These criteria are noticeably centred around a theme of commonality, hoping to socially unify a population under a nationalist movement. Yet, as explored previously, due to the innate social, cultural and linguistic differences (to name a few) present in a population, nationalist sentiment faces many challenges in terms of diversity or cultural fragmentation. Herein lies the inherent contradiction of nationalism, its attempt to unify the divided. Ting supports this idea, suggesting, with reference to Smith’s “features of national identity” (1991, p. 14), “the ‘structural’ aspects of national identity… no doubt contribute to the shaping of the collective psyche of the population, albeit unevenly and appreciated differently” (2008, p. 460). James similarly reinforces the thesis of nationalism and the nation as “beset by contradictions” and continues by suggesting the nation is “open to self-conscious cultural management” (1996, p. 2). As a result, the conclusion can be made that nationalism is a flawed ideal. Due to its contradictions and propensity for exclusion, many scholars regard it to be a dangerous ideal (Billig 1995; Cederman 2019; Harris 2016). In concordance, Smith concludes that “nationalism… inevitably pits culture-communities against each other” which consequently “can only drag humanity into a political Charybdis” (1991, p. 18). The metaphorical ‘Charybdis” referenced here is representative of an eventual finality to the concept of nations and nationalism. As such, nations present an inherent vulnerability as a result of nationalism’s contradictory objective to unite the culturally fragmented. In order to demonstrate the actuality of the points founded previously in this essay, a case study of the United States in the contemporary setting will be drawn upon. In recent years, a shift towards the populist right of politics has occurred in the West (Kaufman, 2019), characterised by the election of Donald Trump as president of the United States, as well as Britain’s vote exit from the European Union, both of which occurred in 2016. Many view this trend as a manifestation of nationalist sentiments (Kaufman, 2019; Whitehead, Perry & Baker, 2018; Jardina, 2019) with the catalytic factor being that of immigration (Jardina, 2019; Kaufman, 2019; Papademetriou, 2012). As Papademetriou describes, “large-scale immigration has led to unprecedented levels of diversity” which is seen to be “challenging long and closely held notions of national identity” (2012, p. 1).
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In the case of White America, a definite escalation of the contradictory nationalism that attempts to associate the culturally fragmented is observed. The rise of “white nationalism” (Hawley, 2017, p. 11) or “Christian nationalism” (Whitehead, Perry & Baker, 2018, p. 148) on display is not one concerned with “privileging the dominant narrative” (Ting, 2008, p. 460) of an ethnic group, but rather one of denial and “exclusion of non-co-ethnics” (Harris, 2016, p. 243). As such, the nationalist sentiments that are present in modern America, it can be justified, are overtly extreme forms of ethnic nationalism. Ethnic nationalism and, in particular, intense forms such as this, have the potential to uncover the vulnerability of nations. It is, however, important to note that the racially fuelled nationalism described, does not resonate with an overwhelming majority of the population, but the fact remains that such exclusionary ideals are present and growing in support (Hawley, 2017). The evidence to prove its presence is unquestionable. In the United States 2016 presidential election, Whitehead, Perry & Baker found that desires to restrict immigration, the stigma of Islamophobia and the desire to defend the nation’s “perceived Christian heritage” (2018, p. 165) were the strongest predictors of voting for Trump. Simultaneously, Hawley references the “meteoric rise” (2017, p. 6) of the online, racist, white-nationalist movement of the “Alt-Right”, that at it its core, wishes “to see the creation of a white ethnostate in North America” (2017, p. 11). There is an overt sentiment of exclusion present in modern America, that is commonly masked by a discourse of national protection or resurrection, accurately depicted by Trump’s 2016 election catchphrase, to “make America great again.” As such, the conclusion can be made that “Americans today remain more polarised around issues of race than ever” (Jardina, 2019, p. 2). Abrajano and Hajnal, reinforce this statement, referencing the 75% voting majority of native born whites. They suggest, “how non-immigrant white Americans respond to this growing immigrant… population is crucial” for the “relations between different racial and ethnic groups within the United States” (Abrajano & Hajnal, 2015, p. 2). Ultimately, a certain vulnerability to the power of the United States may be emerging in the modern setting as a result of the racially infested intersection of immigration and nationalism.