "Spanish Blanks". In December, 1592, the Kirk, during the course of its inquisition, in which it was aided by Robert Bowes, the English ambassador, received information that George Ker, a Catholic and brother to the Abbot of Newbottle, was about to pass into Spain with some important secret correspondence. He was captured with the letters in his possession, and when put to the torture made a confession (which he later retracted) to the effect that he was an agent for a conspiracy of Scottish nobles, who were to assist a Spanish force in an invasion of Scotland. Among the nobles implicated were the Earls of Huntly, Errol and Angus, David Graham of Fintry, and others who are mentioned in the proclamation. The correspondence seized included letters which were said to have been written by Scottish Jesuits and seminary priests to their brethren on the Continent, and blank sheets of paper with the signatures of Huntly, Errol and Angus at the bottom, from which the conspiracy receiv ed the name of "Spanish Blanks" . These sheets of paper were allegedly to have b een filled up afterwards by Ker according to verbal instructions, and then delivered to the King of Spain. Huntly, although protesting his innocence, fled to the North with Errol, and they were later joined there by Angus, who had been imprisoned in Edinburgh, but was able to make his escape. George Ker managed to obtain pardon, but Graham of Fintry, who had also been imprisoned, was tried and swiftly executed. (See further P. F . Tytler, Hist01'Y of Scotland, ix, pp . 76fÂŁ. ; Cal. Scottish, 1593-5; Cal . Spanish, 1587-1603, pp. 603fÂŁ.; Warren der Papers, Scot. Hist. Soc., 3rd series, vol. 2, pp. 123ff.). .

2

George Gordon, sixth Earl and first Marquis of Huntly (1562-1636). is a short biography of him in D.N.B., vol. 22, p. 186.

There

3

William Douglas, tenth Earl of Angus (1554-1611). p.366.

4

Francis Hay, ninth Earl of Errol (d. 1631).

5

Patrick Gordon was uncle to the Earl of Huntly.

6

Chisholm, nephew to the Bishop of Dunblane was Master of the King's Household . See further Cal. Scot . for the period.

7

Fr. James Gordon S.J. (1541-1620), also an uncle of Huntly's, was Prefect of the Scottish Mission (G. Oliver, Collections S. I, p. 22; Foley, Records S . I, vii, pt. 1, p . 309; D . N.B., vol. 22, p. 204). He is not to be confused with the Jesuit of the same name who later became confessor to Louis XIII.

8

M.S. "Ogelny" . This seems almost certainly to be an alias of the martyr Fr. John Ingram, an Englishman from Herefordshire, who was ordained at the English College, Rome, 3 December, 1589. He was apprehended in February, 1594, and examined by the Earl of Huntingdon at York, who in a letter to the Lord Keeper, Puckering, stated that he had in custody a priest using the names of "Ogylby" and "Bowme", greatly acquainted with the Earl of Huntly and other "archpapists of Scotland". (See further Strype, Annals, iv, pp. 236-8; C.R.S ., V; Challoner, Memoirs; Morris, Troubles, iii). Ingram was martyred in July, 1594.

9

Fr. Robert Abercromby S.} . (1534-1613) who is said to have converted Anne of Denmark, the wife of James VI (Foley, op. cit., vii, pt. 1, p. 2 ; D.N.B., vol. 1, p. 46).

Vid. D .N . B ., vol. 15,

Vid . D.N.B., vol. 25, p. 255.

No. XXVI

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

113

10

Graham was executed 16 February, 1593.

11

i .e. "yet".

12

Cal. Scot., 1593-5, p. 67, "at the leist".

13

id., "evir".

14

MS . " for" amended to the preferable reading of Cal. Scot., 1593-5, p. 67, and Caligula Dii, f. 62.

15

Caligula Dii, f. 62, "this" .

16

i .e. "afald" (honest, sincere).

17

id. incorrect reading "wane" .

18

MS. "Anchindoun".

19

Caligula Dii, ' "Dinderne" .

20

MS . "Ogilny".

21

"to be put to the horn" meant to be outlawed . The term was derived from the Scottish ceremony in which three blasts were blown on a horn by the king's messenger to proclaim a man an outlaw (N.E.D ., vol. 5, p. 386, section III, 14).

22

Huntly had a blood feud with James Stuart, Earl of Murray. On 7th February, 1592, Huntly, taking advantage of surprise and superior numbers, attacked Murray who was staying at the time at Donibristle, a house in Fifeshire belonging to his mother. The fighting went on till nightfall, when Huntly's followers set light to the house with burning corn-stacks, driving Murray and his followers into the open. Murray broke through the cordon and escaped some distance from the house, but was tracked down to a cave and stabbed to death (Cal . Scottish, 1589-93, pp. 633fÂŁ.; T ytler, History of Scotland, ix, pp. 64fÂŁ').

23

MS. "into aikin", corrected from Caligula Dii.

24

The band is dated conjecturally 13 March, 1593, in Cal. Scottish, 1593-5, p. 70.

Caligula Dii, "efautd" .

Normal spelling "Dunderne".

XXVII.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS Antwerp, 1 April, 1593.

Stonyhurst, Colt. B, 83.

Holograph.

Antwerp, the 1 of Aprill, 1593.

The enemy in thease partes hathe gathered great forces together, and made some shewe to have besieged Gerteremberg, but is retyred, and, as it is thought, will marche towardes Friesland.!

The Counte Charles of Mansfeild hathe taken Noyon in Picardy by force and put 1,500 solders that were in it to the swoord. 2 The canon that at battry of this towne was hard 3 at Bruxells.

In Scotland the noblemen are in armes, and their force, as is said, is thirty thowsand. The King, we he are , is fled for succor unto Denmarck. 4 The Parlament continueth still at London. And the 6 of Marche the Earl of Essex was sworne of the Privy Councell. 5 Ther is a book abrode in England don by a Catholique and bearing the name to be printed at Doway against one Bell, an aposta, who wrote that it was lawfull for Catholiques to frequent the churches of Protestants. 6 The Puritanes sent one John Norton 7 into Scotland, ther to print their books, who is returned and imprisoned in London.

There were 80 Puritanes lately taken at a sermon in Finisbury Feild and with them there Mr. Martin Marprelate is thought to be taken. s There was a Brownist hanged for his seditious tongue, and his body was begged by some of his consortes, who did put it in a coffin and covered it over with black clothe and brought it before the doore where the Judge was lodged that had condemned him, and on the fowre corners of the coffin were fixed rayling libells against the Judge, affirming that this was the 16 martir that they had martyred for the profession of the true gospell of Christ. 9 There is a late Latin booke come forthe of some bignesse in 4 of controversies, and it is dedicated to the Earl of Essex, and one printed copy is come to this towne. The author's name is Mathew Sutlive, and in the tytle of the booke he nameth thease persons against whome the booke is written, vidz: Bellarminus, Sanderus, Rosseius, Allanus, Ulenbergius, Bozius, Rescius and Versteganus.!O I must nee des confesse it to be more of his gentlenes then of my deserving that it hathe pleased him to put downe my name with somany woorthy men; howbeit the man seemeth to be as angry with me as with any of the others and cannot afoord me one good woord. His quarrell against me is for two thinges espetially: the one is my booke entituled Theatrum Crudelitatum Haereticorum Nostri Temporis,ll and the other is for my late table called Speculum 0

114

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pro Christianis Seductis,12 which tendeth to put an here tyke in doubte of his owne religion. In his Epistle to the Earl of Essex he saith I am an English fugitive, albeit my name seemeth not to be English, and therefore he thincketh it fayned. 13 In sundry places of his booke he girdeth at me for the two thinges afore resyted, and saith that for my making those martirs which are no better then traitors I do deserve a very tirrible death, the which he describeth; and he in myne opinion deserveth therefore to have the hangman's office in reversion.

I do meane to consult with our frendes here whether it were not best to write a brief Epistle to the Earl of Essex touching this man's booke. 14 Towardes the end he toucheth an English booke written against the Treasurer called A Declaration of the True Causes of the Supposed Troobles against England, but he nameth no author thereof. 15 He enveyeth also against Fr. Reibadenero. 16 He seemeth to have neither learning nor witt, how beit a very redy gift of rayling, thoughe uttred by retale.

I t is thought that the Treasurer cannot escape this sicknes; that he applieth quicksilver to his feete and beginneth to die upwardes.

The late pamphlets written against him are greedely desyred of the courtiers and others, and any thing written against him is easely believed. In a late pamphlet entytuled A Suplication to the Divill he is girded at, thoughe not somuch as in Mother Hubberde's Tale. 17 There was a whyle since one Mr. DawbneyI8 taken at Flushing as he would have passed into England, and he was by the Governor sent prisoner thether unto the Lord Treasurer. When he came before him, "now, roge", quo the the Treasurer, "where hest thow bene a roging?" The other answered that he had bene at Doway, but no where a roging. "To whom," quoth the Treasurer, "is the letter that was taken aboute the ?" Mr. Dawbney answered that he knew not other then the direction did declare, and that a Dutchman gave it him. "You can tell yf you list," quoth the Treasurer, and therewithall willed to cary him to the Gatehous till he did put in suertis for his reformation. With that, he that brought him over demaunded 40 shillinges of the Treasurer for his paynes and charges.

"Who did set you on woorck ?" quoth the Treasurer. "Marry," quoth he, "the Lord Governor of Flushing".19 "Then," said the Treasurer, "let him pay you, and tell him from me that when any more such roges come thether that have no other letters but such as this brought, that he do whip them and send them back againe from whence they came".

Beeing redy to close up this paper, woord is come that the enemy hathe besieged Gertremberge, and that those of the towne have alredy sa11yed oute and slaine divers of them. 2o Addressed Endorsed

To Fr. Persons.

0

Advyses from Andwarpe, 1 Aprilis, anno 1593.

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LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. XXVII

NOTES 1

Prince Maurice laid siege to St. Gertruydenberg on 24 March, 1593. This was a very important town because of its wealth and its position on the Meuse and the Donge. He entrenched his forces round the city and subjected it to continuous bombardment until it capitulated, 24 June, 1593 (P. Bor, N ederlantsche Oorloghen, iv, year 1593, ff . 16v.ff. ; Coloma Las Guerras de los Estados Baxos, 1624, vi, pp. 211ff.).

Z

Charles de Mansfelt, son of Pierre Ernest de Mansfelt, the Acting-Governor of the Low Countries, was sent to besiege Noyon with a force of 4,300 infantry and 800 cavalry. He began the siege 15 March, 1593, and the town capitulated 31 March (Coloma, op . cit., pp. 201-4; Motley, op . cit., p. 258. Motley differs from Coloma concerning the size of Mansfelt's army, but since he quotes from a letter written by Charles Mansfelt to Fuentes, the figures he gives are assumed to be the correct ones).

S

i .e. "heard".

4

Cf. Cal. Venetian, 1587-1603, pp. 60-1. The report of James' flight was false. Concerning the state of the Scottish nobility at this time vid. Tytler, History of Scotland, ix, p. 91ff.

Ii

This date is one day out. Essex was sworn in as a Privy Councillor 25 February, O.S., and 7 March, N .S. d . Letter no. 6b, note 17.

6

This was Fr. Garnet's work, full title : An Apology against the Defence of Schisme, lately written by an English Divine at Doway, f or answer to a letter of a lapsed Catholicke his friend, who, having in the late commission gone to the church, defended his fall. The book was printed secretly in London (see further A . F. Allison, "The Writings of Fr. Henry Garnet", Biographical Studies, vol. 1, no. 1, pp. 8ff.; and Catalogue of Catholic Books, no. 353). From Verstegan's letter it appears that the Apology was published in the first quarter of 1593. The "late commission" referred to on title-page was that formed in accordance with the proclamation of Oct.-Nov., 1591.

7

John Norton set up as a printer about 1590, after serving his apprenticeship with his uncle, William Norton . He became Master of the Stationers' Company on three occasions (vid . D.N .B., vol. 41, p. 226). Together with John Bill, he was responsible for the distribution in London of the first edition of Verstegan's Restitution of Decayed Intelligence in Antiquities, 1605.

8

A group of Puritans were arrested in the woods at Islington on Sunday, 4 March, 1593, during the sermon of George Johnson, a schoolmaster.

Contemporary estimates of the number of those taken vary considerably.

One Puritan present, Daniel Buck, a scrivener, stated that there were at least 40; John Penry, the Welsh Puritan gave the number as 56, but the legal records contain the names of only 30. Penry, whom many considered to be the author of the Marprelate tracts, was also arrested at the meeting, but escaped. His period of liberty was brief, for he was arrested 18 days later (See further W . Pierce, J ohn Penry, 1923, pp. 377ff.; Strype, Whitgift, ii, p. 176) . Instructions for his arrest are contained in A.P.C., xxiv, pp. 94-5.

A pamphlet war, normally termed the "Martin Marprelate controversy", was waged in the years 1588 and 1589 between a Puritan (or perhaps a group of Puritans working in collaboration) using the pseudonym Martin Marprelate, and the episcopacy of the Church of England, who employed such writers as John Lyly, Thomas Nashe and Robert Greene to reply in the

No. XXVII

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

117

same venomous and bantering style. The authorship of the Marprelate pamphlets is still in doubt: a number of people besides Penry have been suggested, including Sir Roger Williams. Henry Barrow, John Udall, John Field and Job Throgmorton, who seems to be the likeliest author, especially on stylistic evidence. See further W. Pierce, A n Historical Introduction to the Marprelate Tracts, 1908; Dover Wilson, Martin Marprelate and Shakespeare's Fluellen, 1912; Albert Peel, The Notebook oj john Penry, Camden Society, 3rd series, vol. lxii, 1944; J. E. Neale, Queen Elizabeth and her Parliaments, 1584-1601, 1957, p. 220.

9

A Brownist was a follower of Robert Browne (1550-1633 ?) who preached against the parochial system and ordination. The Brownist referred to here was Roger Rippon of Southwark. He was not hanged, as stated above, but had died in Newgate in February, 1593, after a number of years imprisonment. His body was carried before Richard Young's house, and the inscription on the coffin was as follows: "This is the corps of Roger Rippon, a servant of Christ and Her Majesty's faithful subject, who is the last of sixteen or seventeen which t.hat great enemy of God, the Archbishop of Canterbury with his High Commissioners have murdered in Newgate within these five years, manifestly for the testimony of Jesus Christ. His soul is now with the Lord, and his blood crieth for speedy vengeance against that great enemy of saints, and against Mr. Richard Young, who in this and many like points hath abused his power for the upholding of the Romish Antichrist, prelacy and priesthood."

Many copies of the inscription were circulated in London (Strype, Annals, iv, p. 186; W. Pierce, john Penry, pp. 375-5; Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, p. 324).

10

i.e. Robert Bellarmine, Nicholas Sander, Guilelmus Rossaeus (the pseudonym used by the author of De j usta Reipublicae Christianae, 1592, probably William Rainolds), Cardinal Allen, Caspar Ulenberg, Thomas Bozius, Stanislaus Rescius and Richard Verstegan. As he himself states, Verstegan is a little out of place in such exalted company. Sutcliffe's book, which appeared in 1592, is entitled: M . Sutlivii de Catholica Orthodoxa, et vera Christi Ecclesia, libri duo (copies at Bodleian, Cambridge U., Marsh Library, Dublin, and Lincoln Cathedral). Many more books by Sutcliffe against Catholic theologians and controversialists were to follow (vid.

S . T.C.).

11

The Theatrum Crudelitatum Haereticorum N ostri Tempo-yis was first printed at Antwerp by Adrian Hubert in 1587. There were three subsequent Latin editions: in 1588, 1592 and 1604, and five French editions: one in 1587, two in 1588, one in 1607, and the last in 1883, published by Desclee and De Brouwer. The work, which is amply illustrated by twenty copperplate engravings most probably executed by Verstegan himself, is divided into four sections, the first dealing with the persecution in England under Henry VIII, the second the crimes of the French Huguenots, the third the cruelties of the Calvinist Geuzen under William of Orange, and the fourth the sufferings of the Catholics in the reign of Queen Elizabeth which includes a description and an engraving of the execution of Mary, Queen of Scots (see further my thesis, pp. 93-109).

12

The SPeculum pro Christianis Seductis was a large broadsheet printed at Antwerp by the Plantin press in 1590. It is divided into two halves, the top dealing with the Catholic Church, and the bottom half with the chief heretical sects in the Netherlands: the Lutherans, Calvinists and the Anabaptists. Like the Theatrum, the SPeculum is illustrated by engravings made by Verstegan. The broadsheet is extremely rare; only one complete copy seems to have survived, that in the Plantin-Moretus Museum; and

118

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No.

xxvn

a copy of the bottom half is at Oscott College (its existence was made known to me by Dr. David Rogers of the Bodleian Library). A French version of the SPeculum. was also printed, with the title: Miroir des Chrestiens Abuses, but no copy of it has survived. (See further my thesis, pp.

109-113).

13

For Verstegan's name and origin see Introduction.

14

Nothing came of this, though a work which appeared two years later, A Conference about the Next Succession, in which Verstegan collaborated, did contain a dedicatory epistle to Essex.

15

Verstegan makes no mention of the fact that he is the author of this book, probably for reasons of security.

16

There were two books by Fr. Pedro de Ribadeneira S.]., which could have incurred the anger of a Protestant writer like Sutcliffe, and these were Historia Ecclesiastica del Schism.a del Reyno de I nglaterra, t he first part of which appeared in 1588, and the second in 1593; and Tratado dela Tribulacion, 1591 (vid. Cal . Dom.. Eliz., 7597-4, p . 67).

17

Prosopopoia, or Mother Hubberd's Tale, by Edmund Spenser, was published in London in 1591. It is a satrical allegory containing two adventures of a fox, called Reynold, and an ape. The former represents Lord Burghley, and the latter most probably Robert Cecil (though various other theories have been put forward, identifying the ape with 7th Earl of Oxford, the Duke of Alen90n, or with James VI). Verstegan refers to Mother Hubberd's Tale in the Declaration of the True Causes (p. 68) as a pamphlet against B urghley in the form of a "tale of the false fox and his crooked cubbes" (Robert Cecil was hunchbacked and deformed). In an earlier letter (no. 7) Verstegan termed Burghley "the fox", and was probably thinking of Mother Hubberd's Tale when he did so. References to the various pamphlets attacking Burghley which appeared at the time are contained in Cal. Dom.. Eliz., 7591-4, pp. 304, 451, 491, 520, 535,545.

The other work mentioned in the above letter is Thomas Nashe's Pierce P ennilesse his Supplication to the D ivell, first published in 1592.

Like Spenser's satire, the work attacks Burghleyand Cecil in the allegorical guise of the fox and the ape. This interpretation may equally well apply to the rhyme, hitherto unsatisfactorily explained in Shakespeare's Love's Labour's Lost, III, i: "The fox, the ape, and the humble bee, Were st ill at odds, being but three".

The bee could possibly represent the Earl of Essex, who was a rival of the Cecils for the Queen's favour.

18

Apparently Thomas Dawbney of Norwich, who was ordained priest at Douay in 1594, having been made deacon there two years previously.

He may have been in England early in 1593. (See further 1st and 2nd Douay Diaries, pp. 15, 31, 232, 244, 245, 248, 282).

U

Sir Robert Sidney.

20

Vid . note 1.

XXVIII.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS. Antwerp, 5 April, 1593.

Stonyhurst, Call. B, 78 .

Holograph.

By lettrs dated in England aboute the 20 of February, 1593 stylo veteri.

The Parlament began the 1 of Marche, stylo novo, before the begining whereof the Treasurer was retyred in his house and, under colour of his sicknesse, was some dayes together earnestly busyed in writing.

The Bishopes have written a booke in their defence against the Puritanes, and have caused it to be printed, meaning to exhibite it unto the Perlament.1 There is another new booke written and only 100 copies printed, and those also in the handes of fewe, the tytle whereof (yf 12 be not mistaken) is thus : English Genevation : the English and Scottish Disciplyne sought for by Practize, Threatning and Force, etc.

The first parte of this booke enveigheth so bitterly against Calvyne and Beza that never doctors (before thease) were so much defamed by their owne discyples. 3 The Bishop of St. Davide's for his overmuch knowne lewdnesse is deposed and another put in his place .4 So is lykewise deposed the Bishop of Oxford, and another is put in his place.5 Marginal note in Fr. Person's hand Advises from Ingland, Aprilis 5, 1593.

119

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LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. XXVIII

NOTES 1

Cf. Letter no. 32a. The book referred to is Matthew Sutcliffe's An A nswere to a Certaine Libel Supplicatorie, or rather Diffamatory, and also to Certaine Calumnious A rticles and Interrogatories, both printed and scattered in Secret Corners, to the Slaunder of the Ecclesiasticall State, and put forth under the name and titl~ of a Petition directed to Her M ajestie. 1592.

2

MS . "it" .

3

Verst egan is alluding to Archbishop Bancroft's A Survay of the Pretended Holy Discipline, which he published anonymously in 1593 (S. T. C. no.

1352). The book was entered in the Stationers' Register 5 March, 1593 (Arber, Transcript, vol. 2, p. 296). See also Letter no. 32a.

4

The Bishop of St. David's was Marmaduke Middleton who had formerly been Bishop of Waterford. The exact nature of the offences with which he was charged and for which he was eventually deposed is uncertain.

According to Browne Willis, who made an investigation of his case, he had been guilty of simony, of abusing charity and attempting to settle some of the lands of the bishopric on his son. One of the Marprelate Tracts, Hay any Worke for Cooper, accused him of having two wives, Elizabeth Gidge and Alice Prime, and this coincides with the charge of "lewedenesse" given in the above letter. (See further D.N.B., vol. 37, p. 355; Pierce, John Penry, pp. 126-8). Middleton's defence of his actions and his refutation of his accusers are set down in his letter to the Queen, 15 January, 1593 (Hatfield House MSS., pp. 279-284).

5

This is erroneous. John Underhill, who had been consecrated Bishop of Oxford in December, 1589, died 12 May, 1592, and after his death the see remained vacant until February, 1604, when John Bridges was consecrated as his successor (Strype, Whitgift, i, p. 617, Aylmer, p. 110; D . N. B., vol. 58, p. 30).

XXIX.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS. Antwerp, c. mid-April, 1593.

Stonyburst, Coll. B, 43 .

Holograph.

An acte for restrayning of Popish recusants to some certaine places of abode. This is past in the Higher House. 1 1. That every person above the age of 16 yeares beeing a Popish recusant convicted alredy and having a place of abode shall, within 40 dayes after the end of the Parlament- yf they be within the realme and not restrand or stayed by imprisonment

by Her Majestie's comaundement or by order of 6 or more of the Counsell, or by sicknes as they shall not be able to travaile withoute imminent danger of lyf-repaire to the place of their comon abode, and shall not remove from thence above five myles, uppon paine of losse of all goodes, chattells, landes, tenements, hereditamentes and anuites during lyf.

2. All persons not having any certaine place of dwelling and abode shall, after the convictions aforesaid, repaire to the place where they were borne or where their father or mother shalbe dwelling, under the penalties aforesaid.

3. Copiholders and customary tenants shall forfaict their estates for terme of lyf to the [QueenJ2 yf the lord be a Popish recusant and convicted.

4. After such repaire made, they shall, within 20 days after their coming to thesame places, notify it and present themselves and deliver their trew names to the minister of the parish and to the constable, hedborow and tythingman 3 of the towne, who shall enter thesame into a booke to be kept in every parish, and shall certify thesame to the Justices of the County at the next Generall or Quarter Sessions, who shall cause the Clarck of the Peace to enter it into the Rolles.

5. Who hathe not inheritance or freeland of 20 marcks a yeare above all charges, or goo des above 40li., and do not repaire and do as is said, or shall passe oute of the compasses of 5 myles and shall not within three monethes after apprehension conforme themselves in going to the churche and making publyke confession and submission, beeing required by the bishop or any Justice of the Countie where he shalbe, or by the minister of the parish, that then all such persons before any Justice of Peace or Coroner of the County shall uppon their corporall othe abjure the realme and all the Queene's dominions for ever, and shall depart at such haven and within such tyme as shalbe assigned by thesaid Justice or Coroner, unlesse he be letted by comon lawfull meanes or causes, 121

122

6.

7.

8.

9.

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. XXIX

according to the custome in abjuration for felony. And this abjuration shalbe entred of record, and certified to the assises; and whoso refuseth to abjure, or goeth not to the haven, or returneth withoute Her Majestie's spetiall licence, shalbe a fellon.

Yf any be suspected to be a Jesuyte, Seminary or Massing priest, and beeing examyned by any person aucthorised in that behalf, shall refuse to answere directly and truly, shalbe comitted to prison untill he do answere directly.

Upon necessary occasion of busynes to go oute of the fyve myles with licence under the handes of ii justices with the consent of the bishop, or liftenant or deputy under their handes, it shalbe lawfull to travaile for the tyme limitted.

Yf any be urged by processe, or be bound withoute fraude or covyne 4 to appeere in any courte, or shalbe sent for by 3 or more of the Counsell, or by fowre or more Comissioners, it shalbe no penalty.

5All offenders against this acte before convicted, coming to some parish churche on some holy day and heare Divyne Service, and before the sermon or ghospell make publyke and open submission and declaration of their conformity shalbe cleerely discharged; and every minister shall presently enter the submission into a booke to be kept in every parish, and within twenty dayes certify it by writing unto the bishop.

Yf any after such submission shall fall into relapse and againe become a recusant, he shall lose the benefit of thesaid submission.

The Submission.

I, A.B., do humbly confesse and acknowlege that I have grievously offended God in contemning Her Majestie's godly and lawfull government and aucthoritie by absenting my self from churche and from hearing Divyne Service, contrary to the godly lawes and statutes of this realme; and I am hartely sory for thesame, and do acknowlege and testyfy in my conscyence that the Bishop of Rome 6 hathe not, nor ought to have, any power or aucthoritie over Her Majestie or within any Her Majestie's realmes or dominions; and I do promissp- and protest without any disimulation or any collor, or meanes of dispenceation,7 that from hensforthe I will from tyme to tyme obay and performe Hir Majestie's lawes and statutes in repairing to the churche and hearing Divyne Service, and do my uttermost endevour to maintaine and defend thesame. 8 The Lower Bill, long tyme debated in the Lower House and yet not concluded. 9 1. That all recusantes which shall not submitt themselves before June next, shall forfait to the Queen all their goodes and chattels,

No. XXIX

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

12.

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

123

and all such debtes as be owing to them either in their owne right or any other's right, directly or indirectly. They also shall forfaict two partes of their landes, tenements and hereditaments during lyf.lo Every wyf recusant hereafter to be convicted shall forfait and be disabled to have joynter or dowry, or to be executrix or administrator; and all advancement by any conveyance directly or indirectly to any of their uses to be utterly void.1l Yf any hereafter take any recusant to wyf, two partes of all she hathe are to be forfaited to Her Majestie. 12 He that shall continew a convicted recusant by the space of two moneths, shall not be capable of any estate or thing, either by purchase or descent.13 Every recusant copyholder shall forfait two partes of his copy hold.14 Children of recusantes above seaven yeares of age are to be comitted to others to be educated; and they are to be kept and maintayned oute of the third parte lefte unto the recusant parent, the comitting of them to be donne either by the Councell Ordinary or Justice of Assises. 15 He that suffereth any recusant to continu within his house one moneth, thoughe it be patched up at severall tymes, shall forfait xli.

The master shall forfaict for every moneth he keepeth a recusant servant x li.16 Every recusant shalbe disabled to mak bargaine, contract, or any other conveyance.17 If any recusant have made any conveyance since primo Elizabethae to the use of any wyf or children it shalbe void for two partes to the Queene .18 All estates made since primo Elizabethae, bona fide, for just cause and consideration are saved. 19 He that submitteth must first make his recantation in his parishe churche with a solemne protestation to renounce the Pope and Popishe religion, and to shew himself penitent for his former fault.2o These penalties to be sued for by bill of action of debt or information in any Her Majestie's courtes.

Endorsed by Verstegan

For Fr. Persons.

Endorsed by Fr. Henry Walpole

Verstegan's advises of the Parliament of the 26 of March, 1592[-3].

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LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. XXIX

NOTES 1

The bill was first introduced into the House of Lords 24 February with the following title : "An act for restraining and punishing vagrant and seditious persons who, under feigned pretence of conscience and religion, corrupt and seduce the Queen's subjects". It was given a second reading 28 February and then committed. The text of the bill before the committee stage is in the House of Lords Papers (supplementary) 1576-93, ff . 119-28 ; a draft of it by Burghley is recorded in Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, p. 338.

So many amendments were made that a new bill had to be drawn up (for further details vid. ]. E. Neale, Elizabeth I and her Parliaments, 1584-1601, p. 295) . This was introduced 7 March, passed 12 March, and then sent to the Commons, where it was passed with additional amendments (D'Ewes, journals, p. 500-19; Lords journals, pp. 174-181). The final text of the act (35 Eliz. c. ii, "An Acte against Popish Recusantes") is contained in Statutes of the Realm, iv, pp. 843-6. The summary given in the above letter does not differ materially from the substance of the act in its final form, although it was made before the bill passed the Commons.

2

Blank in MS. The clause has not been summarised very clearly. The act stated that all copyholders and customary tenants who were recusants were to forfeit all their lands to their lord; but if the lord was also a recusant, the lands were to be forfeited to the Queen.

3

The headborough and tithingman were parish officers with duties similar to those of the petty constable: "an officer of a parish or township appointed to act as conservator of the peace and to perform a number of public duties in his district" (N . E .D .).

4

i.e. deceit or collusion (N.E.D. "covin", sb. 4) .

5

This should be no. 10. A clause has been omitted containing a proviso that recusants who had to deliver themselves to the Sheriff of the County were not to incur any penalty if they travelled further than five miles for that purpose.

6

Statutes of the Realm (iv, p. 845) reads "the Bysshoppe or Sea of Rome".

7

Ibid . "any dispensacion".

8

The last part of the submission, which has been omitted, runs as follows : "And that everie minister or curate of everie parishe where suche submyssion and declaracion of conformytie shall hereafter be soe made by any such offend or as aforesaide shall presentlie enter the same into a booke to be kepte in every parishe for that purpose, and within tenne daies then nexte following shall certefye the same in writinge to the bisshoppe of the same dioces ."

9

This bill, which was eventually abandoned, bore the title: "An act for the reducing of disloyal subjects to their due obedience" (text in House of Lords papers, 1592-3, ff . 1-15; summary D'Ewes, journals, p. 491).

It was introduced into the House of Commons 26 February and debated at its second reading 28 February. There were fifteen clauses in the bill, of which the first two were omitted, and a number of others modified when the bill returned from committee 12 March (D'Ewes, op. cit., ibid.).

Another debate took place the following day at the second reading, and the bill was again committed. The amendments made in committee were read and agreed 17 March, but then the bill fell asleep.

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A n ew bill to a similar end was introduced in the Lords 27 March: "An explanation of a branch of a statute made in the twenty third year of the Queen's Majesty's reign, intituled 'An Act to retain the Queen's Majesty's subjects in their due obedience' with some addition to the same" (Lords J ournals ii, p . 182) . Although this bill also underwent a number of modification s, it was eventually passed 7 April (35 Eliz., c. i., "An Acte to retayne t h e Quene's subjetes in obedyence", text in Statutes of the Realm, iv, pp . 841 ff .) . See further concerning the passage of the acts through Parliament, J . E . Neale, op . cit., pp. 280-297.

The text given in the above letter is a summary of the original bill introduced into the Commons 26 February, before any amendments were made. It contains a n umber of c.i.screpancies from the text in D'Ewes, particularly in clauses 8, 12, 14 and 15. There are also minor differences such as the combining of two clauses and the splitting of another.

10

This first clause, really clauses 1 and 2 of the bill, was omitted by the committee, "being thought too hard" (D'Ewes, op . cit., p . 498).

11

Clause no. 3 in D'Ewes, amended in committee to loss of two parts of jointure or dowry.

12

Clau se no . 4 in D'Ewes, amended to: "the husband not being recusant is to forfeit no part of his land for his wive's recusancy". Concerning this clause vid. Neale's remarks, op. cit., pp. 293-4.

13

Apparently clause no. 5 in D'Ewes, amended to "All sales made by recusants since 2 Eliz. of lands whereof he taketh the profits, or which conveyance is upon any trust and confidence, to be void as to the Queen, as for two parts of the profits to be answered her; and so all sales here after to be made by any recusant convicted, the sale being bona fide, etc."

14

This is closer to the amendment than to the clause (no. 11) of the original bill, which states: "If he be a copyholder, he shall forfeit his copyhold d uring his life, whereof two parts is to go to the Queen, and the third to the lord" . The amendment reads : "Recusants that be copyholders to forfeit two parts to the lord of the mannor, if the lord be no recusant, and if he be, then to the Queen".

15

Clause 9 in D'Ewes, amended to "Children being ten years old until they be sixteen years are to be disposed of at the appointment of four Privy Councillors, the Justices of Assize, the Bishop of the Diocese, Justices of Peace. If the third part of the lands suffice not for the maintenance, the rest to be levyed of the parents' goods".

16

Clauses 7 and 8 form only one clause in D'Ewes (no. 7). In the act which was introduced when the present one fell asleep, a proviso was added (section vii) that no one was to be punished or impeached for harbouring a recusant who was his wife or a near relation.

17

Clause 9 in D'Ewes.

18

Apparently the same as clause 6 in D'Ewes.

19

Not in D'Ewes.

20Id. clause 13.

XXX.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS. Antwerp, c. mid-April, 1593.

Stonyhurst, Coll. B, 81.

Holograph.

From 153 [London]l the 26 of Marche, stylo novo, 1593.

We are here in Parlament were 2 most severe lawes are concluded against the Catholiks, as confiscation of all goodes and leases and two partes of every man's land.

That no man shall kepe any Catholik servant or sojorner under x li. the moneth.

That all the inferior sorte shalbe banished or restrayned to live within fyve myles compasse. 3 The Lord of Comberlande's parte of the price taken in the carrick was 32,000 li., and Sir Walter Rawleye's 30,000 li.4 The Lord of Cumberland is provyding againe to the sea; howbeit we heare that the King of Spaine's treasure is come saf home. 5 Sir Frauncis Drake's voyage is at the best no preparation nor speech thereof more. 6 Captain Candish and his fellow captain, Cock, are bothe dead at sea, and their ship come home miserably to Plimouthe with only 7 men in her. 7 There is graunted in this Parlament three subsidies and six fifteenes, a thing never before heard of.s Mr. Beecher (an alderman's sonne of London) is now redy to passe for Turcky with thease presents, viz: a very ritche bedstede woorthe 3,000 li., two stryking clockes of silver, a very ritche cubbord of plate, 52 chestes 9 of the best scarlet could be bought, and twelve scarlet gownes for his chiest10 bassaes.

The Lord Treasurer is recovered of his sicknesse as lusty as ever, more potent then ever. He in the Upper House, and his sonne, Sir Robert, in the Lower house make what lawes they list.

The Earl of Essex is sworne of the Privy Counsell.l1 We heare many reportes of Scotland, not knowing the certainty.

By another letter of the last of Marche.

Certaine Brownistes or Puritaines are apprehended and to be arrayned for publishing of a seditious booke. 12 The plague beginneth to encrease in London. 13 Theare are broyles and stirres in Scotland, and thinges their do ¡procede contrary to the lyking of the Counsel of England.

Since the arrivall of the letters before specified, here is newes come unto this towne that John Cecill, the Treasurer's grandchyld, hathe caryed away the Lady Arbella and secretly maried her, aboute 126

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the which there is much ado in the courte I expect to heart this confirmed. 14 Addressed

For Fr. Persons.

Endorsed by Fr. Persons Notes of lawes treated or concluded in Parlament, with letteres of the 26 and 31 of March, 1593.

L

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NOTES 1

Decoding supplied ed.

2

i.e. "where".

3

Vid. previous letter.

4.

Cf. a despatch sent 30 March, 1593 to Persons and Englefield by another intelligencer: "The particion of the great pryce is now concluded: that the Quene shall have all the peppar, mounting, as it is valued to 80,000 li. sterlinge; th'Erle of Cumberland shall have to the valew of 36,000 li. in merchandise; Sir Walter Rawly 24,000 li; the City of London 12,000 li.; but by that tyme they sold their wares it may be they will fall short of their accoumptes" (Stonyhurst, Call. B, 80). Cf. also Phelippes's letter to Thomas Barnes (Cal. Dam. Eliz., 1591-4, p. 314). The signed awards of the commissioners give lower figures: Cumberland, £18,000; Raleigh, £15,900; Sir John Hawkins, £2,400; the City of London £12,000 (B.M. Lansdowne MSS. 73, f . 40, cited G. B. Harrison, Elizabethan Journals, i, p. 371).

5

Cf. Cal. Dam. Eliz., 1591-4, p. 353; Letter no. 25, note 4. Three ships financed by Cumberland set out towards the end of 1593 on a privateering expedition, and returned in August of the following year. Little financial benefit was derived from the voyage, but a large Portuguese carrack, Las Cinque Llagas, was destroyed by fire (Hakluyt, Voyages, Everyman ed ., v. pp. 69ff.).

6

Vid. Letter no. 25, note 4.

7

Captain Thomas Cavendish, the famous navigator, was in charge of a fleet of five ships which set sail from Plymouth 26 August, 1591, bound for the "South Sea, the Philippinas and the coast of China". He commanded the Galeon, whilst Captain Cocke captained the Roebucke, and John Davis the Desire. The voyage was disastrous, and only a very small remnant returned to England, Cavendish and Cocke and many others having perished (Hakluyt, Voyages, vol. 8, pp. 289ff.)

8

Cf. Call. B, 79. Two sets of subsidies were granted by Act of Parliament in 1593. The first (c. xii) was of two subsidies of four shillings in the pound to be paid in two years by the clergy; and the second (c. xiii) was of three subsidies and six fifteenths and tenths to be paid by the laity over a period of four years. (Fifteenths and tenths were old forms of taxation dating from the 14th. century, deriving their names from the fact that the one purported to be a fifteenth of the value of the personal property of all country residents, and the other a tenth of that of all city and borough residents. By Elizabethan times these grants had become fixed amounts apportioned out by commissioners in every county and town.)

See further concerning the 1593 subsidies D'Ewes, Journal, p. 480ff.; and Neale's chapter on the subject in Queen Elizabeth and her Parliaments, 1584-1601.

9

10

In a previous letter (no. 25) the number is given as 50.

i.e. "chiefest".

11

Vid. Letter no. 7, note 17.

12

Vid. Letter no. 31, note 5, Letter no. 33.

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18

Cf. A .P. C., xxiv, pp. 163-4;

Fugger News-Letters, 2nd series, p. 248.

14

Cf. Letter no. 3 note 13. The reported elopement of Thomas Cecil's eldest son (William not John) with Arabella proved to be a false rumour. He~ad in fact secretly married Elizabeth Drury (vid. Letter no. 31).

XXXI.

VERSTEGAN TO PERSONS. Antwerp, 28 April, 1593.

Stonyhurst, Coll . B, 95.

Holograph.

From Antwerp, the 28 of Aprill, stylo novo.

It is here reported by one lately come foorthe of England that the marchantes of London, Hull, Newcastle, and other places have offred to sett foorthe 12,000 men to the siege of Dunkerck, because they are by that towne very much annoyed. It seemeth this offer is accepted and promis made that this somer it shalbe taken in hand. 1 The Queene would faine bring the States of Holland and Zealand to pay all English garnisons themselves according as hetherto she hathe payde them. And she offreth to apparell them twice in the yeare, and stille to send supplies to kepe the full numbers- but aboute this matter they are not yet agreed. 2 It is concluded in Parlament that a house shalbe erected for the maintenance during their lives of such soldiers as are and shalbe maymed in their warres. 3 It is knowne in England that our nation hathe here bene begged for in sermons, and this is divulged there in pulpites to shewe in what state the King of Spaine's English pentioners do live here, as also what a great punishment of misery is now laid uppon us because We are enemyes to them and their gospell. And the matter is lyke shortly to be amplyfied in bookes and ballets. God relieve us and amend them. 4

The contents of a letter dated in London the 6 of this moneth of Aprill, 1593, stylo novo.

The second of this moneth fyve Brownistes or Puritanes were arraigned and condemned to die as fellons. 5 The next day was one Penry, a Welshman and a principall Puritane minister taken, and is undoubtedly thesame man that wrote under the name of Martin Marprelate. 6 The 4 of this present, he was examined before the Counsell, and by reason of his apprehension, the execution of the others was stayed. 7 The Lord Burrowes is sent ambasador into Scotland aboute the pacifying of some broyles there. s John Cecill, sonne to Sir Thomas Cecill, caried awayed the Lady Stafforde's daughter's daughter, who was a gentlewoman of the Privy Chamber, and the 3 of this presente, they were taken againe.

Y ong Cecill is sent to the Marshalsea, and the gentlewoman to the Fleet. 9 130

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It is said that the Parlament was to end in the begining of Aprill, and that the Queen will go to Windsor because the Plague beginneth a freshe to encrease in London.

By another letter dated in London the 10 of this moneth of Aprill, I do understand that two of the Brownistes or purest Puritaines which the 2 of this moneth were condemned to die, Were caried unto the place of execution and, the halters beeing put aboute their neckes and tyed fast unto the gallowes, they were presentely untyed and caried back againe alyve. It seemeth that the officers durst not execute them by reason of the great multytude of Puritanes there present, as also flocking together in the City of London, who began openly to murmur and to give oute threatning speeches, insomuch that a presente commotion was feared, and what may yet follow is doubtfull, considering the heate of those purified spirites. 10 The enemy ill thease partes lieth still before Gertremberg and is their very strongly entrenched, having all this whyle bene busyed aboute his entrenching and not begun to batter. It is said that our forces to raise the siege wilbe their by the 15 of May. I pray God they come not to late. l l

Addressed

To Fr. Persons.

Endorsed by Fr. Persons Advises from London, 10 April, 1593.

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NOTES 1

Cf. Cal . Spanish, 1587-1603, p. 597. The English merchant ships were constantly/attacked by ships manned by the men of Dunkirk (A .P. C., xxvi, p . 61; Fugger News-Letters, 2nd series, p. 247; Hatfield House MSS, iv, p. 248.)

2

The aid given to the Dutch in men and money was said to cost the Queen ÂŁ150,000 a year (D'Ewes, journals,p.473). A list of weekly payments to English troops in the Low Countries between March and May, 1593 is contained in Hatfield House MSS, iv, p . 293 .

3

"An acte for the relief of souldiours" (35 Eliz., c. iv) was passed by Parliament to the effect that weekly rates were to be raised in every parish for the relief of disabled soldiers; but no mention is made in the act of the erection of a home for them (vid . Statutes of the Realm, iv, pp. 847-9).

4

One such book was Lewknor's The Estate of English Fugitives under the King of SPaine and his ministers, which appeared in 1595, and was republished the following year.

5

Henry Barrow, John Greenwood, Scipio Bellot, Robert Bowles (or Bull) and Daniel Studley were condemned 23 March (O.S.) in the Session Hall near Newgate, the first two for "devising" and the last three for "publishing and dispersing seditious books" (Harleian MSS. 7042, f. 34, cited in F. J . Powicke, Henry Barrow, pp . 75-6) Cf. An Apologie or Defence of such true Christians as are commonly called Brownists, (1604) p. 92. Details of the trial are contained in Letter no. 33.

Barrow and Greenwood were executed; Daniel Studley was imprisoned for four years and then exiled; Scipio Bellot and Robert Bowles "dyed a while after" in Newgate (An Apologie, p. 95).

6

This dates Penry's capture 24 March (O.S.), though the date is normally given as two days earlier (d. Pierce, john Penry, p . 385; A . Peel, Notebook of john Penry, Camden Society, lxvii, 1944, p. xxi). He was condemned 24 May, 1593 and executed at the end of the same month. For details of his indictment see Letter no. 38.

The originator of the above despatch had little doubt in his mind that Penry was the author of the Marprelate Tracts, but opinion continues to vary (vid. Letter no. 27, note 8).

7

The reference to the stay of execution for the other Puritans is corroborated

by Barrow's letter written shortly before his death (printed in AnA pologie, p. 92): "Upon the 24, early in the morning, was preparation made for our execution, we brought out of the Limbo, our yrons smitten of, and we ready to be bound to the cart, when Her Majestie's most gracious pardon came for our reprive".

8

Cf. Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, pp. 314-5. Lord Thomas Boroughs was sent to Scotland to pacify James concerning the fact that the Earl of Bothwell was being harboured in England. Elizabeth assured James that Bothwell "had crept secretly into England, and that she would punish those which had harboured him ... " (Camden, Annales, 1635 ed., p. 418). Boroughs was able to extract a number of promises from James, one (which he did not fulfil) being to procure in Parliament the forfeiture of the Catholic rebels (Hatfield House MSS, iv, p. 373).

9

The lady with whom William (not John) Cecil eloped was Elizabeth Drury, whose grandmother, Lady Stafford, wife of Sir William Stafford of Grafton,

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was one of the Ladies of the Bedchamber, and served the Queen for over forty years. Her mother was Elizabeth Stafford, married first to Sir William Drury of Hawsted, in Suffolk, who died in 1589 in a duel, and then to Sir John Scott. (Details concerning the mother and grandmother are taken from V. Wilson, Queen Elizabeth's Maids of Honour, 1922 (pp. 76, 89, 115-6).

Although originally imprisoned in the Marshalsea, Cecil was moved within a week from this "noisesome prison" to the Fleet, "a place of better health". On 11 April, he wrote asking Robert Cecil to persuade Burghley to obtain the Queen's favour for his pardon. He was released by 22 May when he wrote a letter thanking his uncle for the efforts he had made on his behalf (Hatfield House MSS, iv, pp . 300, 308, 319) .

10

11

This was the second time the execution had been postponed (cf. note 7).

The reason for this reprieve was, according to Phelippes, a supplication sent to Burghley by the Puritans that' 'in a land where no Papist was put to death for religion, theirs should not be the first blood shed who concurred about faith with what was professed in the country .. . " (Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, p . 341). Barrow described the respite as follows : "Upon the last day of the third moneth, my brother Grenewood and I were early and secretly conveyed to the place of execution, where, being tyed by the necks to the tree, we were permitted to speak a few wordes . .. And having both of us almost finished our last words, behold! one was even at that instant come with a rep rive for our lives from Her Majesty, which was not onely thankfully received of us, but with exceeding rejoysing and applause of al the people, both at the place of execution, and in the wayes, streets and houses as we returned." (A n Apologie or Defence, pp. 92-3). Barrow and Greenwood were eventually executed 6 April, 1593.

Vid.

Letter no. 27, note 1.

XXXII.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS. Antwerp, 30 April, 1593.

Stonyhurst, Coll. B, 103.

Holograph.

Right Reverend, I have receyved Your Fatherhoode's letter of the 19 of March, and therewith a great packet for Fr. Holte. Himself (as by his last letter unto me I understand) is now either at Namures, or on his way to Tornay, where the Provinciall and sundry of the Society do mete. I hold it best to send the packet unto him to Tornay by the Rector of this towne 1 who goeth thether, for himself beeing no further of, I do not thinck it requisyte that I should open thesame.

In the meane tyme, I have written unto him to signify what I have for him.

I moved Mr. Reynoldes 2 yesterday to write his answere unto Your Fatherhoode touching the setting foorthe of a generall ecclesiasticall history of the Churche of England. 3 He answered that himself beeing not very well (as in dede he is not) and, besydes that, somwhat busyed, and his answere not greatly requisyte to be so speedely given, he would for a whyle deferr it. I had some talke with him aboute this woorck, the methhoode whereof he lyketh to be thus : first, the History of St. Bede 4 and Dr. Harpsfeild 5 to be joyned in one volume, and to continew from the first Christianity of our nation unto the revolt of King Henry the Eight. Then, in a second volume, the Concertation which would make a volume greater then the first ; and therein should be comprised somuch of Dr. Harpsfeild his History as since that revolt is continued, as also, what Dr. Saunders in his booke De Schismate Anglicana hathe sett downe,6 and what els that oute of sundry writinges and good notes may be gathered. And this, beeing conferred together, should be made one intire pece of woorck, the first volume conteyning, as it were, the tyme of the peace of the Churche, and the second the troobles that have bene caused by schisme and heresy.

I have receyved from our frendes in 25 [England] a discourse in writing conteyning 50 sheets of paper, beeing the confession of Mr. Anthony Tirrell written by himself before his later fall, wherein there is very notable matter discovered to long here to be rehearsed, 7 and sundry copies of the Treasurer's letters, and others in aucthority unto him, besydes divers articles and interogations, practizes of Walsingham and others, etc., which will yeild great light and matter unto Your Fatherhoode's intended woorck.

I have also gotten the late booke against the Puritanes sett foorthe by the aucthority of the bishopes, and in my judgment there was never booke sett foorth by our English heretikes nor any other, more advantagious for us. Calvine and Beza are deciphered to be no better then seditious and rebellious spirites, their practizes, 134

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driftes, and sinister getting to credit and government in Geneva is displayed and proved by their actes, consultations and private letters to their fellow ministers-yea, Bezaes seditious letters to the Puritanes in England, which we should, perhapes, never have come to the knowlege of, but that themselves have now layde open their owne turpitude. s One thing 1 cannot passe over which in this booke is sett downe, and that is, that one, beeing in Geneva, did usually frequent the sermons of Calvyne, and would never come unto the sermons of Viretus, who did preach in another church at the same howre that Calvyne preached in his churche (either churche is named). Uppon occasion, one asked him why he did still heare the sermons of Calvine and would never heare anyone of those of Viretus. "1 tell you," quoth this party, "yf St. Paule himself were alive and in Geneva, and did preach at thesame howre that Monsieur Calvyne preached, 1 would leave St. Paule and heare Monsieur Calvyne". 9 [Marginal note: 1 do not very well remember whether this tale be in the bishopes' booke or in Sutcliffe's but in the one of them I red it.]

Another booke is sett foorth of some bignes, also with lyke aucthorite and written against the Puritaines by one Mathew Sutcliff (thesame man that hathe lately written in Latin against Fr. Bellarmyne and others, whereof I have alredy written unto you), and this fellow playeth uppon Calvyne and Beza in thesame sorte as dothe the other, and hathe very many prety notes in him fitt for our purpose.10 Amonge others: whereas the Puritanes do say that Papistes are more favoured then they are, he answereth them that it is a bold and impudent assertion, for it is well knowne that divers of them have been executed, some as traitors, some as fellons, others have paid for it as Recusants, whereas none of this faction have bene punished in lyke degree, save Racket, albeit they deny Rer Majestie's supremacy, and many of them refuse to come to churche etc. Thus far his owne woordes-for I have this booke also, oute of the which 1 write it. l l I send at this present in Sir Frauncis his letter a paper of advices for Your Fatherhoode, as also an arraignment of certaine Brownistes,12 the writing of the copy whereof 1 have paid for in 68, as also for thease books; and so do I for divers the lyke that a freind there sendeth me-I do not meane any 139 [priest ?]13 but another; and thusmuch 1 ad to the end Your Fatherhood may partly knowe what charge I am at for thease thinges, besydes the portage, which is also extraordinary.

I send Your Fatherhoode herenclosed a copy of a letter written by some Chief of the Councell to the comissioners of LincoInshere,14 which was sent me from 195 [Fr. Gamet], as was also the discours of Mr. Tirrell's confession.

1 send herewith also a letter sent unto me from my coosin, Thomas Fitzherbert, whose case seemeth unto me to be very hard. 15

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I perceave by entelligence from a frend in 25 [England] who is of this country that my coosin hathe employed one their aboute some espetiall service, and hathe bene at charges for thesame; but the party is taken for beeing 225 [Catholic] yet hopeth for liberty, and (as I am enformed) dothe hold on his resolution, and will do his busynesse so soone as he shaIbe free ; and by sundry letters that I have seene I do deeme him to be an honest man, and that he wilbe as good as his woord. 16 The extreme misery of our nation here is wounderfull great, and perswasion to patience hathe no force to resist hunger. Their harts are even broken with sorrow considering that now almost in two yeares they have had no one pay . They in England rejoyce at it and proclaime it to the world.1? Some here do murmur at the erection of new seminaries,18 aIeaging that to be a meane t o withdrawe His Maj estie's benevolence from relieving the body of our nation. My self have argued with some that have bene very hot in this matter. Others do bothe say and write that it is intended by some either to starve us or to drive us away . Divers are sory of Your F atherhoode's so speedy returne from Madrid, and conceave litle hope of good successe by the solicitation of others.

And touching the suing to Counte Mansfeild for our entertainments- I meane your brother's and myne-in the Castel's, there is utterly no hope of it by him, for he loveth not our nation ;19 and 177 [Paget ?]20 who hathe now gotten some credit with him, I suppose would rather crosse then further thesame. And I thinck it would be a long sute to get his secretary to seeke up the Ringe's letter, and to get afterwardes the Counte's answere ; for 177 [Paget ?] hathe got his creditt with the Count by meane of this secretary.

Yf this Counte be to be removed from the government, I suppose it best to see what may be don by the next. It is a grief to consider that after so great sute for His Majestie's letters, when they are once had, they are of no force ; and some do say that by certaine privy marckes set downe in such letters the officers do know whether they are effectuall or not, els it were strang they should so litle regard the Ringe's owne writing.

I perce ave that at the writing of Your Fatherhoode's letter of the 19 of Marche, the letter of myne was not arryved touching a sute for the office of receit of the custome of Englishe clothes. 21 Whether any good may be don therein or no I know not, neither will I importunately urge Your Fatherhoode, but leave it unto your consideration to do therein or in the former sute as conveniently you may . And thus comitting Your F atherhoode to God, I humbly take my leave.

Antwerp, this 30 or last of Aprill, 1593. With right harty thanckes for your good favour and affection towardes me.

Your Fatherhoode's most assured and redy servitor, R . Verstegan.

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Philopatris 22

Because the Latin Booke of will not sell here, seeing so many editions hereabouts are printed, I do meane-as also your brother desyreth-to send more of them unto Spaine, and with those I will send the cronicles, Mr. Tirrel's confession, with divers other thinges.

Addressed

AI Molto Reverendo in Christo Padre, il Padre Roberto Personio della Compagnia di Giesu, Sevilla.

Endorsed by Fr. Henry Walpole

Verstegan, the last of April, with advises, 1593.

Endorsed by Fr. Persons With a note of certayn books agaynst Puritans, and Mr. Reynalde's answere about the Concertation.

Mark of seal

138

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. XXXII

NOTES 1

i.e. Antwerp.

2

Dr. William Rainolds (or Reynolds), 1544-1594, a leading Catholic theolog. ian and polemist, had been Professor of Divinity and Hebrew at Douay and Rheims, and had assisted in the translation of the Rheims New Testament, 1582. Among his other works are A Refutation of Sundry Reprehensions, 1583 (printed in Paris under Verstegan's supervision); De Justa Reipublicae Christianae, 1590, 1592; A Treatise conteyning the true Catholike and Apostolike Faith, 1593; and Calvino- Turcismus, completed and published by William Gifford in 1597. Rainolds died in August, 1594, and, as can be seen from the above letter, had been in poor health for about a year.

3

The book in question, a two volume ecclesiastical history of England from earliest times, never materialised, but there are two works by Persons which can be considered to have stemmed from it. One is A Treatise of three Conversions of England from Paganisme to Christian Religion, which appeared in 1603 and 1604, (Catalogue of Catholic Books, no. 640), and this would appear to correspond with the first volume of the contemplated history. The other is a three volume manuscript work, never printed, described by Gillow (Bibliographical Dictionary, v, p. 287) as follows: "De editione Concertationis Anglicanae, opus imperfectum Personii, MS., 3 large vols., at Stonyhurst. It was planned as a full history of the Reformation from the beginning of the reign of Henry VIII". This Concertatio (also called Certamen) has the same title and scope as the second volume of the work mentioned in the above letter.

4

Thomas Stapleton had published a translation of Bede's Historia at Antwerp in 1565. It appeared with the title: The History of the Church of E ng lande, compiled by Venerable Bede, Englishman. Translated out of Latin in to English by Thomas Stapleton, Student in Divinity. The work, which was dedicated to Elizabeth, "Defendour of the Faith", is prefaced by a discussion of the "Differences between the Primitive Faithe of England continewed almost these thousand yeres, and the late pretensed faith of Protestants".

5

Nicholas Harpsfield's work was Historia Anglicana Ecclesiastica a primis gentis susceptae fidei incunabilis ad nostra fere temp ora deducta, et in quindecim centurias distributa. It existed only in manuscript at the time, and did not appear in print until 1622, when it was published with a short work by Edmund Campion " . . . de Divortio Henrici VIII Regis ab uxore Catherina et ab Ecclesia Catholica Romana discessione". The Historia extends only as far as the end of the fifteenth century, so that when Verstegan alludes to that part of it "as since that revolt is continued", he is probably referring to another manuscript work by Harpsfield, which is a supplement to the Historia: Treatise touching the pretended Divorce of Henry the Eighth (printed from a collation of four manuscript sources

by N. Pocock for the Camden Society in 1878).

6

Nicholas Sander's book, full title: Doctissimi Viri Nicolai Sanderi de Origine ac Progressu Schismatis Anglicani Liber, was published in 1585.

Like Persons's later work, Three Conversions, the book stresses the threefold conversion of England to the Catholic Faith.

7

Concerning Tyrell see Letter no. 1, note 3. The holograph of his con¡ fession (which, as appears later in this letter, Verstegan had received from Garnet) was sent to Persons in October, 1593 (vid. Letter no. 43). Although Persons prepared the manuscript for press, he never published it,

No.

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LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

139

and it was not printed until Morris included it in Troubles of our Catholic Forefathers, ii, pp. 310ff. In the preface he wrote to the confession, commented on the manuscript he had received from Verstegan in the following manner: "There came into my hands some months past a certain roll of papers that had been sent me out of England not long before, and for that they seemed somewhat of a stale date, and I was occupied at that time in divers other businesses, I let them lie by me for the space of two or three months without reading them over; but at last, taking time to peruse the particulars, I found, among other things, a very large narration and confession made by Anthony Tyrrell, priest, which contained six-andfifty sheets of paper written all with his own hand, in a very small letter, and his name subscribed in divers places to the same." (Morris, op. cit., p.310).

Three manuscript copies of the confession are extant, two of them being at the English College Rome, and the third in the British Museum, Additional MSS . 35,330.

8

Verstegan is alluding to A Survay of the Pretended Holy Discipline (vid.

Letter no . 28, note 3). Concerning the references to Beza's letters d. pp. 50-60 of the book.

9

The Swiss Calvinist, Pierre Viret (1511-1571) was renowned for his capabilities as a preacher. Verstegan is referring to a passage in A Survay, pp. 372-3.

Although quoting from memory, Verstegan has accurately noted the main points of the anecdote, which is taken from Zanchius.

10

This book is An Answere to a certaine Libel Supplicatorie (vid. Letter no.

28, note 1). For Sutcliffe's book against Bellarmine vid. Letter no. 27, note 10.

11 12

Vid .

An Answere, p. 171.

Vid. next letter.

13

Decoding in this letter supplied ed., with the exception of the no. 195, above which is written "f. Garn."

14

The letter in question appears to be the one sent by the Privy Council in November, 1592 to the Earl of Lincoln, Lord Willoughby, Lord Sheffield "and the rest of the Co missioners for the examining and restrainte of recusant[s]" (A.P. C., xxiii, p. 289). It complains of the leniency shown to the Catholics in custody.

15

Thomas Fitzherbert, who had been an intelligencer for the King of Spain at Rouen, was with the Duke of Feria in Paris for part of 1593 (Foley, Records S. J., iii, pp. 792-3). It is hard to say what the circumstances were which prompted Verstegan's remark.

The term "coosin" which Verstegan uses here and elsewhere does not imply that Fitzherbert was related to him in some way, but that Verstegan regarded him as a close friend (d. N.E.D. "cousin", sb. 5b).

16

Fitzherbert's agent in England seems to have been the government spy Sterrell, who wrote his "advices" at the direction of Thomas Phelippes.

He was subjected to an examination by Francis Bacon (vid. Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, pp. 309, 336, 401).

17

Cf. Letters no. 15 and 31.

18

The new seminaries were those founded in Spain, one at Valladolid in 1589 and the other at Seville in 1592.

140

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No.

xxxn

19

C£. Letter no. 15. Count Pierre Ernest de Mansfelt was Acting-Governor of the Low Countries after Farnese's death until the arrival of the Archduke Ernest in Brussels at the beginning of 1594.

20

The conjecture that 177 is Charles Paget (suggested to me by Fr. Basil FitzGibbon S.].) is supported by the deposition of Diaper made while in prison in 1593 to Lord Burghley. He says of Paget: "This rebel is greatly in regard with the Count Fuentes [mistranscribed' Faustus'] and Mansfield and Mountdragon, Governor of Antwerp, and all those of the King's Council; for they take him to be very wise, especially in plotting such matters as can never be brought to pass" . (Strype, A nnals, iv, p. 231). Cf. 1st and 2nd Douay Diaries, p. 408.

21

It is not known whether Verstegan's request was granted at this time,

since he makes no further mention of it in his letters, and the records of passports granted at Brussels and Antwerp are very incomplete for this period . But Verstegan did receive a passport, and for a very large number of cloths, in 1612. A passport for cloth was regarded as a valuable source of income, and was eagerly sought after by the needy exiles. Cardinal Allen's sister, Elizabeth, obtained one for 100 cloths in 1598. See further my thesis, pp. 157f£., 300f£.

22

This is Persons's Responsio (vid., Letter no. 15, note 1). By April, 1593 at least four editions were in print: three in Latin, and one English abridgement (An Advertisement) . Verstegan did not despatch any copies of the Latin version in the consignment of books sent to Persons 2 October, 1593, but he did include 50 copies of An Advertisement (vid . Letter no. 43).

XXXIIA.

Enclosure, Coll. B, 99, 100.1

The tytle of the booke against the Puritanes sett foorthe by the direction and aucthoritie of the bishopes.

A Survay of the Pretended Holy Discypline, conteyning the begininges, successe, parts, proceedinges, aucthoritie and doctrine of it : with some of the manifold and materiall repugnances, varieties and uncertal 'nties in that behalf.

Faithfully gathered by way of historicall narration, oute of the bookes and 1eJ1'itinges of some principall favourers of that platjorme.

Imprinted at London by John W olj, 1593.

The tytle of, Mathew Sutclif his booke against the Puritanes.

An Answere to a certaine Libell Suplicatorie, or rather Diffamatory, and also to certaine calumnious articles and interrogatories, bothe printed and scattered in secret corners, to the slaunder of the Ecclesiasticall state, and put foorthe under the name and title of a petition directed to Her May"esty. Wherein not only the frivolous discourse of the petitioner is refuted, but also the accusation against the disciplinarians, his clients, y"ustified, and the slaunderous cavills at the present government deciphered. By Mathew Sutcliffe. At London imprinted, etc.

NOTE 1

This enclosure contains accurate transcriptions of the title-page of the two books against the Puritans, though the spelling and punctuation of the originals are not observed. See further concerning these works the preceding despatch and Letter no. 28.

141

XXXIIB.

Enclosure, Call. B, 101.

Yf my leasure a litle better served me, and my mynde were more quiet and delivered from thease perturbations of want, me thinckes I could oute of sundry our late Englishe hereticall bookes (for I have licence to read them as also othersl ) drawe foorthe very espetiall matter to move any indifferent Protestant to become doubtfull of the truthe in either the Puritane or Protestant religion,2 and this treatise I would intitule thus: "The second confusion of Babilon.

Wherein the repugnant speeches and actions of the buylders up of a pretended Gospell are discovered, etc."

Or I might call it "The Confusion of Albion", 3 and in the Preface to the Reader "touch briefly how the one name conteyneth the very same letters of the other, one letter only doubled for there is no letter in the one that is not in the other, nor no more nor lesse except the "b" twice in the one and but once in the other.

Against the heretikes that would prove Roome to be Babilon 4 and the Pope the whore of Babilon, 5 I had once a toy in my head to have controled that alusion, and to have shewed how Albion might, by transposing the letters, seme to be Babilon. The 7 hilles, saith the Scripture, are seaven kinges, ergo not seaven hills; and unto seaven kinges' govermentes hathe Albion bene devyded, and Roome never. 6 Also that the Woman sat uppon a rose coloured beast, 7 and the rose is the armes or banner of England. Moreover, that the woman was druncken with the blood of saintes,8 and said, "sedeo regina, et vidua non sum, et luctum non videbo",9 and so dothe she sit as a queene, and is neither widow, wyf nor maid. But with all this I would not medle in the matter aforesaid. I only put it downe because it now came into my remembrance. lo Endorsed by Fr. Persons (Call. B, 102) Notes of bookes agaynst Puritans Aprilis 30, 1593.

]42

No.XXXllb LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

143

NOTES 1

Fr. Henry Walpole had written to Fr. Creswell at Rome on Verstegan's behalf in January, 1590 to obtain this pern:rission for him. See further my thesis, pp . 127ff.

2

Cf. Letter no. 27, in which Verstegan had written concerning his SPeculum pro Christianis Seductis that it tended "to put an heretyke in doubte of his owne religion".

3

When Verstegan thought of this title he may have had in mind the so-called "Chaucer's Prophecy", which he had mentioned in the preface of his Declaration of the True Causes. It contains the following lines: "Then shal the lond of Albyon Be brought to ' grete confusioun".

(W. W . Skeat, Works of Chaucer. i, p. 46,.

4

Babylon is referred to symbolically in the Apocalypse (e.g . xiv, 8; xvi, 19; xvii, 5 ; xviii, 2 ; x, 21), and according to the interpretation adopted by St. Jerome and St. Augustine was held to represent Rome at the time of the Roman Empire, the main points of similarity being (a) that it ruled over the kings of the earth; (b) that it sat on seven mountains; (c) that it was the centre of the world's commerce; (d) it was the corruptor of nations; (e) it was the persecutor of saints. The Protestants readily adapted these references to apply to the Church of Rome, but Verstegan ingeniously interprets them as applying to Protestant England.

5

The whore of Babylon is mentioned in Apocalypse, xvii.

6

Cf. Apocalypse, xvii, 9 . "The seven heads are seven mountains upon which the woman sitteth, and they are seven kings". Verstegan is alluding to the Heptarchy, the seven kingdoms into which it was thought England had been divided by the Angles and the Saxons between the 5th and 9th centuries.

7

Apoc., xvii, 3. "And I saw a woman sitting upon a scarlet-coloured beast ... " (Coccineam is normally translated as " scarlet", but it suited Verstegan's purpose to translate it as "rose") .

8

Id ., xvii, 6. "And I saw the woman drunk with the blood of the saints, and with the blood of the martyrs of Jesus."

9

Id., xviii, 7.

10

" ... I sit a queen, and am not a widow".

Verstegan never made use of the idea in his subsequent works.

M

XXXIII.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS. Antwerp, c. 30 April, 1593.

Stonyhurst, Coll. B, 87.

Holograph.

The arraignmentl of certaine Puritaines or Brownistes, the second of Aprill, 1593.

The first that was arraigned was Henry Barrowe. 2 His indictment was grounded uppon the statute of 23 Elizabeth :3 that he advisedly and with a malitious intent had devised, written, causell to be printed, and set foorthe one booke called The Discovery of the False Churche, 4 wherein first he enveygheth mightely against Her Majestie and the presente state, bothe spirituall and temporall, alleaging that bothe shee and the body of the Comon Weith, now standing as they do, are not christened, nor within the rules of Christianity, unles she recall herself, and the rest submitt themselves, unto the order of the Churche; and that it will not be sufficient for Her Majestie to say that she hathe not beene instructed in thesame, so long as she runneth on that course she dothe, and yet will continew in thesame. And further, that there is never a man in whome there is any sparck of the grace of God, or that seeketh to keepe a good conscyence can live in this Comon Weale, or use any kynde of trade or lyf whatsoever, for all are corrupted and full of sores, from the highest to the lowest, of what estate or degree soever they bee.

An other parte of the indictment was in that they disallowed the aucthoritie of bishopes, and in saying that their lawes were antichristian and not ruled or directed by the finger of God; and that they that did reverence the bishopes did reverence the beast spoken of in the Revelation.

He denied the Queen able to make any lawe concerning the Churche, alleaging that he that maketh lawes taketh and arrogateth to himself the office of God, for that is peculier only to God. That all people of this land, saving such as were within their Churche, weare infidells. (An infidell he tooke to be such as either never was of thire Chruche, or once beeing thereof did shrinck and fall from thesame.)

Greenewood 5 Was the next, and was indicted for subscribing and publishing of a booke, to which Barrow and he did agree, intituled A Conference betwixt him and Certaine Ministers,6 wherein first he dissaloweth the Booke of Comon Prayer, allowed bothe by the lawes of the land as also by the lawes of the Churche since primo Elizabeth. That he had proved the congregation of England profane and Babell lyke. That it was ruled and governed by the Pope's lawes, not by the lawes of Christ; by the power of Satan, not by the powre of Christ, profaning His name throughe their superstition and idolatry. That there was not the seeking of a 144

No.

xxxm

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

145

true ministrie as their ought to be, but a maintaining of a false.

That their assemblies were not ruled, governed or directed by the Old or New Testament, but by the superstitious canons of popes and councells. That such thinges as are in the Churche are not to be suffred for an order to which none of the children of God may come, in paine of damnation. That all the lawes of the Churche are false and antichristian. That the ministers have no powre to teach, preach, or intermedle in the Churche of God, in that they are not rightly called. That bothe he and Barrow, upon conference with one Mr. Penry, affirmed that the Queen had donne wickedly in giving powre to the bishopes, and they said they would seale thesame with their blooudes.

Studley, an elder of their Churche, was indicted and arraigned for publishing of the first.

Billet for thesame.

Boules, a disiple, for publishing the last. 7 The evidence of Serjant Owens against Barrow.

The lawe of 23°, whereof he standeth indicted, hathe two partes : the first for advisedly devising of libells, the second for wilfull publishing thesame. For the proof of the first, he inferred thease woordes: whereas he alleaged Her Majestie not to be baptised he condemned the Churche, universities, archbishopes, bishopes, vicars, parsons, cathedralls, churches, and all sorts of persons whatsoever but themselves. That all that come to the churche are infidells.

That the Churche and Comon Weale and all was corrupted, all thinges oute of order, the publyke lawes and customes and all are corrupted, and that no prince can make new lawes. That he did it malitiously in that it is false.

The fact is to be enquired or confessed-that was for the jury; the lawe to be delivered by the judges. That the end and drift of their shooting was to bring in confusion, notwithstanding their hipocresy. That the Queen her government was of God they confesse, but they take away the effect, that is, the making of lawes, and, by consequence, the government; and therefore don uppon malice, insomuch as they alleage that she hathe no aucthoritie; and therefore this their diabolicall perswasions tendeth to plaine insurrection and rebellion, and yet, foorsoothe, clooked under the face of religion, as that of Ket's in Edward 6 his tyme, which was for nothing but for the removing of evill councellours from the King: 9 so the rebelles in the northe,lO and so the intended rebellion of these cormorants and devourers of men's soules-a fitt company to appoint Her Majestie's counsell, beeing never an honest man among them.

That bothe they and the Papistes were pioners for the King of Spaine, the one begining at the one end, and the other at the other end; and so at the last they would mete at the harte of the midle.

Barrow coming to answere thease matters, to some of them, in

146

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. XXXIII

that they conserned the Churche, he required triall by the Churche ; some he confessed, saying it was an easy matter for a man to fault in speeches; to other some he distainguished as the den[y]ing of Christianity in the Queen and the rest of her subjectes, he said he did not, but confessed althoughe they were christened in the tyme of Popery, yet they were not signed before they were called by the spirite which possesseth them into the Churche.

He avouched that our ministers and preachers were not of the Churche, in that they are prescribed their tyme, their forme of prayer, their place to preach in, to wit, a tub, in the which they bellow and belch oute; and that the Woord of God was troden under foote by thease beastlyke preachers with many most damnable, vilanous and oprobrious woordes.

In saying and writing that the Queene hathe no aucthoritie to make lawes proveth malice for take away her aucthoritie, and take away her crovvne, and so my Lord Anderson11 said it was don purposely ergo malitious.

Barrow said that the bishopes etc. are so farr from seeing good lawes executed that they seke the abrogating of them. He alleaged that the Churche of God cannot have two heades, one in heaven and another in earthe, for that meanes it would become a monster; much lesse archbishopes, bishopes and such lyke. And that thease limmes of the devill (meaning the aforesaid persons) will not acknowlege nor receave any ordinary powre, but they will have it allowed them that princes may make lawes not hard of in the Churche before.

Yet at the last he came in and was more calme (but that seemed to be a cloke of hipocresy), for he acknowleged Her Majestie's supremacy, and that in this booke written by him he intended not any hurte to Her Majestie. He protested he soughte the salvation of all men, and that he did not go aboute or intend any kynd of sedition, and that he detested all Spanish invac:;ion.

That he would prove all the lawes made either consonant to the Woord of God or dissonant from thesame. That the Church of Grenewood was the true Churche. That the Queen cannot restraine a man from eating of flesh one day.12 That a man which stealeth privily and for nede is not to be hanged, but he that taketh from a man perforce or breaketh his house. His woordes were that fur might not be hanged, but latro might.13 That all bishopes and other spirituall ministers entring into the ministry uncald become antichristians, and by wining the civill aucthority unto them, they become the beast spoken of in the Revealation. 14 Greenewood said that the parishes of Protestants are gathered together in the name of antichrist by a bell. That they be in bondage to the Egiptians and in Babilonicall bondage, which Mr. Attorney did inferr must bee ment by the Queene.

That the disciples did not stand in their Christian liberty (a matter, said Mr. Attorney, to perswade them unto commocion).

No. XXXIII

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

147

Beeing asked by what aucthority Stoke was excomunicated, beeing one of their Churehe,15 he answered: by the aucthoritie that Christ gave his Churche. Beeing asked what office he did beare in the Churche, he answered he Was a teacher, Johnson a pastor, Studley an elder, and that they were elected to thease offices by the congregation. Beeing asked where, he answered: in a place free from all trooble, videlicet, in the middest of some WOOd. 16 Billet was arraigned for publishing the first of the bookes, three the of which he sent to Sir Walter Rawley, and other three to his brother in the country. This man, the wisest of all in this action, confessed his fault and asked mercy.17 Boules was arraigned for publishing the second booke, that he paid the mony for the printing, that he had three of them at his returne into England. This man, beeing but a yongman and a fishmonger, his prentise, denied to take his othe uppon a booke, but said it was sufficient to sweare by the name of God. Studley the elder of the Churdle, and yet a linen draper, was arraigned for publishing the first booke. His office in the Churche (as my Lord Anderson said, for himself would not t ell it in that place, and yet had shewed thesame to my Lord Anderson) was to see and survey men's houses, their families, their children, and now and then, for fassion sake, there wyves, with some other thinges which my Lord Anderson would not utter.

Uppon thease indictments they were arraigned, found guilty and had their judgments as fellons.

Before thease men by spetiall comission : My Lord Mayor; Sir John Wolley ; Lord Anderson ; Barron Clerek ; Doctor Stanhope; Addressed

Sir John Fortescue; Sir John Popham, Lord Chief Justice ; J ustiee Gaudie; Justice Fenner; with others.

To Fr. Persons. 18

Endorsed by Fr. Persons The arraynments of 2 Puritans,' 2 April, 1593.

148

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No.

xxxm

NOTES 1

MS. "arraigment". The indictment took place in the Session Hall, near Newgate. The above record of the trial appears to be the only one printed so far, and is therefore extremely important. C. Burrage, in the valuable collection of biographkal documents he published on John Penry in 1913, stated that he knew the whereabouts of a record of the trial and intended to publish it in the near future, but he seems not to have done so.

2

For a biography of Barrow vid. F. J. Po wicke, Henry Barrow, Separatist, 1900. Both he and Greenwood had been in prison for a number of years.

3

c.ii: "An Acte against sedicious wordes and rumors uttered againste the Queene's most excellent Majestie". Section iv of the act deals with the printing, writing or publishing of any seditious books, which, if not punishable as treason under the Statute 25 Edward III, were to be declared felony.

4

Three thousand copies of A Brief Discoverie of the False Church were printed at Dort in the early months of 1591 . Barrow had written the work in his "study" in the Fleet prison, and it had been smuggled out sheet by sheet by Daniel Studley. Robert Stokes bore the expense of printing and Arthur Billet was the proof reader. Most of the copies of the work were seized at F lushing and Brill when their transportation to England was attempted (Powicke, op. cit., pp. 37-8, 336). There is a copy of this rare book in the British Museum (C.37, f.18).

6

For details of John Greenwood's life vid. Powicke, op . cit.; W. Pierce, John Penry; C. Burrage, Early Puritan Dissenters.

6

Full title: A Collection of certain Letters and Conferences lately passed betwixt certaine Preachers and two Prisoners in the Fleet. The work was published at Dort about midsummer, 1590 (vid. Powicke, op. cit. p. 334).

7

Robert Boules, or Bull, acting under Stoke's orders, had arranged for the printing of two or three hundred copies of A Collection at Dort (powicke op. cit., p. 37).

8

Owen was Master of the Rolls and the Queen's Attorney (Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, p. 379).

9

Robert Ket, reputed to be a tanner, led a rebellion in Norfolk in 1549 in protest against the enclosure of common land and the general policy of the Protector, Somerset (vid. S. T. Bindoff, Ket's Rebellion, 1549, 1949).

10

i.e. the Northern Rebellion of 1569.

11

Sir E dmund Anderson (1530-1605) was Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas. He was very severe in his attitude towards recusants, Catholic and Puritan alike.

12

In February, 1591 the regulations against eating flesh in Lent were reinforced by a proclamation (Proclamations, 289).

13

Barrow is distinguishing between a thief (fur) and a robber (latro). Cf. Cicero's usage, tine quis fur esset, neu latro"; "non fur sed ereptor".

No.

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L E TT ERS O F RICHARD VERST E GAN

149

14

Vid. Apoc. chapters 11, 13-17, 19 and 20. When at his fourth examination (18 March, 1588) Barrow was asked by Burghley and Hatton whom he con sidered t he Archbishop of Canterbury to be, he recited chapter 13, verse 11 of the Apocalypse, and attempted to follow this by a quotation from 2 Thessalonians, ii, only to be interrupted by the Archbishop, the "Beast" himself, who being present, arose angrily, gnashed his teeth, and exclaimed : "Will ye suffer him My Lords?" (The Examination of Henry Barrowe, John Grenewood and John Penrie [1593J).

15

Robert Stokes, who had been a follower of Barrow and the principal agent for the publication of his books, recanted in the autumn of 1591, and was thereupon publicly 'cast out' by Francis Johnson, pastor of the Church (d. evidence of Thomas Settle, B .M. Harleian MSS. 7042, f.38, cited in Powicke, op . cit., p. 332).

16

This is where a number of them had been discovered and arrested whilst holding a prayer meeting (vid. Letter no. 27) .

17

Cf. Harleian MSS 7042, f.34, cited in Powicke, op. cit ., p. 76: with tears; affirmed that he had been misled".

18

This despatch was enclosed in Verstegan's letter to Englefield (vid. preceding letter).

"Bellot,

XXXIV.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS. Antwerp, c. mid-May, 1593.

Stonyhurst, Coll. B, 107.

Holograph.

The contents of a letter dated in [England ?Jl aboute the begining of May, 1593 stylo novo. 2 One Watts, a marchant of London, with leave of the Queen and allowance to take one or two of her shippes and wherewith to furnish them, hathe set foorthe a fleete to the Indies of some 12 shippes and pinaces well provyded and victualled, under the comaund of one Lane, a decayed marchant who carieth the name of Admirall.

They sett oute of Plimouth aboute the 25 of Marche, stylo veteri. 3 Captain Candish and Captain Cox are bothe buried in the sea, and their ship returned to Plymouth with only 6 men in her ;4 and there is sute betwene Can dish his sister's husband and another kinsman that pretendes to be executor : who it is that shall have it. 5 Uppon the haven at Plymouth the townsmen are making of almost an invincible forte by cutting oute of a maine rock a trench some 23 foote over, and erecting a strong wall in the inner parte, so as it may bothe comaund the haven and defend the towne. 6 There went also from Plymouth at thesame tyme another flete of some 30 saile for Rochell salte and wynes.

The Parlament ended the tenth of Aprill, stylo veteri, the Queen then making an oration and confirming many lawes then agreed uppon. In particuler what they are is not yet learned; neither ordinary noblemen, knights or burgeses are able to deliver what is donne, nor the actes yet permitted to be published in print, many affirming that the Lord Treasourer altered many actes after bothe Houses had agreed uppon them to a deane contrary construction of their meanings, the cause thereof is supposed his particuler desyre of reveng against the Catholiks for some pamphlets by them published against him. There are among the rest two actes entituled thus: the one to retaine Her Majestie's subjects in their due obedience, the other to limitt Popish recusants to certaine places of abode.

In the first is supposed to be conteyned that men shall pay 20 li. the moneth for there wyves' recusancie. That none shall kepe a recusant servant under paine to forfait every moneth for him 10 li.

That every priest not acknowleging his priesthoode uppon his apprehension and where he hathe lived and by whome bene maintayned, shalbe in case of felony, with divers other clauses to lyke tenour. 7 In the second, all Popish recusants within 40 dayes of the end of the Parlament must go to some certaine place, there to deliver 150

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151

their names to the minister and constable, thence not to departe withoute spetiaillicence above 5 myles, uppon payne everyone to be imprisoned during the Queen's pleasure, forfaiture of aillandes and goodes, etc.; and those not valued at 20 marckes in land or 40 li. in goodes to bee banished, which yf any refuse, it beeing offred, the partyincurres andis to suffer as in case of felony.s The Catholikes are not lyke to fynde any favoure, for the Queene in her oration in the Parlament House, after she had told of many daungers against the realrne and how necessary the graunting of the subsidies was generally for defence of the people, 9 she concluded that never prince lived in more daunger of her person then she by the Papists, of whome she had as many causes to feare as their were of them lefte alive :10 and therefore comaunded that lawes should be severely executed against them; and so it is thought they wilbe.

Three subsidies and six entyre fyteenes and tenthes are graunted, t.houghe many. do much murmure at it. l l Amonge other accidents, there fell oute of late a very strange matter of two men long since famous for their private opinions, Barrow and Greenwod. Havingthease 4 or 5 yeares beene imprisoned in the Fleete, now, uppon the apprehension of 70 their followers in a wood neere London, it came to light that thease men had bene publishers of seditious pamphlets : as that they might depose the Queene yf she would not conforme her self to their doctrine, and divers other lyke points for which they were arraigned, condemned and hanged at Tyborne. 12 They taught it among divers other their doctrines as a thing unlawfull to say the Lorde's Prayer,13 and at their deathes, could by no meanes be enduced to say it, no not with promise of lyf. They were once caried to the place of execution afore, where, after long prayer which they were permitted to use, and leave to retyre themselves under an hedge (beeing redy to be executed), they were caried back againe. 14 But within three or fowre dayes after they came againe early to place using lyke long protestation of prayers, and thirsting after drinck, which presentely was in a redynesse for them, they died obstinately. Their followers canonizing them for more then martirs, do enveighe privately against the bishopes as the princiapll procurers thereof. The Queen lyeth as yet at St. James'. The sicknesse beginneth to dispers it self much in the City: their die aboute some 35 of the plague a weeke. It is thought it wilbe the cause of the Queen's sooner remove then she purposed. 15 I t is reported that Captain Rymand hathe taken 6 ritche prizes aboute the Straites, not daring as yet to come home with them; and that divers shippes alredy are, or presentely shalbe, sent unto him, to saf conduct him-but of this there is no certainty.16 The world was deceyved in supposing yong Cecill to be maryed to the Lady Arbella, for he of late conveyed Mrs. Drury, one of the Maides of Honour, from the Courte, and unknowen to either prince or parents, secretly maryed her; for which he is in great

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disgrace with his grandfather, who threatneth therefore to disinhe rite him; and for his contempt he was comitted to the Fleete, where he yet remayneth.17 The Lord Burrowes is returned from Scotland, but nothing is understoode by him or his company as yet.IS Addressed

AI Padre Personio.

Endorsed by Fr. Persons Advises from Ingland, primo Maii, 1593.

No. XXXIV

LETTERS OF RICHARD VER STEG AN

153

NOTES 1

Blank in MS.

2

MS. "novi".

3

Cf. Fugger News-Letters, 2nd series, p . 248. Watts had sent a fleet from London to the West Indies once before, in 1591, on which expedition five Spanish ships were captured off Havanna (Hakluyt, Voyages, Everyman ed., v . p. 10). On this occasion the voyage was less successful, and was therefore curtailed, the ships returning without any prizes in September, 1593 (vid. Letter no . 42) . See further concerning Watts Letter no. 40, note 9.

Vid . Letter no. 30 . note 7.

4

Cavendish's brother-in-law was Robert Dudley, son of the Earl of Leicester.

He was granted possession of the two ships belonging to Cavendish at Plymouth on 18 March, 1593 (A .P . C., xxiv, p. 125) .

5

6

Cf. Letter no. 6b., note 21. Preparations for the fortifying of Plymouth began in December, 1591, but the work progressed very slowly for lack of funds, and was far from completed in August 1593 (A.P . C., xxii, p. 121 etc.; A .P . C., xxiv, p. 477).

7

The correspondent who supplied the news for the above letter was obviously less informed about the two recusant acts than the intelligencer for Letter no. 29. Although section v of the act stated that a man was to be fined ÂŁ10 a month for maintaining a recusant servant or stranger in his house, there was a proviso in the following section (no. vi) that no one was to be "punished or impeached" for harbouring a recusant wife or a close relative.

The clause concerning priests is not in this act but in the second, against "Popish recusants" (c.ii, section vii).

8

Cf. Letter no. 29.

9

Fears of a Spanish invasion and the necessity for a large subsidy for the defence of the kingdom are expressed in the preamble of c.xiii, the act for the grant of the lay subsidy (Statutes of the Realm, iv, p . 867). Cf. D'Ewes, Journals, p. 495.

10

A number of so-called "plots" against the Queen's life were brought to light in 1593, e.g. those of Scudamore and Gilbert Laton (vid. Letter no. 24, note 5; Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, p. 322). There is an interesting commentary on these plots in Hugh Owen's letter of March, 1594 (Cal . Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, pp. 475-7).

11

For further details of the subsidies vid. Letter no . 30, note 8 .

12

The execution took place 6 April, 1593.

Puritans vid . the perceding letter.

13

Cf. R. Alison, A Plain Confutation of a treatise of Brownisme, 1590, p. 108; Strype, Annals, iv, p. 202.

14

Cf. Letter no. 31, note 10.

15

Vid . A .P. C., xxiv, p. 163. For the number dying of the plague cf.

Fugger News-Letter, 2nd series, p. 248, which gives the number for one week as 34.

Concerning the trial of these

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111

Captain George Rayman was master of the Swiftsure, of which ship Cook (Cocke) had once been captain (A.P.C., xxiv, p. 261).

17

Cf., Letter no. 31, note 9.

18

Cf. Cal. Dom. Elk, 1591-4, p. 342.

xxxv.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS? Antwerp, 27 May, 1593.

Stonyhurst, Coll. B, 47.

Holograph.

I have lately receaved from England the printed acts and statuts of the last Parlament. 1 The first acte, entituled "To retaine the Queen's subjects in their due obedience", dothe concerne the Puritans as well as the Catholiks, for they must abjure the realme for recusancie, make a formall submission in the churche, etc.

The other acte is "To restraine Popish recusantes to some certaine places of abode", and with all their is a forme of submission set downe which they must publykely make in the church, and it is somwhat ¡ different from that to be made by the Puritanes. 2 I would gladly have sent herewith the copies of thease two acts, but neither tyme nor health would permitt, and help I have none but must do all my self. 3 The acte touching the landes of Sir Francis Englefeild is also printed, 4 and sondry others concerning particuler persons are omitted, the tytles onely put downe.

Here are fowre Catholiks come over, who are fled to avoyd the severitie of thease late statutes; and they say that very many more will follow. Their names are Bellamy, Colford, Florian and Gart, and are all yonge men. 5 Their are above 10,000 strangers determyned this somer to departe from England, aswell for that, by this late Parlament, they are to pay very large subsidies and fifteenes, as also for feare of some comotion to be made by the comon people against them; for that on the gates of the Maire and Shiriffes of London their were libells fixed threatning that yf they would not shortly take order to avoyde the citie of them, there should be order taken by other meanes to do it. The comon people do rage against them as thoughe, for their sakes, somany taxes, such decay of trafique and their beeing enbrandled in somany warres, did ensue. 6 Here is no certaine newes from France. Many hard conceits are had of the Duke du Maine for that he did admitt conferences with the comissioners for Navarr now, when thesaid Navarr is at the weakest. We he are , further, that Navarr will not stick at going to Masse yf therefore he may be admitted to the crowne. Some do further reporte that the Catholiks, conditionally to admitt him, do require certaine strong places in possession, as Rochell and such lyke; which, in my opinion, is to put themselves, in the end, in such state as the Huguenots stoode in the tymes of the late kinges. 7 In thease partes the Counte Mansfeild with aboute 15,000 men is even at the point to plant his artillery UppOl1 the trenches of the enemy who remaineth at the siege of Gertremberg. Y f the enemy 155

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be repulsed he will not be able to make head againe in hast. This siege, now having continued almost three monethes, hathe cost the States infynitely, and I trust it wilbe cost lost. 8 From England there have not any forces bene sent unto thease partes of long tyme.

More for the presente I have not.

Endorsed by a contemporary hand

Verstegan's advyses, 27 May, 1593. 9

No. XXXV

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

157

NOTES Two editions of the acts (excluding the private ones) were printed by C. Barker in 1593. There was also a separate edition of the act directed specifically against Catholics: Acta in comitiis parliamentibus x Aprilis, 1593 contra Catholicos.

1

2

The principal difference between the two submissions is that the one the Puritans (c.i, 3 stipulates that acknowledgments was to be made of, and sorrow expressed for, the offence against God and Her Majesty for "usinge and frequentinge disordered and unlawfull conventicles and assemblies under pretence and colour of exercise of religion". In the second submission, for Catholics only (c.ii, 10), the person conforming was to acknowledge and testify in his conscience "that the Bysshoppe or Sea of Rome hathe not, nor ought to have, any power or auctoritie over Her Majestie or within any Her Majestie's realmes or dominions". (Cf. pp. 842 and 845 of Statutes of the Realm, iv.)

! including

3

Verstegan had been suffering from sporadic bouts of illness for about a year (d. Letters nos. 10 and 32b).

4

35 Eliz., C.v.: "An acte confyrming the Quene's title to the landes of Sir Francis Englefield" (Statutes of the Realm, iv, pp. 849-52). Englefield had been attainted of High Treason in 1587, as a consequence of which he forfeited his estates under Statute 28 and 29 Eliz., ci. The act also stated that although he had departed from the kingdom with licence from the Queen, he had neglected to return after the expiry of subsequent licences, and when expressly commanded to do so.

5

The first named of these men appears to have been Richard Bellamy, the younger son of Richard Bellamy of Uxendon. He was imprisoned with his brother Thomas in St. Katherine's after the arrest of Southwell in his father's house, but was released within a short time (see further W. Done Bushell, "The Bellamies of Uxendon", Harrow Octocentenary Tracts, 1914).

The second man was Gabriel Colford, a close friend of William Byrd (Morris, Troubles, ii, p. 143). In James Wadsworth's English SPanish Pilgrime (1 st ed. 1630, p. 70) he is flatteringly described as "a notable spye and traytor both to his King and Country, who, with his companion Clifford, is more obnoxious to our Kingdome then 100 others". Colford seems to have become very friendly with Verstegan, who in 1600 paid, on his behalf, the account for purchases made by Colford at the Plantin House (Plantin-Moretus Archives, Antwerp, Grand Livre, 1600-1608, p. 7) .

There are a few notes about Colford and his family in Foley, Records S . J., i, pp. 185-6.

I am unable to provide any details concerning the other two men men tioned in the above letter.

6

There were about 4,300 foreigners (termed "strangers") in London in 1593, inclusive of servants and children, 267 being denizens. The main complaint against them was made by the tradesmen who claimed that they were taking away their livelihood. The shopkeepers protested that the strangers, not content with manufacturing and warehousing, were also opening shops. In consequence many threats were hurled at them and a great number of libels were posted up in prominent places, one of which. contained the following ultimatum: "Be it known to all Flemings and Frenchmen that it is best for them to depart out of the realm of England between this and the 9th of July next. If not, then to take that which follows, for there shall be many a sore stripe. Apprentices will rise to

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the number of 2,336, and all apprentices and journeymen will be down with the Flemings and strangers" . (Strype, Annals, pp. 234-6) .

The Privy Council set up and inquiry for the discovery and punishment of the libellers and took a number of measures to protect the foreigners.

Orders were given to the Lord Mayor of London to appoint a committee of tradesmen to watch over and be responsible for the activities of their apprentices and servants (A .P. C., xxiv, pp. 187, 200, 222).

7

The Duke de Mayenne, one of the leaders of the League, suggested that a conference should be held with the Catholic Royalists in Navarre's party, and this was held at Suresnes at the end of April despite considerable opposition from a number of members of the League. It was at this conference that Henry made known that he had decided "to receive instruction and return to the bosom of the ancient religion which the prejudice of his religion had made him abandon" (quoted in H. D. Sedgwick, Henry of Navarre, 1930, p. 220).

8

Cf. Letter no. 27, note 1; Motley, United Netherlands, iii, p. 259 . Pierre Ernest de Mansfelt could do little against Maurice's entrenchments around Gertruydenberg, despite the 12,000 infantry and 3,000 horse at his disposal; nor would Maurice be tempted to come out and fight an open battle.

9

Incorrectly dated in MS . "1592", and consequently, the despatch was placed by cataloguers of Call. B. amongst the letters for 1592 .

XXXVI.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS. Antwerp, c. end of May, 1593.

Stonyhurst, Coll. B, 91.

A note of all the statutes past in this late Parlament begun the 19 of February and ended the 10 of Aprill, stylo veteri, 1593.1 An acte to retaine the Queen's subjectes in their due obedience.

An acte for the restraining of Popish Recusantes to certaine places of abode. 2 An acte for explanation of a statute made in the 24 yeare of King Henry. the Eighte, aswell touching grauntes made to His Majestie as for confirmation of letters patents made by His Highnes to others.3 An acte for the necessary relief of soldiers and mariners. 4 An acte for 5 converting of great houses into severall tenements, and for restrayning of inmates in and aboute the City of London and Westminster.

An acte for th'avoiding deceit used in making and selling of twisted cordage, and for the better preserving of the navy of this realme. 6 An acte for the revyving, continuance, explanation and perfecting of divers statutes.

An acte touching the bredth of coloured clothes etc. 7 An acte for the repeale of a statute made in the 23 yeare of Her Majestie's raigne entituled "An acte for the encrease of mariners and for the maintenance of navigation, etc."s An acte for explanation and confirmation of the Queene's Majestie's tytle to the landes and tenementes late of Sir Francis Englefeild, Knight, attainted of highe treason. 9 An acte for confirmation of letteres patents to the Mayor etc. of the City of Lincolne.

An acte for the late scyte of the dissolved house of the Grey Friers of Cambridge to be sold or let in fee farme for the erection of a new college in Cambridge.10 An acte for the reformation of sundry abuses in clothes called Devonshier Carseys, etc. l l An acte for bringing of freshwater to the towne of Stonehouse in the County of Devon.

An acte for the bringing in of clapbord from beyond the seas, and the restrayning of transporting of wyne caske, for the sparing and preserving of timber, etc. 12 An acte for the better assurance and confirmation of the jointure of the Lady Margaret, Countesse of Cumberland.

N

159

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LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

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An acte concerning the landes of Henry, late Lord Burgaveny, deceased.

An acte to give liberty to the Lord Harrowden to sell certaine Ian des for the payment of his debtes.

An acte for the restitution only in bloud of Sir Thomas Perrat, Knight.I3 An acte for the naturalizing of William, eldest sonne of Sir Robert Sidney, etc., and of Peregrine Winckfeild, sonne and heir of Sir John Winckfeild, Knight, etc.

An acte to confirme the sale of certaine landes made by Sir Richard Knyghtley, etc.

An acte concerning th'assurance of certaine landes and tenements to Read Stafford, Esquire, etc.

An acte to confirme the sale of certaine landes of William Raven, Gentleman, etc.

An acte touching powre and liberty to repeale certaine uses of a dede tripartyte herein mentioned of, and in the mannours, landes and tenements of Anthony Cooke of Rumford in the County of Essex, Esquire.

An acte for the naturalizing of certaine Englishmen's children borne beyond the seas.

An acte for the naturalizing of J ustyne Dormer and George Sheppey, borne beyond the seas, and to put them to the nature of meere English.I4 An acte for the confirmation of the subsidies of the c1ergie.

An acte for the graunt of three entyre subsidies and six fifteenes and tenthes graunted by the temporality.I5 An [actJI6 for Her Majestie's most gratious, free and generall pardon.

Addressed

AI Padre Personio.

Endorsed by Fr. Persons A note of the statutes made in the Parlament begune 19 February, and ended 10 April, 1593.

No. XXXVI

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

161

NOTES 1

This list seems not to have been taken from the printed copy of the statutes, since it does n ot observe the same order, and includes two acts which are not mentioned in the printed copy: but it was supplied by a well-informed correspon dent nevertheless. Of the 27 acts listed above, the 9th and 26th are not conta ined in the official list of the acts; nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, 10, 5, 7, 6, 8, 13, 15, 27, 28, 29 correspond to acts c.i-xiv which were printed in full ; and nos . 11 , 12, 16, 17, 18, 19,20,21,22,14, 23, 24 and 25 correspond to the private acts numbered 1-13, of which only the titles were printed.

2

See further concerning these two acts Letter no. 29.

3

The act (c.iii) confirmed that all abbey lands which came into the hands of Henry VIII were h is lawful possession, and all letters patent made by him for the foundation of any dean and chapter or college were valid.

4

Vid. Letter no. 31, note 3.

5

"For" is used here in the sense of "to prevent", "against" (cf. N.E.D., vii, 23d) . The act (c.vi) stipulated that no new buildings were to be erected within three miles of London or Westminster, nor any house converted into several dwellings; and common or waste lands within three miles of London were not to be enclosed.

6

Several penalties were imposed by c.viii for making cables which were not of the required standard.

7

This act concerned "plunckets, azures, blewes and other collored clothes made within the Countie of Somersett and elsewhere of like making".

The cloths were to be of six quarters and a half in breadth, and of standard weight.

S

The act given a further, secured p.184.

referred to was 23 Eliz., c.vii. Although a bill for its repeal was second reading in both houses of the 1593 Parliament, it got no and it was not until the next Parliament that the repeal was (39 Eliz., c.10) . Vid . D'Ewes, op. cit., p. 463; Lords Journals,

10

No . 2 of the private acts. The Grey Friars (Franciscans) had been dispossessed of their house in Cambridge by Henry VIII in 1538. After an unsuccessful application by the Univgrsity for the site, the house was granted later to Trinity College, in 1546. It was proposed in 1578 that the house should be converted into a hospital for the poor, but nothing came of this, and in 1595, under the authority of the act of 35 Eliz. mentioned above, the site was purchased from Trinity College by the executors of the Countess of Essex for the purpose of building Sidney Sussex College, the foundation stone of which was laid in May, 1596 (C. H. Cooper, Annals of Cambridge, 1843, ii, p. 464 etc.).

11

c . x i.

12

c . xi . Clapboard was the name for a smaller size of split oak imported from North Germany, and used by coopers for making barrel-staves (N.E.D.) .

13

No.6 of the private acts. Thomas Perrot was the son of Sir John Perrot, concerning whom vid. Letter no. 7b, note 22.

Kersey is a type of coarse narrow cloth woven from long wool.

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LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

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a This act is not entered in the Parliamentary Rolls or in the printed list of

acts, but it was discussed in Parliament. D'Ewes mentions it as one of eight bills sent up to the Lords 9 April and given two readings. But D'Ewes does not know what happened to it after that (Journals, p. 464).

Cf. Lords Journals, ii, p. 189.

15 1&

Vid. Letter no. 30, note 8.

Blank in MS.

XXXVII.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS. Antwerp, c. early June, 1593.

Stonyhurst, Coll. B, 109.

Holograph.

The contents of a letter dated in [England]1 the 26 of May, stylo novo, 1593.

The surprise of the castle of Blay beeing fayled, it is feared we shall lose the trade of Burdeaux. We did sett foorthe 6 shippes under the conduct of one Captain Wilkinson for that exploit. One of these six miscaried by the way, the other 5 with some 16 French shippes gave the attempt and were in great possibillity of taking it, till some 16 saile of Spaniardes-small veselles,2 but whot shippescame uppon them and, after long fight, burnt our admirall and vice-admirall. The other shippes, much tome, made away and escaped, but of 200 men in the two perished shippes only 2 brought home newes. All the rest with Captain Wilkinson were either killed or drowned, and the castle 3 rescued and 500 men put into it.4 Those of the League are now growne so stronge by sea as they dare encounter our shippes in even number, as of late we had experience, for Sir John Burrowes, setting oute for purchase at sea with three good shippes and a pinace, mett with somany of the League. The fight was hot betwene them; of our men were slaine 31, and had not a consorte of Sir John's come in with rescue of 4 other shippes, it is thought he had bene taken. The French went secure away, and Sir John returned back to comforte his men and repaire his shippes, and so hathe againe sett forward in hope of better spede. 5 If the newes be true of the saf arrivall of the King of Spaine's treasure, then is my Lord of Cumberland lyke to have a cold sute, who is preparing with all spede (as it is thoughte) to mete them.

He hathe 2 of the Queen's shippes and 8 others, which are victualled for three monethes and to sett fourth within thease ten dayes. 6 We heare from Britany how the Spaniardes have encountred Generall Norris and slaine 300 of his men, amonge whome one Captain Christmas and 4 or 5 other captains are slaine. 7 The French Kinge's ambassadors, father and sonne, Vidomes of Chartres, are yet here. The sonne hathe had as great favours and festinges as any thease many yeares, espetially graced by Her Majestie and the whole Councell. But for effectuating his desire, I thinck he hathe litle hope: I meane for having of 10,000 men and 3 monethes' pay before hand, which I cannot learne wilbe graunted him; only he hathe the offer of lone of 40,000 pounde and no more. s We are here very much discontented that the French King hathe no better successe; and the more uppon a late reporte generally 163

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LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. XXXVII

divulged, that the King himself hathe altered his religion, professing himself a Papist, frequenting dayly masse, and in all externall shewe seeming wholy addicted to the Pope; which, thoughe true (albeit of some hardly believed), yet we hope he dothe it but of pollicy, till he may obtaine his desire. 9 From Scotland we heare litle other then that the Scotts make still rodes into England, and kill, steale and put to ransom whatsoever in their way.I0 The King is a man lyke to condescend to any thing whereby he may please our State or procure himself mony : a man irresolute in any thing, mutable in his favours, of no religion but for advantage. l l In Ireland we heare for certaine that many of the northe partes are up, amonge whome are (as some say) the Earle of Turone, Oneilie, Ororok's sonne, and many other principall men. Thether are to be sent presently 2,000 men. 12 There are to be sent to the Iles of ]arsey, Garnesy, etc. some 500 men. 13 Besydes the acts lately concluded in Parlament against the Catholikes, there is a spetiall comission graunted by the Queen to 6 of the Councell and 20 others aboute London, to enquire by all wayes and meanes of all manner of recusants, to examyne them, their abetters and favourers by all othes and other compulsyve meanes, to imprison and proceede to triall of them at their pleasures; and further, to do whatsoever the Queen under her Privy Signet, or 6 other of the Councell's handes shall direct, wherein all officers, aswell justices as others, and all loving subjects, are to be assistant at their perillo The lyke comission must go into all sheers of England, and with severity and spede be put in practise to the end that all may be found oute and used at their discretion, for so is the comission.14 What resteth but expectation of a massacre.

The apprentices of London have dispersed many libels against all sortes of strangers, thretning severely that yf they departe not spedely, to massacre them all. Some of thease libellers are found oute and tortured, but the residew hold on still. Great feare is there by conceyved by the strangers: great companyes of them are alredy departed, and more dayly preparing to followe, so that it is thought the most parte will away; our Councell not knowing how to protect them, and the libellers threatning them also yf they do it. 15 We are past all feare of the Spaniardes, and in this late comission only the Pope is termed our capitall enemy, and not a woord of the Kinge of Spaine.

Some Catholiks have yealded to go to churche, and it is thought more will yeild-they were never so severly looked unto. At London none have bene executed thease 12 monethe ;16 in Yourcksheir one Mr. Page, a seminary priest,17 and in Flintsheir one Davies the lyke,18 have been executed. The Earles of Woorcester and Northumberland, the Lordes Burroughe and Sheffeild, with Sir

No.

xxxvn

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

165

Francis Knowles were at St. George his feast chosen Knightes of the Garter.19 The plague encreaseth in London, and we feare it wilbe great. 20 The Court lieth at Croydon at the Bishop of Canterburie's house.21 Addressed

Al Padre

Personi~>.

Endorsed by Fr. Persons Advises of Vertengham of the 26 of Maii, 1593.

166

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No.XXXVn

NOTES 1

Blank in MS.

:a MS. "vesses".

3

MS. "caste".

4

The town of Blaye, in Bordeaux, was in the hands of the League, and despite the siege by the English and French, it held out until relieved by a Spanish fleet which attacked and destroyed the English ships blockading the river. It is interesting to compare the account in the above letter (apparently written by Garnet in his typical way of pretending to be a partisan English merchant) with that in Fugger News-Letters (2nd series, pp. 248-9); "Letters of the 22nd May from Madrid state that 12 ships from Biscay sailed up the river near Bordeaux, a town in France, to support a fortress there called Blois, occupied by the Leaguers.

On their entry into the river the Spaniards came upon six English warships which were strongly armed. They fought and cannonaded each other, and after the Spaniards had captured the flagship and the Captain's ship, the two most important vest>els, the English saw that they were done for.

They set fire to their ships and burnt themselves. Of the Spanish ships two were lost, but the crews were saved. The fortress mentioned above, was reinforced and the Spanish ships returned home". Cf. Cal. Venetian 1592-1603, p. 73; Hatfield House MSS., iv, p . 310 (a reference to Captain Wilkinson being drowned); and De Thou, Histoire, xii, pp . 64-5.

5

Sir John Burgh had played a leading part in the capture of the large Portuguese carrack in August of the previous year (vid. Letter no. 11).

6

Cf. Letter no. 25 note 4, Letter no. 30, note 5. The West Indies fleet arrived at the Azores in April, 1593. The treasure it carried was then transported from there to Spain under escort of galleons which had been sent from Lisbon and Seville (Cal. Venetian, 1592-1603, pp. 65-79; Fugger News- Letter, 2nd series, p. 249).

7

In April, 1593 a combined English and French force under Norris and Espinay attacked and defeated the troops of Spain and the League at St. Supplice, Guerche and Laval. There was heavy slaughter on both sides, and among the English dead were the commanders Christmas, Randloph and Purley (De Thou, Histoire, xii, pp. 56-7; Camden, Annales, 1635 ed ., p. 420).

8

The French ambassador, Vidame of Chartres, was placed in an awkward position in his negotiations with Elizabeth by the fact that there was talk of Henry of Navarre becoming a Catholic, and of peace being made between him and the League (Cal. Dom., Eliz., 1591-4, p . 353)

9

In a letter to Charles Paget, 12 June, 1593 the spy Sterrell wrote concerning Navarre's reported conversion that "the Queen stormed at first, but it is believed nought would come of the matter" (Id., ibid.; the italics denote cipher). Another spy's report (id. p . 368) gives the opinion expressed in the above letter, that Navarre was changing his religion only of "policy" : "The proceeding of the King of France in changing his religion is thought very strange, and at first not believed ... they are content to let him, as it seems to serve their turns (asterisks denote an undeciphered passage).

10

Cf. A.P. C., xxiv, pp. 53-5. Part of Lord Borough's mission had been to obtain from James an assurance that he would give orders for "firmly

No.

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LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

167

keeping and maintaining peace on the Borders" (Camden, Annales, p. 418).

Instructions were sent to the Earl of Huntingdon for strengthening the English forces on the border (A.P.C., xxiv, pp. 103-107).

11

James was in receipt of an annuity from Elizabeth (vid. Hatfield House MSS, iv, p. 373).

12

At the end of April the Lord Deputy and Council of Ireland sent news to Burghley that there was a conspiracy of nobles in Ulster, among them Hugh O'Neill, Earl of Tyrone, and Brian Oge, son of Sir Brian O'Rourk, who had banded together to support a Spanish force which was expected to invade Ireland in mid-May, and were reported to be up in arms. Tyrone wrote to the Privy Council and the Earl of Essex in June, complaining that he had been accused of disloyalty, and begged to be cleared of such a suspicion. Having insufficient grounds for proceeding against Tyrone for conspiracy, the English government decided in June to give him a warrant "to make a pacification" with Maguire, one of the Irish nobles, who was wreaking havoc with his forces in Connaught (Cal. Irish, 1592-6, pp. 94, 109-10). See also Camden Annales, 1635 ed., p. 424-5.

13

For fear of an attack on the Channel Islands by a Spanish fleet, the castles of Guernsey and Jersey had been fortified, and several companies of soldiers under experienced officers were despatched there in May (A.P. C., xxiv, pp. 226-7, 234-5). The number sent included 150 from Wiltshire, 150 from Dorsetshire and 300 from Somersetshire (Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, p.347).

14

This commission was given 26 March, 1593 (Pat. 35 Eliz., p. 3, m. 22).

The full text is printed in Rymer, Foedera, vii, pp. 117-119.

15

Vid. Letter no. 35, note 6.

16

The last Catholic executed in London had been Roger Ashton, who suffered at Tyburn in June, 1592.

17

Fr. Anthony Page, a Middlesex man, was martyred at York 20 April, 1593 after a long imprisonment. He had been ordained at Rheims 21 September 1591, and came to England the following January. See further Challoner, lVIemoirs, i; 1st and 2nd Douay Diaries; Morris, Troubles, iii.

18

Fr. William Davies, who had been ordained at Rheims in 1585, was captured at Holyhead in March, 1592, and martyred at Beaumaris after about 14 months imprisonment (Challoner, Memoirs). Challoner dates Davies's execution 27 July, 1593, and Gerard in his catalogue (C . R.S., V) places it in September; but if Verstegan's source of information is to be trusted, and it appears to be reliable, then the latest date which can be given for Davies's execution is early May. (The news in the above letter was sent from London 16 May, O.S.).

19

Cf. W. A. Shaw, Knights of England, 1906, vol. 1, p. 28, entry for 23 April, 1593. Full names: Henry Percy, 10th Earl of Northumberland; Edward Somerset, 9th Earl of Worcester; Thomas Boroughs (or Burgh), 5th Lord Boroughs; Edmund Sheffield, 3rd Lord Sheffield, later 1st Earl of Mulgrave; Sir Francis Knollys, who was Treasurer of the Household.

20

See further Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, p. 353; series, p. 248; A .P. C., xxiv, pp. 252, 284.

21

The Court was held at Croydon for most of May, and afterwards moved to Nonsuch, to o atlands , and then to Windsor.

Fugger News-Letters, 2nd

XXXVIII.

VERSTEGAN TO PERSONS. Antwerp, c. late June, 1593 ?

Stonyhurst, Coil. B . 23. Holograph. Another copy of Penry's indictment is incorporated in the official record of his trial in Coram Rege Roll 1325 (sigs. iii-iv verso) printed in a shortened form by Edward Cook in Booke of Entries, 1614, ff. 352-353v., and in full by C. Burrage, John Penry, 1913, pp. 18ff. There is also a copy of the first part of the indictment in Harleian MSS. 6848, f. 91, printed in Strype, Annals, iv, pp.' 246ff. A list of treasonable passages in Penry's "Groundes of a briefe Treatise" on which the second part of the indictment was based is contained in Lansdo'w ne MSS. 75, ff. 56-7, printed in Strype, Annals, iv, pp. 249ff., Whitgijt, ii, pp. 178ff., and in Harleian 6849, ff. 198-201, printed in Burrage, op. cit., pp . 26-34. 1

The woordes conteyned in thp, indictment against John Penry Clarck. 2 [Marginal note : This parte was taken oute of his writinges.]

What hathe England answered? Surely with an impudent forhead she hathe said, "I will not come nere the Holy One; and as for the building of His House, I will not somuch as lift up a finger towardes the woorck: 3 nay, I will continewe the dissolution 4 thereof; and yf any man speaketh a woord in the behalf of this House, or bewaileth the misery of it, I will accompt him an enemy to my estate. 5 As for the Gospell and all the ministers 6 of it, I have alredy receaved all the gospells 7 that I meane to receave: I have receaved a reading gospell and a reading ministery; a pompious gospell and a pompious ministery; a gospell and a ministery that strenghtheneth the handes of the wicked in his iniquity; a gospell and a ministery that will stoope unto mee and be at my beck, either to speake or to be mute when I shall thinck good. Briefly, I have receaved a gospell and a ministery that will never trooble my conscyence with the sight of sinnes,8 which is all the gospells and all the ministeries that I meane to receave; and I will mak a sure hand that the Lorde's House (yf I can chuse) shalbe no otherwise edified then by the handes of such men as bring unto me the foresaid gospell and the foresaid ministery. 9And as for the generall state thereof, the magistracie of the ministery or of the comon people,1o behold nothing els but a multitude l l of conspirators against God, against truth,12 against the building of His House, against His sainctes and children, and consequently, against the health13 of their owne soules and the publike peace and tranquilitie of the whole kingdome. 14 15And you shall fynd among this crewe (innuendo archiepiscopos et episcopes et ministros ecclesiae huius regni)16 nothing els but a troope of bloudy soule-murtherers, sacrilegious church-robbers, and such as have17 made themselves fatt with the blood of men's soules and the utter ruyne of His Churche. 18And it is nowe growen, and hathe bene of long t yme a coman practise of thease godlesse men,19 to make of 168

No.

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OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

169

the statutes, ordeyned for the maintenance of religion and comon quietnesse, a pitt wherein to catch the peaceable of the land.

20And because our Counse1l21 may be truly said to delight in this injury and violent oppression of Gode's sainctes and ministers, therefore, whensoever the Lord shall come to search for the sinnes of England with lightes, as Zophanius saithe,22 He will surely visite our Counse1l23 with an heavy plague, because, undoubtedly, they are frozen in their dregges and perswaded in their owne hartes 24 that the Lord will do neither good nor evill in the deffence of His messengers and children; and then they shall feele what it is to winck at, much more to procure the oppression of the Churche of Christe.

I will not in this place charge our Counsell with that which followeth in Jeremy25 uppon the place before aleaged, namely, that they execute no judgment of the fatherles ;26 but this 127 will say: that they cannot possibly deale truly in the matter of justice betwene man and man', in somuch as they bend their forces 28 to bereave Christe Jesus of the righte 29 which H e hathe in the government of His Churche; the which ungodly and wicked cours, as they30 have held on ever since the beginning of Her Majestie's raigne, so at this day they have taken great 31 boldnesse, and growen more rebellious against the Lord and His cause then ever they were.

This that followeth was taken oute of Penrie's epistle or petition to the Queene and thus noted downe in his indictment.

The last dayes of your raigne are turned rather against Christ Jesus and His Gospell then to the maintenance of thesame. And I have great cause of complaint, Madam, nay, the Lord and His Churche hathe cause to complaine, of this government,32 not somuch for outward injuries that 13 3 or any other of your subjectes have receaved, as because we, your subjectes, at 34 this day are not permitted to serve our God under your government 35 according to His Woord, but are sold to be bondslaves not only to our affections, to do what we will so that we kepe ourselves within the compasse of established civilllawes, 36 but also to be 37 servants unto the man of sinne and his ordinances; and it is not the force we seme to feare that will come uppon us: for the Lord may destroy bothe you, for deniyng, and us, for slack kepi ng 38 of His Will by strangers.

I come unto you with it, yf you will heare 39 it that 40 our case may be eased; yf not, yet the posterity41 may knowe that you have bene delt with, and that this age may see that there is no great expectation to be looked for at your handes.42 And amongst the rest of the princes under the Gospell that have bene drawne to oppose themselves against the Ghospell you 43 must thinck your self to be one, for untill you see this, Madam, 44 you see not your self; and they are but sycophantes and flatterers whosoever tell you otherwise.

Your standing is and hathe bene by the Gospell; it is litle or smally beholding unto you, for any thing appeareth.45 The

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xxxvm

practise of your government 46 sheweth that yf you could have ruled withoute the Gospell, it would have bene to be feared whether the Gospell should be established or not; for now that you are established in your throne, and that by the Gospell, you 47 have suffered the Gospell to reatche no further then the end of your septer48 limited unto it. And briefly, Madam, you 49 may see the foundation of England rooted up, but this cause 50 will you never see supprest.

And now, whereas we should have your help,51 bothe to joyne your self with the true Churche and to reject the false and all the ordinances thereof, we are in your kingdome 52 permitted to do neither, but accompted seditious men yf we affirme either the one or the other of the former points. And therefore, Madam, you 53 are not somuch an adversary unto us poore men as to 54 Christe Jesus and the weith of His kingdome; and but, Madam,55 thus much we must 56 say that, in alllykelyhoode, yf the dayes of your sister, Queene Mary, and her persecution had continued unto this day, that the Churche 57 of God in England had bene faIT more florishing in England then at this day it is. And now, Madam,58 Your Majestie may consider what good the Churche of God hathe gotten at your handes,59 even outward peace, with the absence of Christe Jesus in his ordinance; otherwise as great troobles lykely to come, as ever were in the dayes of your sister. 60 This John Penry was uppon this inditement condemned the 25 of May, stylo veteri; and the 29 of May, thesame style, he was hanged at St. Thomas a Watringe's, and there buried under the gallowse.

Endorsed and addressed

Penrie's indictment.

AI Padre Personio.

Endorsed by Fr. Persons The enditement of Penry.

No. XXXVIfl LETTERS

OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

171

NOTES 1

Penry was tried at the King's Bench 25 May, 1593. He was indicted on two counts (reckoned as two separate indictments in the Elizabethan period), both based on Penry's writings, one being the unfinished' 'Groundes of a briefe Treatise", criticising Queen Elizabeth, the draft of which was written at Edinburgh about fourteen or fifteen months before his arrest; and the other taken from a printed work, A Treatise wherein it is manifestlie proved that Reformation and those that sincerely favor the same are unjustly charged to be enemies unto Hir Majestie and the State, 1590 (pp. ivff).

Penry was condemned on both these counts under statute 23 Eliz., c.ii, section 4. (See further C. Burrage, op. cit., pp. 10fÂŁ., and compare with Pierce, John Penry, pp. 448fÂŁ').

Verstegan's copy of the indictment is surprisingly accurate. The only substantial difference from the Coram Rege Roll is that it reverses the order of the two parts of the indictment, but in so doing it agrees with Harleian MSS. 6848, f.91 which appears to have been drafted in preparation for the trial: and this being the case, it is possible that Verstegan's copy was transcribed from a copy of the indictment drawn up before the day of the trial, when the order was reversed.

2

The first indictment is divided into various sections in Harleian 6848, the first of which is headed "England".

S

Coram Rege Roll and Harl. 6848 give the correct reading "that work".

When both these texts are cited, quotation is made from the former as published by Burrage (op. cit.). In nearly every case where the above copy differs from Coram Rege Roll and Harleian it is inaccurate, the other two recording the original reading, though not the spelling of Penry's A Treatise.

4

C.R. Roll and Harl. "desolacions".

Ii

Id. "state".

6

I d. "ministerie".

7

Id. "gospelles and all the ministeryes that p. 246, "gospel and ministry".

8

Strype, loco cit., "my sins".

9

Heading in Harl. "The generall state".

." ,.

Strype, A nnals, iv,

10

C.R. Roll and Harl. "and as for the generall state eyther ofthemagystracye of the mynystery or of the Common people". C.R. Roll adds "(magistratum ministros et populum huius regni Anglie innuendo)". In Verstegan's copy "eyther of" has been misread as "thereof".

11

Strype, lac. cit., "magistracy".

12

C.R. Roll and Harl. "His truthe".

13

I d. "wealthe".

14

Id. "this whole kyngdome".

16

Heading in Harl. "Archbushops, bushops and clergie".

16

Words in parenthesis not in Harl. C. R. Roll adds within the parenthesis: " Anglie per auctoritatem regiam et leges et statuta eiusdem rtgni infra hoc regnum manutentos".

Strype, op. cit., p. 247, "the whole realm".

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LETTERS OF RI C HARD VERSTEGAN

No. XXXVIII

17

"have", the reading in A Treatise, is omitted in C. R. Roll and in Har1.

18

Heading in Har1. " Judges" .

19

Inserted in C. R . Roll "( magi stratum et judices infra hoc regnum A nglie per dictam dominam Reginam assignatos et manutentos innuendo)".

20

Heading in Harl. "Counsell" .

21

C.R . inserts after "Counsell": "(consilium privatum dicte domine Regine innuendo) " .

22

Cf. Zephaniah, i, 2.

23

C.R . inserts after "Counsell" : "(dictum consilium privatum dicte domine Regine innuendo)" .

24

C.R. and Harl. "perswade theyr owne hartes".

25

Cf . Jeremiah, v . 28 .

26

C.R. and Had. "no judgemente, no not the judgement of the fatherles".

27

C.R. inserts after "I": "(dictum Johannem Penry innuendo)".

28Id. "bend all their forces".

29

Strype, op. cit., p. 247, "bend all their force".

I d. "that right".

30

C. R. inserts after' 'they": " (dictum consilium dicte domine Regine innuendo)" .

31

C. R. and Har1. " greater" .

32

C.R. and Landsowne 75 "this government". .C.R. inserts after "government": "(gubernacionem dicte do mine Regine innuendo)".

33

C.R. and Lansdowne "injury as I".

34

C.R. omits "at".

35

C.R. inserts after "government": "(gubernacionem dicte domine Regine innuendo)".

36

C.R. inserts after "lawes": "(leges dicte domine Regine innuendo)".

37

C.R . omits "be".

38

C. R. "seekynge".

39

C. R. incorrect reading, "beare".

40

Strype, Annals, omits "that".

41

C.R. "that yet posterytee".

42

C.R. inserts after "handes": "(manus dicte domine Regine innuendo)".

43

C.R. inserts after "you": "(dictam dominam Reginam innuendo)".

44

C.R. inserts after "Madam": "(dictam dominam Reginam innuendo)".

No. XXXVIII

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

173

45

C.R. and Lansdowne, "that appeareth".

U

C.R . inserts after government: U(gubern acionem dicte domine R eginam innuendo)" .

47

C. R . as in note 43.

48

C.R . inserts after "scepter": "(sceptrum dicte domine regine innuendo )" .

49

C.R. as in note 43.

50

C.R. inserts after "cause": "(causam di cti johannis P enry et aliof'um schismatis et sectarum i nfra hoc regnum innu en do)".

51

C.R. inserts after "help": "(auxilium di cte domine R egine innuendo)" .

52

C.R . inserts after "lringdome " : "(regnum dicte domine R egine innuendo) " .

53

C. R. as in note 43 .

54

C.R . "unto".

55

C.R. as in note 43, and continues "yet thus ... "

56

C.R. " muste needes say".

57

MS. "curche".

58

C.R. as in note 43.

59

C.R. as in note 42 .

â&#x20AC;˘ 60

C,R. adds: "(Mariam nuper R eginam Anglie innuendo)" .

XXXIX.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS. Antwerp, c. end of June, 1593.

Stonyhurst, Coll. B, 117.

Holograph.

By a letter from [England ?]1 of the 20 of June, stylo novo.

From Ireland we heare that one Odonell and Maguire are up and have 5,000 followers; that they have taken two townes, and burnt the one and fortified the other uppon the maritime parte toward Spaine, whence they expect ayde.

It is thoughte the Erle of Turone wilbe of that consorte, who is a man very mighty in his country.2 Some thinck the Lord Burrowes shall go over Deputy, yet the other makes great sute to continew. 3 We have entelligence of the beeing abrode of the Spanishe and Portugall shippes, and that is thought to be the cause that My Lord of Cumberland is no more forward in his voyage. His shippes have bene redy this moneth, and expect him at Porchmouth, but many thinck he shall not go at all, albeit his mariners expect he should sett forward aboute some 8 dayes hence. 4 We have some speech of a peace with Spaine, and it is thought Dr. Parkins is sent to the Emperor to be a meane unto him that he should deale with the King of Spaine to that effect, which, yf he can accomplish, the Queen will undertake to do asmuch with the Turck for the States of Germany.5 The Lord Treasurer and the Earl of Essex are at unkyndnesse, so that it is thought they will fall to open enmytie. 6 In the meane whyle, the Treasurer with his sonne, Sir Robert, have left the Courte, and are gon to Tybolles ;7 the old man willing to give over the world, as he seemeth; but the Queen will not pennitt it, so that he is expected againe dayly at the Courte. His intention is to make his sonne Secretary, but the Earl of Essex mightely seemes to crosse it. With my Lord of Essex do joyne moste of the Counsaile as also the Erles of Shrewsbury, Cumberland and Northumberland, with many others of good accompt. 8 Some reporte that Sir John Burrowes is either drowned or dead at sea, but hereof there is no certainty, nor of any maritime matter. 9 From Scotland we can heare nothing.

Addressed

Para il Padre Parsonio.

Endorsed by Fr. P ersons Advisees from Londen, 20 Junii, 1593.

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No. XXXIX

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175

NOTES 1

Blank in MS.

2

Cf. Letter no . 37, note 12. Concerning the activities of Sir Hugh Maguire and Hugh Roe O'DoneU at this time vid. Cal. Irish, 1592-96, pp. 96ff.

In June, 1593, Maguire attacked the forces of Sir Richard Bingham, Governor of Connaught, but was repulsed.

3

The Lord Deputy, Sir William Fjtzwilliam, far from making "great sute to continew", sent letters to Burghleyand Robert Cecil in June, 1593 and also in January of the following year asking for his recall because of his age and infirmities. In April, 1594, however, he wrote that he was feeling in better health and would continue in office until a new Deputy arrived, but hoped that one would arrive quickly. It was not until August that Fitzwilliam was able to deliver the sword of office to his successor, Sir William Russell (Cal . Irish, 1592-96, pp. 109,201,202,231,261) .

Although there may have been thought of sending Lord Thomas Boroughs to Ireland as ;Deputy in 1593, he did not receive that post until the end of 1596, when he took over from Russell.

4

Cf. Letters no. 25, note 4, no. 30, note 5.

5

Christopher Parkins (or Perkins) was an apostate, having formerly been a Jesuit priest. He had been employed on diplomatic missions by the English Government since about 1590, and was sent to the German Emperor, Rudolph II, at Prague in May, 1593, being received in audience in June. His mjssion appears to have been to allay the suspicion that Elizabeth was trying to incite the Turks against the Emperor in Hungary, to offer to mediate between them, and to express the Queen's willingness to make peace with Spain. A very full report of Parkins's negotiations with Rudolph II is contained in B. M. Cotton MSS. Nero B. ix, printed in Rymer, Foedera, vii, pp. 149ff. Cf. Cal. Venetian 1592-1603, pp. 78-9 etc.; Fugger News-Letter, 2nd series, p. 249. See also the letters from Parkins to Burghley in S.P. Germany, vol. 7.

There is a short biography of Parkins in D. N. B. and a long note on him with much the same information in Foley, Records S. j., ii, p. 340.

6

Cf. Letter no. 7.

7

Burghley frequently withdrew to the seclusion of Theobalds, and had once been described by the Queen as "the disconsolate and retyred spryte, the heremite of Tyboll" (Strype, Annals, iv, p. 108). On this occasion he seems to have gone there at the beginning of June (vid. Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, p. 352).

8

Burghley appears to have long been anxious to secure the Secretaryship (made vacant by the death of Walsingham in 1590) for his son Robert, and it was rumoured as early as in May, 1591, that he would receive that office (Nichols, Progresses of Queen Elizabeth, ii). It was not until 1596, however, during the Earl of Essex's absence on the Cadiz expedition that Robert Cecil was sworn in as Secretary, though he seems to have been appointed over a year earlier (cf. Letter 63, note 8).

9

According to D. N.B. (supported by a reference in Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4. p. 477), Burgh was killed in a duel in March, 1594; but J. Crull, in Antiquities of St. Peter's, Westminster, 1715 ed. p. 198, stated that he lost his life while boarding a Spanish ship. o

XL.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS AND SIR FRANCIS ENGLEFIELD Antwerp, 17 September, 1593.

Stonyburst, Coll. B, 127.

Holograph.

The contentes of a letter written from England about the end of August, 1593.

The plague is exceedingly encreased to 1,540 a weeke in and about London, no place nor parishe beeing free, nor never a thorowe fare towne in England but more or lesse infected.!

Espetiall restraint is made by proclamation that no citizen of London, uppon paine of death, may come neere the Courte, now at Otelandes, where gibbets are sett up to execute martialllawe yf any shall presume it; and the lyke restraint is made that none aboute the Courte shall come neere the Citie. 2 An ambassador from the Emperor is still looked for, and thereby hope of peace with Spaine is conceaved. 3 The Marques of Embden, his sonnes, nephewes to the King of SWethen, are still at the Courte, and very much made of.4 From Denmarck here is an ambassador lately arryved, and gon to the Courte.

The Scottish ambassador is still at the Courte, and can neither have his desire nor his discharge. 5 And from the States of Holland and Zealand is also an ambassador come,6 but in particular what thease ambassadors' demaundes are, or wilbe (the difficulties aforesaid considered), we must rather gesse at then hope to knowe.

We heard that the Duke of Guise was elected King of France, but since we heare that the King of Navarr goeth to masse, we hope he dothe it but for to get advantage, and we lyke him never the wursse. 7 And to further him in his entended course, there were 4,000 men mustered to be sent over, of which nomber Sir Fardinando Gorge should have bene coronell, and the Citie was taxed at a somme of mony; but (as it seemeth) by reason of the truce taken betwene the King and the Leaguers, this matter ceased, and was left of.8 Licence is graunted to Dover Haven to transport 11,000 quarters of graine, and that towne to have the custome towardes the repairing of the Haven. Mr. Watts and another have farmd it, and do meane to make there comoditie by permitting diver's marchants to transporte it where they please. 9 Yf 201 could procure a licence for one to come safly into Spaine he would give therefore some resonable consideration. Our desire of peace is to gaine tyme whyle we may contrive other plots.

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Mr. Standen kepes still in favour with the Earl of Essex, who beareth all the sway in open shewe; and Standen dothe still professe himself a Catholique. IO It is marvell that Morgan escaped only with banishment, which is an encouragement to Pooly and other spyes.l1 The maid that was said to have slept 15 dayes and nightes is now said to be a witche. She is still in prison and is presentely to come to her triall.12 Here hathe a blasinge starr bene seene in the northe, which dothe much terrify.

Doctor Cowell's book was so called in againe that I could not possably get but one copy.13 Thus farr thesaid letter.

The contents of a letter written from Midelbourch, the 4 of September, 1593 by a Dutchman, but in English.

Here are arrived from England to the number of 300 persons, amonge whome are many whole families; they are all English, and Puritanes or Brownistes. Their preacher, a very learned man, as it seemeth-for that he preached every day-came with them, and, as I understand, hathe bene of some standing in the Universitie of Bry dwell , where he was wont to make swoordes and daggers, for he is by occupation a cutler.14 The States have given them a monastery in Freesland to resyde in, and their assises free of sundry comodities. The Lord Trecherer (for so the letter termeth him), in the meane, perceaving them to be so well receaved, hathe by proclamation forbidden that any more shall passe oute of the realrne till further order be given; so that the Puritanes do stand uppon very irresolute termes, beeing

by Parlament apointed to departe, and by proclamation comaunded to stay.15 Thus farr thesaid letter of the 4 of this presente.

The enemy of Holland and Zealand hathe made this weke a notable excursion into Flaunders, neere unto this towne, from whence he is not yet departed, but hathe sent away above 400 prisoners and taken great spoiles, and burnt divers villages. Here is great murmuring amonge the people against the presente government that they canbe no better defended from thease comon and dayly excursions of the enemy.16 From France we heare that they are aboute a prolongation of the truce to continew un till the last of December, but we heare not that it is concluded. I7 Monsieur de Guise, Monsieur du Maine, with sundry other princes of the League are at this present in Paris, and the King of Navarr is at Fountaine Belleau. ls The preachers in England are comaunded not to speake or medle

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with Navarr, his doinges in their pulpites, and those of Holland and Zealand are comaunded the lyke.

Written at Antwerp, this 17 of September, 1593.

Addressed

To Fr. Persons and Sir Francis Englefield.

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NOTES 1

The plague increased in intensity during August, 1593. It is interesting to compare the figures given in the above letter with those from other sources. For example, in the Henslowe Papers (ed. W. W. Greg, pp. 37, 39) the numbers given for London are 1,130 for one week of August, and between 1,700 and 1,800 for another.

a There were two such proclamations, the first (to which this letter refers) dated 18 June was entitled: "A proclamation to restraine accesse to the Court of all such as are not bound to ordinarie attendance, or that shall not be otherwise by Her Majestie"; and the second, published 15 September: "Proclamation to reforme the disorder in accesse of great number of persons to the Court then have just cause so to doe".

S

Presumably an ambassador was expected from Rudolph II as a result of Parkins's negotiations. Rudolph sent a letter to Elizabeth in August, but this was concerned with the piracy of merchandise in Spanish ships by the English (Rymer, Foedera, vii, pp. 125-6).

4

The King of Sweden at this time was Sigismund III, who was also King of Poland. His sister was married to Count Edward of Emden.

15

James sent Sir Robert Melville to Elizabeth in June, 1593 with the main purpose of obtaining monetary aid, the success of which depended on James procuring the forfeiture of the Catholic rebels. For a time Melville met with little success, but when he returned in September it was with his mission accomplished, and James obtained the money he required (Cal. Scottish, 1593-5, pp. 96, 118, 124, 125, 171-2,700, etc.).

II

Noel de Caron. His mission was apparently to confer with Elizabeth concerning Henry's conversion (vid. P. Bor, Nederlantsche Oorloghen, iv, year 1593, f.25).

7

Cf. Letter no. 37, note 9 Concerning the possible election of the Duke of Guise as King d. Cal. Venetian, 1592-1603, p. 107.

8

A truce was made between Henry and the League at La Villette in July, 1593, six days after his public abjuration (G. Slocombe, Henry of Navarre, 1931, p . 173).

The number of troops levied in England as given in an English spy's report is 1,500 (Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, p. 368-9). They were held back at the end of July (A.P. C., xxiv, p. 431-4). Ferdinand Stanley, who was to have commanded them, became fifth Earl of Derby on the death of his father, Henry, in September, 1593.

i

Cf. Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, pp . 382, 390. Watts and the other merchant, Bird, were making so much personal profit from farming the custom that it was feared that unless the licence was called in and delivered to others, the state of Dover harbour was so desperate that it would soon be ruined.

10

Anthony Standen, an apostate who masqueraded as a sincere Catholic, was a valuable member of Essex's spy service at this time, having previously b een an intelligencer for Walsingham. He returned to England in May, 1593 after a long residence on the Continent, and in August was presented to Elizabeth to give an account of his past life and activities. A large number of Standen's letters were published by Birch (Memoirs of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth), who supplies a biography of him. See also C. Read, Sir Francis Walsingham, iii, p. 289 note I, for supplementary information.

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11

Concerning Morgan vid. Letter no 15, note 24; and for Poley, Letter no. 1, notes 16, 18 and 20. Poley was fully occupied in government service in 1593. On 8 May he carried despatches to the Hague, and on 8 June brought back answers to tbe Court at Nonsuch (in the course of which journey he was involved in Marlowe's death at Deptford 30 May). In July he was carrying letters to and from France, and later in the year was doing the same in the Low Countries (Boas, Christopher Marlowe, pp. 275, 288) . About a week before Verstegan wrote the above letter, Poley ran into trouble at Middelburg, where be was arrested by the Dutch autborities with Roger Walton, another spy, and a politically barmless Catholic musician, Peter Philips, whom Walton accused of intending to asassinate the Queen (d. Letter no. 48). Walton bad undertaken more than he could cope with in trying to implicate Poley, who was quickly released (some time before 22 September) since no definite charge could be made against him, and, more important, he was on a government mission (d . Gilpin's letter to Lord Burghley, 11 September, 1593, S.P. Holland vol. 47, f. 46 etc.; Algemeen Rijksarchief, 's-Gravenhage, Raad van State, 1593, p. 154).

12

Further information about tbis girl is given in a news-letter sent to Persons from London, 20 July, 1593 (Coll . B, 123) : "Heere is a strang report of an innocent mayd which after 15 days' sleepe is maked wise and more comly then before. She is imprisoned in Winchester for telling that she hath seene both the Queenes Mary of Ingland and Scotland in heaven, and King Henry with the Earl of Lecester and many others in hell, and expressing there particuler tormentes; and that Queen Elizabeth shall dye before Mychaelmas".

13

Dr. John Cowell, LL.D. (1554-1611), was Procter of King's College, Cambridge, and became Regius Professor of Civil Law in that University in 1594 (D. N.B.). From Letter no 42 it appears that the book in question was written against Navarre on the occasion of his conversion, but it was so skilfully supressed that no copy seems to have survived. (Tbree books

by Cowell are listed in S. T. C., but the only one entered for 1593 is a work against Nicbolas Sander.)

14

A letter from Middelburg dated 19 August 1593 (Fugger News-Letters, 2nd series, p. 250) stated that 220 refugees from England had arrived there, but the reason given for their flight was the great mortality caused by the plague .

The violent persecution of the Anglican bishops drove a large number of the Brownists into Holland, where, under their leaders Johnson, Smith, Ainsworth, Jacob and others, they were given permission to erect their own churches in such places as Amsterdam, Arnhem and Leiden. Tbe emigration began in earnest in 1593 as a result of the anti-recusant legislation, and one of tbe earliest settlements was a "monastery" in Kampen (this does not appear to be tbe monastery mentioned in the above letter, since Kampen is not in Friesland). See further Powicke, The Amsterdam Church, Burrage, Early English Dissenters, vol. 1, chapter vi.

The preacher who accompanied the Brownists to Middelburg may possibly have been Henry Ainsworth, who left England about tbis time, though he was certainly not a cutler.

15

There is no official record of such a proclamation.

16

This refers to the excursion into the land of Wase by Count Solmes, who, because the inhabitants refused to pay him tribute, ravaged the land, destroyed the cattle and took a large number of people captive. He withdrew on tbe approach of Montdragon with troops from the Antwerp garrison (Grotius, Annales et Historiae de Rebus Belgicis, 1647 ed., p. 181 ; Van Meteren, Historie van de Oorlogen ende Geschiedenissen der Nederlanden, vi, 1743, p. 20).

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17

The truce was due to end at the end of October. In his letter to Burghley 18 September from Fountainbleau, Thomas Edmondes, the E nglish ambassador, wrote: "Here hath been Mons. Villeroy with the K ing to treat for the continuance of the truce until the first day of t he n ew year, which the king hath rejected (as himself told m e) for more than another month only, to the which he is forced to condescend, as well to attend news from Rome, as also the coming of his Swiss .. . " (Hatfield House M SS, iv, p. 371) . The truce was extended, however, until the end of the year.

18

Cf. id ., i bid.

XLI.

VERSTEGAN TO CARDINAL ALLEN. Antwerp, 25 of September, 1593.

Stonyhurst, Coll. B, 131. Holograph. This is a copy sent to Fr. Persons and was probably enclosed with the next despatch.

The copie of my letter unto our Cardinall, sent hence the 25 of September, 1593.

Most Reverend etc.

Whereas I have heretofore signified unto Your Grace that our freindes in [England]! have divers tymes given advertisment that the King of N avarr hathe written unto the Queen that, notwithstanding he dissembleth religion, she nedeth not to doubte him, for he will ever be a sure freind unto her, and after he shalbe in quiet possession of the crowne (which by this meane he doubteth not of), he will joyne with her and some states in Italy to make offensive warres against the King of Spaine. 2 So now againe in a letter from thesame party dated in [England]! the 10 of this September are thease woordes, videlicet : "The newes of the King of Navarr his going to Masse dothe nothing displease the State here, for it is assuredly believed that he dothe it but to seeke advantage which by this meanes he is most lykely to obtaine, and then there is no doubte but he wilbe thesame man he was" . Thus farr thesaid letter. 3 And least it might be signified unto His Holynesse by some inward favorers of Navarr's that such reportes of letters of his to be written to the Queen are but fictions of his enemyes,4 I thought it my parte and duty to deliver unto Your Grace such reasons as sufficiently may argue and confirme the truthe thereof.

1. The first is the credit of those parties from whome at sundry tymes thesaid advertisments have corne.

2. Secondly, that his ambassador continueth in as great credit and favour with the Queen as ever,5 and that, of late, yf Navar himself for some dissembling considerations had not refused it, they would have made him Knight of the Garter. 6 3. Thirdly, whereas the manner of Navar his pretended conversion was either on the pre sse or printed in England, it was presently called in and forbidden,7 and the ministers advertised that in there sermons they should not medle with him nor his actions, and the lyke order hathe also bene taken in Holland and Zealand, to the States of which provinces he hathe written to the lyke effect that he hathe written unto the Queen.

4. And foourthly, their redynesse in England to send him succours bothe of men and munition as willingly as ever, yf himself shall 182

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it. 8

require And to thease reasons may be added his owne deportment since his pretended conversion, having never shewen anyone signe of true meaning, nor yet of devotion to the Catholique religion and service, but keepeth aboute him and converseth with as very9 pernitious ministers and Huguenotes as ever he did afore. 10 All which I leave unto etc.

Addressed

To Fr. Persons.

Endorsed by a contemporary hand Addition by Persons

Verstegan's advises.

Of August and September 1593.

Remember to advise hym of not putting letters for Francisl l in my packett.

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NOTES 1

Blank in MS.

2

Henry made a bond of amity with Elizabeth in August, 1593 to the effect that he would continue the offensive and defensive league with England against Spain as long as Philip continued to be at war with Elizabeth; and would not conclude a peace treaty without first advising her, and making satisfactory provision for her in the settlement. Elizabeth reciprocated by drawing up a similar bond in October and sending it by Robert Sidney in January, 1594 . (S.P. France vol. xxxii, ff58, 249 cited Black, Elizabeth and Henry IV, p . 69).

3

Cf. Letters nos. 37 and 40.

4

The Venetian ambassador in France wrote in November, 1593 that the League was circulating a letter addressed to Elizabeth which they claimed they had captured from an English spy, and which stated that "this conversion of the King was designed simply to assist his particular objects, and that his heart would always be where it had ever been". The ambassador commented that the letter was supposed to be a forgery (Cal. Venetian, 1592-1603, p. 113).

Ii

Arthur Gorges writing to his kinsman, Robert Cecil, says of the French ambassador, Vidame of Chartres, whom he was to escort to the coast on his return to France " ... I perceived Her Majesty had an especial care he should be respected" (Hatfield House MSS., iv, p. 377). The Vidame returned home with his son towards the end of September (id., ibid.).

6

According to Shaw (Knights of England, i, p. 28) Henry had been elected Knight of the Garter in 1590, but was not invested until 1596. He was installed by proxy in 1600.

7

No works against Navarre in 1593 appear in the Stationers' Company Registers or in S. T. C. Cf. previous letter, note 13.

S

Although Elizabeth had withdrawn troops from France, a number were still garrisoned in Britanny and Normandy, and despite the fact that Norris had been ordered home in August, he still remained with his forces in France. Nevertheless, for the time being, Elizabeth was loathe to send Henry further men and munitions, even in return for permission to occupy Harfleur, Pampol, and Brehac. (Vid. E. P. Cheyney, A History of England, i, pp. 292ff; Black, Elizabeth and Henry IV.)

9

MS. "very", probably in error for "many".

10

Although part of Robert Sidney's instructions for his mlSSlOn to the French King was to obtain from Henry an assurance that his former Protestant co-religionists would be well treated, the appeal could be considered as being superfluous (d. Cheyney, op. cit., i, p. 295).

11

MS. "fanci".

XLII.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS. Antwerp, c. late September, 1593.1

Stonyhurst, Coll. B, 133.

Grene in Coll. M, 67c.

Holograph.

Brief extract in English by Fr.

The effect of a letter dated in England, the 10 of September, 1593.

The lyke plague as is now in England hathe not bene sene in our age so long continuing and so vehement. There died in and about London this wek (as by their owne bills is signified) 1,517 persons. 2 All our soldiers are come oute of Britaigne in very poore case, and we heare also that Generall Norrice is come from thence, and arryved at ,Portesmouthe. 3 They are sory here that the Indian treasure is safly come to Spaine. 4 12 shippes and pinaces, called the London Flete and set foorthe under the name of one Watts, are returned withoute prize, the most parte of the men dead and the victualls spent. 5 I t is feared the Earl of Cumberland shall have no better successe, yet hathe he sent home a ritche prize of sugar.

The newes of the King of Navarrs going to masse dothe nothing displease the State here, etc. 6 Of our peace hoped for by the Emperor's meanes we have now no speach, nor expectation of his ambassador. 7 By other letters of later date it is written that the plague is so great in Walles that the half of the people are thorighte to be dead thereof.

In London is great desolation, the greater parte of the people fled and dead, and the Maire is dead of the plage also. s One Mr. Thwing, a priest, was lately executed in the Northe Country. 9 A ddressed

AI Padre Personio.

185

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NOTES 1

This and the two preceding letters were probably despatched in the same packet.

2

Cf. Fugger News-Letters, 2nd series, p. 251 (in a letter from Antwerp, 25 September, 1593): "Letters of the 10th from London announce that there are about a thousand deaths of plague weekly in the city, and outside it some five hundred, and there is no sign of any end to the mortality."

A Privy Council order of 4 August, 1593 had directed that accurate returns should be made to the Lord Mayor of the numbers who died from the plague in outer London as well as within the city walls ( A .P. C., xxiv, pp. 442-3).

There returns were published, and were termed "mortality bills".

3

This information is inaccurate. The Privy Council had ordered Norris to return with the army in Britanny in August, but Norris disobeyed, giving ample reasons for so doing, and instead entrenched with his forces at Pampol (vid. A .P. C., xxiv, p. 436, S.P. France, vol. xxxii, ff. 38, 42, cited in Black, Elizabeth and Henry IV, p. 62). Sir Roger Williams, commander of the forces in Normandy, was also ordered to return in August, and to bring with him the sick and wounded, leaving the rest of his troops at Dieppe (A.P.C., xxiv, p. 442) . It is to the arrival of these men that Verstegan's correspondent appears to be referring.

4

Cf. Letter no. 37, note 6 .

5

Cf. Letter no . 34, note 3.

e The full text of this paragraph is given in the previous letter.

7

Cf. Letter no. 40, note 3.

8

Amongst the many thousands killed by the plague in London were the Lord Mayor, William Roe, and three aldermen (Camden, Annales, 1635 ed., p . 423).

9

No such martyr appears in the official records for 1593, and indeed there seems to have been only one of that name martyred in the Elizabethan period, Edward Thwing, who went on the English Mission in 1597 and was executed in 1600.

XLIII.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS. Antwerp, 2 October, 1593.

Stonyhurst, Coll. B, 137.

Holograph.

A list of the bookes sent unto Sivill and packet up in a chist marcked thus: Pc, for Fr. Persons, rated with their prizes.

The two volumes of Holinshede's Cronicle. 1 Six English Grammers.

The Survay of Holy DiscYPlyne. 2 Sutclif against the Puritanes. 3 A Grammer in Latin, Spanish and English.

Musick bookes for Valladolid.

Pictures for Fr. Walpole.4.

12 De Imitatione Christi for Fr. Creswell. 5 One of Mr. Reynolde's bookes against Bruce for Fr. Creswelle. 6 For Fr. Persons, unrated.

The last Actes of Parlament. 7 Tirrell's confession written with his hand and sent from 25 [England]. 8 Certane written papers touching the procedinges against Catholiks in England. 9 6 tables of the Conjugations.

50 Extractes of Philopater. 1o A fewe of 3 or 4 sortes of Englsh bookes packt up together.

Buny against the Resolution. l l One of Mr. Reynolde's bookes against Bruce. 6 2 Speculum pro Christianis Seductis. 12 8 Resolutions, which were of those of Mr. George Persons.1 3 A Confutation of Brownisme.14 A Mirror for Martinistes,15 with 3 or 4 other hereticall pamphletes; and certaine spectacles for one of the College of Vallodolid. for the licence of passage and custome of the chest, I have not as yet the marchante's note, for he hath disbursed it.

Endorsed by Verstegan Endorsed by Persons

A list of the bookes sent unto Sivill.

The list of the books sent to Sivil, 2 October, 1593.

187

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NOTES 1

Verstegan is probably referring to the 1587 edition of Holinshed which was entitled The First and Second Volumes of Chronicles [London, 1587, folio]. Vid. S. T. C. no. 13569.

2

Cf. Letters no. 28 and 32a.

S

Cf. id.

4

Presumably Fr. Henry Walpole.

5

Thomas a Kempis's work was immensely popular in Elizabethan times and was reprinted in the original and in translation a vast number of times (vid. e.g. S.T.C.; Catalogue of Catholic Books).

6

Concerning William Rainolds vid. Letter no. 32, note 2. The full title of the book in question is: A Treatise conteyning the true Catholike and Apostolike Faith of the Holy Sacrifice and Sacrament ordeyned by Christ at His Last Supper, with a declaration of the B erengarian H eresie renewed in our age, and an answere to certain Sermons made by M . Robert Bruce, Minister of Edinbur{:,h concerning this matter, by William Reynolde, Priest.

The book had only recently been printed in Antwerp by Joachim Trognesius (1593).

7

The copy of the 1593 acts which Verstegan sent was probably the printed one he had received the previous May (vid . Letter no. 35).

S

Decoded ed. For Tyrell's confession (vid. Letter no. 32, note 7).

9

Among these papers was a letter from the Privy Council to the Commissioners of Lincoln about recusants (vid. Letter no. 32) .

10

The "extract of Philopater" was the English abridgement, made probably

by Verstegan, A n A dvertisement written to a Secretarie of My Lord Treasurer's of lngland (d. Letter no. 32, note 22).

11

The Resolution was a work by Persons which he had first published in 1582: The First Booke of the Christian Exercise, appertayning to Resolution (corrected and reprinted in 1584). The Protestant preacher Edmund Bunny decided to "edit" the work and added to it one of his own, A Tretise tending to Pacification, and the resulting book appeared in 1585.

Thereupon Persons published an enlarged version of his work, renaming it A Christian Directorie to distinguish it from Bunny's edition, and included in it a "reprofe of the corrupt and falsified edition of the same booke lately published by M. Edm. Buny". Bunny, not to be outdone, printed a reply in 1589 entitled A Briefe Answer unto those idle and frivolous quarrels of R.P. against the late edition of the Resolution by Edmund Bunny, It is a copy of this work which Verstegan was sending to Persons.

12

This was one of Verstegan's works (vid. Letter no. 27, note 12).

13

Fr. Persons's brother.

14

Richard Alison's book, A Plaine Confutation of a Treatise of Brownisme entituled : Description of a visible Church, 1590 (S.T.C. 355). (There is a summary of this work in Coll. B, 19).

15

One of the many pamphlets in the Marprelate controversy, full title: A Myrror for Martinists and all other Schismatiques, which in these daungerous daies doe breake the godlie unitie and disturbe the Christian peace of the Church, 1590. (Entered at the Stationers's Hall 22 December, 1589).

XLIV.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS. Antwerp, 10 November, 1593.

Stonyhurst, Coll. B, 143. in Coll. M, 67c.

Holograph.

Brief extract in English by Fr. Grene

Antwerp, the 10 of November, 1593.

The plague decreaseth in London, and the number that died there the third weke of October were aboute three hundreth, as by their printed papers appeareth.l I t is not to be overpassed that in thesaid printed papers (whereof I have divers), all the parishes in London are named, and I do fynd that within the Walles their are 8 parish churches dedicated to All Saintes', and 12 to Our Lady; which I thinck in no city els cannbe found, and dothe declare that city to have bene most Catholiqu[e] in tymes past, thoughe now most contrary.2 Two serjants 3 arrested not long since a gentleman of the Temple for debt, but he escaped from them; and when the serjants perceaved that none stayed him, they crying "Stop, stop !" at the last they cried, "Stop, stop the seminary priest!" And this they had no sooner said but their were enoughe aboute him presently to stay him and deliver him unto the handes of the serjants, whatsoever he said to the contrary.

The City of London, as presently it standeth, may be compared to a foughten feild, where the people 4 for the most parte are dead or fled away.

Mony was never so scars in England since the ragne of this Queene as now it is. 5 Those of Holland have urged the Queen to a new contract wherein they require restitution of the townes which she holdeth, and she demaundeth to have the possession of more then she hathe, and so the contract is not nere the conclusion. It appeareth divers wayes that they of England would be glad to have peace with Spaine, were it not for the difficulties in making the conditions, and that they are to proude to seeke it where they should.

The most parte of their pirates are returned home, their victuall spent, their shippes greatly spoyled and their men consumed, and the Earl of Cumberland (as it is said) is come home sick. 6 The English have appointed Visiters at Flushing and at Ramekins to take the viewe of such English as shall come from England into Zealand, and to examyne and apprehend such as they fynde to entend to come unto thease partes.

The plague is in Midelborch and in the Rage in Holland, where aboute 40 do die thereof weekely.

We rest doubtfull of the tyme of Ernestus coming to this government, yet most do thinck he wilbe here aboute Christmas. 7 The 189

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Turck hathe of late caused the Emperor's ambassador to be hanged and quartered, 8 and holdeth the ambassador of Venice prisoner in Constantinople, but kept, with a gard, in his owne 10ging. 9 The King of Po Ionia sheweth himself very Catholique, and hathe lately attempted to bring the J esuytes into Danske which many of the citie mightely resisted; but, notwithstanding, he meaneth to bring it to passe. 10 At the closing up of this letter here is newes come to this towne that the Gheuse have taken the towne of Aquisgraen-which is lyke to have bene don with litle difficulty, somany heretykes beeing in it.

The particulars as yet we have not.ll From France we heare litle other then that all the world feareth double dealing in the Duke of Maine.

The Biarnois or pretended King of Navarr standeth in as good credit with those of England and Holland as ever he did, and as willing they wilbe to assist him as they have bin. 12 Addressed

A1 Padre Personio.

Advises from London, 10 of November, 1593.

Endorsed by Fr. Persons

No. XLIV

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191

NOTES 1

Cf. Fugger News-Letters , 2nd series, p. 252 (a letter from Antwerp dated 7 November, 1593).

2

The eight churches within the Walls dedicated to All Saints were as follows: All Hallows, Barking; All Hallows, Bread St.; All Hallows the Great; All Hallows, Honey Lane; All Hallows the Less; All Hallows, Lombard St.; All Hallows, London Wall; All Hallows, Staining. The twelve dedicated to Our Lady were St. Mary, Abchurch; St. Mary, Aldermanbury; St. Mary, Aldermary; St. Mary, Bothaw; St. Mary-Ie-Bow; St. Mary, Cole church ; St. Mary at Hill; St. Mary Monthaw; St. Mary, Somerset; St. Mary, Staining; St. Mary Woolchurch; St. Mary Woolnoth.

3

"serjeant" has here the meaning of an officer "charged with the arrest of offenders or the summoning of persons to appear before the court" (N. E.D., sb . 4).

4

MS. ' 'pleople l ' â&#x20AC;˘

5

Cf. Letter no. 8.

6

Cf. Fugger News-Letters, 2nd series, p. 252.

7

Cf. Cal. Venetian, 1592-1603, p. 109. "The Archduke Ernest has announced his intention of going immediately to Flanders; but he begs the King's [i .e. PhiliP's] permission to return to Austria should the Turks invade his own or his brother's territory. The Archduke is instructed to settle the affairs with the States and with the Queen of England in order to liberate all those troops against Navarre." Ernest arrived in Brussels at the end of January, 1594.

Rudolph II's ambassador at Constantinople, Friedrich von Kreckwitz, was imprisoned by Sinan Pasha, the Grand Vizier in July, 1593 after the defeat of the Turks at Sziszek. He was not put to death in 1593, though there were many rumours to this effect; but at the beginning of the Turkish war he was led in chains behind the Turkish army, and died in a dungeon in Belgrade in December, 1596 (vid. Cal. Venetian, 1592-1603, pp. 82, 98, 103, 111, etc.; Fugger News-Letters, 2nd series, p. 251).

8

9

The Venetian ambassador to Constantinople was Matheo Zane. Judging from the Venetian Calendar the news about his house arrest is untrue.

10

Sigismund, King of Sweden had been elected King of Poland in 1587.

His fervent Catholocity alienated him from the Swedes.

11

"Geuzen", literally "beggars", was the derogatory title given to the Dutch insurgents.

"Aquisgraen", derived from the Latin Aquisgranum, was the ancient name for Aachen (or Aix-la-Chapelle) a German town very close to the frontiers of the Low Countries. The occasion of its capture appears to relate to Philip of Nassau's campaign in Limburg, near which province it is situated. (Grotius, Annales, pp. 181, 184).

Protestantism was so strong within the to"vn that it was banned by a special edict at the instance of the Archduke Ernest (P.J. Block, History of the Revolt of the Netherlands, 1900, iii, p. 275). See also concerning Aachen at this time Van Meerbeeck, Chroniicke yande Gantsche Werelt, 1620. p. 774. p

192 12

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. XLIV

Henry, who was born in Beam, was somewhat contemptuously termed the "Prince of Beam" or "the Biarnois" by his opponents. For the English attitude to Henry at this time (vid. Letter no. 41, note 8). The Dutch were on extremely friendly terms with him and loaned him a considerable amount of money (P. Bor, Nederlantsche Oorloghen, iv, year 1593, f .64 ; Van Meteren Historie, vi, p . 42). Cf. also Fugger News-Letters, 2nd series, p . 251 (letter from Antwerp, 12 September, 1593): "They write on the 9th inst. from the Hague that the Navarrese envoy has announced there and also to the Queen of England that now as before the King may be expected to spare no effort., He has received assurances to the same effect from the States General and the Queen of England, and supplies of munitions and military equipment will continue to be sent to France to drive the Spaniards out of the King's dominions."

XLV.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS. Antwerp, c. early December, 1593.

Stonyhurst, Coll. B, 145.

Holograph.

The contents of a letter dated in London the 23 of November, 1593.

Within the City of London and the suburbes there have died since Easter last 30,000 persons,l and the number that have died in the country may be supposed to be litle lesse.

From Sussex we understand that a company of poore soldiers to the number of 50 do shroude themselves in a woode of the Earle of Northumberlande's,2 and there, living in secret caves under the ground, make many excursions and take private men's goodes with protestation that they only seeke for meat, drinck and clothes, which they say they must and will have, associating themselves together with solemne vowe rather to die then to yeild or be taken.

Nothing as yet is don against them.

Of the death of the old Earle of Darby and, since, the lyke of the Lord Grey of Wilton, I suppose you have hard. 3 The Lord Treasurer is now very sick. 4 Many doubte his recovery, and more wish his death to enjoy some of his offices. Assuredly he is a man generally hated of the communalty by reason of the great taxes imputed only to him.

Many Londoners tasting want in the sicknes tyme, and now wanting the terme, 5 do fall to plaine begging, yet must a double subsidy be payed presently, thoughe not so soone as nede requires.

We heare that the King of Scots is become a Catholique and hathe published an edict for liberty of conscyence;6 and the Skots make great rodes now into our borders. 7 The King is gon into the northe parte, and the ministers prepare, as we heare, under the conduct of the Lord Bothwell, to make force against him: whereunto we must be ayding at least with mony.s From Ireland We heare that those of the northe are still up.

We accompt litle of it, and expect that winter weather will make their voluntrary peace. 9 It was reported here of late that the French King, beeing at Diepe, intended to come over with his sister; but it is not so, howbeit his sister was undoubtedly expected, but now we heare that she shall match in mariage with the Counte Morice. lo The Quene is at open defyance with all Catholiques, and detesteth priestes; persecution is lyke to be great.

This tyme of the plague hathe given the Catholiques some litle liberty to breathe them.

193

194 Addressed

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. XLV

AI Padre Personio.

Endorsed by Fr. Persons.

Advises from London, 23 Novembris.

NOTES 1

Presumably the figure given is for deaths from any cause, not solely from the plague. In the mortality bill for 1593 (printed in N. Hodges, A Collection of very valuable and scarce Pieces relating to the last Plague, 1721, pp. 62-5) the numbers given for London and its suburbs are: 31,880 buried, died of plague 26,005. Camden (Annales, p. 423) gives a much smaller figure: 17,890 of pestilence and other diseases. See also Stow (A nnales, p.766).

2

Henry Percy, 9th Earl of Northumberland, as well as owning lands in Sussex was also a Justice of the Peace for the county.

3

Henry Stanley, 6th Earl of Derby (1531 -1593) died 25 September, and was buried at Ormskirk.

Arthur Grey, 14th Lord Grey de Wilton (1536-1593) died 14 October.

4

Cf. Burghley's letter to his son Robert Cecil, 7 December, 1593, printed in T. Wright, Queen Elizabeth and her Times, 1838, ii, p. 427.

D

The Michaelmas Term was held at St. Albans because of the plague in accordance with a proclamation dated 24 September, 1593 (Proclamations, 321).

6

Cf. Cal. Irish, 1592-96, p. 174. The news of James' conversion was a false rumour (d. Birch, Memoirs, i, 131). There was serious talk, however, of a bill for liberty of conscience being introduced into Parliament (Cal. Scottish, 1593-5, pp. 209-10).

7

Cf. Letter no. 37, n. 10.

8

Concerning the support given to Bothwell by Elizabeth and the ministers of the Kirk (vid. Cal. Scottish, 1593-95, pp. 223, 299, 292, 300, 355, etc.).

11

The main Irish rebel, Maguire, suffered a severe defeat in October at the hands of Sir Henry Bagenall, Knight Marshall of Ireland, and the Earl of Tyrone (who at tbis time was siding with the government), after which the fighting died down for a time (vid. Cal. Irish, 1592-1596, pp. xxff. etc.).

10

Cf. Cal. Venetian 1592-1603, p. 116; Fugger News-Letters, 2nd series, p.252. Henry's sister was Catherine de Bourbon (1558-1604), who married Henry, Duke of Lorraine in 1599.

XLVI.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS. Antwerp, 15 December 1593.

Stonyhurst, CoIl. B, 147. Holograph.

Fr. P erson's hand. Lord Hume, Lord Henys.

A brief relation of the affaires of Scotland, as I receaved them by mouth from one of very good credit, who departed thence the 12 of November last and arryved here at Antwerp in the beginning of this present December, 1593.

The King, with the Lord Hamilton, the Lord Hume, the Chancelor Metland and some others did mete in the feildes at a place appointed with the Earle of Angus, the Earle of Huntley and the Earl of Errole, with Sir James Chisholme; where they had conference together and appointed to mete againe either at St. J ohnstowne or at some other convenient place, where the Lordes promised to c1ere themselves of such calamnious reportes as had bene made of them.!

Aboute thesame tyme, one Mr. Carr, who was said to have bene taken with certaine letters and blancks, and kept prisoner in the Castel of Edenbourgh, is escaped oute of prison and fled, and hathe sent a retracte in writing of all that before he confessed touching the noblemen aforesaid, affirming that whatsoever he had said was uppon feare. This man's beeing oute of the way wilbe very advantagious for the lordes whereby there enemyes shall have the lesse she we of matter to alleage against them. 2 The Lord Hume, beeing a Catholique and now by the King made Captaine of his Gard, hathe brought in againe the Chauncelor uppon expectation of some good offices by him to be performed. 3 The Kinge's private conference with the Catholique lordes and his seeming to enc1yne unto them hathe greatly incensed the ministers against him, and the King on the other syde is moved to take this course for his owne security; for the which he is willing to accept of any party and wilbe indifferent to any religion, seeing that among the ministers he can expect no security, having had somuch experience of their mutenous humours and their insolent demeanours towardes him, having given him so great an aversion from them.

And because he well seeth their whole course and practise: to tend to comaund and over rule bothe himself, the nobillity and people. he hathe conceaved just cause of feare of his estate. 4 The Earle Bothwell, whome the King holdeth for his mortall enemy, is lincked with the ministers and the Queen of England. s And her ambassador in Scotland, beeing a perfect Puritane, is the chief in all consutations with such ministers as do most band against the King; and therefore, the King hathe comaunded him at two severall tymes to departe his realme, thoughe hetherto, he dothe see his comaundement disobeyed.

195

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LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. XLVI

Sundry principall noblemen, beeing of kin or aliance unto some of the Catholique lordes, have at divers tymes privately met and conferred with them; whereof the ministers having intelligence, they have excomunicated them also. And uppon the King's late treaty with the Catholique lordes, they have threatned to excomunicate the King also. Yea, divers of them have not letted in their publyke preachinges [op]enly to raile uppon the King, to say he was become a very Papist, and that he heard Masse every day (wherein they belyed him), as also to say that he was not woorthy to raigne. 6 This and such lyke their usage of the King hathe so moved and exasperated him that he hathe not letted to say that yf the Spaniardes would not come of themselves, himself would go to fetch them.

Some fewe of the more moderate sorte of ministers do somewhat stand for the King, but the greater and more furious parte do chalenge the absolute ecclesiasticall aucthority and counte themselves the Kirck; having all counsell and assistance that the English ambassador can give them, as before is touched. And the most parte of the townsmen and some barrons do joyne with them.

The Queene of Scotland is with chylde. 7 She seemeth to be very well enclyned unto Catholique religion, beeing thereunto partly perswaded by the Lady Huntley, of whome she hathe receaved a Catholique Catechisme in French, which she much esteemeth; and hathe told unto thesaid lady that she was in her youthe brought up with a kinswoman of hers that was a Catholique. 8 The King did once perswade her to see the manner of ministring the Calvinistes' Comunion, and asked her how she lyked it; to whome she answered that she could very aptly lyken it unto a taverne breackfast. 9 At the departure of the party from Scotland (of whome I had thease relations), the King and his Catholique lordes were to meete.

In conclusion, he saith that thinges there do go well, and by Gode's Grace will go better.

R.V. Addressed

AI Padre Personio.

Endorsed by Fr. Persons

Of the affayres of Scotland, 15 Decembris, 1593.

No. XLVI

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

197

NOTES 1

The rebel Catholic lords mentioned above met James and his retinue at Fala early in October, 1593. They "presented themselves suddenly to the King's presence, falling prostrate before him and craving to have a lawful and just trial" (Cal. Scottish, 1593-95, p. 201) . They offered to stand trial at St. Johnstown (Perth) but nothing came of this (id ., pp. 431, 435).

2

Concerning George Ker's part in the' 'Spanish Blanks" (cf. Letter no. 26, note 1). His escape is mentioned in Robert Bowes's letter to Burghley, 22 June, 1593: "Yesterday about 4 p.m. Mr. George Carr escaped out of this castle [Edinburgh], finding at the port two men with a horse attending for him. He had before by letter to Angus excused his doings against him, promising to make amends, in regard that the terror of torments and death enforced him to accuse Angus and the rest" (Cal. Scottish, 1593-95, p. 103).

3

In April, 1593, the English ambassador, Robert Bowes, wrote to Burghley that Lord Alexander Hume desired the leadership of the King's Guard, and left the Court when he could not obtain his wish . (Cal. Scottish, 1593-95, pp. 80, 82). In September, although he was not given sole command, Hume was made one of the Captains of the Guard (id. pp. 181, 183) .

Hume had quarrelled with the Chancellor, Lord Thirlestone, (Maitland) in May, 1593, but they were reconciled in August, and they made a "band" in November. The Chancellor was recalled to the Court in September (id. pp. 88, 151, 184, 228).

4

Cf. Cal. Scottish, 1593-95, pp. 292, 300, 355.

I>

Cf. Letter no. 45.

6

Cf. Cal. Scottish, 1593-95, p . 224. Cameron (id. p. xviii) writes that there was "no servility in the attitude of the ministers to the Crown. On the contrary, they could denounce the King and his courtiers with great temerity; and in the pulpit they commonly mingled political perorations with spiritual discourse".

7

Vid. Letter no. 50.

8

Anne of Denmark, who married James in November, 1589 was known to have strong Catholic sympathies despite her Lutheran upbringing, and in fact.in May, 1595 William Gifford wrote to Thomas Throgmorton in code: "The King of Scot's wife is reconciled; this is a great secret, but Father Creighton told Paget" (Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1595-7, p . 36). Cf. the letter of an English spy to Thomas Phelippes in April, 1597: The Queen of Scots is converted, and wants but absolution" (id. p. 391).

9

This is exactly how Verstegan had depicted the Calvinist Communion in his engraving Typus Haereticae Synagogae, 1585 (concerning which vid. my thesis pp. 87ff., 454).

XLVII.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES. Antwerp, 8 January, 1594.

P .R.O., S.P. Flanders, Bundle 5, f. 102. Holograph. This letter was intercepted and found its way into the hands of the English Government.

Very Woorshipfull Good Sir, I have receaved your letter of the 12 of December with the others. Those for my coosin Thomas Fitzherbert1 I have not sent away as yet; neither do I knowe any meanes to send them safly now that the truce is broken in France as we understand. 2 Of the delivery of Meaux unto the pretended King of Navarr I suppose you have hard;3 and since that the Governor of Cambray hathe given Navarr assurance of that towne by delivering his sonne unto him to be his page, and Navarr himself hathe bene in Cambray and there feasted by the said Governour. 4 It is lyke that Paris wilbe very much streightened of victuall and in danger to be lost yf the King of Spaine' s assistance do not corne more spedy then it is wont;5 for the enemy doth well observe the ordinary Spanish delayes; and is attent to make his benefyt therof.

We hear of a Frensh gentlemen executed at St. Denis for intending to kill Navarr, and that he was accused by his confessor, a Dominican. He told Navarr hinlself at his apprehension that he was determyned to kill him because he was not a Catholique, and that he was one of the fowre that had sworne and resolved to do it, and was the first that attempted it, and doubted not but one of the other 3 would bring it to passe. 6 I t is written from Rouen that some number of shippes with 5,000 men are departed from Biscay towardes Ireland or Scotland; but hereof their is no certainty, nor great lykelyhoode. 7 Also, it is told me that a kinsman of His Grace's is very lately executed in England for the Catholique Faith, whereof as yet I have no certainty, neither his name; but yf it be true, I suppose our frendes will signify it by their next. 8 Our Archduke Ernestus is said to be now arryved at Treves, and very shortly the Courte is to remove from Bruxells to mete and receave him.9 Here hathe bene so great a tempest that on Christmas Eve, 35 saile of shippes of Holland with 600 mariners in them were lost, and about 200 litle botes, besydes 4 or 5 Englysh shippes laden with clothe. 1o From England, by reason of contrary wyndes, here are no late letters arryved, neither (by that occasion) can we understand any more of the affaires of Scotland.

I heare an ynckling that a packet of Anthony Standen's is intercepted in thease partes, whereof perhapes the other letters that come with this will signify more. l l 198

No. XLVII

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

199

Our nation have now gotten their generall liberanr;a payd, and some of them had their payes arrested in the pagador's hand; and they receaved not a peny, but only their creditors acquita[nce] for somuch mony. And other men to kepe their credit, were enforced to pay away all that they receaved within 2 or 3 dayes after; and I assure you my self was one of those. 12 But with thease impertinent matters I will no longer trouble you, and therefore I will her with comitt you to God. Antwerp, this 8 of January, 1594.

Yours ever assured, R. Verstegan.

Since this letter was written I understand that letters are here arryved which signify that the towne of Mieaux is not for Navarr but continueth for the League; only the late Governor thereof, Monsieur de Vitree, is gon to Navarr.13 That of Cambray seemeth also somwhat uncertaine.

Order is given that a great parte of our forces shall presently march to the frontiers-some say towardes St. Quintynes.1 4 My most humble duty to His Grace I5 I beseech you not to omitt.

And so once againe, God kepe you.

Sir William is now returned from Bruges to Bruxells. He hath bene malitiously delt withall by some of our nation, who told the Secretary that he abused the King by takingI6 up the dead payes of some of his pensioners. You may gesse who they be that use to informe against others.17 Some of our countrymen that are free of their speeches do talke marvailous broadly of 127 [Westmoreland]18 and cover not the termes of hidden foule vices.

It was said of late that 30 [the Earl ?] and his 21 53 43 49 41 45 [French]19 man should be devorsed, and surely it seemeth app[arent] that]20 127 [Westmoreland] cannot be ignorant of thease speaches.

[God] grant that he may be moved to alter his course, and to have honour atributed unto him for vertue rather then for fassion.

Addressed

Al Illustre Signore, il Signore Rogero Baynes, in Corte del Illustrissimo, il Cardinale di Inghilterra, aRoma.

200

LET TER S OF RI CHAR D VER ST EGAN

No. XLVll

N OTES 1

Concerning Fitzherbert vid. Letter no. 32, note 15. He was b ack in R ouen

by Janu ary, 1594 (vid. Cal. D om. Eliz., 1591-4, p. 415) .

2

The truce between Henry and the League which had been renewed in October, 1593 ended in January, 1594.

3

In January, Louis de I'Hospital, Baron de Vitry, the governor of Meaux, assembled the citizens of the town and told them that there no longer was any reason for opposing Henry, because he had become a Catholic; and he thereupon left the town and joined Navarre. The following month the citizens delivered up the town into the King's hands. (De Thou, Histoire, xii, p. 107; Coloma, Las Guerras, 1635 ed ., p . 274).

4

Balagny, the Governor of Cambrai, was bribed with 1,000,000 livres to deliver the town (handed over early in March), and was made a Marshal of France (G. Slocombe, Henry of Navarre, p . 187; Coloma, op. cit., p . 274) .

5

Paris opened its gates to Henry late in March, 1594, in reward for which Brissac, the Governor received 1,695,000 livres (Slocombe, loco cit.; Coloma op. cit., p . 279) .

6

The would-be assassin was Pierre Barriere, seized at Melun on a charge of attempting to stab the King. The Dominican who exposed him was Seraphim Barely, who was in the pay of Ferdinand, Grand Duke of Tuscany.

Barriere was executed at St. Denis by being torn to pieces (De Thou, op . cit., pp. 49ff.; P . Bor, Nederlantsche Oorlogen, 1621, iv, year 1593 f . 28v .)

7

The 5,000 Spanish troops were destined for Britanny, and arrived there in January, 1594 . Cf. Fugger News- Letters, 2nd series, p. 253.

8

Cf. Holt's letter to Allen, 6 January, 1594 (Strype, Annals, iv. p . 208, misdated 1594) Verstegan was able to obtain further details in time for his next letter, to Persons, five days later, but he, like Holt, was still very much in the dark, since the whole affair, which had practically nothing to do with religion, was kept extremely secret by the Cecils, who were mainly responsible for engineering it.

One of the chief actors in this particular drama was Richard Hesketh, who played his part unwittingly. Hesketh, an unele of Thomas Hesketh (concerning whom vid. Letter no. 10, note 9), and a remote kinsman of Cardinal Allen, was a fugitive from justice who had fled to the Continent, where he attempted to set up as a merchant, and dabbled in alchemy (d. next letter), being apparently acquainted with the astrologer and alchemist, John Dee. Ht:: was also, for a time, a member of Stanley's regiment. It was on his return to England in September, 1593, that, at the instigation of Burghley and others, he became a carefully chosen dupe to deliver a letter concerning the English succession to the Earl of Derby, in an effort to ruin the Earl, or at least bring him into grave suspicion.

(Ferdinando, the new Earl had a claim to the throne, being a great-grea tgrandson of Henry VlII-vid . table in A Conference about the Next Succession) . Ferdinand handed the letter to the Queen, and delivered up Hesketh to the Privy Council, by whom he was examined and accused of negotiating with Derby concerning the succession at the bidding of William Stanley, Dr. Worthington and others. He was tried, found guilty and executed at St. Albans, 29 November, 1593. Ferdinando did not long survive him,Vor he died early in the following year, probably from the effects of poison .

No. XLVII

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

201

The whole Hesketh affair is reconstructed mainly from Hatfield House MSS ., iv, in three important articles by C. Devlin, "The Earl and the alchemist", Month, new series, vol. 9, nos. 1-3 (Jan.-March, 1953).

II

Ernest, the new Governor, arrived in Brussels 30 January, 1594.

10

The scene of the disaster was Vlye, in the West Frisian Islands. Grotius ( A nnales, p. 182) gives the number of ships lost as 50; and Bor (N ederlantsche Oorloghen, iv, year 1593, f. 78) states more than 40 ships and over 500 drowned .

11

Cf. Richard Hopkins's letter to Cardinal Allen, 8 January, 1594 (Cotton MSS . Titus, B .n, f. 225) : "A packet of letieres are intercepted by the magistrates sent by Antonie Standen." See further concerning Standen Letter no. 40, note 10.

12

A definition of a Liberanca [pay warrant] is given in L ewknor's Estate of English Fugitives (sig. E4v.) : "A Liberan ca is a bill of assignation for the rec~ite of monie graunted to some one in particular, or t o two or three joyntly, or a hundred or more, as occasion shal require. It is first drawen and underneath signed by the chiefe secretory that attendeth on the Generall; it is directed by the Duke unto the Treasurer General, commanding him to paye the same of whatsoever monie hee shall have within his charge, but first to see that the same be perused and registred in both the offices of the two Contadors [accountants] of the armie, and signed with their names and rubrikes, and then that it be likewise registred, perused and rubrikt by the Veedor Generall [chief inspector], and signed with his name. After this he expresseth the causes that moveth him to grant the summe of monie to the partie that bringeth the Liberanca, with many other particularities."

This payment ,which was the last the exiles were to receive for a long time to come (d. Letter no . 57) is also mentioned in Hopkins's letter to Allen cited in the previous note: "The Secretary Ivarra hath payd us at length 2 months' payes, which hath relieved our nation, though many are in extreme debt. I hope that some consyderation wilbe had of me and others that are not, for our education and old yeres, to serve of in the fielde".

13

Cf. note 3.

14

Cf. Holt's letter cited in note 8: 'Here seems to be resolved upon a new voyage to France with good forces under the conduct of Count Mansfeld at least of 12,000 men, with provision more than heretofore ... " Philip had ordered Count Ernest de Mansfelt to send all available troops under the command of his son, Count Charles, to help the League in France.

The army encamped in Tierache and soon besieged La Capelle, which was defended by Malissy . The town capitulated in May (De Thou, Histoire , xii, pp. 156-7) .

15

Cardinal Allen.

16

MS. "taken" .

17

Early in 1594 an enquiry was made at Brussels into the pension sy stem, and various army commanders were examined on suspicion of having withheld the pay of their troops, and of pocketing money which was still being allocated to soldiers who were dead. To judge from the tone of Verstegan's comment it was possibly the Paget-Westmoreland faction which was responsible for the accusation against Stanley. Among the other officers examined were La Mothe and a Walloon, Colonel Frizell,

t

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No. XLVII

who was convicted of withholding pay and beheaded at the command of the Archduke (d. Cal. Dam. Eliz., 1591-4, pp. 473, 487). The accusations against Stanley proved to be groundless and he was soon released.

Pocketing dead pays was a common abuse of the time. It is satirised in Thomas Overbury's New Characters drawne to the Life, 1615 (sig. ] 3v.) in the character of "A vaine-glorious coward in command": " ... he loves a life dead paies, yet wishes they may rather happen in his company by the scurvy then by a battel". Cf. Verstegan's Characteren, 1619, "Van een glorieusen bloyen capiteyn": Hy bemindt grootelickt doot betaetinghen ende hy wenscht weel liever datse comen souden door den scheurbuyck dan door een battaile."

18

Passages in code deciphered ed. Charles Neville, 6th Earl of Westmoreland (1543-1601), who fled abroad after the failure of the Northern Rebellion, was acquiring a reputation for loose living at this time. Amongst other things, he was alleged to be keeping a y oung Frenchman as his pander.

Cf. the deposition made to Lord Burghley by Diaper, who states concerning Westmoreland's mode of life: " ... it is so lascivious and vile that but with reverence I dare not write it. He keepeth a French boy as his pander, and when he hath waited all day, he may go sing for his supper.

He never carrieth any money, for the filthy women that he daily useth are ready to receive it before he have it ; and yet the old colt will be lusty, for it he see a brave woman, he sendeth his pandry boy for her, and in his drunken humour he will give a Philip dollar for a kiss. And so, sometimes when he receives his pension, he consumeth that in three days that should keep him three months after; and that maketh him so far in debt, for he oweth more than 15,000l. in Antwerp and Brussels" (Strype, Annals, iv, p. 230).

19

Supplied by reference to the deposition quoted in the previous note.

20

MS . torn.

XLVIII.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS. Antwerp, 13 of January, 1594.

Stonyhurst, Call. B, 151. Holograph. The section concerning Peter Phillips was printed in Monthly Musical Record, March-April, 1957, 61-2.

At Antwerp, the 13 of January, 1594.

The Archduke Ernestus we heare is at Trevers, and is expected at Bruxells the 20 of this moneth at the furthest. 1 The Countes of Mansfeild and Fuentes are gon to mete and to receave him.

We heare that the towne of Covorden in Friesland is gotten againe,2 and so is also a forte which the enemy lately tooke by Bruges, whiGh forte the enemy abandoned of himself.3 Uppon Christmas Eve, by extreme tempest 35 sailes of shippes with 600 mariners, lying at ancor in Holland and attending the wynde to passe towardes Spaine, were sunck, and all the men drowned. 4 And we heare that aboute 60 saile are lost in the river of Burdeaux, by tempest also.

The Counte Charles of Mansfeild is either departed from thease partes or presently to departe towardes the frontiers of France with 8 or 10 thowsand men, which perhapes Navarr expected not so soone when he brake the truce now a fewe daye'i past;5 for the enemy is well acquainted with Spanish delayes, and dothe make his profitt of them, thoughe now, by this extraordinary expedition, I hope he wilbe deceaved.

The States of Holland have sent an ambassador (whose name is Calovort, and hathe a brother in this towne a broker unto the marchantes) unto the pretended King of Navarr to encourage him to maintaine that religion which in his harte and conscience he holdeth to be true, and he shall not want any assistance that they or any freindes of theirs can yield him. 6 By the last letters which arryved here from England, beeing of the 12 of December, one writeth to his frend as a Protestant thus: "Thinges in Scotland do stand so ill that we heare have no will to talke of them nor I desyre to write of them, for that they seeme to stand enc1yned to great trooble and to great alteration".

There was one Mr. Hesket, executed aboute a moneth past; of whome there hathe gon so many variable reportes, that untill I see some letters from particular freindes, I can write title certainty.

The man's name was Richard Hesket. He had bene somtyme a marchant, but was fallne in decay by dealing with alcumistes.

He was for some fewe monethes of Sir William Stanleye's regiment, and by him (as is thought) sent with some message to the presente Earle of Darby, but whether he were by him detected or not is uncertaine, for some reporte that the Earle is deprived of his liberty.

203

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LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. XLVIII

But thesaid Hesket seemed to die a Protestant, and said he Was sory that he had bene so long of our religion, and yf this be true and that he ment as he spake, there is no great losse of the man, unlesse he had bene honester. He was there called by the name of the Cardinall's coosin, for he was of those Heskets of Lancashire, and nere kin unto Mr. Thomas Hesket, nephew unto His Grace. 7 Peter Phillipes the musitian,8 that was prisoner in Holland, is delivered and arryved here now at Christmas. He told me how one Roger Walton,9 somtyme page unto the Earle of Northumberland10 that was slaine in the Towre, beeing at Midlebourg caused him to be apprehended, and accused him of many notable treasons before the Counsell at the Hage, whether they were bothe sent; all his accusations beeing such markable fixions of his owne hed, as they were soone discerned by the Counsell, who by the testimony of certaine Italian marchants (that to have his company and musick perswaded him to that jorney) were fully satisfied that he came not thether to passe into England to kill the Queene as the other affirmed.

And he proved Phillipes intension thereto in this sorte, videlicet: that beeing some yeares past in Paris when the Baricadesl l were made, there was an image made of the Queen of England and set uppon a great heape of fagots, and the King and all sorts of Religious men, coming in procession with burning wax candells, did give fyre to those fagots, and so did the Lord Paget,12 Sir Charles Arundell13 and all the English, amonge whome this Peeter Phillipes was one.

At this Phillipes replyed that there was never any such thing don, and that the King at the making of the Baricades fled oute of Paris, and therefore went not in precession in Paris,14 and that such a publyke acte must nedes have many wittnesses besydes Walton.

At this answere the Counsell began to looke one at another, and Walton in a great chaf said in English unto Phillipes: "0 Papist, Papist, yf I had the in England I would make shorte woorck with the". "Why," quoth the other, "what would you do?" "Marry", quothe Walton, "I would aske the yf the Queene were supreame head of the Churche or not. And what wouldes thow answere to that ?" "I would," quoth Phillipes, "say she were not". "Then would I hange the", quo the Walton. Hereunpon, Phillipes asked of the Counsell yf they did understand what Walton had said.

They said no, but willed him to tell them. Then did he tell it them in Dutche, whereunto their President for the tyme (for they change often) replyed, that he knew well enoughe what the justice of England was, but it should not be so theare. Then did one Gilpen (who now is ambassador with the States in Bodley's place (for that Bodley is in England expecting Walsingam's place)15 aske Phillippes yf he had not bene at confession with the Jesuytes. He answered yeo "Then," said Gilpen, "you were enjoyned to kill the Queene, for whosoever cometh to confession to them they do so enjoyne".

But notwithstanding Phillipes answered them well to every thing, and the litle proof they had against him, they detayned him untill

No. XLVIII

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

205

letters came from England to certify bothe of him and of Walton ; of whome the Earl of Essex wrote that of Philipes they never understood other then that he had followed his soorte of musyck, and for Walton that he was a poore fellow and had nothing els to live by but by such meanes. I6 And by other letters it was signified that Walton did in England make an occupation of accusing men, and that he had broughte 5 or 6 to the gallowes, as he would have don Phillipes yf he had had him there and the assistance of Topc1if-which is not lyke he could have wanted.

Phillipes was in the end discharged, as is said, and Walton is yet in prison, and hathe bene racked aboute the cyphers that h e had with Mr. Paget. I7 And it seemeth that, notwithstanding the Counsell of Holland are ill enoughe themselves, yet they do abhorre such wounderfull monsters as our country in thease dayes dothe yeild; for many such compagnions do play their partes in England. And because this fellow was so discovered by heretykes themselves for a false accuser, I thought it not impertinent to write somuch of this matter, which peradventure may serve to some purpose.

My Lord of Westmerland his wyf is dead in England. Is Elmar, whome Martin Marprelate used to call "John a London" is dead alsO. I9 Addressed

AI Padre Personio.

Endorsed by Fr. Persons Verstengham advises, 13 January, 1594.

206

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No.XLVllI

NOTES 1

Cf. previous letter, note 9.

2

Verstegan was misinformed. Verdugo had been endeavouring since the beginning of the previous winter to retake Koevorden which the Dutch had captured in September, 1592 (vid. Letter no. 11, note 12). He continu ed the siege until May, 1594, but then decided to withdraw because his provisions were running out, and he was faced with possible annihilation at the hands of the superior forces of Count Maurice (P. Bor. Nederlantsche Oorloghen, iv, year 1593 f. 35, year 1594, ff. 4, 8, etc.).

8

The attack on Bruges had been conducted by Philip of Nassau . It was unsuccessful, and in the hasty retreat, Philip caught a fever (vid. Grotius, Annales, p. 181).

â&#x20AC;˘ Cf. previous letter, note 10.

Ii

Cf. previous letter, note 14.

6

Cf. P. Bor, op. cit., iv, year 1593, ff. 29, 71, 77v.

Henry considerable help, both in men and money.

7

Cf. previous letter, note 8.

8

For a biography of Philips vid. A . G. Petti, "Peter Philips, Composer and Organist, 1561 -1628, Recusant H istory, vol. 4, no. 2, pp. 48-60.

The account given in the above letter of Philips's imprisonment and examination in Holland is amply supported and supplemented by State Papers Holland vol. 47 and Raad van State, 12 (1593) in Algemeen Rijksarchief, 's- Gravenhage.

9

Roger Walton was formerly a spy of Walsingham's, being sent by him to France around midsummer, 1588, when the English ambassador there, Edward Stafford, wrote of him: "He was once ward and, I think, page to My Lady Northumberland. He lieth here not far from me. . . To some he showeth himself a great Papist, to others a Protestant; but as they take him that haunteth him most, he hath neither God nor religion, a very evil condition, a swearer without measure and a tearer of God, a notable whoremaster . . . This Walton is young, without any hair of his face, little above twenty, lean faced and slender, somewhat tall, complexion a little sallowish. most goeth appareled in a doublet of black carke cut upon a dark reddish velvet" (10 July , 1588. Harleian MSS . 288. f. 218. quoted in C. Read. Sir Francis Walsingham . ii. p. 420).

From Walton's report to Walsingham on his return trom France it appears that he had wormed his way into the confidence of Father Derbyshire and other leading Catholics in Paris at the time (S .P. Dom. ccix, no. 57).

In the early 1590s Walton was again in France and in the Low Countries, and his wife with him. He returned to England for a brief period in May, 1593, sending Robert Cecil a news-letter on his arrival (Hatfield House MSS., iv, p. 325) . About the following month he was sent to the Low Countries on some sort of mission for Essex. though the Earl was far from satisfied with Walton's abilities (Cal . Dam. Eliz., 1591-4, p . 358). In September he was at Middelburg, where. as recorded in the above letter, he falsely accused Philips, probably in hope of monetary gain. but fared badly in the process, being retained in prison until the end of the year. Amon g his many escapades, Walton appears to have been concerned in the Lopez conspiracy (vid. Cal. Dam. Eliz., 1591 -4, p. 425).

The States offered

No. XLVIII 10

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

207

Henry Percy, 8th Earl of Northumberland, was arrested in 1583 for plotting the release of Mary Queen of Scots and imprisoned in the Tower for the third and last time in December, 1584. Six months later, on 21st June, 1585, he was found dead in his bed in his cell, having been shot through the heart. The jury at the inquest returned a verdict of suicide, but it was long suspected that Northumberland had been murdered (as the above letter implies) and possibly at the instigation of Hatton (d.

D. N. B.). An attempt had been made on his life shortly before, by poisoning, but he was cured by Dr. Atslowe.

11

12 May, 1588:'

12

Lord Thomas Paget, who died in January, 1590, had been Philips's patron.

13

Arundel was no longer alive at the time of the Barricades, having died probably from the effects of poison, 15 December, 1587 (vid. Cal. Foreign 1586-8, pp. 660-1).

14

Henry III 4ad fled from Paris the previous week, and was staying at Chartres at the time out of harm's way (id. p. 609).

15

Thomas Bodley was English Agent to the States from 1589-1596 except for a brief respite in 1593, when he left for England at the end of May (Hatfield House MSS., iv, p. 323), returning early in 1594. Essex, anxious to prevent Cecil from obtaining the Secretaryship, was trying to secure the post for Bodley, who was one of his supporters (d. Camden, Annals, 1635 ed. p. 465; Hume Lord Burghley, p. 482, note 1). Needless to say, Bodley's candidature was unsuccessful.

George Gilpin (1514?-1602), Bodley's deputy, was a type of permanent adviser to the States. His letters to Burghley on the examination of Philips in September care contained in S. P. Holland, vol. 47.

16

The letter from Essex and also one from the Dutch ambassador to England, Noel de Caron, vouching for Philips are mentioned in Raad van State, 12, 1593, p. 215.

17

Walton claimed that he had obtained his information concerning Philips from secret correspondence with Charles Paget (vid. Gilpin to Burghley, 27 September, 1593, S. P. Holland, vol. 47, f. 68).

18

Westmoreland's wife was Jane, the eldest daughter of Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, whom he married some time before 1564, and by whom he had four daughters. During Westmoreland's exile she received a pension of ÂŁ30.0 from the Queen. She died towards the end of 1593, and was buried at Kenninghall, Norfolk (D.N.B.). Wadsworth in The English SPanish Pilgrime (1st ed. p. 69) accused Westmoreland of having two wives.

19

John Aylmer was consecrated Bishop of London in March, 1577. Because of his persecution of the Puritans he was singled out for the fiercest satire in the Marprelate Tracts. Although Verstegan announced his death on the strength of letters from London dated 12 December, 1593, Aylmer did not die until 3 June, 1594 (Strype, Life of Aylmer, pp. 112-3 ; D.N.B.).

Q

XLIX.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES. Antwerp, 26 February, 1594

Stonyhurst, Coll. M, 81a.

Extract by Fr. Grene.

Mr. Verstegan from Antwerp, 26 February, 1594 to Mr. Baines at Rome writeth thus: By a letter from Middle burgh upon fresh intelligence frcm England we have that Doctor Lopez hath bin racked and is to be arraigned with some others of account, though not reputed Catholics, upon suspicion to have attempted to poison the Queen. 1 NOTE 1

Roderigo Lopez, a Portuguese Jew, was an eminent physician who had settled in England in 1559. He developed a successful practice, attending on Walsingham and Leicester, and in 1586 became chief physician to the Queen. While at Court he became friendly with Essex who endeavoured to use him as an intelligencer, to which Lopez agreed, but first communicated the information he received to the Queen before passing it in to Essex, which caused friction between him and the doctor; and this was increased when the Earl learnt that Lopez had divulged to others some professional secrets concerning the medical treatment he had given him.

At the beginning of 1594 Lopez became implicated in one of the numerous fabricated plots against the Queen's life. He was accused of accepting Spanish bribes to murder Don Antonio, the Portuguese Pretender and to effect the poisoning of the Queen, being first implicated by the confessions of Emmanuel Louis Tinoco, a servant of Don Antonio's on 16th and 23rd January. As a consequence Lopez was examined by Burghley, Cecil and Essex, and notwithstanding the fact that he had many supporters, including the Cecils and the Queen herself, and that when his house was searched no incriminating evidence was found, he was imprisoned in the Tower at the beginning of February where he was examined and tortured by Essex. A confession was extorted from him 25 February, and three days later he was tried at Guildhall before a special commission presided overby Essex, the prosecution being conducted

by Edward Coke. He was found guilty and sentenced to death, but the Queen delayed signing the death warrant for three months. Lopez was eventually executed 7 June. 1594, together with Tinoco and a third accused, Da Gama.

The conspiracy caused a very great stir at the time, and was readily used by the English Government against Catholics, though it is hard to see with what justification. Cf. Garnet's letter to Persons, 6 September, 1594 (A nglia, i, 81, printed in Gerard, Contributions towards a Life of Fr. Garnet, pp. 33-4: "The death of Lopez, a supposed Jew, although he showed himself at his death of the Queen's religion, is greatly derived to the discredit of Catholics, although most unjustly; wherein this was most worthy to be wondered at, that it could not quit him of his supposed treason that he had, immediately after he was moved thereunto, revealed the case to the Queen". See further Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4; Birch.

Memoirs, i; Camden, Annales; Stow, Annales; Hatfield House MSS .â&#x20AC;˘ iv; Fugger News-Letters 2nd series; D.N.B.; G. B. Harrison, Earl of Esse x , pp. 81-86.

208

L.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES.

Arch. S.]. Rome, Anglia 38ii, 195.

Antwerp, 2 April, 1594.

Italian extract by Fr. Grene.

Si scrive da Scotia che la regina ha fatto un figlio al primo di marzo da tre in 4 hore dopo mezzo giorno nel castello di Sterling.!

Translation I t is written from Scotland that on 1 March the Queen was delivered of a son between 3 and 4 o'clock in the afternoon in Sterling Castle.!

NOTE 1

Anne of Denmark's first-born, Prince Henry Frederick was born 19 February, 1594. The date given in the above letter is new style. He died in 1612 at the age of 18.

209

LI.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES.

Arch. S.J. Rome, 38H, 195. in Inghilterra, pp. 349, 351.

Antwerp, 16 April, 1594.

Italian extract by Fr. Grene.

Cited by Bartoli

I nostri Inglesi non hanno sin' adesso ricevuto nissun soccorso.

Gia si e scoperto che parecchi di loro vanno la notte accattando aIle porte de mercanti,l &c ... La persecutione de' catholici in Inghilterra e grandissima, e si scrive di la che molte donne sono state impiccate (particolarmente nelle parti boreali) per havere soccorso e alloggiato i sacerdoti2 •••

Translation Our English people have until now received no help. Indeed it is known that some of them have gone knocking at the doors of merchants at night,l etc .... The persecution of Catholics in England is very great, and it is written from there that many women have been hanged (particularly in the north) for having given priests assistance and lodging2 • • •

NOTES 1

The poverty and misery of the exiles in the Low Countries continued throughout 1594 and most of 1595. They were no better off than they had been in 1592 (cf. Letters nos. 54, 57, 62).

2

Although there are no fewer than ten names in the official list of martyrs for 1594, no women are among them. Lady Margaret Neville and Grace Clapton had been condemned at this time for harbouring the priest John Boast, but they were reprieved when they revoked the Faith (vid.

Morris, Troubles, iii, pp . 185f£').

Concerning the persecution during 1594 vide Garnet's letter to Persons, 6 September, 1594 (Anglia, i, 81, printed in Gerard, Contributions, pp.

32ff.). An extract from it corresponding to the time of year referred to in the above letter runs as follows: "Since Easter, a commission was granted to about twenty persons who are in London and ten miles about to search and enquire for coiners, priests and lurking Papists, and to use towards them all forciable means for the disclosing of their dangerous practices; and this busieth them all the day long. The statutes of the last Parliament are rigorously executed . . . " From Garnet's letter it appears that the persecution was stimulated by the recent "plots" against the Queen's life.

210

LII.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES.

Arch. S.]. Rome, 38ii, 195.

Antwerp, 4 June, 1594.

Summary by Fr. Grene.

Varia de tumultibus contra regem et reginam Scotiae ... II signore Perkins si trova ala Dieta di Germania per defendere, dove sara bisogno, il modo di procedere della regina d'Inghilterra. Tiene dodeci servitori, e quasi ogni di dice la messa. 1 Translation Various things concerning the stirs against the King and Queen of Scotland. Mr. Perkins is with the German Diet to defend, where necessary, the conduct of the Queen of England. He has ten servants, and says mass almost every day.1

NOTE 1

For a biographical note on Parkins, who had been a Jesuit priest, vid.

Letter no. 39, note 5.

The Imperial Diet was held at Ratisbon, and began in May, 1594.

According to the Venetian ambassador in Germany, Parkins was suspected of having dissuaded the Protestant princes from attending it (Cal. Venetian, 7592-7603, p. 163). See further concerning the Diet, De Thou, Histoire, xii, pp. 189ff.; Parkins's latter to Burghley, Cal. Dom. Eliz., 7597-4, p. 547.

211

LIII.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES.

Arch. S.J. Rome, 38ii, 195v.

Antwerp, 11 June, 1594.

Italian extract by Fr. Grene.

Molti sacerdoti sono presi in Inghilterra, fra Ii quali c' e uno signore Cornelio preso nella casa della signora Sturton, la cui casa fu cercata dal cavaliere Gualtero Raughleygh e il cavaliere Rodulfo Horsey. Illuogo secreto dove stava nascosto il padre Ii fu mostrato da un matto innocente. l Tre altri sacerdoti sono presi nella casa del signore Wiseman in Essexia. 2

Translation Many priests have been arrested in England, among whom there is one Mr. Cornelius, taken in the house of Lady Sturton, whose house was searched by Sir Walter Raleigh and Sir Rudolph Horsey.

The secret place where the priest was hidden was pointed out to them by an unknowingl idiot. Three other priests have been arrested in the house of Mr. Wiseman in Essex. 2

212

No. Lm

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

213

NOTES 1

2

Fr. John Cornelius, S.J., whose real name was O'Mahoney, entered the English College, Rome, in 1580 (C.R.S., XXXVII, p. 19), and having been ordained priest went to England in September, 1583, where he was one of the most saintly and effective of the missionary priests. His capture took place at Chideock Castle in Dorset where he was chaplain to Lady Arundel, the widow of Sir John Arundel of Lanhorne, Cornwall.

(She had previously been married to Charles, 8th Baron Stourton, hence she is called Lady Stourton in the above letter). He was betrayed to the Justices of the Peace, George Trenchard and Ralph Horsey by a "miserable pauper" who was employed "in menial offices about the castle" (Foley, Records, S.]., iii, p. 451). The first attempt by the Justices to capture Cornelius failed (31 March, 1594), and on the second he almost escaped detection, even though Trenchard's men had scaled the walls unobserved and taken the household by surprise; but just as the Justice and his men were driving off after a vain search, the betrayer led them to the place where he was hiding (Foley, op. cit., p. 453).

Cornelius was tried at Dorchester and martyred there 4 July, 1594, with three others, Carey, Salmon and Bosgrave. He made his religious profession in the Society of Jesus while in prison, shortly before his trial.

In the contemporary accout of Cornelius's capture (printed Foley, op. cit., iii, pp. 451ff.) no mention is made of Sir Walter Ralegh having taken part in the search, but he is reported to have questioned the priest on matters of religion, and to have been present at his execution.

The Wisemans were a staunch Catholic family, the head of which, William Wiseman, owned the manor house at Braddocks, between Thaxted and Saffron Walden. Gerard had been chaplain to the family since 1591.

See further P. Caraman, John Gerard; Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, C.R.S., V, Morris, Troubles, ii.

Verstegan's information is inaccurate. The three men arrested (in March, 1594) were at first mistaken for priests but were later found to be 'laymen-Richard Fulwood, a servant of Wiseman's who had been attending on Fr. Gerard; John Bolt the musician; and John Tarbuck a Lancashire Catholic; and taken with them was a "scismatic" Catholic, William Suffield. They were examined 20 and 21 March (Caraman, op. cit., pp. 54-5 ; Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, pp. 466ff.; Gerard, Contributions towards a Life of Fr. Garnet, p. 34).

The arrest did not take place in Wiseman's country house in Essex, but in a house at the upper end of Golding Lane, Holborn, which Wiseman had rented for Gerard's use. Fortunately for Gerard, he was staying with Garnet outside London at the time, but Wiseman was taken at the house the following day (Caraman, loco cit.; Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, loco cit.) .

A search did take place at Braddocks, on 1st April, 1594, on the strength of the information of John Frank (a "friend" of the family who had betrayed the Holborn household to the authorities) that Gerard was there. But although Gerard was in the house, he was securely hidden and escaped detection (Caraman, op. cit., pp. 58ff.).

LIV.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES.

Antwerp, 25 June, 1594.

Arch. S.}. Rome, 38ii, 195v. Italian summary by Fr. Grene. Cited in Bartoli's Inghilterra, 351.

Varia de rege et rebus Scotiae . . . I catolici in Inghilterra sono perseguitati crudelmente, e s' intende da varii venuti novamenti di la che Padre Sotoello, Padre Walpolo e Padre Giovanni Gerardi, con due 0 tre altri sacerdoti, furono condotti fuori della torre peressere essaminati! &c .... Dopo che questi novamente venuti d'Inghilterra havessero racontati2 Ie afflittioni de catolici in cotesti parti, alcuni racontorono Ie affiittioni che patiscono i catolici inglesi in queste parti, e alcuni dubitavano quali delli due patissero piu.

Certo e che alcuni dopo esser stati due giorni senza pane, finalmente si stimorono felici d'haver buscato tanto di limosina che bastasse per comprare una paniotta e poche radici.

Translation Various things about the King of Scotland and Scottish affairs . ..

The Catholics in England are cruelly persecuted, and it is learnt from several who have newly arrived from there that Fr. Southwell, Fr. Walpole and Fr. John Gerard, with two or three other priests, were taken from the Tower to be examined! etc . . . . After these people newly arrived from England had related 2 the miseries of the Catholics in those parts, others described the sufferings which the English Catholics endure in these parts, and some wondered which of the two suffered most. Indeed, a number, after having been two days without bread, now consider themselves fortunate to have obtained sufficient charity to buy a small loaf and a few radishes.

214

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LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

215

NOTES 1

Southwell had been in the Tower since the end of July, 1592. Although he was frequently examined before his trial in 1595, this particular examination is not recorded elsewhere.

Henry Walpole was arrested in Yorkshire 7 December, 1593, after sailing from Dunkirk. With him were taken Edward Lingen, a captain in Stanley's regiment, who had decided to return home and accept any fate rather than continue his existence of extreme hardship in the Low Countries; and his brother, Thomas Walpole, who was also in Stanley's regiment. They were examined by the Earl of Huntingdon at York, and at the end of February Fr. Walpole was sent to London and committed to the Tower. He was examined 27 April before Serjeant Drewe, Edward Coke and Topcliffe, and then on a number of occasions in May and June, when a considerable amount of torture was used. See further A. Jessopp.

One Generation of a Norfolk House, 1878, p. 229ff.; C. R.S., V. Although John Gerard had a number of miraculous escapes, he was eventually captured with Ralph Emerson, 23 April, 1594, on the information of John Frank, who directed the two pursuivants, Newell and Worsley, to "Middleton's" house in Holborn (Caraman, Gerard, pp. 64-5 ; Hatfield House MSS., vi., p . 311). Middleton was possibly Captain Middleton (vid. Letter no. 19, note 1) who was detained for questioning the following August. (C(Ll. Dam. Eliz., 1591-4, p. 544). Gerard was imprisoned not in the Tower, as the above letter implies, but in the Poultry Counter, being transferred from there to the Clink in July, 1594, and was not removed to the Tower until 1597 (Caraman, op. cit., pp. 68, 232, etc.). He was subjected to a number of cross-examinations, so that it is impossible to decide to which one the above letter refers.

2

MS. "racontalati".

LV.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES.

Arch. S.J. Rome, Anglia 38ii, 196.

Antwerp, 2 July, 1594.

Italian summary by Fr. Grene.

Varia de tumultibus Scotiae per reginam A ngliae excitatis Adesso sono arrivati due gentilhomini inglesi, i quali dicono d'haver inteso dieci giorni sono mentre aspettavano il vento a Gravesend; che il dottore Lopez fusse giustitiato alii 17 giugno, stylo novo. l Dicono di piu che sotto pretesto di cercare per 24 sacerdoti novamente venuti dalli seminarii (come si credeva 0 si fingeva di credere), fu fatta una cercha rigorosa e generale in Londra e da sei miglia intorno. In questa cercha fu preso Padre Giovanni Gerardi, figlio del cavaliere Tomaso Gerardi, nella strada di Holborne; e tre altri sacerdoti con varii altri laici furono presi altrovi . . .2 Translation Various things concerning the insurrections in Scotland incited by the Queen oj England . .. Two English gentlemen have just arrived who say that they had been on the point of sailing for ten days while awaiting the wind at Gravesend; that Dr. Lopez was put to death on 17 June, new style. l They say further that, under pretext of searching for 24 priests newly arrived from the seminaries (as they thought, or pretended to think) a rigorous and general search was made in London and for six miles round it. In this search Fr. John Gerard, son of Sir Thomas Gerard, was arrested in the street of Holbom, and three other priests and various lay people were seized elsewhere. 2

NOTES 1

See further concerning Lopez Letter no. 49, note 1.

I

This rigorous search, which took place 15 March, is described in Garnet's letter to Persons (Anglia, i, 81, printed in Gerard, Contributions towards a Life of Fr. Garnet, pp. 32ff.) as "such a hurly-burly in London as never was seen in man's memory; no, not when Wyatt was at the gates.

A general search in all London, the Justices and chief citizens going in person". Garnet adds that he presumes Persons has already learnt of the search from their mutual "friend in Anvers" (Verstegan) to whom he had passed on the information.

There appear to be two inaccuracies in the above despatch, since Gerard was not taken in the course of this search but about a month later (vid. previous letter); and the three other Catholics seized were not priests but laymen (vid. Letter no. 53, note 2).

216

LVI.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES. Antwerp, 21 January, 1595.

Arch. S.}. Rome, A nglia 38ii, 193v.

Italian extracts by Fr. Grene.

Padre Giovanni Gerardi sta nello carceri (Clink) et ha la liberta della casa, et e di grandissima consolatione alii catholici. 1 I catolici generalmente in tutti Ii carceri patiscono grandissima poverta.

Youngo, quel gran persecutore de catolici, e morto indebitato di multi migliari di libri.2

Translation Fr. John Gerard is in the Clink prison. He has the freedom of the place and is a very great comfort to the Catholics.! In general, the Catholics.in all in the prisons endure the greatest poverty.

Young, that fierce persecutor of Catholics, has died many thousands of pounds in debt. 2

217

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LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. LVI

NOTES 1

Gerard's transfer from the Poultry to the Clink, a much healthier prison (July, 1594) was obtained by his friends, who bribed Justice Young (Caraman, op. cit., pp. 77, 232; C.R .S ., II, p. 286) . Garnet in his letter to Persons, 6 September (printed Gerard, Fr. Garnet) writes of Gerard: "He hath been very close, but now is removed from the Counter to the Clink, where he may, in time, do much good." In another letter (19 November, Anglia 1, no. 82, printed Foley, Records S . j., iv, pp. 48ff.)

Garnet adds to his former statement: "Sir Thomas Wilkes goeth to Flanders, as it is thought for peace, whereby the arraignment of the three Jesuits, Southwell, Walpole and Gerard is stayed. Gerard is in the Clink somewhat free; the other two so close in the Tower that none can hear from them."

Gerard himself says of this period of his captivity : "I was able to perform there all the tasks of a Jesuit priest, and provided only that I could have stayed on in this prison, I should never have wanted my liberty again in England" (Caraman, op. cit., p. 78).

2

The end of Richard Young, companion in cruelty to Topcliffe, is described in Gerard's autobiography (id. pp. 92-3). It is worth quoting in full, as a fitting epitaph: "He had died in his sins, and died as he had lived-miserably. In his life he was the devil's confessor, and in his death the devil's martyr. Not merely did he die in the devil's service, but it was the actual cause of his death. Day and night he toiled to bring more and more pressure on Catholics, drawing up lists of names, giving instructions, listening to reports. Then one rainy night, at two or three o'clock, he got up to make a search of some Catholic houses.

The effort left him exhausted; he became ill, contracted consumption and died.

"He left only debts behind him, as though he had renounced all to serve the deviL His position was well paid and he got much booty from poor Catholics, and, what's more, received heavy bribes from them to stave off a threat of prosecution . Yet it was said that his debts amounted to 100,000 florins, and I have heard it put at far more. Possibly he thought that the Queen would pay them off, but nothing of the sort.

All she did was to send one of her courtiers to visit him when he lay sick and dying. He was so pleased at this favour that he was ready to sing his Nunc Dimittis. But it was a false sense of peace that came over him, the exaltation of a soul that rides for a fall. Like another Amam, he was bidden not to a banquet but to an eternal doom. With the Queen's praises on his lips and singing his own indebtedness to Her Majesty he died miserably, and his joy passed into anguish. 'The joy of a hypocrite lasts but an instant'." It is interesting to read one of Y oung's last letters to the Queen (Hatfield House MSS., v, pp. 24-5) in the light of Gerard's assessment of him.

Young's debts are by no means over-estimated by Gerard and Verstegan's informant, as appears from a report on his estate in Cal. Dom. Etiz., 1595-7, pp. 103-5.

LVIIA.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES. Antwerp, 25 March, 1595.

Stonyhurst, A nglia II, no. 3, f. 23 .

S.J . Rome, 38ii, 193.

Italian extracts by Fr. Grene, Arch.

Very Woorshipfull, the 18 of this present my last was written unto you, and since that tyme I receaved none from you nor in 8 dayes before. It is lyke that by the next I shall have 2 letters at once, for so I comonly have had ever since you have used this inconvenient way of Millan; but as our freindes here and my self in my former have required, I expect that you will send againe by the wounted way of Venice. 1 From the 222 [Jesuit]2 in 137 [England] I receaved letters of late, and herewith I send you one for the 225 [Father General ?], 3 the porte whereof from 137 [England] hether I have paid, as also from hence to Venice; as, in lyke manner, I have don for divers former letters. But the portage from 153 [London] hether is deerest of all by great oddes, and extraordinary it must be to the end thinges be well don.4 It may be yf you require his ayde he will obtayne His Holynes' breve to my self for the Primer, but this you shall not nede to do unlesse otherwise you fynde difficulties. 5 Hereinclosed I send you a brief relation of the glorious death and martirdome of Fr. Robert Southwell. 6 More particulers I am promised, and do shortly expect them.

Yesterday came to my handes a new English pamphlet very lately printed in London, the tytle whereof is: A Discours of the Usage of the English Fugitives by the Spaniard. 7 The pamphlet I have not as yet had leasure to read over, but a lamentable case it is that our miseries are such in truthe as that our Catholique freindes in England may thereat be much agreaved, and our enemies their at as greatly rejoyse; and that which is of most waight, the hartes of well willers to be alienated from the King of Spaine, whose and his officers' dealing with our nation this booke painteth oute very particularly.

Here our nation do not lett to say that a resolution is made to starve and famish them. In 15 monethes they have not had one peny,S and litle in some yeares afore; and at this presente their is as litle assurance as was a yeare past, whatsoever lies and deluding promises are made. God comforte us and send us meanes to live withoute depending uppon any forraine frendes-and to His gratious protection I recomend you this Easter Eve, the 25 of Marche, 1595.

Yours ever, [R. Verstegan.J9 219

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Counte Fuentes now govemeth,lO to whome the false list in disgrace of our nation was delivered by 127 [Westmoreland] and his three wise counselors, 133 [Paget ?], Browne and Tunstede. l l Addressed

AI Illustre Signore, il Signore Rogero Baynes, Gentilhuomo Inglese, aRoma.

Endorsed by Baynes? Answerd[e] 22 of Apri[l].

Endorsed by Grene?

Mark of seal.

25 March, 1595.

No. LVlla

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

221

NOTES 1

This paragraph provides some of the very few details known about the despatching of Verstegan's letters .

2

Decoding su pplied ed .

3

Fr. Claudius Aquaviva, S .J .

4

Presu mably a large part of the payment made for London post was "danger money".

I)

Four years previou sly Verstegan had approached Fr. Henry Walpole, then at Brussels, to try and obtain through Cardinal Allen the privilege of publishing a primer in Latin and English, and Walpole had thereupon written to Fr. Creswell in Rome to this effect, adding that "it would be a commodity to him sufficient to enable him to many good purposes for a good while". Verstegan eventually received the desired privilege and in 1599 published The Primer or Office of the Blessed Virgin Marie in Latin and English according to the reformed Latin, with lyke graces privileged. Printed at Antwerp by Arnold Conings . This remarkable work, the first of its kind, was compiled and translated for the most part

by Verstegan himself, and illustrated by some fine copperplate engravings which were also his work. See further concerning this work, which ran to a large number of editions, my thesis, pp. 260-70, bibliography, pp. xi and xii.

Vid. enclosure (Letter no. 57b) .

7

This was written by Lewis Lewknor, a discontented exile who returned home and apostatised . The book, which was entered in the Stationers's Register 23 January, 1595, was widely publicised by the English government, and three editions appeared in 1595, followed by another the next year (d. S. T . C. nos. 15562-5). The first edition bore the title: A Discourse of the usage of the English Fugitives by the Spaniard, altered in subsequent editions to The Estate of English Fugitives.

8

The last payment was made at the beginning of January, 1594, shortly before the arrival of the Archduke Ernest (d. Letter no. 47).

9

The signature is almost completely obliterated.

10

Ernest died 20 February, 1595. Count Fuentes assumed the role of Governor in January, while Ernest was dying.

11

Decoded ed. Browne is probably Charles Browne, a bastard brother of Lord Montague, who had a pension of 40 crowns (see further concerning him Lewknor, op. cit., sig. F2v . ; A . J. Loomie, SPain and the English Catholic Exiles, Ph.D. thesis, London, 1957, p. 199). According to William Gifford's letter to Throgmorton, 17 May, 1595, Browne had just quarrelled with Paget (Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1595-7, p. 37) .

Tunstede appears to be Anthony Tunstede (sometimes called Tunstall) who was involved in the Babington plot. He is described in 1594 as one "who used the most slanderous words of Her Majesty of any man beyond seas . . . " (Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4, p. 544). See further id. p . 174; Cal. Scottish, 1585-6, pp. 4, 6; Pollen, Mary Queen of Scots and the Babington Plot, pp. lxxxiv, 95.

It is hard to say to what the "false list" refers, though it seems to relate to the factions between the so-called "Scottish supporters" and

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the "Jesuit and pro-Spanish party". It may have been concerned with the nomination of a new Cardinal (cf. Letter no. 59); or more probably, with the complaints, most of them unjust, against Fr. Holt, which were to lead to his removal from the Low Countries by his superiors as a matter of expediency. See further R. Lechat, Les Refugies Anglais dans les Pays-Bas Espagnols, pp. 184ff.; my thesis pp. 244ff.

LVIIB.

Enclosure,! Anglia II, no. 3, f. 24.

In Antwerp the 25 of Marche, 1595, stylo novo .

The 2 of this present was Fr. Robert Southwell araigned and condemned of Highe Treason at Westminster for beeing priest and coming into the realme contrarie to the statute.2 The morrow after, beeing Saterday and the 3 of this present,3 he was executed at Tybume. He had bene t en severall tymes tortured, 4 two yeares and three quarters imprisoned, for the most parte in the Tower of London, and now nothing but priesthoode was to be laide to his charge. He was suddainly, by the instigation of bloudy Topclif, and secretly 5 (as such an action might be) thus used to the admiration of all beholders, who, moved with great compassion (seeing so many good partes to be in him and how with all patience and myldnes he endured this tragedy ), semed much to repyne at thease proceedinges.

Beeing come unto the place of execution, he t heir died with great comendations of all, and Was lamented of all, because he prayed for the Queene and Realme, and made such a momefull speech as caused many weeping eyes. He hanged till h e was dead throughe the crye of the people, who would not suffer him sooner to be cntt downe, so great an impression his death did make within them. 6 Certaine yong Inglish schollers, beeing taken on the seas in passing from St. Omers towardes Spaine, have bene kept prisoners in the Bishop of Canterbury his house. Y ong Mompersons only yeilding in religion, is with his kindred. Woorthington, the most resolute of all, hathe made an escape oute of the Bishop his house, and cannot be heard of.

Fr. 4020 4842 56 46 49 [Baldwin] bearing himself as one borne in 142 [Italy] was by meanes of mony gotten oute of their handes, and is with 114 [Fr. Gamet] in 137 [England] still, but this point must be secret for some respects. 7 One Fletcher, now Bishop of London, is in great disgrace for marying with the Lady Baker, a woman of ill fame, sister unto Mr. Doctor Gifford. All other ladies repyne at her base choyse, and have incensed the Queen against him; whereuppon, he is comaunded prisoner to the Bishop of Canterburie's.

It semeth strange to me that her choise is reputed base, seeing she, beeing but a lady, hathe maried with a lord; but by this we may note what reputation thease lordes do cary, when such a lady as this dothe debase her self to marry one of them. s From Scotland I heare nothing. In Ireland the Earle of Tyrone, Donell, and others do muster and make great preparations for warr, and will be able to do very much yf they be well seconded from els where. 9 R

223

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Drake is not yet redy to go to the seas, but will be aboute the middest of Apprill.l0 The Earle of Tirrone, D'onell and others do muster troopes of men, and make great preparations in Ireland for warr. Other 94 [Cqtholics] bothe there and els where do stand attentyve to see what help they shall have from Spaine, and how they may repose their hope that way ; whereof they stand very doubtfull as yet-and so one writeth directly .l1 God graunt they [leane not onto a backe staf] . . .12 The toW'ne and castle of Huy are bothe taken from the enemy: the towne by force, the castle some dayes after was yeilded by the sold[iers], only to have their lives saved. 13

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225

NOTES 1

Much of the information in this enclosure was sent to Persons five days later (vid. next letter) .

2

The statute in qu estion was 27 Eliz., c. ii, "An act against Jesuits, seminary priests and such other like disobedient persons", section 2.

The earliest reports of Southwell's trial and martyrdom are contained in "A brefe discourse of the condemnation and execution of Mr. Robart Southwell, Priste of the Societie of J esus" (Stonyhurst, A nglia, II, no. 1, printed in Foley, Records 5.]., i, pp. 364ff.) to which Verstegan refers in a later letter; Garnet's letters to Aquaviva of 22 February and 7 March, 1595 (Arch. S.J., Rome, Anglia, 31, ii); and "Thomas Leake's Narration" (Anglia, VI, pp. 125-8).

3

The dates given are in New Style. According to the Old Style, the trial took place 20 February, and the execution 21 February. The day of the week given for the execution is incorrect, however, by either style, since 21 February, O.S., was a Friday (N.S. Tuesday), and 3 March, N .S. was also a Friday (O.S. Monday).

4

Southwell exclaimed at his trial: "I am decayed in memorie with long and close imprisonment, and I have bene tortured ten times : I had rather have indured ten executions. I speak not this for my self, but for others, that they may not be handled so inhumanelie to drive men to desperation if it weir possible" ("Leake's Relation", C.R.S., V, p . 335).

Cf. Garnet's letter to Aquaviva 22 February, 1595 (printed Foley, Records 5.]., i, pp. 376-7).

I)

In the letter to Aquaviva cited in the previous note, Garnet says that the same caution was observed about the trial, the date being kept so secretly that "neither the gaoler nor anyone else received notice the previous day what they were about to do, and in order to divert the crowd from the court at Westminster, they ordered that a notorious highwayman be hung at Tyburn at the very time".

6

"A Brefe Discourse" (quoted from MS. page 11): "One of the officers proffered there three tymes to have cut him downe [alive], but the people cryed : 'Staye, stay', and the Lord Mountjoye forbad him lykewise ...

The people were so much moved with his charitable endinge that no one of them (contrary to theire accustomed wont) did speake any evil! word againste him."

7

Decoding has been written above all the numbers except 137 (supplied ed.), most probably by Baynes. Cf. a similar passage in the next letter, in which the decoding has been supplied by Persons or one of his assistants.

The incident of the capture of Fr. Baldwin and the young scholars is to be found in a number of other sources, e.g. Fr. Creswell's Historia de la vida y martyrio que padicio en I nglaterra este aiio de 1595 el P. Henrique Valpolo . .. ; William Gifford's letter of 17 May, 1595 (Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1595-7, p . 37); Annual letters for St. Omers, 1595, Foley, vii, pt. 2, p. 1147; and the declaration of one of the boys concerned, John Copley, in 1599, taken from students's interrogatories at the English College, Rome (printed in Foley, Records S. ]., i, p . 186), which greatly supplements the above relation. Copley states that after spending a year and a half at the new college at St. Omers, he was then "sent by superiors with Father Baldwin and five other students to Spain by way of Cadiz, viz.,with William Worthington, John Iverson, Thomas Garnett, James Thompson and Henry Montpesson . The journey was unfortunate, all of us being captured at sea by the English fleet and taken to England; I

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alone separated from the rest, and was first sent to the Bishop of London, where, after six days, at the intercession of some of my friends, I was released uppon condition only that the same friends gave bail in ÂŁ300 for my not leaving the kingdom. Copley became a lapsed Catholic for a time but reformed and left for the English College, Rome, in 1599.

Of the other boys, all of whom managed to secure their release in a short time, William Worthington, one of the many sons of Richard Worthington who died in prison for the Faith in September, 1590, was the first to escape from Whitgift's hands and fled to Antwerp (c. May, 1595), and eventually arrived at Valladolid 5 January, 1596. Thomas Garnet of York, not to be confused with the Jesuit martyr of that name, arrived there at the same time. John Evison or Iveson, was in captivity a little longer, but was able to escape within nine months, and after returning first to St. Omers, he went on to Valladolid, entering the College there 18 March, 1597. See further E. Henson, Registers of the English College, Valladolid, C.R.S., XXX, pp. 37-8,47. I have been unable to trace the movements of the two remaining scholars, Henry Monmerson, probably the son of Lawrence Mompesson (concerning whom vid.

Letter no. 3, note 9) and James Thompson. They may have been able to make their way back to St. Omers.

Fr. William Baldwin, S .J., the colourful personality who led the unsuccessful expedition, was born in Cornwall in 1563. He left Oxford for Rheims, where he was ordained in 1588, and two years later went on to Belgium. He entered the Jesuit novitiate there on arrival, and shortly after became Professor of Moral Theology. At the beginning of 1595, he was summoned to Spain, and it was on this journey that he was captured, but having suspected the possible interception of the vessel by an English fleet, he had taken the precaution of disguising himself as an Italian merchant with the name Octavius Fuscinelli. He was taken to England, and after being comfortably lodged in the house of the Lord High Admiral, imprisoned in Bridewell. But the Privy Council was unable to prove his identity, and he was soon released in exchange for an English prisoner named Hawkins. (Money also probably had something to do with it). Baldwin stayed in England for six years, working on the mission, and then left for Rome. There is a graphic account of his adventures whilst in captivity in Foley, op. cit., iii, pp.

502ff., from which the above information is derived.

8

Dr. Richard Fletcher, who had previously been Bishop of Bristol and then Worcester, requested his translation to the London see after Aylmer's death in June, 1594, and this was granted him. He soon incurred the Queen's displeasure by his share in the drafting of the Lambeth Articles, and greatly increased it by his second marriage. Elizabeth disliked the marriage of bishops, and considered it particularly indecorous for one not long a widower to contract a second marriage, and that with a widow.

Fletcher's new bride was the widow of Sir Richard Baker of Sissinghurst in Kent, and sister of Sir George Gifford, a Gentleman Pensioner. She was apparently a handsome and wealthy woman, but had a tarnished reputation. A satirical ballad of the time (Cole MSS. xxxi, p. 20) said of the marriage: "He of a Lais doth a Lucrece make". As a punishment Fletcher was forbidden the Court, and the Queen demanded the suspension of his episcopal functions, the inhibition being issued 23 February, 1595.

He entreated Burghley's help, and through his meditation the suspension was relaxed at the end of six months (Hatfield House MSS., v. p. 171 ; Thomas Fuller, Worthies; Nugae Antiquae, ii, 46; Strype, Whitgift, ii, pp. 215-8; D.N.B.).

iI

Cf. Cal. Venetian, 15(2-1603, p. 150. Early in 1595, Tyrone openly rebelled against the English government, and Hugh Roe O'Donnell who had been actively in revolt for some time, joined forces with him. The

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rebellion grew in intensity as the year advanced. Tyrone had hopes of Spanish aid, and in September, 1595, wrote to Philip that with his assistance "religion and the kingdom of Ireland will flourish"; and to Don Carlos : "Heretics shall fail in Ireland within a year like smoke in the presence of fire" (Cal. I risk, 1592-6, p . 406) . Although there were frequent rumours of Spain sending help (e.g. Cal. Dam. Eli , ., 1595-7, p . 40; Fugger News-Letters, 2nd series, p. 266), nothing materialised, and Verstegan's scepticism expressed later in the above letter proved justified.

10

Cf. Letter no. 25, note 4 . Drake's voyage was delayed until August.

There are numerous reports of the preparations which have being made for it in Cal. Dam. Eliz., 1595-7.

11

The repetition of this paragraph may have been caused by Verstegan's not realizing that he had already copied out a section on Ireland earlier in the letter, or possibly by his desire to rewrite and enlarge the news item.

12

The rest of this letter, consisting of one or possibly two lines, has been obliterated by the crumbling of the edge of the paper. The paragraph which follows was written in the margin.

13

The town and adjoining castle of Huy in the bishopric of Liege were captured by the Dutch under Herangiere, the Governor of Breda, around February, 1595, but having no adequate means of defending them, they were compelled to surrender first the town and a little later the castle to Bishop Bojarus's forces assisted by Spanish troops under La Mothe (Hatfield Hause MSS., v, p. 147, etc. ; Grotius, Annates, pp. 206-7 ; Coloma, Las Guerras, 1635 ed., pp. 323-4; P. Bor, Nederlantsche Oarlagken, iv, year 1595, f. 5).

LVIII.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS. Antwerp, 30 March, 1595.

Stonyhurst, Anglia II, no . 3, f . 21. Holograph. The passage concerning Southwell was printed in Foley, Records S .]., i, pp. 377-8.

In Antwerp, the 30 of March, 1595, stylo novo.1 Having lately receaved 2 severall letters from two frendes in England, the one of the 4, the other of the 10 of this present, I do here send Your Fatherhoode the contents of them bothe together.

By their next I am promised more particulers, the which (yf so soone I attaine unto them) I will imparte in my next unto you.

The second of this present according to the neW style, Fr. Robert Southwell was arraigned and condemned of Highe Treason at Westminster for beeing priest and coming into the realme contrarie to the statute. The morrow after, being Saterday and the 3 of this moneth, he was executed at Tyboume. He had bene tortured ten severall tymes, two yeares and three quarters imprisoned, for the most parte in the Tower of London; and now,2 nothing but priesthood was to be laid to his charge. He was suddenly, by the instigation of bloudy Topclyf, and secretly (as such an action might be) thus used, to the admiration of all beholders, who were moved with great compassion (seeing somany good partes to be in him, and how with all patience and myldnes he endured this tragedy), and 3 seemed much to repyne at thease proceedinges. Beeing come unto the place of execution, he their died with great comendations of all because he prayed for the Queene and realme, and made such a moumefull speech as caused many weeping eyes. He hanged untill he was dead throughe the crye of the people, wh[0]4 would not suffer him sooner to be cutt downe, so great an impression his death did make within them. I have used in this relation the only woordes of our frendâ&#x201A;Źs' letters.5 Certaine yong schollers beeing taken on the seas in passing from St. Omers towardes Spaine have bene kept prisoiners in the Bishop of Canterbury his house. Yong Mompersons only yeilding in religion is with his freindes. Woorthington, the most resolute of all, hathe made an escape oute of the Bishop his house and cannot be heard of.

Fr. 6 r 12 8 & 20 14 [Baldwin],6 bearing himself as one borne in 22 [Italy] was, by meanes of 237 [money], gotten oute of their handes, and is with 195 [Fr. Gamet]. This pointe for some respects is to be concealed.

One Fletcher, now Bishop of London, is in great disgrace .for marying with the Lady Baker, a woman of ill fame, sister unto Mr. Doctor Gifford. All other ladies reypne at her base choise, and have incensed the Queene against him; whereuppon he is comaunded prisoner to the Bishop of Canterburie's. It seemeth to 228

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LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

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me strange that her choise is reputed base, seeing shee, beeing but a lady , hathe maried with a lord; but by this we may note what reputation thease lordes do cary, when such a lady as this dothe debase her self to marry with one of them.

In Ireland the Earle of Tirone, O'Donnell and others do muster and make great preparations for warr. The 215, 225 [English Catholics] do stand in expectation to see what assistance they shall have from 20 [Spain], and will measure their owne hopes by 146 [King of Spain] his tymely furtherance for thease affaires.

Drake will be redy to go foothe 7 aboute the end of A[pril]1.8 By reason of exceeding great rayne and snowe, there h [a]ve bene wounderfull inundations in Roland; some of their for[tes] by force of the floodes deane taken away and the men drowned, and the artilery sunck into the mudd. The principall of thease fortes was one called Skinok Sconce, and which stoode on the ryver of Rene ; and another called Creve Ceur, which was neere unto Bolduke.

Thousandes of cattell and many men are drowned (soldiers and others); divers of their causses and banckes, which held oute the water, broken thorow, insomuch that it is thought they will not be able in many yeares to repaire thease losses. The element of water hathe heretofore served their turmes, and now they are thereby punished. 9 The towne and ca5tle of Huy are gotten againe : the towne by force, the castle by composition.

The Bishop of Liege is to pay unto the Kinge's soldiers three monethes' payes, and then the Spaniardes are to leave the castle unto him-for as yet they remaine in it.

The Turck hathe caused all his brethren to be murthered, beeing 19 in number. 10 The King of Polonia, who is also King of Swethen, hathe caused all Protestant churches to be shutt up in all Polonia, and intendeth to bring J esuytes into all cities. l l From France we have litle of certainty.

The Counte Fuentes giveth much hope of very effectuall proceeding against the enemy.

Addressed

AI Padre Personio.

Endorsed by Fr. P ersons Verstenghan's advises, 30 March, 1595.

Endorsed by Fr. Grene?

Of Fr. Southwell's martyrdome.

Endorsed in another hand Advises from Verstegan.

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NOTES 1

Annotations for most passages in this letter will be found in the notes to the previous letter, 57b. which contains much the same information.

2

"now" omitted Foley. loco cit.

S

"and" omitted ibid.

4.

"0"

obliterated in MS.

/) Foley, loco cit. reads "letter".

6

Deciphering written above the words in code. possibly by Persons.

sic.

8

Bracketed words partially obliterated.

9

Cf. A . Van Meerbeeck. Chroniicke vande Gantsche Werelt, 1620, p. 804.

P. B or, Nederlantsche Oorloghen, iv. year 1595. f. 9; Birch, Memoirs, i, p. 219.

10

On the death of Amurath died in January, 1595, his son, Mahomet III. who succeeded him, caused his nineteen brothers to be strangled, and buried them in cypress coffins side by side with their father. Later he drowned t en other infant princes who were born to Amurath posthumously (vid. De Thou, Histoire, xii, pp. 500-1; Cal. Venetian, 1.592-1603, p. 152.)

Cf. Shakespeare, II Henry IV, V, ii, 11. 47-9 (New Cambridge Edition, 1946) : â&#x20AC;˘'This is the English, not the Turkish Court, Not Amurath an Amurath succeeds, But Harry Harry."

11

Cf. Letter no. 44, note 10.

LIX.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES.

Arch. S.J. Rome, Anglia 38ii, 193v.

Antwerp, 29 April, 1595.

Extract by Fr. Grene.

Il vescovo di Rosse disse in Bruxel1es che due persone fra li Inglese erano nominati di questa natione come degne d' essere cardinali &c. I piu sinceri nominano il padre Personio, et i politici nominano il vescovo di Cassano. Queste furono Ie sue proprie parole. 1

Translation.

The Bishop of Ross has stated in Brussels that two people amongst the English were nominated by that nation as being worthy to become cardinal, etc. The more sincere chose Fr. Persons, and those who give first place to politics name the Bishop of Cassano.

These were his very words. 1

NOTE 1

After the death of William Allen in October, 1594, the question naturally arose as to who would succeed him as cardinal. The two most prominent candidates were Owen Lewis, Bishop of Cassano, whose supporters were to be found mainly among the "Scottish party", and included William Gifford, Charles Paget, and Thomas Throgmorton; and Fr. Persons, whose candidature was strongly supported in Spain and the Low Countries.

Persons, who was an unwilling candidate, at first disregarded the efforts of his supporters (which included the sending of petitions and letters), but later had to take serious steps to end them (vid. L. Hicks, â&#x20AC;˘ 'Fr. Robert Persons and The Book of Succession", Recusan t History, vol. 4, no. 3, p. 108). Cassano, on the other hand, was willing enough to be nominated, but his death in October, 1595, left his ambition unfulfilled.

Amongst the alternatives to a cardinal which were proposed, was a suggestion, contained in a memorandum to the Pope in 1597, that two bishops should be consecrated, one for England and one for the English in the Low Countries (Pollen, The I n sti tu tion of the A rchpriest Black well, 1916, pp. 22-3). Later, in 1598, a solution was sought by the appointment of an Archpriest to administer the affairs of t he secular clergy in England, and, of possible, to reside there.

John Leslie, Bishop of Ross (1527-96), was residing in a monastery of Augustinian canons near Brussels. It was about this time that he wrote a letter to Thomas Throgmorton at Rome, asking him to obtain Cassano's help for the payment of his p ension, and his influence to procure him a bishopric (Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1595-7, p. 38).

231

LX.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES.

Arch S.]. Rome, 38ii, 193v.

I nghilterra, p. 378.

Antwerp, 13 May, 1595.

Italian extract by Fr. Grene.

Cited in Bartoli's

Toplifo e messo in prigione (il Marshalsea) per ordine del conseglio per qua1che abuso di sua authorita. Si puo credere che Toplifo e messo in prigione per mostrare l'innocenza del conseglio, come se Toplifo have sse mostrato tanta crudelta la sua propria testa, e senza autori a; e questo so fa adesso percioche il popolo e stato commosso assaidtall mal trattamento e dalla morte del Padre Sotwello.!

Translation.

Topcliffe has been put in the Marshalsea prison by order of the Council for abusing his authority. I t is possible that Topc1iffe has been imprisoned in order to demonstrate the innocence of the Council, as if he had exercised such great cruelty on his own account without authority; and this is done now because the people are very moved by the maltreatment and death of Fr. Southwell.!

NOTE 1

Topcliffe's imprisonment was only of very short duration (cf. next letter).

He was imprisoned shortly before Holy Week and released a few weeks later. From the letters which he wrote to the Queen while in the Marshalsea (in Harleian MSS. 9889) it appears that the ostensible reasons for his imprisonment were that he had made allegations against the Lord Keeper, and had accused the Privy Council of bribery; but the public outcry against Southwell's torture and execution seems to have played an important part in it, and the Privy Council probably wanted to make Topcliffe a scapegoat.

In one of his letters mentioned above (f. 185) Topcliffe writes of his achievements as a persecutor (being second only to the Privy Council in his successes) and of the great jubilation, particularly in Catholic circles, over his imprisonment: " ... to Tyburne", he writes, "I have helped more trators then all noble menn and gentilmenn about your Coorte, your Cownsellers excepted; and now by this disgrace I am in fayre way and mayde apt to adventure my lyffe every night to murderers; for since I was commytted, wyne in Westminster hathe beene gevenn for j oye of that newes, and in all pres ones rejoycings; and itis lyke that the freshe deade boanes of Father Southwell at Tyburne and Father Wallpoole at Yorke, executed bothe since Shrovetyde, wyll daunce for joye; and now at Easter, in steade of a Communyon, many an Aleluya wilbe sunge of preests and trators in presons and in ladyes' cloasettes for Topclyffe's fawle, and in farder kingdomes also".

232

LXI.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES.

Antwerp, 20 May, 1595.

P .R.O., S.P. Dom. Eliz. Vol. 252, no. 15, f. 41. Holograph. Shortened version printed in Cal. Dam. Eliz., 1595-7, pp. 39-40 . The letter fell into the hands of the English Government and was deciphered by Phelippes.

Good Sir, you must at this tyme excuse my brevitie, for that I am so ill at ease that scarsly I can hold up my head.

My last unto you was of the 13 of this; and by the post that arryved he ere since I had no letters from you.

I know not how I shal be able to assist those 215s [priests ?]1 you spake of in their passag to 137 [England] thorow 148 [Middelburg ?]. I have often before signified how requisite it was that somthing were allowed unto such bothe in 148 [Middelburg ?] and here we must use therein, and now those in 148 [Middelburg?] have refused to endanger themselves or medle therein any more, having of late beene uppon suspition called in question, which makes them now utterly unwilling, and the rather for that nothing hathe bene allowed for their travaile. But besyde their paynes they have bene at charge also; yea, and some 215s [priests ?] have borrowed mony of them which is not yet payde.

We have litle newes of the affaires of this countrie other then that we are making certaine fortes for the restraint of the enemy in some places. 2 From France we are certified that they of Tholouse, throughe the preaching of a Grey Frier, have expulsed the Huguenots and Politiques. The Frier was their leader, and, as he came downe from the pulpit, held a crucifix in one hand and a sword in the other; and so was followed of the people in great fervour. 3 And uppon the expulsing of those in that towne, 42 other places have don the lyke, even all along the river unto the towne of Bourdeaux; and they have sent unto Monsieur du Mayne to have his patents for the confirmation of their Governours.

The Duke of Mayne is in Burgundy with the Constable of Castillia, who their besiegeth a place. 4 It is said that two of this Duke's sonnes shall marry with two of the Duke of Espernon his daughters, but herof is no great certainty.

The Earle of Tyrone is very strong in Ireland, and divers English are fled oute of Ireland into Galloway in Scotland to passe that way into England, which argueth that he prevaileth, when he forceth the English to flee-and this the Lord Simple 5 reporteth who is now here, and was in Scotland within thease 20 dayes.

Having written thus farr, a letter in 153 [London] the 13 of this present is come to my sight, wherein is signified that Fr. Henry Vlalpole was sent from the Towre of London to Yorck, and was their executed; and with him was executed a pothecarie. 6 233

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Topclif is released oute of prison, so that Barrabas is freed, and Christe delivered to be crucified.

The Earle of Southsex and Sir Roger Williams, with some others, have obtayned leave of the Queen to go serve the Emperor against the Turck. 7 Drake his voyage is stayed, but whether he shall not go foorthe at all is doubtfull.s The Earle of Tirone, as this letter affirmeth, is contented to submitt himself, and with the Earle of Ormond to come unto the Queene, the which is later newes then that which the Lord Simple bringeth.9 The Earl of Cumberland with 8 shippes is to go foorthe aboute their ordinary purchasing. 10 Thus faIT the contents in brief of the said letter.

Sir William Stanley and Mr. Owen are as yet bothe here with me,ll and do hartely comend them unto you. And thus having enlarged this letter more then I purposed at the begining, I comend me also unto you, and comitt you to God this 20 of May, 1595.

Yours very assuredly, Richard Verstegan.

108 [Fr. HoltJ prayed me to signifie unto you that he thincketh it very expedient that you deale with your 213 [ProtectorJl2 to procure that 107 [Fr. PersonsJ do come from 140 [SpainJ to 149 [RomeJ to the end he may use his advice and be by him informed touching the 22 73 54 54 46 50 49 54 [missionsJ13 and other thinges belonging to the affaires of 137 [EnglandJ, seeing of all others he can best do it, and were most fittest to be there to concurr with your 213 [ProtectorJ; and therefore you may devyse to urge this pointe as you best may.

I here of some factions and stirres in the English College,14 and this newes Moodie15 t elleth, so that he better knoweth how thinges go there then I do; but such would be remooved yf 107 [PersonsJ were there, and therefore it requireth the more and speedy industry.16 We hade a brute of the arryvall of the West Indian Fleet e in Spaine, and now it is againe confirmed, yet not so assuredly but that it may be doubted. 17 Comend me, I pray you, to good Fr. Harward. 1s Addressed

AI Illustre Signore il Signore Gentilhuomo Inglese. aRoma.

Endorsed by Phelippes ? xx May, 1595.

Papered seal.

Ruggiero

Bayno,

From Verstegan to Roger Baynes at Rome. Intercepted.

No. LXI

LE TTER S OF RI CHA RD VERSTEGAN

235

N OTES 1

Alth ough marginal decipherings were supplied in this letter by Thomas Phelippes, who was highly expert, in view of the fact that he sometimes decoded erroneously, a question mark has been placed after these decipherings unless they are substantiated by comparison with other despatches in which the same numbers from this particular code are used. In the case of the number 148, Phelippes has written in the margin "Middelburg or Amsterdam or Low Contryes". It is unlikely that it stands for the Low Countries because it does not fit the context "in 148 and here", and Amsterdam also appears to be improbable. Middelburg seems to be the best reading (and a likely one) since it was a port much frequenteGl

by Catholics and missionaries travelling to and from England.

Vid . next letter.

3

Thomas Edmondes wrote to Burghley from Troyes 21 May, 1595, that "the revolt of Toulouse still continued thro' the sedition of priests" (Birch, Memoirs, i, p. 240) . See also De Thou, Histoire, xii, p. 450.

4

The Constable of Castile, Don Ferdinando de Velasco, had been sent to Burgundy by Philip with an army of 10,000, where he was joined by De Mayenne with his troops. One of their first operations was the siege and capture of Vesoul. For an account of the ensuing unsuccessful campaign against Henry and his commanders vid. De Thou, op. cit., xii, pp. 360ff.; P . Bor, N ederlantsche Oorloghen, iv, year 1595, f. 39.

5

Robert, 4th Lord Semple, or Sempill, who ambassador at Madrid.

6

Fr. Walpole was sent from the Tower to York around early April, 1595.

He was tried and condemned there on Thursday, 3 April, and executed the following Monday, 6 April. See further A. Jessopp, One Generation of a Norfolk House, pp. 246ff. Jessopp confused O.S . and N .S. Martyred with vValpole was not an apothecary (Verstegan corrects this statment in a later letter, no. 63) but a seminary priest, Alexander Rawlings alias Francis Ferriman, a Gloucestershire man, who was ordained at Rheims 18 March, 1590, and left for the English Mission the 9th of the following month (1st and 2nd Douay Diaries). He was active in Yorkshire for about four years until his arrest on Christmas Eve, 1594 (Jessopp, op. cit.).

7

Robert Radcliffe succeeded as 5th Earl of Sussex in 1593. It is doubtful whether either he or Williams actually went to the Turkish wars . Williams was at Court in Greenwich in July, and on a government mission to France in September (Birch, Memoirs, i, 269, 277, 294), and died in London the following December.

later

became Scottish

Vid . Letter no. 57b, note 10.

9

Tyron e made two offers of submission in mid-1595 (Cal. Irish 1592-96, p . 382) and in October definitely submitted, upon which a two months' truce was declared. He was granted a free pardon early in 1596 (id. pp. 422, 425, 430, 446, etc.).

The Earl of Ormond was Thomas Butler, Lord Treasurer of Ireland .

10

Cumberland's mission was much more warlike than Verstegan's informant supposed (unless he meant the phrase "ordinary purchasing" to be taken ironically). In April, the Earl was given a commission "to weaken the force of those who are hostilely disposed, by choosing captains, raising and arming volunteers, and embarking them in six vessels, to destroy

236

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. LXI

the forces of the subjects of the King of Spain and their property . .. " (Cal . Dom. Eliz ., 1595-7, p . 34). His ships returned in October with a number of prizes which included a cargo of wheat (id., p. 121) .

11

i .e. at Antwerp, presumably in Verstegan's house, which was situated by the "bridge of the tapestry makers" (Hatfield House MSS., v, p. 225) .

12

Cardinal Enrico Caetani.

13

Phelippes has erroneously decoded this as "commissions" [c(o)m(mi)ssions] Vid. section on code in Introduction.

14

These disturbances among the students of the English College, Rome increased throughout the year, and culminated in the visit of Cardinal Sega to investigate in 1596. This was the second time he had done so, the previous occasion being during the troubles at the College in 1585.

A large number of the students worked out their grievances in a petition to the Pope in which they complained of the government of the College by the Jesuits under the Italian rector, Fr. Fioravante, and requested that the college be placed under a different administration.

Dr. Barret, President of the English College, Douay, wrote concerning the disturbances to Persons in April and September, 1596, to the effect that they were caused by outside rumours of differences between the Jesuits and seculars; and Cardinal Sega, who in his report found the complaints of the students unjustified, accounted for the troubles as being caused by the outside influence of certain men who looked only "to themselves, and to their own advantage". He named Owen Lewis as the motive power behind the mutiny; and added that his partisans in the College' 'whether of their own accord, or by the influence of others, took counsel for the purpose of raising that prelate to the position which the late Cardinal had occupied" . That Sega's diagnosis was correct is amply proved by a very comprehensive work on the subject, still unfortunately only in MS., by Fr. L. Hicks S.J. Sega's report, which contains a full list of the students' grievances and the replies of the ] esuits, and extracts from the letters of Dr. Barret are printed in Foley, Records S. j., vi, pp. xiiiff, Iff. The disputes of the College were further aggravated by the misreporting at Rome of the contents of A Conference about the Next Succession which was published in mid-1595 (vid . L. Hicks, "Fr. Persons and The Book of Succession", Recusant History, vol. 4, no. 3).

15

Michael Moody alias John Bristowe, etc., was a spy of the English government (vid. his letters in Hatfield House MSS., iv, v) who had won the confidence of the Paget and the Scottish faction. Holt and Owen, on discovering him to be a spy, reported him to the Governor, and Moody was first imprisoned and then banished. He died about the beginning of 1596. See further Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1591-4; id. 1595-7; Hatfield House MSS., iv, v; my thesis, p. 247.

16

Fr. Persons went to Rome from Spain early in 1597, arriving there towards the end of March. He managed to allay the disturbances by May (d. Pollen, Institution of the Archpriest Blackwell, p. 22).

17

According to the letter of the Venetian ambassador in Spain, Francesco Vendramin , dated 13 May, 1595, most of the ships of the West Indian Fleet had come safely to port after weathering heavy storms and the risk of attacks from English men-of-war. The value of its cargo was estimated at 22 millions in gold, of which six and a half belonged to the King (Cal, Venetian, 1592-1603, p. 160). For the various reports and rumours of the fleet at this time vid. id. pp. 158-161; Fugger N ewsLetters, 2nd series, p. 264; Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1595-7, p. 39.

No.LXI 18

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

237

Edmund Harward or Harwood (1554-97) who went to Rome in the autumn of 1578, and entered St. Andrew's noviciate on the Quirinal in October of the same year. He was English Penitentiary at St. Peter's for a time, and Father Minister at the English College, Rome, for several years. There is a biographical note on him in A. Jessopp, Letters oj Fr. Henry Walpole, p. 26. See also Foley, Records S. I, vii, pt. 1, pp. 343-4.

LXII.

VERSTEGAN TO FR. PERSONS. Antwerp, 25 May, 1595.

Stonyhurst. Anglia II, no. 3, f. 25 . Holograph. The fifth and sixth paragraphs of this letter ¡wer e printed in Foley, R ecords S. j., i, p . 378.

In Antwerp, the 25 of May, 1595.

The Counte Fuentes is making of a forte to restraine the excursion[s] of the enemy oute of the towne of H ulst. 1 I t is said that La Mot goeth to lay the canon to the walles of Cambray, in which towne there is at present great scarsitie of victualls, and no strong garnison. 2 Great speech here is of the arryvall of the West Indian fleete in Spaine, but no certaine confirmation thereof.3 In the meane tyme here is great scarsitie of mony, and great discontentment. From France we heare that Navar sendeth the Bishop of Evreux to Roome to sue againe for his absolution. 4 In the meane t yme, no acte he dothe of a true Catholique, nor no contrition he sheweth for his former lyf. All ofices that fall he bestoweth upponHuguenots.

And to a Gray Frier that very lately in Paris hathe cast of his cowIe and is become a most vile apostata, this Navar hathe given a priorie.

The Conestable of Castillia is with the Duke of Mayne in Burgundy, where he besiegeth a place. Oute of Germany we heare that the Transilvanian[sJ have lately slaine 30,000 Turckes. 5 Also that divers cities of the Turcke's are revolted from him because of his great tirany; for he exceedeth all his auncestors for his tyme.

From England, which ne'X-t unto Turkey I may speake of, I understand by some late letters and some lately come thence, that within a whyle after Fr. Southwell's deathe, Topdif was comitted to the Marshalsea for abusing his comission, but within a fewe dayes after, was this Barrabas set at libertie, and Fr. Henry Walpole was caried from the Towre of London to Yorck and there executed; and with him died an apothecarie .6 Of thease martirs' deathes I expect shortly to understand more particulers, as also to have the speech used by Fr. Southwell at the tyme of his deathe, which seemeth somuch to nave moved the people that uppon that occasion Topdif was comitted, because it was made knowne the thesaid Father was 10 tymes tortured, whereof by this meanes Topdif was made the only author. 7 When Richard Williams came to die (who was the last Catholique that died before Fr. Southwell), he was moved to pray for the Queene, but he replyed that he would pray for the King of Spaine and die for the King of Spaine, and that the said King had mayntayned him; but of the Queene he had never receaved any benefyte, 238

No. LXII

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

239

and now she did take away his lyfe. And for intending to kill her, he protested and tooke it on his death that he never did, notwithstanding that throughe the great extremitie of torture they made him say the contrary. Edmund Yorck that died with him seemed, bothe by his speeches and actions, to be distracted of his wittes. 8 The Earle of Southsex, Sir Roger Williams and divers others have obtayned leave of the Queen to go to serve the Emperor against the Turck. 9 Sir Jo1m Norris is in Ireland,lo where it is said the Earl of Tyrone hathe promised to submitt him self, and with the Earle of Ormond to come unto the Queen.

The Earle of Cumberland with 8 shippes goeth to the sea. Drake is stayed, some thinck because the Indian gold is past his reatche.

Yet prepare they to furnish their shipping with great store of artillery, rather to defend their owne costes (as some do thinck) then to cary Don Anthony and Antonio Peres towardes Portugall ;11 for that the King will have a great armada together yf the flete be come home, and that he do employ those shippes in Spaine to his service which are now their arrested.

The ministers in Scotland have gotten the most of the principall Catholique nobillitie oute of the countrie, their landes and provinces so spoyled that scarsly a chicken is left behynde; and therefore the King mighte more easely graunt some of them libertie to enjoye their livinges in their absence, for litle enoughe it is lyke to be, as some of that nation do reporte. 12 The peace here, that more talked of then had reason to shewe for it, prooveth but a device of deceit.13 Ought els of any importance I remember not at this present.

The French do burn and spoile all the villages aboute St. Omers, whereby thinges in that towne are very deere. 14 Mr. George Persons, notwithstanding our great default of payment, is charged with a weekly contribution towardes the soldiers that are in garnison within that towne.

Addressed

AI Padre Roberto Personio.

Endorsed by Fr. Persons Advises, 25 May, 1595.

Endorsed by Fr. Grene?

s

Of Fr. Robert Southwell's death, of Richard Williams and Edmund York.

240

LETTER S OF RI CHARD VER STEGAN

No. LXII

N OTES 1

Cf. Van Meerbeeck, Chroniicke , p. 819; Cal. Dom. Eliz ., 1595-7, p. 40.

Hulst, which is in t he Vlaanderen district of Hollan d, is less than 20 miles from Antwerp .

2

The siege of Cambrai was undertaken by Count Fuentes in August, 1595, La Mothe baving been killed at Dourlens the previous month. After an intense siege and bombardment the town and citadel were surrendered by the Governor, Balagny, in October (Hatfield House MSS ., v , pp. 287, 328, etc. ; De Thou, Histoire, xii, pp . 416ff.).

V id. previous letter, note 17. ,

Jacques David du Perron, Bishop of E vreux, was born in 1556 of Protestant parents but was converted to the Catholic Faith. In 1593 he was consecrated bishop, and -in 1604 was elevated to the cardinalate. He died in 1618. Henry entrusted to him and Arnaud D 'Ossat the task of obtaining his absolution from the Pope. Du Perron arrived in Rome to present his request 12 July, and the absolution was granted, after much deliberation, in September (De Thou, Histoire, xii, pp. 468ff.; P. Bor, Nederlantsche Oorloghen, iv, year 1595, ff. 77ff.; Hatfield House MSS ., v, 264, 269, etc.).

fi

Sigismund Bathori, the Prince of Transylvania, inflicted a crushing defeat on the Turks early in 1595. The number of Turks slain varies considerably in current reports (cf. e.g. Cal. Irish, 1592-6; p. 446 ; Van Meerbeck, Chroniicke, p. 799 .

V id. previous letter, n ote 6 .

7

Cf. Letter no. 57b, note 4; Letter no. 60.

8

The two exiles, Richard Williams, who had a pension of 20 crowns from the King of Spain , and Edmund York, a nephew of Rowland York who delivered ZutpheIl to the Spanish in 1588, were involved in yet another "plot" on the Queen's life. They were apprehended in England in August, 1594, and examined by E ssex . The charges against them were atempting to kill the Queen, possibly by poison, and intending to stir up rebellion at the instigation of Holt and Owen. (who were fated to be implicated in practically every rigged plot in this period) and that they had been bribed by Ibarra to this end . They were condemned and execut ed in February, 1595. See further Cal. Dom. Eliz ., 1591-4 ; Hatfield Hou se MSS. , iv ; Camden, A nnales.

Vid. previous letter, note 7.

10

Norris was sent to Ireland to assist the English commanders a gainst Tyrone. H e arrived at Waterford 4 May , 1595, and began campaigning in June, but could do little without reinforcements (Cal. Irish, 1592-96 ; D.N .B.). Camden (A nnales, 1635 ed., pp. 451-3) greatly exaggerates Norris's achievements.

11

There was a rumour that the Portuguese Pretender, Don Antonio, and Antonio Perez were trying to prevail on the English government to use th e fleet for attacking Portugal (Cal. Venetian , 1592-1603, p. 166).

Any plans that Don Antonio might have had abruptly terminated with his death in August, 1595.

No. LXIII

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

241

12

The Catholic nobles were cautioned to leave Scotland early in 1595 (Cal. Scottish, 1593-5, pp. 526, 538, 553) and most of them had departed by mid-April (id. pp. 561, 562, 578). In addition the ministers submitted articles for the pursuit of the nobles if they did not depart (id., p. 552), and a proclamation was issued 26 March, 1595, "prohibiting the bringing of th' Erles, seminaries of Papistis" (id ., p. 561). The castles and houses of the nobles and all other places in which Mass had been said were burned and razed to the ground (cf. id. p. 454).

13

Cf. letter from the Venetian ambassador in Germany, 23 May, 1595 (Cal. Venetian, 1592-1603, p. 161) : "News from Flanders about the negotiations for peace, which is greatly desired here. The States of Holland have informed the Council at Brussels that they cannot treat with the Spanish ministers without the consent of the King of France and of the Queen of England, but they could treat with representatives of the provinces subject to the King of Spain, and that among them might be a special representative of the King. But it is thought that this proposal is intended either to arouse the Princes their allies, or to lay the Spanish preparation to sleep." Cf. also Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1595-7, p. 39.

As Verstegan and many others expected, the peace negotiations came to nothing.

14

Cf. Cal. Dom. Eliz., 1595-7, p . 40 .

LXIII.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES. Antwerp, 30 June, 1595.1

Stonyhurst, Anglia II, no . 3, f. 27. Holograph. Italian extracts by Fr. Grene, Arch. S .]. Rome, 38ii, 193. Cited in Bartoli's Inghilterra, p. 387, 405.

The passages concerning Fr. Southwell and Topcliffe were printed in Foley, Records S . I, i, pp. 378-9.

A ship of the Knight Marshall's hathe broughte into England a prize of Genua woorthe 12,000 li. Much sute is made by the Italian marchants for her discharge, but no hope they get thereof.2 Drake's shippes are redy and well victualled, notwithstanding the great dearthe, which thereby is somwhat agmented; and so great a dearthe hathe not bene sene in this age .3 From the King of Navarr there is an ambassador arryved in England, whose letters, I suppose, do sounde of lacke. 4 The Earle of Tirone dothe stand uppon tearmes that, yf the Englishe Governor may be called oute of his countrie and himself remayne absolute, then he will yeild obedience.

One Nicolas Williamson, that some monethes since was in 143 [Low Countries ?] was taken in the northe, and is comitted prisoner in the Gatehous at Vlestminster. 5 Fr. Henry Walpole was executed at Y orck, and with him a seminary priest, not an apothecary as some wrote. Thesaid Father spake so couragiously at his death, that he moved 2,000 persons to shedd teares. 6 The captaines and soldiers are generally discontented.

The Earl of Essex is still in chief favour with the Queen, albeit the Earl of Southampton was once betwene him and home. 7 Sir Robert Cecill hathe the place and seale of principall Secretary, but is not yet sworne. 8 Thus farr the contentes of one letter written 10 dayes past.

The contents of a later letter written by another 94 [Catholic].

You will marvell with me at the newes which I now shall send you: there is now very great hope given that the Queen will proceede so myldly that none shall be troobled for their conc;cience so they give not otherwise just cause of offence. This is given oute by some in principall aucthoritie. 9 Topclif is released oute of prison, but his comission is taken from him. They endeavour to perswade the world that thease hard .courses were against the Queene's mynde. This course is thought to proceede of feare and cowardize- they may perhapps think to profitt more by this then by rigour. You know the story of the 242

No. LXIII

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

243

wynde and the sonne that strove who should pluck the passenger's cloke from his back, and the warme sonne did it.

It is thought Drake's forces shall hover to see what the Spaniard will do. He is to have 40 shippes and 5,000 soldiers, but what number of Hollanders and French is unknowne. 10 Fr. Southwell's death made so great an impression in the hartes of the people as is very wounderfull-as you would see yf I had tyme to send you the history, which I have no leasure to copy oute.

It conteyneth 4 sheetes of written paper. l l No one person spake a woord against him; the people cried to the minister to hold his peace and lett the Fr. speak. A Prote[stant lord wished] that when [he] died [his] soule [might go with his].12 Addressed

A Monseur Baynes.

Endorsed by Baynes?

Ultin10 Giugno, 1595.

Endorsed by Fr. Grene

Verstegan, Antuerpia, 3[0] June, 1595.

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LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. LXIII

NOTES 1

This letter has been apparently incorrectly dated by Fr. Grene "3 June", who gives this date in his Italian extract from the letter also. The endorsement, probably in Baynes's hand appears to contain the correct date: "ultimo Guigno, 1595".

2

I have been unable to locate any other reference to this Genoese ship.

3

See further concerning the dearth and the high price of corn A .P. C., xxv, pp. 7, 8, etc . ; Camden, Annales, 1635 ed., p. 450.

4

The French ambassador, Lomenie, was sent to England in mid-1595 to represent the urgency of Henry's need (Camden, op. cit., p. 444; Black, Elizabeth and Henry IV, pp. 92fÂŁ').

6

Nicholas Williamson, a servant to the Earl of Shrewsbury, had been for a time in the Low Countries where he was urged by Francis Dacre and George More to go on a mission to Lord Hume. On his way there he was apprehended in Cumberland in March, 1595, together with a merchant, David Allen, who was to have conducted him to Scotland, and sent by the Earl of Huntingdon to London where he was imprisoned in the Gatehouse, and examined by Essex and Robert Cecil in April. He remained in prison for a considerable time both in the Tower and in the Mar halsea, petitioning unsuccessfully for his release in 1597. See further Hatfield House MSS., v; Cal. Dam. Eliz., 1595-7; A P.C., xxvi, p. 178, xxvii, p. 356.

Vid. Letter no. 61, note 6.

7

Henry Wriothesley, 3rd Earl of Southampton (1573-1624), Shakespeare's patron, had stood in high regard with the Queen in the early 1590s, but fell from favour in 1595 by his marriage with one of her ladies-in-waiting, Elizabeth Vernon, a cousin of E ssex; and this was a cause of the latter temporarily incurring the Queen's displeasure also (Birch Memoirs, i, pp.

238, 245; Sidney Papers, 1746, i, p. 348). In November of the same year, Essex had to appease the Queen's anger against him when she learned that a book discussing the succession (A Conference about the Next Succession) had been dedicated to him; but he managed to ride this storm successfully (vid. Sidney Papers, i, pp. 250, 357, 360; my thesis, pp. 227-8).

Although there may have been a suspicion of rivalry between the two earls, Southampton was, on the whole, a firm supporter of Essex, and in 1601 stood trial with him for treason after the failure of the Essex rising.

8

Robert Cecil was not sworn in as Secretary until 5 July, 1596 (A.P.C., xxvi, p. 7) but from the above letter and one from the Countess of Shrewsbury to Cecil dated 20 May, 1595 (Hatfield House MSS., v, p. 213) it appears that the Queen unofficially appointed him to that office fourteen months previously.

9

The persecution appears to have abated somewhat, at least in London.

As Fr. Caraman observes (John Gerard, p. 239), no priest was executed in London between February, 1595, when Southwell was martyred, and July, 1598, when John Jones suffered (vid. Letter no. 69, note 1). In addition, in April, 1597, the Queen expressed her intention of banishing the imprisoned priests (A .P. C., xxvii, p. 21).

10

It appears that there had been an agreement between England, France

and the Low Countries to provide a combined fleet to attack Portugal

No. LXIII

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

245

and intercept Spanish gold ships, but the plan fell through (cf. Cal. Venetian, 1592-1603, p. 159).

Drake set sail at the end of August, 1595, with a fleet consisting of 27 sail and 2,500 men, the soldiers being under the command of Sir Nicholas Clifford. For an account of the voyage vid. Hakluyt, Voy ages, Everyman ed., vii . pp . 183; Tenison, Elizabethan E ngland, ix, pp . 545ff.

This was Drake's last voyage; he died off Porto Bello in January, 1596.

11

Verstegan is referring to the anonymous "A Brefe Discourse of the condemnation and execution of Mr. Robart Southwell, Priste of the Societie of Jesus", a copy of which, as appears from Letter no. 65, he apparently sent to Spain. There is a copy of the Discourse in Stonyhurst, Anglia, II, no. 1 (which is not in Verstegan's hand as Devlin implies in Robert Southwell, p. 358), but this was not the copy in Verstegan's possession, since it contains six sheets (twelve sides) not four.

12

The obliterated words have been supplied from Foley's transcript (op. cit.) which was made when the edges of the manuscript were not so frayed.

Verstegan is citing two passages from the "Brefe Discourse", the first relating to the interruption of Southwell's speech on the scaffold: " ... a minister standinge by sayd unto him: 'Mr. Southwell, you muste explaine yourselfe; for yf your meaninge be accordinge to your Counsel of Trent, it is damnable'. But the people cryed out that he should hould his peace." The second passage probably relates to Mountjoy, who was present at the execution (cf. Letter no. 57b, note 6): "A Protistant lord wished that whensoever he dyed his sowle might goe with his".

LXIV. VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES? Antwerp, 12 October, 1595.

Stonyhurst, Call. M, 942b.

Brief extract by Fr. Grene.

In certaine advices from Antwerp, 12 October, 1595, Mr. Verstegan wryteth thus: One Mr. William Freeman alias Mason, a priest, sometime of Rhems, was martyred att Warwick about the midst of August last. 1

NOTE 1

William Freeman alias Mason, a Yorkshireman and a graduate of Oxford, left England for Rheims at the end of April, 1586, and was ordained there in September, 1587. He returned to England in January, 1589, where he worked as a missionary for six years until his arrest in January, 1595. His trial and condemnation took place 12 August of the same year, and he was martyred the following day (1st and 2nd Douay Diaries; C. R.S., V; Morris, Troubles, iii). He was said to have derived his alias from the suggestion of a "goode ould man" who told him "you shall be called Mason, for that yow are to be a workman and layer of stones in the buildinge of God's Church" (C.R.S., V, p. 347).

246

LXV.

VERSTEGAN TO PERSONS.

Antwerp, c. late 1595.1

Stonyhurst, Anglia II, no. 13, f.67. Holograph. Copy of the first part of the despatch in Fr. Grene's hand, ColI. N . II, no . 2, 4. Printed in Foley, Records S. j., iii, p. 474. Cited in Oliver's Collections S. j., p. 76.

Certaine verses which Fr. Cornelius,2 a priest of the Society of Jesus, did write out of prison to his frend.

Alter ego nisi sis non es mihi verus amicus, Ni mihi sis ut ego, non eris alter ego .

Spernere mundum, spernere nullum; spernere sese; Spernere se sperni: quatuor ista beant.

Christe, tuos, tua, te gratis accepimus ate.

Ergo, meos, mea, me merito nunc exigis a me. 3 He was afterward executed in the West Countrie. They could not get a caldron for any mony to boyle his quarters in, nor no man to quarter him; so he hanged till he was dead, and wa<; buried, beeing cutt in quarters first. 4 This I thought not good to omitt of this martir, not willing to leave oute any thing concerning such holy martirs as may come to my knowlege and is worthy the memory.

I wrote long since into Spaine the manner of Fr. Southwell his apprehension, and particularly how he was tortured by Topclyf. I) It were good that his apprehension, together with his arraignment 6 and death, were printed for the present by it self in the Spanish tongue, as also Fr. Walpole his history when it cometh; and afterward they may be put together in Latin with others the lyke ; and in the meane tyme it would move much to be in the vulgar tongue. 7 Addressed

AI Padre Personio.

Endorsed by Fr. Grene

Verses of Fr. Cornelius the martyr of the Societie of Jesus, 1595.

247

248

LETTERS OF RI CHARD VERSTEGAN

No. LXV

NOTES 1

Grene dated this MS . simply "1595" . From Verstegan's statement that he had written "long since" about Fr. Southwell's martyrdom, this letter (or rather enclosure) would appear to belong to the latter part of 1595.

2

Concerning Fr. Cornelius vid. Letter no. 53, note 1.

3

George Oliver wrote concerning this poem in his Collections on the History of the Catholic Religion in Cornwall, Devon, Dorset, etc ., 1857 (pp . 37-8) : "This learned Catholic writer [VersteganJ thinks that Fr. Cornelius was the author of the following lines which he addressed to a friend from his prison; but the last four were composed long before his time. I found them in a MS . of the reign of our King Henry IV."

4

This does not tally with the account given in Foley (op. cit., iii, p . 472) which states that he was cut down while still alive and that his quarters were placed on four stakes until late evening of the day of execution before they were buried.

5

Verstegan sent Persons a short account of Southwell's martyrdom in his letter of 30 March, 1595 (no. 58), but presumably he also sent him a copy of "A Brefe Discourse" (concerning which vid. Letter no. 63, note 10).

6

MS . "arraigment".

7

An account of Walpole's martyrdom was published by Fr. Joseph Cresswell at Madrid and Saragossa in 1596: Historia de la Vida y Martyrio que padicio en I nglaterra este ano de 1595 el P. Henrique Valpolo, Sacerdote de la Compania de Jesus, que fue embiado die Colegio de los Seminarios de Valladolid, y ha sido el primir martyr de los Seminarios de Spana.

Con el martyrio de otros quatro Sacerdotes, los dos de la misma Compania, y los otros dos Seminarios. A French version was published at Arras the following year. The work included a brief account of the martyrdoms of Cornelius and Southwell, so that Verstegan's desire was at least partly fulfilled .

LXVI.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES. Antwerp, 23 November, 1596.

Arch. S.J. Rome, Anglia 38ii, 201v.

Brief Italian summary by Fr. Grene.

Non e stata grande la persecutione dopo che fu stampato illibro della successione.1

Translation.

The persecution has not been great since the publication of the book on the Succession. l

NOTE lOne of the main objections raised by the Gifford-Paget party and others against the Conference about the Next Succession, which was published about June, 1595, was that it would intensify the persecution of Catholics in England, though it seems not to have done so (d. Francis Englefield's letter on the book in Anglia, II, 21 ; and Fr. Person's observations in Anglia, II, 26). See further L. Hicks, "Fr. Robert Persons and The Book of Succession", Recusant History, vol. 4, no. 3, 1957, section vi of which is devoted to the effects of the book in Rome, Scotland and England.

Misdated 1596 by Grene.

249

LXVII.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES. Antwerp, 10 January, 1597. 1

Arch. S.J . Rome, Anglia 38ii, 200.

Italian extract by Fr. Grene.

Un predicante, essendo incarcerato a York con sospetto che tenesse due mogIie s'e insinuato nella compagnia di signore Erringtono, Gibsono, Knight, Foltrop, Abbot, signora Teshe e signora Maske, incarcerati Ia. per la fede. Desidero di conferire con loro delle cose della fede e d'essere insegnato da loro, e poi accuso tutti sette per havere voluto persuade do di farsi papista. Per questo furono tutti condannati di lesa maesta, e Ii tre primi (cio e Errington, Gibson e Knight) sono gia giustitiati, e morirono con gran costanza; e Ii altri quattro han no differito la morte. 1

Translation.

A preacher, being imprisoned at York under suspicion of bigamy, wheedled his way into the company of Mr. Errington, Mr. Gibson, Mr. Knight, Mr. Foltrop, Mr. Abbot, Mrs. Teshe and Mrs. Maske, imprisoned there for the Faith. He desired to discuss with them matters of faith and to be instructed by them; and then he accused all seven of attempting to persuade him to become a Papist. Because of this, they were all condemned of High Treason and the first three (that is, Harrington, Gibson and Knight) have already been executed, and died with great resolution; and the other four have been condemned to death. 1

NOTE 1

Much the same account is given in "Lady Babthorpe's Recollections" (Morris, Troubles, i, p . 243), except that in her account Henry Abbot was at liberty, but became implicated when the imprisoned Catholics sent the minister to him so that Abbot could find a priest to reconcile him. All seven Catholics were condemned of high treason in accordance with the "Statute of Perswasion". Four of them, George Errington (who had been in prison intermittently since 1585), William Knight, William Gibson and Henry Abbot were executed 29 November, 1596; the two women, Ann Tesh and Bridget Maskew were condemned to be burnt alive, but were reprieved, though they remained imprisoned in York Castle until the end of the reign. I have been unable to learn the fate of the seventh, Foltrop (probably the Fulthrope mentioned in Morris, Ope cit., ii, p. 169). See further Challoner, Memoirs, 1741 ed., pp. 353-6, Foley, Records S . I., iii, v; Morris, Ope cit., p. 462; C.R.S., V, pp. 125-8.

250

LXVIII.

VERSTEGAN TO BA YNES. Antwerp, 21 Feburary, 1597.

Arch. S.]. Rome, Anglia 38ii, 201.

Brief Italian extract by Fr. Grene.

Una lettera scritta da Inghilterra alii 8 di questo dice che ci sia un rumore che il padre Personio e fatto cardinale. La nova non e grata a loro, rna a noi sarebbe, se J:>iacesse a Dio.!

Translation.

A letter written from England the 8th of this month states that there is a rumour that Fr. Persons has been made a cardinal. The news is not pleasing to them, but it would be to us if it so pleased God.!

NOTE 1

Vid. Letter no. 59, note 1.

251

LXIX.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES? Antwerp, 28 February, 1597.

Arch. S. J . Rome, Anglia 38ii, 201.

Italian extract by Fr. Grene.

Un eerto Buekleo, Cambrobritanno, saeerdote e Franeescano, fu preso poca fa in Londra.!

La casa d'un eerto signore Dorrell, gentilhuomo catolico in Sussexia e stata assedata da 50 huomini. Lui con la rnoglie e tutti servitori catolici furono mandati in prigione. Poi si t enne la guardia otto giorni in fila, stirnando che potessero trovare qualque sacerdote, rna non trovorono nissuno. 2

Translation.

A certain Buckley, a Welsh Fransiscan priest, was seized in London a little while ago.!

The house of a certaine Mr. Dorrell, a Catholic gentleman in Sussex was besieged by 50 men. He, his wife and all the Catholic servants were put in prison. Then they kept guard for eight days in succession, thinking that they would find a priest, but they found no one. 2

NOTES 1

Buckley was one of the many aliases of Fr. John Jones, O.S.F. He left England in 1559, and w as ordained at the Franciscan house at Pontoise in France. Afterwards he spent some time at Rome, but at length obtained permission to go to England, arriving in London early in 1592.

He was arrested around February, 1596, and suffered torture and t wo years imprisonment before his trial at th.e King's Bench, Westminster, 3 July, 1598. Inevitably, he was condemned, and was executed on the 12th of the same month. See further Challoner, Memoirs, 1741 ed ., p. 360; Morris, Troubles, ii; C. R.S., V; Gillow, Bibliographical Dictionary; Caraman, J ohn Gerard, pp. 52, 80, 86, 233, 239.

2

The Dorrell referred to was Thomas Darell, wh.o owned Scotney Castle in Sussex, about 46 miles from London. Two large scale searches were made at his h.ouse in 1597, both. apparently in an attempt to capture Fr. Richard B lount S.J. Th.e above letter alludes to th.e first search. carried out by two Justices of th.e Peace, who sent Darell to London under escort, imprisoned his wife in one of the J ustices' houses and the servants in th.e County Jail. They searched the house for over a week, but although Fr. Blount was within at the time, he escaped by a ruse.

The narrative of Blount's two escapes is contained in two MSS. printed in Morris, op. cit., i, pp. 207ff.

252

LXX.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES.

Arch. S.J. Rome, Anglia 38ii, 201v.

Antwerp, 18 April, 1597.

Brief Italian extract b y Fr. Grene.

In cyphra, 18 April, 1597. Padre Gerardi quando Ie ultime lettere furono scritte d'Inghilterra stava molto ammalato e in gran pericolo di morte. 1 Ita scribit si non fallor.

Translation.

In cipher, 18 April, 1597. When the last letters were written from England Fr. Gerard was very ill and in danger of death. 1 He writes thus, if I am not mistaken.

NOTE 1

In June, 1597, the Lieutenant of the Tower, Sir Richard Berkeley, wrote to Cecil; "Geratt, a prisoner in the Tower, being ill and weak, hath importuned me to signify his petition to be allowed to take the air on a wall near his prison. I am told to advertise you of this, being their mouth, as they term me. The man needs physic" (Hatf ield House M SS. , vii, p. 260). Gerard had been transferred to the Tower to be tortured the previous April, and his illness was undoubtedly caused by the ordeal he underwent.

253

LXXI.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES.

Arch. S.J. Rome, A nglia 38ii, 201v.

Antwerp, 23 May, 1597.

Italian extracts by Fr. Grene.

Padre Giovanni Gerardi sta sempre nella torre. E stato tormentato due 0 tre volte &c. 1 I carceri so no pieni di catolici, e novi vengono pero ogni giorno ... E probabile e quasi indubitato che Cecilio il sacerdote 2 e Sacheverell il frate 3 stanno ambidue in Inghilterra sotto protettione di a1cuni grandi, e lor danno quella intelligenza che hanno imparato fuor dell' Inghilterra ...

T ranslation.

Fr. John Gerard is still in the Tower. He has been tortured two or three times1 etc. The prisons are full of Catholics, but, nevertheless, more arrive every day ... It is probable and almost certain that the priest Cecil2 and Sacheverell the friar 3 are both in England under the protection of certain noblemen, to whom they give informat ion which they have learnt outside England . . . .

254

No. LXXI

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

255

NOTES 1

Gerard gives some idea of the torture he suffered in the Tower in his autobiography (Caraman, op. cit., pp. 104fÂŁ.) . He was racked on two occasions in April, 1597, and would have been a third time but that when he was taken to the torture chamber he was found to be so resolute that his examiners decided against it (vid. Garnet's letter of 7 May, 1597, quoted in Caraman, op. cit., p. 115) .

2

This was the notorious spy John Cecil alias John Snowden (1558-1626).

He was educated at Oxford and then left England for the Rheims seminary in August, 1583. The following year he went to Rome, where he was later ordained, and became Latin Secretary to Cardinal Allen for a short time, 1587-8. Afterwards he went to Valladolid, and thence returned to England in 1591 . Having before that time entered into a secret correspondence with Walsingham he now became a government informer, furnishing reports on Catholic activities from wherever he happened to be. He seems to have taken in most Catholics, including Persons for a time, and later the Appellants. He was even said to have obtained the degree of D.D. at Paris University. See further State Papers and Hatfield House MSS. for the period; 1st and 2nd Douay Diaries; Foley, Records S. j., vi; C. R.S., V, etc. There is a useful though extremely incomplete biography of him in D.N.B., Supplement 1, p. 403.

3

The Dominican friar, John Sacheverell, the elder son of Henry Sacheverell of Kibworth, Leicestershire. He had left England for Rheims in November 1588, and then travelled to Rome in May, 1590, where he entered the English College there (1st and 2nd Douay Diaries; C.R.S., xxxvii, p. 77; G. Anstruther, A Hundred Homeless Years, 1958, pp . 22-3). There is a scathing assessment of Sacheverell in Persons's "An observation of certayne aparent judgments of Almightye God . . . " which he wrote in December, 1598 (C.R.S., II, p. 208): " ... the unruly Fryar Sacheverell, the boldest and most violente actour of all the reste to the Pope, cardinals and other great menn for the seditiouse in Rome, was taken himselfe in God's juste judgmente in vitiouse deameanoure, and being for the same firste put in prison by the secular magistrate and afterwardes punished also by the religiouse of his owne order in Rome, and then confined for his further prison and punishment to the cittie of Vitterbo, hee fledd from thence in Englande, and is now an apostata." Sacheverell later amended, and redeemed his reputation.

T

LXXII.

FR. RICHARD WALPOLEl TO VERSTEGAN. Seville, 10 August, 1597.

P.R.O., S.P. Dam. Eliz., Vol. 264, no. 79, ÂŁ.172. Holograph. Printed in Foley, Records S . J., ii, pp. 257-8. Summary in Cal. S .P. Dam. 1595-97, p. 488.

The letter was intercepted and fell into the hands of the English Government.

Good Mr. Vesteigane, with one of yours for me of the Ilth2 of Aprill came another yesterday for Father Pineda,3 wherein you certifie him in what state his laminaes 4 be in. He is now well forewarde in the imprintinge of his booke, and shall consequentlie have nee[dJ of what you have dispatched in all haste. If all three be done, he craveth 5 they may be sente presentlie; if onelie the first be done, that they other be let alone, and that sent without expecting the tytle and name of the authour, which here shalbe added.

The onelie thinge which he most desyreth is speedy dispatch, not being a litle afflicted with soe longe delaie, thankinge you, not with standing, most hartely for your paines; who, in truth, had reason to thinke noe such hast shold be necessarie, he havinge signifyed his wante of letteres and desyre to fynde them there, but after met with very good comodity in these partes.

Wee thanke you all for your diligeance in buyinge those bookes sent for by Father Peralta6 which we expecte daylie, and hereafter shall have occasione to trouble you much more in that kinde for this colledge in Civill, which yet is unfurnished of a library-the onelie and chiefest wante it hath. 7 And soe, for this tyme Our Lorde be with you.

Sivill this 10 of Auguste, 1597, Yours, Richard Walpole.

El titulo ha deser este repartido como mejor a Vuestra Merced paresca.

IOANNIS DE PINEDA SOCIETATIS IESU. Commentariorum in Job, libri tredecim adiecta singulis capitibus sua paraphrasi que a Longious commentarii summam continet.

El nombre del impresor quede enblanco:

Addressed

Hispali excudebat. 8

A Richardo Verstegan que vive a l'Anvers.

Endorsed by Phelippes?

Papered seal with letters

1597, 10 August.

It

I. H.S." 256

Lettere from Walpole.

No. LXXn

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

257

NOTES 1

Fr. Richard Walpole S.J. (1565-1607) was a brother of Henry Walpole.

He entered the English College, Rome, in April, 1585, and was ordained priest there in December, 1589, and then went to the newly founded college at Valladolid . He soon entered the Society, and became Prefect of Studies at Seville and later at Valladolid. In 1598 he was falsely implicated in the absurd Squire plot to poison Elizabeth's saddle and the Earl of Essex's chair (see further A. Jessopp, One Generation of a Norfolk House; A . J . Loomie, SPain and the English Catholic Exiles, Ph.D. thesis, London, 1957, pp. 389-95, section headed "Squire Plot Publications"). There is a biography of Richard Walpole in Foley, op. cit., ii, pp. 235ff.

2

Foley, lac. cit. reads "18th."

8

Fr. Juan de Pineda (1558-1637) held the post of Provost of the Professed House at Seville.

4

Foley, lac. cit., reads "seminaries". "Lamina" is the Spanish for an "engraving", and as appears from the above letter, Verstegan was executing three for Pineda's Commentariorum in Job. This is valuable confirmatory evidence of Verstegan's being an engraver. There are, in all, five copperplate engravings by Verstegan in the work, two in volume one, including the title-page, and three in volume two. (I intend to discuss these further in a forthcoming book on Verstegan).

5

Foley reads "requireth".

6

Foley reads "Penalty". Fr. Francisco de Peralta, S.J. (1554-1622) was Rector of the college at Seville (vid. C.R.S., xiv, p. 7).

7

Verstegan had sent a few books to Seville in October, 1593 (vid. Letter no. 43).

8

These are Pineda's instructions for the engraving of the title-page of his book, and are possibly written in his hand. The work was published at Madrid in two volumes (1597-1601) with much the same title as giv en above (vid. C. Sommervogel, Bibliotheque, vi, p. 796). A second edition was printed at Cologne in 1602 (vol. 2) and 1605 (vol. 1). This included the same Verstegan engraving-s as the first edition ,

LXXIII.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES. Antwerp, 22 August, 1597.

Arch. S.J. Rome, Anglia 38ii, 201v.

Brief Italian extract by Fr. Grene.

Li amici nostri cominciano a lamentarsi che padre Personio mostra tanto mala voglia per essere cardinale. 1 &c.

Translation.

Our friends begin to lament that Fr. Persons shows such a great dislike of being made a cardinal1 etc.

NOTE 1

Cf. Letters nos. 59, 68.

LXXIV.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES. Antwerp, 10 October, 1597.

Arch. S.J. Rome, Anglia 38ii, 201v.

Brief Latin summary by Fr. Grene.

Conqueritur de sua penuria, quod quae promissa sunt a rege non solvantur.

Translation.

He complains of his poverty, because what was promised by the King has not been paid.

258

LXXV.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES. Antwerp, 24 October, 1597.

Arch. S.J. Rome, AngUa 38ii, 201.

Italian extracts by Fr. Grene.

Un gentilhuomo inglese d.i bona qualita in Brusselles protesto che in spatio d.i 8 giomi non have sse saggiato un boccone d.i carne e che non havesse bevuto altro che acqua. Ha, nondimeno, una bona pensione dal re di Spagna-se si pagasse.

In una altera inclusa dice cosi: Signore Tomaso Writo altre volte giesuita, essendo in prigione, ha convertito un certo Alabastro, capellano del conte di Essexia. 1 L'apostata Bell e morto. 2 Translation.

A gentleman of high birth in Brussels has declared that in the space of eight days he has not tasted a morsel of meat, and that he has not drunk anything but water. He has nevertheless a good pension from the King of Spain-if it were paid.

In another letter enclosed he writes as follows: Mr. Thomas Wright, formerly a Jesuit, being in prison, has converted a certain Alabaster, chaplain to the Earl of Essex. 1 The apostate Bell is dead. 2

259

260

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. LXXV

NOTES 1

Cf. Garnet's letter to Persons, 8 October, 1597 (Coll. P . I, 548, printed in Gerard, Contribution s towards a Life of Fr. Garnet, p. 46): "Mr. Thomas Wright hath converted one Alabaster, a famous man of Cambridge" Cf. Hatfield House MSS., vii, 474; viii, 394, 395.

There is a useful biography of Wright by T. A. Stroud, "Father Thomas Wright: a test case for toleration", Biographical Studies, vol. 1, no. 3, pp. 189ff., so that there is no need to give more than a brief summary of his activities before 1597. He was born in 1561, fled to Douay in 1577, and went on to Rome the following year. In 1580 he entered the Society being ordained in 1586. He returned to England in 1595 and soon managed to obtain Essex's patronage, but this was not sufficient to prevent his imprisonment in September, 1597, for disputing with Anglican clergy.

William Alabaster (1568-1640). a poet of considerable merit who wrote some very fine sonnets, was a Protestant divine who had been Essex's chaplain on the expedition to Cadiz in June, 1596, and while in Spain became attracted to the Catholic Faith. On returning to England, he was rewarded with the rectory of Landulphe in Cornwall, but he suddenly became converted, partly on account of his talks with Wright, with whom he disputed, and partly through his reading of William Rainolds's A Treatise conteyning the true Catholike and Apostolike Faith. Alabaster twice recanted and twice returned to the Faith before he finally chose Protestantism and a comfortable living as parson of St. Dunstan's-inthe-West. See further J. Pollen, "William Alabaster, a newly discovered Catholic Poet of the Elizabethan Age", Month, cii, 1904, pp. 427ff.; L. Guiney, Recusant Poets, 1938, pp. 335-7.

2

Thomas Bell, concerning whom vid. Letter no. 12, note 8. Verstegan was misinformed about his death, since Bell lived until 1610, the year in which he published the last of his anti-Catholic tracts.

LXXVI.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES. Antwerp, 7 November, 1597.

Arch. S.J . Rome, Anglia 38ii, 201.

Italian extract by Fr. Grene.

Padre Giovanni Gerardi et un certo signore Arden essendo condannati a morte dieci anni sono, sono scapati di prigione per mezzo di una corda, col consenso del guardiano (come si crede), il quale e anche fugito.1

Translation.

Fr. John Gerard and a certain Mr. Arden, who has been under sentence of death for ten years, have escaped from prison by means of a rope, with the consent of the jailor (as it is thought) who has also fled. 1

NOTE 1

Cf. Garnet's letter of 8 October, 1597 (Call. p. 548, printed in Gerard, Contributions towards a Life of Fr. Garnet, p. 46) . An account of Gerard's breathtaking escape (4 October, 1597) with the aid of a rope (St. Paul-wise) is recounted by Gerard himself (Caraman, op. cit., pp. 128ff.). See also Hatfield House MSS., vii, pp. 417-8, which contains the report of Sir John Peyton, Lieutenant of the Tower, to the Privy Council, 5 October, 1597: "This night there are escaped out of the Tower, viz. John Arden and John Garret. Their escape was made very little before day, for on going to Arden's chamber in the morning, I found the ink in his pen very fresh. The manner of their escape was thus. The gaoler, one Bonner, conveyed Garret into Arden's chamber when he brought up the keys, and out of Arden's chamber by a long rope tied over the ditch to a post they slid down upon the Tower wharf. This Bonner is also gone this morning at the opening of the gates . . . I have sent hue and cry to Gravesend and to the Major of London for a search to be made in London and in all the liberties."

Gerard arranged for the gaoler's escape, and provided an annuity for him and his family. Bonner became a Catholic shortly afterwards (Caraman, op. cit., pp. 137-8) .

Arden, Gerard's fellow fugitive, was a Northants gentleman from Evenley who had been condemned for alleged complicity in the Babington plot (id. pp. 239-40).

261

LXXVII.

VERSTEGAN TO BAYNES.

Arch. S.}. Rome, AngUa 38ii, 201v.

Antwerp, 1597 ?

Brief Latin summary by Fr. Grene.

Rogerio Banesio scribit in cyphra de unanimi desiderio omnium catholicorum bonorum ut promoveatur ad cardinalatum pater Personius (uti arbitror quia eius nomen scriptum est in cYPhra).l Translation.

He writes to Roger Baynes in cipher concerning the unanimous wish of all good Catholics that Fr. Persons (as I think, because his name is written in cipher) should be elevated to the cardinalate.1

NOTE 1

Cf. Letters nos. 59, 68, 73.

262

LXXVIII.

VERSTEGAN TO JOHN COLVILLE.l Antwerp? 22 October, 1603.

B.M. Cotton, Cal. E. X. f.307.

Contemporary copy.2

[Very] Woorshipfull, being to ... but inclose in this paket with ... [wi]th all. Here is no any newes worth the wryting ... [A]rch Duk is now in Bolduk, quhaire the toun hath [hope ?] to receave a strong garisonn; and so the enemyes may put up their pipis quhen they will and be packing-which is now dayly expected. 3 The Marquis Spinola hath the whole command at Ostend, and taketh such ane course as I hope the toune within afew monethis will be out of those rebells' hands. 4 Of the great mortallatie of Ingland I consieve you here; and by that occasioun both Terme and Parlament ar defered. 5 When you wryte upoun occasion to those parteis, I pray you let me also understand wheder the Jesuits be come to Paris to the College.

I weane not, for there I thinke thay be not come, but to there Scala Projecto 6 a la Rue St. Antwyne. I pray you let me understand whether Mr. Constable and his man J ohne Longworthe be yet in France, or returned to Ingland;7 as also wher Johne Snoden8 is.

I wold be glaid to heir all there well doings.

Doctour Cecill, Mr. Tempest and Mr. Wellson ar still prisoners in the Clink at Londun. 9 They threten to complan upon the ArchpreistlO because he sendes them no money. Doctour Gifert hath ben in England, and is returned to Lyle I think as wyse as he went.n Mor I have [not] but to leave you to God's [mercy?] this 22 of October. Yours, R. Vestegan. l2 Addressed

A Monsier Colveill, Gentil[homme] EcosW'ayes, a Paris.

263

264

LETTER S OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

No. LXXVm

N OTES 1

John Colville was a Scottish political intriguer wbo had maintained a secret correspondence with the English government, informing them of Scottish and Catholic affairs. Towards the end of tbe centur y he fell on hard t imes, and in 1599 was in London offering his services in vain to R obert Cecil. In February of the following year he withdrew t o Paris, where he soon made show of renouncing Protestantism for the Catholic F aitb, and as part of his demonstration be went on a pilgrimage to Rome and wrote a palinode. He was able to convince a number of Catholics (including Verstegan, apparently) of his sincerity, but nevertheless continued his correspondence with the English government. An edition of Colville's letters with a biographical introduction was published

by D . Laing for the Bannatyne Club, 1858; there is also an article on him in D . N .B ., vol. 11 , p . 420 .

2

The volume in whicb this letter is contained, together with many others in the Cotton collection, was severely damaged in 1731 by the fire at Ashburnham House, where the collection was housed . As a consequence the top part of the letter was badly cbarred. Obliterated passages are denoted by dots, and conjectural restorations by square brackets .

The copyist of tbis letter appears to have been a Scotsman, to judge from the peculiarly Scottish spellings of a number of the words, but the hand is certainly not Colville's.

3

On the arrival of the Archduke Albert (Governor of the Spanish Netherlands since 1596) with his troops into Bois Ie duc (Hertogenbosch) early in October, 1603, Maurice of Nassau withdrew from the neighbourhood with his troops (A . Van Meerbeeck, Chroniicke, pp. 1031 -3) .

,

The Marquis Ambrose Spinola, a Genoese, was made commander of the forces besieging Ostend late in September, 1603, and assumed command 9 October. Although he was an inexperienced soldier, he acbieved considerable success in his campaign, and in the September following effected the capture of Ostend, which had been held by the Dutch for a considerable time. See further Van Meerbeecke, op . cit., pp. 1032, 1049ff. ; Grotius, Annales, 1647 ed. pp. 443fÂŁ., 450ff.

5

The Term was adjourned on account of the plague by a proclamation of 16 September, 1603, and was moved to Winchester by another proclamation issued on tbe 18th of the following month.

That Parliament was deferred because of the plague appears from the proclamation of 11 January, 1604 summoning Parliament, in which James states that he would have summoned it much sooner' 'if the infection reigning in the city of London and other places in the kingdom would have permitted the concourse of so great a multitude into one place" (Strype, Annals, iv, p. 536) .

e This is presumably a copyist's error for "casa professa".

After the attempt on Henry IV's life by Jean Chatel at the end of 1594, the Jesuits, who were wrongly accused of repsonsibility for the act, were by a decree of the Parlement of Paris ordered to leave those districts of France which were subject to the Parlement. It was not until eight years later, at the beginning of September, 1603, that Henry, at the earnest plea of the Pope and others, gave permission for their readmission.

7

For a biography of Constable vid. G. Wickes, "Henry Constable, Poet and Courtier, 1562-1613", B i ographical Studies, vol. 2, no. 4, pp. 272-300.

On the accession of James, Constable, a Catholic exile in France, decided

No. LXXVllI

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

265

to return to England, and wrote to the King and to Robert Cecil in June, 1603, for leave to do so . Permission was a long time in coming, and it was not until the end of the year that he was able to return (Wickes, op. cit., p . 287). Wickes's article makes no mention of Longworth.

8

Verstegan seems to be unaware of the fact that this was the pseudonym of John Cecil (vid. Letter no. 71, note 2) who, as Verstegan himself states later in the above letter, was in the Clink at this time.

9

Cecil left France for England in June, 1603, claiming, when apprehended on landing at Gravesend, that he had been sent by the English ambassador in France, Sir Thomas Parry, with a message for James (Bancroft to James, 25 June, 1603 (Cal. Dom. James, 1603-10, p. 17). He was imprisoned first in the Tower, from where he tried to send a message to Robert Cecil (id., p . 35). He may have been transferred to the Clink about the end of August. (For other references vid. Hatfield House MSS., xv, pp. 170, 227.)¡ Tempest was undoubtedly Edward Tempest, one of the Appellant party, who had been in the midst of the student agitation at the English College, Rome, between 1595 and 1597. He was imprisoned in the Clink in January, 1599 (Foley, vi, p. 182), and then transferred to Wisbech whence, according to Garnet's letter to Persons, 16 March, 1600, Coll.

P . 595 (reference kindly provided by Fr. L. Hicks, S.].), he escaped .

The exact date of his recapture prior to the imprisonment mentioned in Verstegan's letter is uncertain .

The Wellson referred to is probably the same person as William Wilson of Chester (born 1571) who is listed in the college registers of Valladolid (C.R.S., XXX, p. 15) and Seville (C . R .S ., XIV, p . 17), and likewise probably the same as the Welson alluded to in Robert Fisher's letter to Christopher Bagshaw, c. 1597 or 1598 in Dominicana, C.R.S., XXV, p .

246: "Mr. Welson came from Spaine of late and is knowne to be a spie" .

(I am grateful to Fr. Basil F itzGibbon, S.J .J for these references.)

10

George Blackwell.

MS . " Archpriests".

11

William Gifford (1558-1629), Dean of Lisle, later Archbishop of Rheims, was instructed by the Papal uncio in the Low Countries in July, 1603, to go to England "to endeavour to compose all remaining differences amongst the English Catholics", and to assure the King through the Queen that the Pope would use his influence to "call out of his kingdom all those whom His Majesty may reasonably judge to be noxious to himself and his state" (Hatfield House MSS., xv, p. 206; the original Latin text is printed in Tierney-Dodd, Church History of England, iv, appendix, pp. lxff.).

On his arrival Gifford was imprisoned for a short time in the Clink, and then ordered to depart the realm as quickly as possible (S.P. Dom. James, vol. III, no. 22, dated 11 August, 1603). It is interesting to compare Verstegan's comment on Gifford's journey with that in the letter sent to Hugh Owen by his brother (copy in Hatfield House lVISS ., xv, pp. 293-4) : "I marvel that Dr. Gyfford had no better welcome for his good services, such as is wont to be the recompense of such travails.

He shall not lose all if that voyage make him wiser ... "

12

Mistranscribed by copyist "R. Verstegas".

LXXIX.

VERSTEGAN TO SIR ROBERT COTTON.!

Antwerp, 15 June, 1609.

B.M. Cotton, Jul., C. III, f, 376. Holograph. Printed by H. Ellis in Original Letters oj Eminent Literary Men, Camden Soc., Vol. 23, 1843, pp. 107-8 ; and by E. Rombauts in Richard Verstegan, 1933, p. 327.

Honorable Sir, albeit not knowing your person, yet well acquainted with your woorthynesse, I could not omitt to wryte unto you these few lynes in regard to the due respect I ow you.

Your courteous comendations were long since delivered mee by one that came hether from England,2 and sooner had I thanked you for them if sooner I had had so good an oportunitie to send unto you.

For my book of our nation's antiquities 3 I continew to gather such notes as I deem convenient, intending, if I can understand it wilbe grate full once more to be committed to the presse, to set foorth with augmentation.

I send you heerwith the toung of a fish which tyme hath converted into a stone, whereof in the fowrth chapter of my book I do mak mention. 4 The fish is called an Arder. These tounges are found in clay that is heer-abouts digged for the making of pottes, but the fish is not found nerer unto Brabant then the Isles of Zealand.

Thus wishing the occasion to yeild more proof of my good will to serve you then the sending you so woorthlesse a token, in all assurance of my redynesse thereunto, I recomend mee unto you from Antwerp, the 15 of June, stilo novo, 1609.

Yours in verie true affection, Richard Verstegan.

266

No. LXXIX

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

267

NOTES 1

This is of course Sir Robert Cotton the great collector and antiquarian (1571-1631) .

2

The carrier of the letter may have been John Chandler (vid. my thesis, p. 288).

3

Verstegan's very scholarly work A Restitution of Decayed I ntelligence in A ntiquities concerning the most noble and renowmed English Nation was printed at Antwerp by Robert Bruney in 1605, and was sold in London at St. Paul's Churchyard by John Norton and John Bill. Although there were five subsequent editions of the book, two of them in Verstegan's lifetime (1628 and 1634), they were simply reprinted from the first edition without any augmentation. Verstegan did write another antiquarian work, however, Nederlantsche Antiquiteyten, which first appeared in 1613, but a large part of it is based on A Restitution. For a discussion of these two books vid. my thesis, pp. 308-13, 406-51 ; and for a bibliography, id. pp. xvii-xix, xxi-xxiii.

4

Vid. p. 105 (1605 edition): " ... potters woorking their clay, which is gotten in some espetial places, do fynd in it certain things which are as hard as stone and of the very forme and shape of the toungs of some sortes of fishes, each with the root unto it to make it the very markable and right proportion of such a kind of toung in all respects, some being more then two inches long, and some lesse then one inche. And they that thus fynd them do not otherwise call them but the toungs of fishes, which beeing so, and turned into very hard stone, is a strange thing in nature, but the lesse strange because nature in her conversions of other su bstances into stone is often seen to woork the lyk."

LXXX.

VERSTEGAN TO SIR ROBERT COTTON. Antwerp, 6 October, 1617.

R.M . Cotton, Jul., C. III, ÂŁ.377.

Holograph.

Printed by E. Rombauts in

Richard Verstegan, p . 328.

Honorable Sir, Albeit I once wrote unto you and never heard from you, yet would I not omitt by this gentleman (who I understand to be a neighbour of yours)l once more to wryte unto you in regard of the honor and love which your vertues do deserve, they beeing better known unto mee then your person.

This gentleman hath told mee of some rare curiosities of yours which are of much woorth, and happely lighted in those hands where, according to their woor[th],2 they remayn est emed. And albeit my self am farr[e] behynd you in the possession of such woorthie treasur[es] , among other thinges of smaller value, one thing I have lighted upon which I hold to be rare, and that is a catalogue of the books conteyned in the liberarie of the Emperor of Abissinia, vulgar [ly] and corruptly called Prestor John.

I had also in my custodie for certayn monethes toge[ther] a great number of King Henrie the Eight's letters, as well of his own as of his counselors and ambass[adors] in forreyn partes-not the copies. but the verie origi[nals] themselves, which, having bin red, had bin layd [by?] and reserved.

I also lighted upon a chronicle in written hand begining with the beginning of the breach between K[ing] Henrie the Eight and his first wyf, and continuing unto the first yeare of the raigne of Queen M[aryJ. It is written in the Spanish tongue, and was wr[itten] by a Spanish gentleman that lyved in England a[t ?] that tyme . In which letters aforesayd and in th[e] written historie manie secrets are discovered w[hereof] ? our late wryters have no notice; and I tho[ught] good to give you notice heerof, to the end you might know that such thinges belonging to our [own ?] historie are yet in e[xistence?] . . . 3 I have by some frendes bin moved to a second edition of my Restitution of Decayed I ntelligence, whereunto, if I proced, I do intend, besydes the enlarging it in manie places, to ad one whole chapter about the ancient manner of surnames, both of Englishmen and of other nations, as also to shew the severall customes both anciently and modernly used in sundrie countries about use of surnames. 4 But before I proceed in this matter, I would be glad to understand if it were lykely to be gratefully accepted of, or whether it were better to stay a whyle un till the first edition were mo[re] dispersed.

268

No. LXXX

LETTERS OF RICHARD VERSTEGAN

269

I have written this letter according to my present leasure, and so, praying you to excuse my hasti[eJ scribling and blotting, S I take my leave, remayning in all redines at your service. In my best endevours, Yours verie assured, Richard Verstegan.

Antwerp, 6 Octobris, 1617, stilo novo.

NOTES 1

Who this gentleman was does not appear.

2

Words and letters in brackets have been obliterated by the crumbling of the edge of the paper.

3

The rest of this line is obliterated.

4

Vid. previous letter, note 3.

o Verstegan made five corrections on the last page of the letter.

INDEX

u

INDEX Abercromby, Robert, S.J., 108, 112 Acliffe, Richard, 61 Acts of Parliament ; against Catholics 1, 17, 25, 121-6, 128, 150-1, 153, 155, 157, 187-8; relief of soldiers, 130, 132; passed in 1593, 159-62 A dvertisement written to a Secretarie, 188 Alabaster, William, 259, 260 Alison, Richard; see, Plaine Confutation Allen William (Cardinal), xix, xxiv, 56,91, 101, 102, 200, 255; in proclamation, 34, 35; nephew, 74; death, 231; see, Briefe Historie, True, Sincere and Modest Defence, Yeelding up of the Citie of Daventrie Amurath of Turkey, 230 Anderson, Sir Edmund, 146-8 Andreas Philopater, 89 Angus, Earl of (William Douglas), 108, 112 Anne of Denmark; rumoured conversion, 196, 197; son, 209 A nswere to a Certaine Libel Supplicatorie, 199, 120, 141, 187, 188 Antonio, Don, of Portugal, 12, 30, 239, 240 A pology against the Defence of Schisme, 114, 116 Aquaviva, Claudius, S.J., xx, 219, 221, 225 Aquisgraen (Aachan), 190, 191 Archer, James, S.J., 87, 91 Arden, John, 261 Array, Martin, and Babington Plot, 4, 22 Arthington, - , 87, 90 Arundel, Anne, Countess of, 18, 22 Arundel, Sir Charles, 204, 207 Arundel, Earl of (Philip Howard), 10, 18, 28-9 Ashton, Roger, 55-6, 57, 68, 167 Atslowe, Edward, 101, 102, 104, 207 Aylmer, John, Bishop of London, 205, 307 Babington Plot, 3, 19-21 Babylon, 142, 143 Baker, a spy, 1, 17 Baldwin, William, S.J., 225-6, 228 Ballard, John, and Babington Plot, 3-4, 22, 29

Bancroft, Richard, Archbishop of Canterbury, 119, 120; see, Survayof the Pretended Holy Discipline Band (Scotland), 109-11, 112-3 Bandits (Papal States), 72, 74 Barcroft, Thomas, 64, 65 Barlemont, Count, 101-2 Barnes, a justice, 67 Barret, Dr. Richard, 236 Barrow, Henry, Brownist, 132, 144-6, 148-9, 151 Bathori, Sigismund, Prince of Transylvania, 240 Bayles, Christopher, 9, 27 Baynes, Roger, xix, xx, xxii, 89 Beale, Robert, 68, 70 Bede, Saint, 134, 138 Beesley, George, 3, 9, 19 Bell, Thomas, apostate priest, 81, 259, 260; Garnet's reply to, 114, 116 Bellamy family, 51-4, 57, 67; Anne, 54, 70; Richard, 155, 157 Bennet, William, 10, 28-9 Berden, Nicholas (Thomas Rogers), 1, 17, 24, 26 Beza, Theodore, 134-5, 139, 141 Biellet, Arthur, 145, 147, 149 Bird, James, 23 Biron, Marshal; death, 63, 65 Bisley, Reinold, 75, 77 Blackwell, George, Archpriest, 263, 265 Blaye, 163, 166 Blount, Richard, S.J., 252 Boast (Boste), John, 210 Bodley, Thomas, 204, 207 Bolt, John, 213 Boroughs, Lord Thomas, 130, 132, 152, 164, 167, 174-5 Bosgrave, Thomas, 213 Bothwell, Earl of, 60, 62, 193, 194, 195 Boules (Bowles, Bull), Robert, Brownist, 132, 145, 148 Bowes, Marmaduke, 28 Bowes, Robert, 112, 197 Braddocks, 213 Bridewell, priests in, 27 Brefe Discourse (Southwell), 245, 248 Brief Discoverie of the False Church, 144, 148 Briefe Apology, 38 Briefe History, 18 Brittany, 75, 86; Spanish fleet, 200

273

274

INDEX

Browne, Charles, 220, 221 Brownell, Gratian, 101, 103 Brownists, 114, 117, 130-3, 151; indictment, 144-7; to Holland, 177, 180 Bruges, 203, 206 Buckhurst, Lord, 75, 77 Bunny, Edmund, 187-8 Burgh, Sir John, 163,166; death, 174-5 Burgbley, Lord (William Cecil), xxx, xxxi, 59, 79, 118, 133, 134, 235; Babington Plot, 3, 19-20; unloved, 12; attack on, 14-16; illnesses (1591), 34-5, 37, (1593), 101-2, 104, 107, 115, 126, 193-4, 208; Cecillian Inquisition, 39, 42; dictator, 40, 43; ancestry, 40, 43; plague (1592), 75, 77; Essex, 174-5 Buzeline, Andrew, xxiii Caetani, Cardinal Eurico, 234, 236 Cahill, Hugh, 101, 102-3 Calvin, John, 134-5 Cambrai, surrender of,1 98, 200; siege, 238, 240 Cambridge, Grey Friars, 159, 161 Carey, John, 213 Caron, Noel de, 176, 179 Cavendish, Captain Thomas, 126, 128, 150, 153 Cecil, John (John Snowden), apostate spy, 255, 263, 265 Cecil, Robert (later Sir), 32, 59, 118, 126, 174-5, 206, 208; Essex, 62; Secretary, 242, 244, 265 Cecil, Thomas (eldest son of Burleigh), 32, 129, 130 Cecil, Sir William, see "Burghley" Cecil, William (son of Thomas), 40, 43; rumoured elopement (wrongly named John), 126, 129, 130, 132-3; marriage, 151 Channel Isles, 164, 167 Chisholm, Sir James, 108, 112 Clapton, Grace, 210 Clitherow, Margaret, 28 Cocke (Cox), Captain, 126, 128, 150 Coke, Sir Edward, 44, 208 Colford, Gabriel, 155, 157 Colville, John, xx, 263, 264 Conference about the Next Succession, 32, 118, 244, 249 Conferences . . . betwixt certaine Preachers, 148 Constable, Henry, 263, 264 Copley, John, 225 Coppinger, Edmund, 87, 90 Cornelius, John, S.J., 212-3, 248; verses, 247

Cotton, Sir Robert, 266, 267 Covert, Thomas, xxi, 40, 44 Cowell, Dr. John, 177, 180 Creagh, Richard, Bishop of Armagh; poisoned ?, 3, 20 Cresswell, Joseph, S.J., xix, xxiv, 88, 91, 143, 187, 248 Cumberland, Earl of (George Clifford) 126, 128, 189, 234, 235, 239 Curle (Curll), Gilbert; Mary, Queen of Scots, 3, 21 Dacre, Lord, 2; family, 18 Darell, Thomas, 252 Davies, William, 164, 167 Dawbney, Thomas, 115, 118 De Catholica Orthodoxa, 117 Declaration of the True Causes, xxviii, 29-33, passim, 43, 115, 118 De Imitatione Cht'isti, 187, 188 Derby, Earl of (Henry Stanley); death, 193-4 Derbyshire, Father, 206 De Schismate Anglicana, 134, 138 Deventer, 55-6, 57 Discourse of the usage of the English Fugitives, 221 Dover Harbour, 176, 179 Drake, Sir Francis, 30, 104, 106, 126, 224, 227, 229, 242-3, 245 Drury, Elizabeth, 129, 132, 151 Dryland, Christopher, 28 Dunkirk, 130, 132 Edmondes, Thomas, 181, 235 Egerton, Sir Thomas, 43 Elizabeth I; succession, 14, 32, 118, 244,249; Topcliffe, 97, 98; anecdote 99; plots against, 153, 240, 257; Henry of Navarre, 182, 184 Emden, Count Edward of, 176, 179 Emerson, Ralph, 215 Englefield, Sir Francis, xvili-ix, 25, 63, 65; estates, 155, 157, 159 Ernest, Archduke, 189, 191, 198,201, 203, 221 Errington, George, 250 Errol, Earl of (Francis Hay), 108, 112 Essex, Earl of (Robert Devereux), 58-9, 61-2, 116, 118, 177, 179, 206-7, 240, 244; Privy Councillor, 114-5, 126; and Cecils, 174-5; Lopez, 208 Estate of English Fugitives, 132 Falkner, John, 68-9, 70 Fioravante, Father, 236 First Booke of the Christian Exercise, 187, 188

INDEX

Fitzherbert, Thomas (later S. J .), 135-6, 139, 198, 200 Fitzherbert, Sir Thomas, 6, 25; nephew, Thomas, 6, 25, 67, 70 Fleetwood, William, Recorder of London, 40, 44 Fletcher, Richard, Bishop of Bristol, later of London, 55-6, 57; marriage, 223, 226, 228 Foltrop, - , 250 Fox, Nicholas (Hales, Haley), 42-3, 49 France, 163, 166, 233; see, Brittany, Henry of Navarre, Norris, Sir Cohn Francesco, Jacques, xxi Frank, John, 215 Freeman, William (Mason), 246 Fuentes, Count de, 87, 90, 203, 221, 238, 240 Fulwood, Richard, 213

Garlick, 69, 71 Garnet, Henry, S.J., xvii; see, A pology against the Defence of Schisme Garnet, Thomas, of York, 223, 225-6 Gennings, Edmund, 39, 42, 45, 47 Gerard, Alexander, 18 Gerard, John, S.J., xviii, 26, 213; capture, 214-8; illness in Tower, 253-5; escape, 261; mistaken identity, 1, 18 Gerard, Miles, 28 Gerard, Sir Thomas, 10, 28-9 Gertruydenberg, 114-6, 155, 158 Geuzen (beggars), 190-1 Gibson, William, 250 Gifford, Gilbert, and Babington Plot, 3-4, 20-1 Gifford, William, 231; in England, 263, 265 Gilpin, George, 204, 207 Gordon, James, S.J., 108, 112 Gordon, Patrick, 108, 112 Graham, David, 108, 113 Greenwood, John, Brownist, 132, 144-6, 148, 151 Gregory XIV, Pope, 34, 35, 37 Grey, Robert, 39, 42-3, 45, 47, 49 Guise, Duke of, 176, 177, 179

Hacket, William, 2, 19, 87, 90, 135 Hamilton, Lord, 195 Hardesty, William, apostate priest, 55-6, 58 Harpsfield, Nicholas, 134, 138; see, P.retended Historia Anglicana, Divorce

275

Harward (Harwood), Edmund, S.J., 1234, 237 Haselwood, Henry: death, 87, 91, 100 Hasnet, John, xxiii Hatton, Sir Christopher; death, 34, 35, 37; successor, 40, 43,; 105 Heneage, Sir Thomas, 57 61 Henry VIII; letters, 268 Henry of Navarre (Henry IV), 12,30, 63,65, 177, 191, 192-4, 198,200,242, 244; change of religion, 101 -2, 155, 158, 163-4, 166, 176; and Elizabeth, 182, 184; attempted assassinations of, 198, 200, 264, ; and Holland, 203, 206; absolution, 238, 240 Hesket (Hesketh), Thomas, 72, 74 Hesketh, Richard, 200, 203 H istoria A nglicana, 138 Historia de la Vida (H. Walpole), 248 Historia Ecclesiastica, 42, 118 Hoby, Lady Mary, 59, 61 Hodgson, Sydney, 39, 42 Holinshed, Raphael; Chronicles, 187, 188 Holt, William, S.J., xxi, 77, 87, 91, 103, 134, 222, 234 Hopkins, Richard, xxi Horsey, Sir Rudolph, 212 Howard, Lord Charles, of Effingham, 59, 61 Humble Supplication, xxviii, 17-28, passim Hume, Lord, 195, 197, 244 Hunsdon, Lord, 58 Huntingdon, Earl of (Henry H astings), 58-9, 60-1, 112, 244 Huntly, Marquis of (George Gordon) 108, 112, 113 Huy, 224, 227

Ingram, John (Ogelvy), 108, 112 Interludes against Catholics,S, 22-3 Ireland, 164, 167, 174-5, 193-4, 223, 226, 229, 239, 240, Iverson, John, 223, 225-6

James VI and I, 60,62, 164, 167, 179, 195-7,265; reported flight, 114, 116 ; rumour of conversion, 193-4; son, 209 Jones, Edward, 9, 28 Jones, John (Buckley), O.S.F., 244.

252 ] ulianus A postata, 6

276

INDEX

Kampen 'monastery', 177, 180 Ker, George, 112, 195, 197 Ket, Robert, 145, 148 Kiligrew, Sir Henry, 68, 70 Knight, William, 250 Koevordon, 75, 78, 203, 206

Montague, Viscount (Anthony Browne), 79, 81, 83, 86 Moody, Michael (John Bristowe), spy, 77, 234, 236 Morgan, Thomas, 87, 91, 177, 180 Mother Hubberd's Tale, 118 Murray, Earl of (James Stuart), 113

Lacey, Brian, 39, 45, 47-8 Lampton, joseph, 79, 81, 92 Leicester, Earl of (Robert Dudley) ; Babington Plot, 3, 19; death, 12, 16, 32-3, 105 Leslie, john, Bishop of Ross, 231 Lewis, Owen, Bishop of Cassano, 231, 236 Lewknor, Lewis, apostate, 221; see, Discourse of the usage of the English Fugitives Lingen, Edward, 215 London; foreigners in, 155, 157, 164 ; churches dedicated to All Saints, and Our Lady, 189, 191 ; mortality (1593) 193, 194; see, plague Lopez, Roderigo, 208; execution, 216 Low Countries, 75, 78, 101, 102, 114, 130, 163, 177, 189,203,206,224,227, 238-241; Brownist refugees, 177, 180; plight of English Catholics, 219, 221; innundations, 229, 230

Oath of Supremacy,S, 23, 25 Ogelvy, William (Ingram), 108, 112 Ormond, Earl of (Thomas Butler).

234, 235 Owen, Hugh, xxi, 77, 102, 234, 265

Madre de Dios (carrack), 75-8, 80, 87, 90; spoils, 126, 128 Maitland, Lord john, 195, 197 Mansfelt, Charles de, 114, 116, 136, 140, 201, 203; Pierre, 155, 158, 201 Manwood, Sir Roger, 104, 106 Markenfield, Sir Thomas; death, 72, 74, 96, 100 Marprelate, Martin, 114, 116, 130, 132, 205, 207 Mary, Queen of Scots; Babington Plot, 3, 19-21 Masi, Cosmo, 87, 91 Maskew, Bridget, 250 Mason, john, 39, 42 Maurice of Nassau, 78, 116 Mayenne, Duc de, 155, 158, 233, 235 Meaux, surrender of, 198, 200 Melville, Sir Robert, 176, 179 Middelburg, 233, 235 Middleton, Marmaduke, Bishop of St. David's, 119, 120 Middleton, Philip, 96, 100 Myrror for Martinists, 187, 188 Mockett, Sir Thomas, xxiii Mompesson (Momlesson), Henry, 225, 228; Laurence, 43 Monopolies, 12, 30

Page, Anthony, 164, 167 Paget, Charles, 136, 140, 166,207,231 Paget, Lord Thomas, 204, 207 Palatinate of the Rhine, 64, 66 Parkins, Christopher, apostate Jesuit, 174, 175, 211 Parma, Duke of (Alexander Farnese), 63, 65, 75-6, 87, 90; death, 104, 106 Patens on, William, 39, 43 Penry, john, 166, 130, 132, 145; indictment, 168-173 Peralta, Francisco de, S.j., 256, 257 Periam, Sir William, 106 Perron, j. D. du, Bishop of Evreux, 238, 240 Perrot, Sir john, 59, 62 Perrot, Thomas, 160, 161 Persons, George, 87, 91, 187, 188, 239 Persons, Robert, S.j., xviii-ix, xxii, xxiv; mentioned in proclamation (1591), 34, 35, 37; Andreas Philopater, 89; successor to Allen?, 231 ; rumour as Cardinal, 251, 258, 262; see, Briefe Apology, Conference about the next Succession, First Booke of the Christian Exercise, Responsio, Treatise of three Conversions Philip of Nassau, 206

see, Pierce Nashe, Thomas, 107 Pennilesse Neville, Lady Margaret, 210 Newell, - , pursuivant, 22, 215 Norris, Sir john, 30; in Britttany, 75, 77, 79-81, 86, 90, 104, 163, 166, 184-6; in Ireland, 239, 240 Nau, Claude, 21 Northumberland, Earl of (Henry Percy), 204, 207 Norton, john, 114, 116 Norton, William, 9, 28 Noyon, 114, 116

INDEX

Phelippes, Thomas; Babington Plot, 3, 20..2, 37, 77, 235 Philips, Peter, 204, 206 P hilopatris, see Responsio Pierce Pennilesse, 170, 118 Pineda, Juan de, S.J.,; Commentariorum in Job, 256-7 Plague (London, 1592), 75, 77, 80, 86, 90; (London, 1593), 126, 131, 150, 153, 165, 176, 179, 185, 186; (Wales, 1593), 185, 189; (Holland, 1593), 189 Plaine Confutation, 187, 188 Plasden, Polydore, 39, 45, 47 Plymouth fortifications of, 150, 153 Poley, Robert: Babington Plot, 3, 20-1; 177, 180 Popham, Sir John, 50 Portmort (Whitgift), Thomas, 42, 97, 98 Pretended Divorce, 138 Price, Robert, 6, 24 Primer, 219, 221 Proclamations (Jan. 1581, recalling students), 24 ; (October, 1591, Jesuits and priests), 34, 35, 37; (March, 1592/3, Scotland), 108-111; (Feb. 1591, Lent), 148; (June, 1593), access to Court), 176, 179 Prosopopoia, 115, 118 Puckering, Sir John, 43, 50, 59, 75, 77, 112 Pursuivants, complaints against, 2; searchers by, 7; character, 8; pretended, 8, 26

Rainolds (Reynolds), William, 134, 138, 187, 188; Treatise conteyning the true Catholike and A psotolike Faith, 188, 260 Raleigh, Sir Walter, 80, 82, 126, 128, 147, 212, 213 Randall, Richard, 9, 28 Rawlings, Alexander, 233, 235 Rayman, Captain George, 151, 154 Recusants; penalties, 5-6, 25, 75; Act of 1593, 121-125, 150; Cecillian Inquisition, 39, 42, 46-7; Cheshire, etc. (1592), 72, 74; commission of 1593,164,167; Lincolnshire, 135,139 Relati on of the King of SPaine's Receiving in VaUiodolid, 86, 89 Relatione del Presente Stato d'Inghilterra, 24, 30 Responsio, 37, 43, 137, 187, 188; printing of, 86, 89 Restitution of Decayed Intelligence, 267-8 .

Reynford, Mr., of Worcestershire, 8

277

Ribadeneira, Pedro de, 42, 45, 48, 118 ; see, Historia Ecclesiastica, Tratado dela Tribulacion Rippon, Roger, 114, 116 Rome,lEnglish College, 'stirs', 234, 236 Rudolf II, Emperor, 189, 191

Sacheverall, John, apostate Dominican, 255 Salmon, Patrick, 213 Sanders, Nicholas; D e Schismata Anglicana, 134, 138 Savage, John; Babington Plot, 3 Saxony, Elector of, 64, 66 Scotland; proclamation and band, 108-113; survey of affairs, 195-7; Catholic nobles, 239, 241 Scott, Monford, 3, 19 Scudamore (Walkin, Wiseman), John, 101-2 Seduction of A rthington , 90 Sega, Cardinal, 236 Segunda Parte de la Historia Ecclesiastica, 42, 45 Semple, Lord Robert, 233, 235 Seville College, 136, 139 Shaw, Francis, 51-2, 54, 58 Shrewsbury, Earl of (Gilbert Talbot), 58-9, 61 Sidney, Sir Robert, 86, 88, 90, 119, 184 Sigismund, King of Sweden and Poland, 190-1 Skinner, Anthony, apostate, 61, 68 Solmes, Count, 180 Southampton, Earl of (Henry Wriothesley), 242, 244 Southwell, Robert, S.J., xvii, xxviii, 214, 215, 218, 232; account of persecution, Letter I; arrest, 51-3, 57-8, 67-8; in prison, 63; in Tower, 79, 81, 83, 99 ; martyrdom, 219, 223, 228, 235, 238, 247; Brefe Discourse, 245, 248; effect on public, 243 Spain; see, B rittany, L ow Countries, West I ndian Fleet Speculum p ro Christianis Seducti s, 114, 117-8, 143, 187, 188 Spenser, Edmund, 115, 118 Spiller, Robert, xvii Spinola, Marquis Ambrose, 263, 264 Standen, Anthony, apostate, 177, 179, 198, 201 Stanley, Sir Ferdinando, 176, 179, 200 Stanley, Sir William, 56, 101-3, 199, 201, 203, 234 Stapleton, Thomas, translation of Bede, 138 Star Chamber, 5

278

INDEX

Stokes, Robert, 147, 149 Stourton, Lady (formerly Lady Arundel of Lanhorne), 212-3 Stuart, Lady Arabella, 43, 126, 129, 151 Survey of Pretended ' Holy Discipline, 119, 120, 187 Sussex; poor soldiers, 193 Sussex, Earl of (Robert Radcliffe), 234-5, 239 Sutcliffe, Matthew, 114, 117, 135, 187; see, De Catholica Of'thodoxa, A nswere to a Certaine Libel Tarbuck, John, 213 Tassis, Charles de, xxiii Taxation of Catholics, 6, 24 Tempest, Edward, 263, 265 Tesh, Anne, 250 Theatrum Crudelitatum Haereticorum Nostri Temporis, 114, 117 Theodore of Russia, 87, 90 Thompson, James, 223, 225-6 Thules, John, 92-3 Throckmorton, Elizabeth, 82 Throgmorton, Thomas, 231 Thwing, - , priest, 185, 186 Thwing, Ingram, 77 Top cliffe, Richard, 8, 9, 26-7; and Fitzherberts, 25; topclifJizare, 27; Southwell, 27; arrest and treatment of, 51-4, 67-8, 40, 42-3, 57-8, 79, 83, 95, 223, 247; and Elizabeth, 97-8; rumoured illness, 99 ; Henry Walpole, 215; imprisonment, 232; release, 234, 238, 242 Tratado dela Tribulacion, 118 Treatise of Three Conversions, 138 Trial of Trueth, 89 True, Sincere and Modest Defence, 18 Tunstede, Anthony, 220, 221 Turkey, 104, 106, 126, 229, 230, 238, 240 Tyrell, Anthony, apostate priest, 1, 17; confession, 134, 138, 187, 188 Tyrone, Earl of (Hugh O'Neill), 164, 167, 174, 223, 226, 229, 234-5, 239, 240, 242 Underhill, John, Bishop of Oxford, 119, 120 Universities and Catholics, 25 Vachel, a spy, 1, 17 Valladolid College, 38, 136, 139

Verdugo, Francisco, 75, 78 Verstegan, Richard; life, etc., xxxvixlvi; see, Advertisement written to a Secretarie, Conference about the Next Succession, Declaration of the True Causes, Primer, Restitution of Decayed Intelligence, Speculum pro Christianis Seductis, Theatrum Crudelitatum Waad, William, 68, 70 Walpole, Henry, S.J., xvii, xix, xxi, xxiii. 44, 87. 91, 105, 107, 143, 187, 188; arrest, etc., 214, 215, 218, 232 ; martyrdom, 233, 235, 238, 242, 347 ; Historia de la Vida . . 0, 248 Walpole, Richard, S.J., xix, 256, 257 Walpole, Thomas, 215 Walsingham, Sir Francis, 2, 102, 134, 204, 206; Babington Plot, 3-4, 19-20; death, 12, 16, 33 Walton, Roger, 204, 206 Wards, Court of, 2, 31 Waterson, Edward, 79, 81, 92 Watts, Sir John, 150, 153, 176, 179, 185 Webster, Richard, 101, 103 Wells, Swithin, 39, 42, 45, 47 West Indian Fleet, 163, 166, 234, 236, 238 Westmoreland, Earl of (Charles Neville), 101, 199, 202, 205, 207 Weston, William, 19-20, 32 White, Eustace, 39, 45, 47-8 Whitgift, John, Archbishop of Canterbury, 97-8 Wilkinson, Captain, 163, 166 Williams, Richard, 49, 238, 240 Williams, Sir Roger, 79, 81, 186, 234, 235, 239, 240 Williamson, Nicholas, 242, 244 Wilson (Wells on). William, 263, 265 Wilton, Lord Grey de; death, 193, 194 Wisbech, 1 Wiseman, William, 212, 213 Witch, suspected, 177, 180 Worsley, pursuivant, 22, 215 Worthington, William, 223, 225, 228 Wright, Thomas, S.J., 259, 260

Yeelding up of the Citie of Daventrie, 56 York, Edmund, 239, 240 Young(e), James, apostate priest, 43, 51-2, 54, 58 Young, Richard, magistrate, I, 17,27, 68, 70, 95, 98, 117; death, 217, 218

Ube <tatbolic lRecorb $ociet~ FOUNDED JUNE 10th, 1904

PATRONS HIS HIS HIS HIS

EMINENCE THE CARDINAL ARCHBISHOP OF WESTMINSTER GRACE THE ARCHBISHOP OF BIRMINGHAM GRACE THE ARCHBISHOP OF LIVERPOOL GRACE THE ARCHBISHOP OF CARDIFF

PRESIDENT THE MOST REVEREND JOHN HENRY KING, D.D., Ph.D., ARCHBISHOP-BISHOP OF PORTSMOUTH

VICE-PRESIDENTS MOST REV. DAVID MATHEW, M.A., Litt.D., F.S.A., F.R.Hist.S. BRIGADIER THOMAS BYRNAND TRAPPES- LOMAX, C.B.E., D.L., J.P. W. A. PANTIN, M.A., F.S.A. CANON R. E. SCANTLEBURY, V.F.

COUNCIL (Elected) A. C. F. BEALES, M.A. FR. HUGH BOWLER, O.S.B., B.A. FR. HOWARD DOCHERTY, O.F.M., M.A. FR. BERNARD FISHER, M.A. FR. BASIL FITZGIBBON, S.]., M.A. A. E. J. HOLLAENDER, Ph.D., :B '.S.A., F.R.Hist.S. FR. ANTHONY KENNY ANTHONY G. PETTI, M.A. MISS PENELOPE RENOLD, B.A. E. E. REYNOLDS, General Editor DAVID ROGERS, M.A., D.Phil.

MISS CLAIRE TALBOT

TRUSTEES F. W. CHAMBERS, K.S.G., M.A. REV. JOSEPH A. CALLANAN, M.A.

Honorary Officers (On Council ex officio) Hon. Secretary and Bursar FRANCIS

D.

ALLISON

Hon. Asst. Secretary: MISS M. GOLDSWORTHY

Secretarial Office: THE ARUNDEL PRESS, BOGNOR REGIS, SUSSEX

Hon. Recorder MISS N. McNEILL O'FARRELL

Han. Legal Adviser

Hon. Librarian

GEORGE BELLORD

ANTONY FRANCIS ALLISON,

Bankers MESSRS. COUTTS

&

CO.,

440

STRAND, W.C.2.

B.A.

Constitutions 1.

NAME.

The name of the Society is THE CATHOLIC RECORD SOCIETY.

2.

OBJECT. The object of the Society is the advancement of education in connection with the history of Roman Catholicism in England and Wales since the Reformation (which history is hereinafter referred to as the special subject).

3.

ACTIVITIES. The object of the Society may be given effect to by all or any of the following means so far as the same are charitable namely(a) The provision and preservation for the use of students of books manuscripts and other documents relating to the special subject or some aspect thereof and the provision of facilities for studying the same (b) The provision of public lectures on the special subject or some aspect thereof (c) The collection editing and publication of documents relating to the special subject or some aspect thereof and (d) Any other lawful charitable means.

4.

MANAGEMENT. The affairs of the Society shall be managed by a Council consisting when complete of twelve elected members three trustees and five honorary officers viZ. the Recorder Bursar Legal Adviser Librarian and Secretary-four members of the Council forming a quorum and the Council being entitled to act notwithstanding vacancies in its number. The Council shall have power to appoint a President and Vice-Presidents.

The Council shall also have power to elect members to the Society by a bare majority of the members of the Council present at a meeting and power to terminate the membership of any member without assigning any reason by a majority of not less than three quarters of all the members of the Council.

5.

ApPOINTMENT OF COUNCIL. Officers shall be appointed by the Society in General Meeting. They shall hold office for one year and be eligible for re-election. One third of the twelve elected members of the Council shall retire each year by rotation and shall be eligible for re-election. Elected members of the Council shall be elected by the Society in General Meeting.

Nominations for appointment as elected members of the Council shall be sent to the Secretary fourteen days Only Roman Catholics before the Annual General Meeting. shall be eligible for membership of the Council. The Council shall have power to fill a casual vacancy either among the officers or among the elected members and any person appointed to fill a casual vacancy shall hold office for the period for which the person whose vacancy he fills would have held office.

6.

TRUSTEES. The Trustees shall be appointed and may be removed by the Society in General Meeting. It shall be their duty to hold the invested funds and property of the Society.

2

CONSTITUTIONS

3

7¡

MEMBERSHIP. Membership shall be open to individuals learned societies libraries religious communities and other bodies whether corporate or incorporated.

Such bodies shall be entitled to exercise voting powers vested in members by their Librarian or Assistant Librarian or any other person nominated by such body for the purpose.

8.

SUBSCRIPTION. The annual subscription for each member is Two Guineas or such sum as the Society in General Meeting may from time to time determine payable in advance on June 1st in each year.

Every member whose subscription is not in arrear shall be entitled to receive one copy of each publication which may be issued by the Society during the year without further payment but the Society shall not issue free to members publications whose cost to non-members is substantially in excess of the annual subscription for the year or years in respect of which the publication is issued so as to confer a benefit on any member greater than is common in the case of agreements to purchase books prior to publication. A member wishing to resign from the Society must inform the Bursar or the Secretary before June 1st otherwise he will be liable for his subscription due on that date for the ensuing year.

A member whose subscription is two years in arrear shall cease to be a member and shall not be re-admitted until all arrears have been paid.

9¡

GENERAL MEETINGS. An annual meeting of the Society shall be held of which at least seven days notice shall be sent to all members who have supplied the Secretary with an address in the United Kingdom. Members who have not supplied such an address shall not be entitled to receive any notice of meetings.

An extraordinary general meeting may be called at any time by the Council. At least seven days notice stating the object of the meeting shall be given to all members who have supplied the Secretary with an address in the United Kingdom. Voting at any general meeting of the Society shall be exercisable only by members present in person or by the bodies referred to in Rule 7 by their representative in person.

10.

AUDIT. The Bursar's accounts shall be audited by a member of the Society or by a professional accountant appointed by the Council at the close of the financial year which expires on May 31st.

I I.

PROPERTY. The property and income of the Society shall be applied solely to the object of the Society and no part thereof shall at any time be applied for any purpose which is not a lawful charitable purpose. Provided that this rule shall not prevent the payment to any officer or servant of the Society of reasonable remuneration for services actually performed by him on behalf of the Society. If the Society shall be dissolved it shall before dissolution and after discharging or providing for its liabilities if any procure that its surplus assets if any are effectively settled upon a charitable trust for the advancement of the Roman Catholic religion.

THE FIFTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT 1957-58 The Council has pleasure in presenting to the members of the Catholic Record Society the Annual Report and Statement of Accounts.

Since the last Report a Catalogue of the Society's first fifty volumes has been published giving details of the contents. A copy was sent to each member with the issue of Volume 51, The Wisbech Stirs, edited by Miss P. Renold, B.A. The present Report is included in our fifty-second volume, The Letters of Richard Verstegan, edited by Mr. Anthony G. Petti, M.A. The Annual General Meeting for the year 1957-8 was held at 114 Mount Street on 7th January, 1959, when Professor T. A. Birrell gave a much appreciated and enjoyable lecture on "The Spread of Recusant Literature in non-Catholic circles, c. 1600-1850".

During the year the Council has lost the valued services of two of its members: Fr. Godfrey Anstruther, O.P., who is now resident in Rome, and Dr. A. C. Southern, who has resigned on account of ill-health. The Council is most grateful to them for the help they have given us, but it is pleasing to feel that their advice will always be available.

Another resignation was that of Fr. Joseph A. Callanan, who, on account of increased pressure of work, has felt obliged to give up his position as Hon. Secretary and Bursar. The Society is greatly in Fr. Callanan's debt for all he has done; he took over in 1952 when the outlook was far from encouraging but he resigns in the knowledge that the Society's affairs are once more on a sound footing. The Council puts on record its appreciation of his devotion to the Society; he will be missed from the Council table where his cheerful presence helped to enliven proceedings.

Mr. Francis D. Allison was elected Hon. Secretary and Bursar in Fr. Callanan's place; he will be assisted by Miss N. Goldsworthy.

The thanks of the Society are due to the editors of our volumes; they contribute their scholarship and their leisure so that the Society can fulfil its purpose; indeed without their generous help, the work of the Society would come to a standstill. Few, except those who have actually done such work, realise the thought and time needed in the production of a volume that meets high standards of scholarship.

The stock of the Society's volumes has been removed from the Central Library and is now housed in the C.R.S. room at 114 Mount Street. The Council is grateful to the authorities and to the librarian at Wilfred Street for having stored these volumes for some years.

Continuing the series of public talks begun in 1956, the following lectures were given during the 1958-9 season: 4

5

ANNUAL REPORT

Seminary Life at the turn of the 16th century, by Father Anthony Kenny.

Diocesan Record Offices of to-day and their importance for Recusant Research, by Dr. A. E. J. Hollaender.

Richard Verstegan-Fr. Persons' "intelligencer" at Antwerp,

by Mr. Anthony G. Petti.

Some Prayers and Prayer-Books of the English Catholics since the Reformation, by Dr. David M. Rogers.

Several volumes for future publication are in active preparation.

The fifty-third volume will be Recusant Roll No.2, for the period 1593-4; this will be edited by Dom Hugh Bowler. His introduction will be of special value as it will explain the system used in these Rolls and the significance of the information they contain.

The number of members is now 463, the highest in the history of the Society. Our immediate aim should be to reach the figure of 500. To do this the active help of our members is asked.

Experience shows that a personal appeal is far more likely to succeed than a general appeal through the press or by other means.

I t would help if approach could be made not only to individuals interested in our subject, but especially to Colleges, Libraries, and similar institutions. Our Catalogue of Fifty Volumes will be found a useful form of introduction as it shows in detail the nature and scope of our work. The Secretary will be glad to supply copies of the Catalogue for this purpose.

The attention of members is drawn to the notice in this Report of the journal Recusant History, which has established itself as a recognized means of communicating the results of research into Catholic history. An increase in the circulation is most desirable, and it is hoped that those members who do not receive the journal will consider becoming subscribers. All are asked to bring it to the notice of any who are interested in its subject.

31st March, 1959.

RECUSANT mSTORY, A

JOURNAL OF RESEARCH IN POST-

is published for the Catholic Record Society three times a year, in January, April and October. It includes articles of general interest on various aspects of Catholic History, as well as detailed studies and notes of a biographical and bibliographical nature.

The subscription for the three issues is 12/6d. (U.S.A. $2.00).

Subscriptions should be sent direct to the publishers : The Arundel Press, Sussex Road, Bognor Regis, England.

REFORMATION CATHOLIC HISTORY IN THE BRITISH ISLES,

THE CATHOLIC

Dr.

BALANCE as at

1958 May 31 To Life Subscriptions34 @ £10 lOs. Od. 2 @ £10 15 @ £21 1 @ £25 1 @ £26 5s. Od.

" "

Subscriptions received in advance LegaciesJames A. Britten, K.C.S.G. H. 1. Anderton Mrs. Leach for J. H. Woolan H. S. Threlfall L. C. C. Lindsay N ewdigate Legacy Agnes Mott W. de Geijer

£

s.

357 0 20 0 315 0 25 0 26 5

d.

£

s.

0 0 0 0 0

---200 18 100 0 50 0 455 3 180 0 100 0 50 0 100 0

2 0 0 4 0 0 0 0

650 150

0 0

743 5 8 37 16 0

1,236 Loan Account Less Repayment II

Sundry Creditors General Fund Add Surplus for Year

. 1,121 109

0 0 6 4

d.

6

500 0 69 13

0 5

1,230 10

4

3 1 £3,817

6

3

INCOME AND EXPENDITURE ACCOUNT 1958 RECEIPTS May 31 To Subscriptions received during the yearFor year 1952-53, 1953-54, 1954-55 For year 1955-56 For year 1956-57 For year 1957/8

"

£

s.

d.

£

s.

d.

330 10 6 10 64 7 8 581 6 10

Income from Investments Sale of Volumes Donations. .

Interest on Deposit.

659 4 0 52 0 8 132 10 0 20 0 0 600

£869 14

JOSEPH A. CALLANAN, Hon. Bursal' and Secretary.

8

RECORD SOCIETY

SHEET

Cr.

31st May, 1958 1958 May 31 £ s. d.

By Investments at Cost£2,22717s. Id. 3i% War Loan Stock 2,226 15 2 £500 2t% Consolidated Stock 420 7 3

£ s.

2,667

2

d.

5

N ate-The value of the above Stocks

" "

as at 31st May, 1958, was£I,72713s. 5d.

634 3 10 Cash at Bank 510 0 0 Deposit Account. . .

Interest accrued on above Deposit 600 1,150 3 10

£3,817

6

3

FOR THE YEAR ENDED 31st MAY, 1958 1958 EXPENDITURE May 31 £ s. d.

To Printing, Binding and despatch of Volume 50 "Maw hood Dairy" 508 13 0 " Purchase of Volumes 75 0 0 " Honorarium to Hon. Bursar " Interest on Loan (Gross) " Hire of Rooms "Insurance. . . " Printing, Stationery and Postage " Ad vertising "Sundries. . " Removal of Gillow Library .. Surplus for Year

£

s.

d.

683 13 0 52 10 0 12 10 0 6 0 80 12

0 7

5 5 0 20 0 0 109 4 1

£869 14

8

I certify that I have audited the Balance Sheet as set out above, together with the books and vouchers of the Society and that they are in accordance therewith.

PATRICK TOOLE, Han. Auditaf' . .6th January, 1959