Current Development in Higher Education

D CURRENT

EVELOPMENT

Proceedings of a Symposium organized by the Society of Hong Kong Scholars Hong Kong , January 5 , 1985

SOciety of Hong Kong

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Longman Group (Far East) Ltd

1

DEVELÖpMÊNT Edited by C. L. Chan , W.P. Leung , M.H. Mok, C. F. Ng, M.K. Siu , W.W. Tso, K. Young & S.Y. Zee

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Published by the Society of Hong Kong Scholars, GPO Box 13165, Hong Kong Produced by Longman Group (Far East) Ltd

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The Society of Hong Kong Scholars

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All ríghts reserved. No part oJ thís publicatíon may be reproduced , stored in a retrieval system , or transmitted in any Jorm or by any mea悶 ， electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recordíng , or otherwise, without the príor permission oJ the Copyright owner.

First puhHshed 1985

現代高等教育動向探討 研討會議耙錄

香增學者協會主辦

一丸八五年一月五日，香港

吳清輝徐是雄鑼繁接漢民雄 舊宏戚陳載:讓楊綱觀黨支強 編輯

香港體聲協會出版(香港郵政禪島建籍 13165

韻 3走出版(連東)草草限公剖製作

)

ACKNOWLEDGE阿ENT

The Society of Hong Kong Scholars wishes to thank the following persons and organizations for their generous financial support. 古勝輯先生 姚雲鵲先生

梁乳德先生 嘗其融先生 鵲善會先生夫人

罷暖暉先生

單濃松先生

囂康瑞先生夫人 LIUCHor呼GHI對GBANKLTD.

IV

SYMPOSIUM ORGANIZING COMMI甘証

CHAIRMAN

Dr. C.F. Ng , HKU

PROGRAMME & PUBLICATION: SUBCOMMITTEE

Dr. M. K. Siu , HKU (Convenor) Dr. C. L. Chan, HKU Dr. K. Young , CUHK Dr. S.Y. Zee, HKU

REGISTRATION

Dr. 揖 .H. Mo盔， (Convenor)

SUBCO將MITTEI三

HKBC

Dr. W.P. Leung, CUHK Dr. W.W. Tso , CUHK PUBLICITY SUBCOM拷ITT庇

Dr. W.W. Tso, CUHK (Convenor)

Dr. M.H. FUND RAISING SUBCOM賠ITT記在

SYMPOSIUM SECRETARIAT

Mol量，

HKBC

Dr. C.F. Ng , HKU (Convenor) Dr. W.P. Le ung , CUHK Dr. W.W. Tso , CUHK Mr. Chan Jor Ping Mr. Cheng Hing Wan Mr. Fan Chun Tak 揖r. Li Chi Kwong 拷r. Man Wai Yip 持s. Wong Yuk Ying 持抗 Yiu Ka Ming

V

PARTICIPANTS Mr. BEAUMONT Gareth Smith 。r. CHAN Benjamin Y. Dr. CHAN Choi-Lai Dr. CHAN Chok-Ki Dr. C討AN Chor-Kin Mr CHAN Hau-Wing Dr. CHAN Jack C. K. Dr. CHAN Kai-Ming M始終 CHAN

Marion

Prof. CHAN S. T. H. Dr. CHAN Wai-Leung Mr. CHAN Wing-Cheung Stephen Mr. CHAN Y.K. Mr. CHAN Yee-Kai Mr. CHAN Yiu-Hung Miss CHAU Siu-Fan Mr. CHAU Tai-W剖，

Hong Kong Polytechnic Chinese University of Hong Kong University of Hong Kong Hong Kong Polytechnic University of Hong Kong Grantham College of Education Hong Kong Baptist CoUege Chinese University of Hong Kong Ci ty and New Territories Administration , Hong Kong Government University of Hong Kong Chinese University of Hong Kong Education Department，詞。ng Kong Government Hong Kong Royal Observ我tory Hong Kong Baptist CoUege University of Hong Kong True Li ght Middle School Hong Kong Baptist College

。獄vid

Dr. CHEN F.C. Miss CHEN Jow-Jin Dr. CHENG H.K. Mr. CHENG Kai-Ming Dr. CHENG Kin-Fai Mrs. CHENG 上EUNG Wai輛ιin

VI

Chinese University of Hong Kong Chinese University of Hong Kong Chinese University of Hong Kong University of Hong Kong University of Hong Kong

Ms. CHENG Ngai偏Lung Dr. CHEUNG M恥Tsing Dr. CHEUNG Nai-Ho Prof. CHEUNG Y. K. Dr. CHING Pak-Chung 持r.

CHONG

Lin主編Eng

Mrs. CHOWC況AN Man-Yuen 時r. CHOWKwon兮 Che

Mrs. C抖。W Selina Dr. CHOW She"μPing Dr. CHOY William T.P. Dr. CHU Chun-Keung , Sydney Dr. CHUANG Lien心heng

鄭艾倫

Unìversity of Hong Kong Hong Kong Baptist College 喂迺豪 Hong Kong Baptist College 張偉啟 University of Hong Kong 程的中 Chinese University of Hong Kong 譚臨英 Chinese University of Hong Kong j菩]課文王克 Chinese University of Hong Kong i寄養管 Hong Kong Teachers' Association j菩]架 if~愷 Legislative Council 間肇平 University of Hong Kong 子2F Hong Kong Baptist Col1ege 朱進強 University of Hong Kong 張慕貞

莊聯盟

Dr. CHUNG Fung-Chi Pro f. FAN Y. K.

鍾奉慈

Dr. FU Philip

f專先園

Mr. FUNG Chì-Wah

;紅色葦

~èiw霍鈞

Yee偏Wang

;異以法

Dr. 結 UANG Chen-Y狡

黨震選

Mr. FUNG

辯r.

HUANG Chìh- Lien Dr. IP Po-Keung Mrs. KEHL Dorothy Dr. KEHL Frank Prof. KING Ambrose Y. c.

Dr. KING Kenneth Mrs. P. KING Mr. KO Gar勵Yee

美接連

黨候還 盧警端

語言賦鸝

全耀基

萬寶E 裕

Chinese University of Hong Kong Hong Kong Baptist College University of Wisconsin at Stevens Point Chinese University of Hong Kong Lok Sin Tong Ku Chiu Man Sec. School Chinese University of Hong Kong University of Hong Kong Hong Kong Baptist College Li ngnan College Brooklyn College , City University of New York City University of New York Chinese University of Hong Kong University of Edinburgh Hong Kong Teachers' Association VII

Dr. KOT See-Chun Dr. KWOK S.T. Prof. KWOK R.Y. Dr. KWONG Chung-Ping Dr. LAI F.M. Dr. LAI Hon-Ming

基時 f愛 享吾少

黎永

賴漢白另

Mrs. LAI WONG

University of Hong Kong Chinese University of Hong Kong University of 討ong Kong Chinese University of Hong Kong Chinese University of Hong Kong Chinese University of Hong Kong Hong Kong Baptist College

終ei-τak

Dr. LAM Kin Fr. LAM Kin-Hon Mr. LAM Kit Dr. LA揖 Siu-Por Mr. LAM Ying-Ho Dr. LI Si-Ming Dr. LAU Kai-Shui Dr. LEE Chi-Ming Miss LEE Li nda S.Y. Dr. LEE Q.W.

井水 輯{建i藥

r槃 林::J Lj，皮

:語口啟王精

李志日月 非 1])裁量合

Mr. LEE Wing-Ching，李永棋 Daniel 情 r. LEE YI豆-T訓， 主字?女大 Desmond 。r. LEUNG K. T. 揖r. LEUNG Koon-Shing Mrs. LEUNG LEI三 Wan-Wai Prof. LEUNG Ping-Chung Mr. LEUNG 益icky L.K. Mr. LEUNG Sai編Wah

VIII

University of Hong Kong Don Bosco Technical School Hong Kong Polytechnic Chinese Univ啦啦ty of Hong Kong Pui Ching Middle School Hong Kong Baptist College Hong Kong Polytechnic Chinese University of 抖。ng Kong Hong Kong Baptist College Education Commission，討 ong Kong.

Lui Ming Choi Lutheran College Hong Kong Association for Continuing Education University of Hong Kong University of Hong Kong Pooi To Middle School Chinese University of Hong Kong Hong Kong Baptist College Education & Manpower Branch , Government Secretariat

Mrs. LEUNG Sophie Mr. LEUNG Stanley C. M. Dr. LEUNG Wing-Nang Dr. LEUNG

Wing-Pu必

前 r.

LEUNG Yat糊Ming 前 r. LI Chuwen Prof. LI Hua-Zhong Miss LI Pik-Cheung Dr. LI Si-Ming Dr. Ll AO York Dr. Ll E Ken-Jie M.S.F. Mr. LO Ming-Tak Dr. LUK Hing-Sun Dr. MA Li n Dr. MOK Man-Hung Ms. MOK Mo-Ching Dr. NG Ching-Fai Mr. NG Kwok-Fu Mrs. NG Yvonne 荷 iss

PANG Eva Dr. PANG Hau- Li m Mr. PANG K.c.

Mr. POON Kee-Hoo Dr. POSTIG Ll ONE Gerard Mr. PUN Ho-Cheung,

Golden 1三mblem Invest. Co. Tang King PO School Chinese University of Hong Kong Chinese University of Hong Kong University of Hong Kong Xinhua News Agency Zhong Shan University Hong Kong Baptist College Hong Kong Baptist College Varitronix Li mited University of Hong Kong Hong Kong Polytechnic Chinese University of Hong Kong Chinese University of Hong Kong Hong Kong Baptist College City Polytechnic of Hong Kong University of Hong Kong Hong Kong Institute for Executive Development Y.W.C.A. Hioe Jjo Yoeng CoIlege Hong Kong Baptist College United Christian CoIlege University of Hong Kong City Polytechnic of Hong Kong University of Hong Kong Hong Kong Baptist College

主ugene

Prof. QIAN Wei-Chang Dr. SHEN Louis 前r. S討 IH T，心Lang

Mrs. SIU CHAN Fung-Kit Dr. SIU Man酬 Keung

Shanghai Industrial University San Francisco State University Chinese University of Hong Kong Northcote ColIege of Education University of Hong Kong IX

Dr. SIU Wan.Chi Mr. SUNG Li .Young Miss TANG 悶。毛in Mr. TANG Siu.Lam Miss TING Caroline H.K. Dr.τo Chi.Sang Dr. TSE Albert K.K. Dr. TSE Chi.W品， Daniel Dr. TSE Chung.Ming Mrs. TSE Kitty

勝慕蓮

鄧IJ 、**

United Christian CoIlege 謝禪光 Hong Kong Baptist College 謝意偉抖。ng Kong Baptist College

Mr.τSE Lim Mr.τSE Wai.Fong Dr. TSING Nam.Kiu Dr. TSO S. K. Dr. TSO Wang.Wai

Dr. TSOWONG Man.Yin Dr. WAN C. C. Mr. WONG Hon.Ho

Hong Kong Polytechnic Hong Kong Educational Research Association Li ngnan College Hong Kong Polytechnic Hong Kong Baptist College

T 商僑 曹龍燦

法;或

University of Hong Kong Hong Kong Baptist College Tung Hai University Hong Kong Baptist College City Polytechnic of Hong Kong University of Hong Kong Chinese Universitνof Hong Kong University of Hong Kong

尹葉乖乖 Hong Kong Baptist College 簧漢豪 Education & Manpower

Branch , Government Secretariat Hong Kong Polytechnic Hong Kong Baptist College

Dr. WONG Kai-Kit Dr. WONG LEUNG Yee- Li ng 終s. WONG 揖 an-Shuen 王文期

Mr. WONG Ngai-Ying 黃教英 Dr. WONG Sook-Leung，真謂器

Wong Tai Shan Memorial CoUege Hong Kong Polytechnic

J借h磁

Miss WONG Toi.Lai Mr. WONG Wai-Man Miss WONG Wendy Y. c.

Mr. WONG Yiu-Chung Dr. WONG Yuk-Shan

x

王偉文 黃 j醫王金

Hong Kong Baptist College Longman Group (F.E.) Ltd. Hong Kong Baptist CoIIege Li ngnan College

Hong Kong Polytechnic

抖。f.

WOO C.W. Prof. WOO Louis K. Dr. YAM Leo P. K.

San Francisco State University Stanford University 1圭f昌清 Chinese University of 鈍。ng Kong Prof. YANG Chen-Ning 楊振寧 $臨te University of New York at Stony Brook 跳若 ìJ.k Chinese University of Hong Dr. YAO York-Bing Kong Mr. YEUNG Kam-Tong 喝皇帝常 Hong Kong Baptist College 揚威碧玉 Hong Kong Baptist College Mrs. YEUNG Maria 易錦華軍 Hong Kong Polytechnic Mr. YICK Kam-Fai Mr. YING Wang-Bun 那悲彬 Li ngnan College Mr. YIP Hak-Kwong 蠶豆豆罷 缸ducation Departme肘， Hong Kong Government Dr. YOUNG Clement K.楊富雄 Hong Kong Baptist Collete Dr. YOUNG E. C. M. 揚儡明 University of Hong Kong Dr. YOUNG Kenneth 楊鍋凱 Chinese University of Hong Kong 賢 University of Hong Kong Dr. YU Wing-Yin 眾建薪 Hong Kong Polytechnic Mr. YUEN Kin-Sun University of Hong Kong Dr. YUEN Wing-Ho , Stephen 像是雄 University of Hong Kong Dr. ZEE S.Y. 張雄 Shenzhen University Prof. ZHANG Wei 制國輝

XI

CONTENTS Foreward

Ng Ching-Fai

(1)

Q.W. Lee

(5)

The Role of an Urban University in a Coastal Metropolis

Chi秘Wei 泊。。

(8)

T echnology Transfer and Higher Education

Yi Louis K. Woo

Opening Address

Open and Closed UniversityNorth and South 香港高等教育問臨的挑戰 論壇

XII

Kenneth King (62) (88) (100)

FOREWORD The importance of higher education as related to the economic , educational and cultural standards of a country or an area cannot be overemphasized. It is indeed 殺 subject of universal concern However , for the Society of Hong Kong scholars to host a symposium on "Current Development in Higher Education" at this time 怡， perhap丸 not wíthout some mea有ure of special relevance.τhe SinoBritish Joint Declaration on Hong Kong's future has just been signed on December 19 , 1984. A new chapter in the political annals of Hong Kong has just unfolded. Economical峙， with her fin為ncial. commercial and industrial achievements in the last 20 years , Hong Kong is now also in the “ transition zone" of the developing and the developed nations. At this important juncture of history , higher education in Hong Kong , 1ike other fields of endeavour , will face a new dimension of challenge. More new approaches , more imaginative ideas and greater concern from the general public in fomulating the policy for the development of Hong Kong's higher education should be in order. It is with these objectives in mind that the symposium was organized and we are most thankfuI to our speakers and participants for their contributions. τhe symposium on “ Current Development in Higher Educ紋ion" comprised two parts: invited lectures and an open forum. Both the invited lectures and the addresses , comments , questions and answers of the open forum are included in the Proceedings.

Judging from the enthusiastic participation by the various sectors of the Hong Kong public and the high-spirited atmosphere of the open forum , it is tempting to say that the symposium h俗s achieved the pu巾。se of starting the ball rolli哼， so to speak. The publication of the Proceedings wil bear wi加e泌的 the highlights of this meaningful event

Ng Ching-Fai Chairman , Symposium Organization Committee March 1985 1

時 IJ

J::I

版

〈現代高等教育動向探討〉 說機科1 正式。

~或地區的區畏經濟、戰菁、

。然而，在此時駐地按計現代革等教轉動向

O 眾所思知，在 1984年 12 F1 19 臼 。盡語文件正式畫是香港歷史的一輩的輯結和另 '這二十年來香港金融黏主轟轟連連的發展 白發達 1是畫過渡 G

, l'象其它頡主要一樣， ，多一些寄:啟蒙力的會IJ 晃和更多人 政策的話Ij罰和發展來話不是有益的事 O

士共聚一堂，目 的基艇上，連繫圭IJ 香港質際情況， 。會講卦兩部份:論文 內悅。

，有賴於她是否有適應本身及世罪變性， 力 G 香港是 i~ 天然資憑這主

'與鄰近懲處及世罪各盟多發展互軒的關憬，

。在此，教 中揖豆子;韋造而來，需表1F守護 f共黨貪的經驗和譯音j裳。

當支論文提閱、公闊論壇氯氣的熱烹i卜 共司接討香港高等教菁發展的問

2

當紀錄。當然，這次研討 ~、

富

，我們聽意

吳 j青輝

3

‘‘...

a

5毫aze---asszzE

Dr. the Hon. Q. W. Lee 去 1I 圖像哼三七

是

OPENING ADDRESS DR. THE HON. Q. W. LEE , CB駝， JP CHAIRMAN , EDUCATION COMMISSION , HONG KONG Dr. Ng ‘ Ladies and Gentlemen: It is indeed an honour to be invited to deliver an op位ling address for the symposium on "Current Development in Higher Education". As distinguished scholars and educationists from various parts of the world , you wi晨， 1 am sure , contribute valuably in your de1ib做法ion today. 1 woul在 therefore ， only say a few words on the subject in a Hong Kong context.

The importance of higher education to social and economic development of a territory needs no emphasis. As we have seen , it has played an important role in the post-war development of Hong Kong as one of the most active industrial , commercial , economical and communication centres of the world.

In turn this development has generated an increased demand for higher education opportunities. The government have drawn up plans to meet our future demand. First勻， student popul滋ion of universities , polytechnics and other publicly funded tertiary institutions will be expanded in stages. The current target is to provide first-degree places to 6 percent of the mean of the 17-20 age group by 1989/90 and to 8 percent by 1994/95. These figures compare most favourably with the same for 2.9% in 1983-84. Secondly , the feasibility of establishing another university or a university叫yle institution is being adively explored. Thirdly , the Chinese University of Hong Kong has launched part-time undergraduate programmes for mature students. The current enrolment is 350 full-time equivalent students and the enrolment will be further expanded. The University of Hong Kong is also looking into a propo嗨J to offer sim i1 ar programmes later.

5

More important峙， we have to maintain the high quality of the programmes while meeting the needs of the society during this course of expansion. 1 believe most of you are aware that the University and Polytechnic Grants Committee has already recommended the establishment of a local authority to validate degree courses offered by tertiary institutions in Hong Kong , in substitution for the excellent validation services now provided by the U. K. Council for National Academic Awards. This body , if established , would help make our higher education programmes more responsive to local needs while maintaining an internationally accepted standard.

Education is the best investment for the future and this is particularly true in a pl改ce Iike Hong Kong where human resources 我紹， pe晶晶ps ， its only natural assets. This year we will be taking our first step in the progressive development of a representative government on the basis of the existing political system. Tertiary institutions will play an important role in this changing political and economic environment in developing our leaders of tomorrow.

Today's symposium is well attended by distinguished scholars and experts in this field. Your insight into this subject will help our policy makers to refine their blueprints for the future years.

In wishing you every success in your deliberations , 1 have much pleasure in declaring the symposium open.

6

7

THE ROLE OF AN URBAN UNIVERSITY IN A COASTAL METROPOLIS CHIA.WEI WOO PRESIDENT, SAr呼 FRANCISCO STATE UNIVERSITY

A路STRACT

Pacific trade has expanded vigorously over the past dec我de. The continued growth and prosperity of the Pacific region will depend sìgnificantly on the role c。我stal metropolises Iìke San Francìsco 為nd Hong Kong choo紹 for themselves.

Prosperity comes from a healthy politico-economic system , the availability of capita l，為n 治dvanced level of industrial technology , etc. At the base of all these Iies the Educated Person: a produet of hìgher education. Urban higher education systems in coastal cities share certain charaeteristics and requirements. In terms of students, they serve: conventional high school graduates on their way to college; college graduates entering advanced studies and training; the working population seeking new professional knowledge and career improvements; and citizens seeking enrichment and upgrading on their quality of Iìfe. In terms of the society , institutions of higher education provide cultural enlightenment; carry out research and development to dìrectIy benefit industry and business; aet as reservoirs of talents to fulfill society's 日uetua加9 needs; facilitate as thìnk-tanks for future planning; and nucleate intematìonal communication and cooperation.

Take San Francisco and Hong Kong as exam抖的. America has seen Pacific trade moving far ahead of Atlantíc trade. It is now generally recognized that the center of the world is shíftìng to the Pacific Rìm. San Francisco is America's gateway to th成 region. In Asia , especially in view of China's “ Open Door" policy , Hong Kong stands as Asia's gateway to the same region. The two cìties are inextricably Iinked by fate. Ins悅utions 8

of higher education in the two metropo1ises will benefit from learning from e訟的 other and working together. 1 would like to describe the present situation and future prospects of urban universities in coastal cities in America , using San Francisco State University as an example. 1 would also venture on a few observations on the role of hìgher education in Hong Kong.τhis 1 do as a person who 主nds his origin in this great metropolis and will forever regard him時lf as a Hong Kongese.

沿海大都市真高等教育機構所扮演的角色 吳家瑋 美闊三藩市州立大學校長 攜妻 車IJ 熱擴展中的今天，位庸大洋兩岸的都市首當其桶 ，也項主動地為太平洋臨主義持久的繁榮色拉話者還智紅 O

繁縈的基礎建立於政經銷廈、資金、科技工懿等各方藍。各方盤

都起源於人詩人穿的培育是高考等教蕾的職黨 o ì甘j每大都市的高等 教商機構共享一系列的特 '1哇。就醫學生絮說，官們的服務對象扭扭:輪

從中學舉業的青年，讓他們按皆兢兢地進入大學;副從大學畢業的青 ;已經就黨的成人，讓他們在專業上補充及增茄學議 ，豆豆爵的們窮追轉業機會;一散市民，讓他們捏龍文 1t 水平和生這

O 就社會來說，高等教育雖位是發楊文化的驀地;提供研究和發展 成果，讀權禪讓工商藥;為各撞機構培聲及時黨專人; 大的地匿掛演諮詢和策鑫IJ 的角色;並為盟際否定桂樹立核吟。

這一類的沿海大都市甚多，三藩市和替港是兩軍車子(如子。以丟在牙利

來說，太平洋質鸚巴經建起大西洋贊易，公認 t詮程中 JL' 己移向太平洋 連線，問三三藩市是太平洋開!在1 美洲的大門 O 以亞洲|眾說，尤其在中 γ門戶開放 J 自古今天， i董緊奎、1位連結在一起 O

9

O 我將惜這@攝齒，以三藩市乎1\1 立大學為 1銬，介紹美 ;並以一語「出身於香萃的人 J 的身份， 港高等歡喜今後去肉，語 tJ 拋磚引玉 O

Prof.

Chia刪 WeiWoo

吳家瑋教授

10

THE

ROLI三 OF

AN URBAN UNIVERSITY IN A COASTAL MET琵OPOLIS CHIA-WEI WOO

At three months of age , my parents took me to Hong Kong for the first time. 1 lived in Chìna for a total of eighteen years , ten of which - all my formative years - were spent in Hong Kong. 1 graduated from Pui Ching Middle Schoo l. My memory is still fresh on how we scrambled onto the double-decker No. 7 buses 改 head of students from neigboring Xiangdao and Kowloon Wah Yan , and 1 still remember sweating through the graduation certification examination. 1 went to Chung Chi College for one year before it turned into a part of the Chinese University , when it was still half w改y up the hill on the Hong Kong side. 1 remember "wonton mien" and “ ho yau 10 mien" for lunch at Lau Yeung Kee , not far from the campus. After nearly thirty years , they I現ve remained my favorite dishes. Ah! Th at was the Hong Kong before it blo鈴。 med into an ultra-modern city. And that was my home as a child.

It w的 said that one can never abandon one's childhood. In that sense , 1 am very much a Hongkongese to this day. It is good to be back home once again.嘻

As you can imagine , then , 1 have chosen the theme of my talk for a definite purpose. 1 wil\ talk about higher education , and about the role of urban universities in a coastal metropolis. The examples wil\, of cour鈕， be drawn from my experience in America. And in particul紋， from San Franciso and my own University. However , 1 shall do so with the mind of a Hongkongese , and 治t the end attempt to bring the subject back to the homefront right here.

CALIFORNIA'S COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES Fir紋， a framework to build my case on. Let me summarize for you California and San Francisco's higher education scene.

There ae approximately 3 ,500 institutions of higher education in the United States. Over 400 are located in California. Populationwise , Californians make up about 109忌。.f all Americans; yet 159也 of the nation's college and university students reside in California. As far as higher education goes , this western state is far ahead of the nation's 為 verage.

11

1want to focus on California for another reason. It is now generally recognized that the center of the world is shifting to the Pacific region , and California represents America's frontier on the Pacific Rim. In much the same way , China's coastal cities represent Asia's frontier on the same Pacific Rim. We who live on the edges of this fast刪 moving Pacific Basin share a common fate … one that will determine, indeed, the fate of the world in the 21st century and beyond.

California's system of higher education comes in four segments. The largest segment consi紋5 of 106 two-year community colleges enrol知g about one-and-a-quarter million students. They 0缸er all high school graduates an opportunity to an essentially free educ滋ion which can be used as a stepping stone to a four-year degree program , or as tr為ining courses leading to a vocational certificate , or as a vehicle for attaining cultural enrichment.

The California State University , or CS口，為 a system made up of nineteen campuses enrolling approximately a quarter of a million students. The stated goal is undergraduate and master's degree education in the liberal arts, applied fields , and professional studies.

Campus enrollment can vary from 5 ,000 to over 30,000. Depending on the size , location , and history , each campus 0恥的 programs with an individual orientation 我nd emphasis. Faculty research varies over a wide range of interests , in general more applied than basic.

The University of California , or UC , is a system made up of nine campuses - eight comprehensive and one Iímited to health sciences.lts stat叫 goals include undergraduate education , graduate instruction leading to doctoral and professional degrees ，為nd basic research. The total enrollment stands at about 140 ,000 , with individual campuses ranging in size , as is the case with the California State University 雙 from 5 ,000 to over 30 多 000. UC is credited with achievements in fundamental research which assured Californ泊's prominence in agriculture , medicine , and technology.

In addition to the public institutions summarized above , there are 140 accredited independent colleges and universities and almost as many unaccrediíed private post蜘secondary institutions , enroIling a total of some three quarters of a million students. Stanford 電

為pproximately

12

Ca!tech , University of Southern Californ惚， and the Claremont Group are among the most prestigious , as are some of the elitist small coll句es and older Catholic universities. its popula位on ， Californ泊's educational institutions find themselves concentrated along the pacific Coast. of the nine UC campuses , seven are within a few miles of the Ocean , and the other two are not far away. of the nineteen CSU campuses , thirteen are on the Coast. Almost all the we \l -known independent universities are on the pacific Coast as well. Moreover , most of the campuses are located in the three urban centers around San Francisco , Los Angele丸 and San Diego. This means that California's fortunes , and thus to a large extent the well-being of the United States , are inextricably linl惚d to the level of performance of California's urban universities in its coastal metropolises.

Li ke

SAN FRANCISCO'S COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES The San Francisco Bay Area looks like the mirror ìmage of a narrow C'\The mile-Iong Golden Gate Bridge guards the opening to a 60句話le-long Bay. Dotted wìth islands , mountains , and smalllak俗， the area is as pretty as a picture , and almost as pretty as Hong Kong.

H.

Around the 話ay sit two UC and four CSU c治mpuses. Toward the lower part of the Peninsula , we find Silicon Valley embracing Stanford University: the private institution which was responsible for the former's creation and which , in turn , prospered by its creation.

San Francisco , a city of a mere 49 square miles - 7 miles by 7 miles , occupi的 the northern tip of the lower Peninsula. In this very coastal metropol誨， one that is surrounded on three sides by Pacific water , reside 700 ,000 people of all ethnicities and walks of Iife. Higher education in the Ci ty is represented by: 1. San Francisco State University , a CSU of 24 ,000 students and 1 ,700 faculty members; 2. San Francisco Community College District , consìsting of one large City College and eight centers; 3. UC San Francisco , a UC campus devoted exclusively to medicine

13

and health sciences; 4. Hastings College of the Law , a state-supported law school; 5. Unversity of San Francisco , a sizable and venerable Catholic university; 6. Golden Gate University , a private institution known for its contribution to community and career goals; 7. Other specialty colleg咐， It seems more by coincídence than design that these institutions should make up a full , nearly non-overlapping collection of ac我demic entíties each serving the needs of a self-selected segment of the urban population , and each complementing the others in its service to society.

In certain areas , like the strengthening of math and science teaching in the local high schools , they work together amicably in the form of a consortium. In other areas , like allied health or hotel management、 they strive to form bilateral partn給rships. No central planning by any government could have done a be加r job of assemb1ing such a group of higher education institutions to work toward the same end.

San Francisco State University , as the largest and the only comprehensive state university serving the city - in fact the three central counties we紋。f the Bay , takes on a mandate to open its door to all the people of San Francisco. Li ke CCNY on the Atlantic Coast of the American continent , we are the quintessential urb滋1 university in a coastal metropoJis. What ro誨， then , are we cal1ed upon to play? How general is th滋 roJe for other urban universities located on the Pacific Rim? Li ke Hong Kong?

THECONSτlTUENTSOFA時 URBAN

UNIVERSITY

The mission of a public university is to serve the public. The mission of an urban university is to serve the Cìty's university-bound population.

This sounds Jike a tautoJogy. But is it?

In my line of work , 1h治ve had the opportunity to visit a large number of universities. One question that 1 find seldom asked or answered is: "Whom does the university serve?" In the United States , periodic bouts

14

+

are fought over what constitutes an ideal curriculum. Yesterday it was education for the independent inquirer.τoday it's over “ core curriculum". Tomorrow it will be another call for return to the good old liberal arts education. Moguls of higher education regularly direct and redirect bandwagons. Yet rarely is it asked: "An ideal curriculur口， uh; ideal for whom?"

We in the City of San Francisco have as our constituents basically four kinds of University students: the conventional high school or college graduates , re-entry students , working men and women , and those who seek cultural enrichment. You may wish to examine my description of these four kinds of students against your experience in Hong Kong.

Let me typify the first kind with an 18-year old girl. Fresh out of secondary school , with enough high school credits and sufficiently decent grades to gain admission , but , in the eyes of the faculty , perpetually less than ad叫 uately prepared for college. Wide-eyed.

Curious. Gaining in self-confidence , and occasionally ambitious. Not too sure of her choice of major; not even sure of being in the right general field. Concerned about job security a失控 college; unsure about her decision to go on to graduate school. Lacks an understanding academic advisor , and has Ii設le faith in her paren毯， career suggestions for her. WiIl nevertheless finish college with or without proper guidance.

That's an 18γear old American college student. 1 should know. In addition to the thousands of youths that 1 meet on campus , 1 have three of my own , ages 18 , 19 and 20. (I also have a 咚 year old who is not yet in college.) But what 1 have drawn was probably a picture for the Uniuersal18-year old , East or West , boy or girl.

As an urban area , however , San Francisco caters also to distinct subgroups even in that universal c1 ass. In 吋ζli怠。n to the usual products of middle-income families. there are first輛generation college students from the not-so-well-to-do. There are under-represented minorities from the ethnic ghettos. There are , curious妙， also the very rich who cannot make it to private colleges with ivy-tinted names.

As a coastal metropol峙， we find in that c1 ass a1so immigrants who are well prepared in the wrong languages , and refugees who are highly motivated but not necessarily well prepared in any language 越

15

We serve all these

詔-year

olds.

We serve as well their older brothers and 紛傲的 who have extended their more酬。r但ss conventional college careers to graduate schools.

Let me typify the re編entry students with , say ，翁 24-year old Navy veteran. (As you can see , the "typifying" is goíng to get more and more difficult as students whom 1 place in a general category begin to defy uniform description.) You won't find him in Hong Kong, but you are sure to find people Iike him.

At eighteen , he was certain about only one thing: College was ou t.

No more studying , for exams or for Mother. Work was hard to find , and what he could find was unexcí說ng. Why not enlist and see the world?

Four years later. Saw the world.τook some of the Navy's trainíng courses. Now once again certain about only one thing: Re-enlistment was out. No more soldieríng , for fun or for country. Back to the job market. Only one thing did not change in those four years: Work was hard to find , and what he could find w的 unexciting. Hunted around and drifted a bit. τwo years went by. Met old high school chums who went to college , now workíng for lBM , or some insurance company , or the S磁te. Some are married and thinking of raising families and buying homes. They definitely hold security in their hands. Most seem contented enough with their daily routines. M治ny. now use a different language , at what seems to be a higher plane. "Some of them were certainly not as smart as 1 was ," he says. 勻'm going to put in a few years of coJ1ege work and go after my share of the American dream."

Other students in this category are older. Sti1l others are people who did not Iike the jobs th紋 they were holding down. A few did go to college , or even finíshed college , and are now seeking a change of career direction. Some were dropouts … from education or from society. The City contains all and absorbs aU. Again , many others ín this category are immigrants or refugees. The harbor has brought them ashore to new efforts , new learning , new hopes , new Iives.τhe harbor of San Francisco , Iike the harbor of Hong Kong.

16

! 嗯

1 shall typify the working men and women seeking career improvement with a 37、lear old office stenographer. Single mother of three. Pillar of strength. Had two years of community college before giving up formal education in order to help her ex欄husband through law school. The children wil1 be going to college in a few years. There has to be an increase in income.

Co-workers in the office are not particularly bright. Most are not very motivated. “ First a training course ín word processing; then a course or two in business. 1 can then move upstairs and watch thè accountants work ," she says. "Next , with good counseling , 1can work out a five-year schedule , first making up my general education requirements and then taking accounting and programming , by going to classes in the evenings.

It' l1 be hard , but it can be done. And when 1am through , 1'11 be at least as competent as Alfie over there. They said that there will be a shortage of accountants for years to come. 1'11 get a good job. It will surely beat taking shorthand day-in-day-out for these sales manage兒， and for Alfie over there."

In a city high on culture , commerce , and technology , we find all kinds of residents: part珊time stagehands , secretaries working at radio stations , sales c1erks , technicians , junior executives... all highly trainable and upwardly mob i1 e.

And again , we have immigrants and refugees of 叫1 ethnic and cultural backgrounds who are under-employed and not content with mere subsistence.

Last but not least , let me typify the enrichment seekers with a old lady of some means. College graduate. Husband holds down a comfortable executive job. Childen graduated from colleges and professional schools 費 As yet , no grandchildren to dote upon. Was once good in piano , now a patron of music and rather sophisticated in musicology. Had always been fascinated by the influence of the Industrial Revolution on the modemization -Qf music. Now into avant garde and even computer music. Not given to academic credits , degrees , and other bureaucratic trappings. Is anxíous to take in the excitement of leaming. Does do by audíting advanced c1 asses , attending seminars selectívely , and supporting cultural activities on the university campus. Imparts that excitement quietly to her circle of 起ends.

54γear

17

Such students who seek to upgrade their quality of Iife are íncreasíng ín number in our leisure幽prone urban environment. Always a minori旬， no doubt , but an increasingly influential minority. Being located next to two huge apartment complex凹， San Francisco State University has become a cultural haven to a large number of middle-c1aωretire部 who have resided there for years. They attend an “ Elder College" on campus , fill the role of a "Sixty Plus Club" , use and support the Hbrary faciHtí酌， and bring general good cheer to our youthful campus populatíon.

As a coastal metropolis heavy on intemational trade and featuring over 60 consulates , the University attracts foreign visitors there not only for regular degrees , but for short courses on American culture , management , and business law , for ESL (English as a Second La nguage) , for scholarly collaboration , and for academic exchange. The acceptance of unconventíonal students is becoming a conventional practice on urban campuses.

Our mission , then , is to meet the needs of this diverse and motivated university-bound population. To meet the dynamic challenge of the universal urban phenomenon. And to accomplish all this while preserving the traditional values of higher education.

The importance of asking who it is that we serve becomes abundantly c1 ear. We are not a Williams College for young elites only.

We are not an MIT for a selected generation of top technologists. We are not a University of Missouri for homestate resident youths, nor a University of Cincinnati for relatively homogeneous urbanites. The constituents we serve help to determine , though not dictate by any means , the nature of our curriculum and the “personality" of our faculty.

EDUCATION FOR THE CI1、"5 UNIVER51TY 5TUDENT5 The City's masses have endless needs , most of them pressìng and requiring immediate solutíon. This is so even with education. For example , language c1asses for new immigrants , remedial instructíon for functional iIliterates , vocational training for the unskilled , etc. A state , or a city itse呵， must 的tablish complementary segments of post刪second改ry 18

lig

education to meet these and other needs. The city's university is but one of the segments. The diverse groups of students that I just described are the uniuersity編bound ， and the education to which 1 shall now refer is for those Ii mited groups of uniuersity-bound citizens.

At the foundation of a university education , accordíng to the American tradition , is a Iiberal arts curriculum. 1am a strong subscriber to that philosophy. But first of all , one must define the liberal Arts Education.

To me , it is an education which prepares the student for both ability and wil\ to freely inquire , to collect meaningful information , to analyze , to think logically , to extrapola惚， to test premises , and to apply the knowledge gained. In the words of educator-scientist Roger Revelle: “To learn how to learn."τo be literate i口， and be apprecìative of , a broad range of human knowledge and experience , and be thus liberated from mere existence. In order to reach such a state of intelJect. one must recognize the continued expansion of our frontiers of knowledge , and attempt an undergraduate education whose elements are balanced in the arts , humani當es ， natural sciences , and social sciences.

Oespite the traditional adherence to , and vocìferous support for , the liberal Arts Education , Aemrican educators do not really speak with one voice on the issue.τhe similarity of the words used masks a sharp divergence of views in substance. Part of the reason resides in the fact that “ liberal arts" are two words whose meanings have become uncertain as the base of our knowledge expanded. Ooes “Iiberal" mean freewheeling , wide翩ranging ， tolera位ng ， or Iiberating? Or none of the above?

00 "arts" include the sciences , languages and cultures? The humanities?

Let me cite a few examp)es of what , in my view , do not constitute a liberal arts education.

In the sixties and early seventies , appropriate to the times , I suppose , Iiberal arts became a vehicle for independent thought and action , for seeking one's individual identity. (lncìdental妙， did you find yours? Or did you pick up somebody e)妞's lost identity? 00 you still believe it possible to totally isolate one's identity from the mass culture?} The Iiberal arts curriculum degenerated then to a splattering of arbitrary electives. To be sure , the cafeteria of knowledge offers nutrition as well

19

as sustenance , but it is always tempting to consume hot dogs , french 扭的， and cokes , rather than a balanced die t.

In the late seventies , in the face of academic deterioration 聖 there were talks of rebuilding a core curriculum. Much of the new knowledge could no longer be fitted neatly into old boxes of well-defined disciplines.

Correlations between areas of study seemed as dominating now as characteristics of individual fields. Liberal arts came back in the form of interdisciplinary lower-division courses , the marriage of the two cultures , the so-called "big picture" ‘塾. • We found faculty members developing courses for the uninitiated based on their own years of multi-disciplinary research experiences. We found interdisciplinary bridges built for students 仰addling across two shores of ignorance. We found programs with good sounding names and Iofty purposes , but all form and no substance. We found fre的 men floating on beds of roses and juniors swimming to stay alive after falling through the cracks. Good things offered prematurely can be evil. 1 consider it a crime to give the coIlegebound and their parents the iII usion that one can leam and correlate diverse components of knowledge before attaining a rudimentary understanding of each. And I am not even a puris t.

Then there is the traditionaI form of undergraduate professional education laced with some libe話1 a段s requirements. This kind of offerings weathered all the controversies and came out practically untouched , on account of its utilitarian contribution to society, no doubt.

In some cases , the proponents of such a curriculum de cIare with words and action that it is not for everyone. Admission is reserved for those whose high schooI education fumishes an adequate liberal arts preparation. Other proponents , in particular educators from many Asian and European countries including China , cIaim that their high school curricula are broader and more demanding , and furthermore , unìversity education has to provide intensive 電 professional training in order to meet urgent national needs. (There are certaìnly some truth to both of these claìms.) In all these cases , extra-professional requirements at the college level are seen as mere additives.

Then there is also the opposite: an under涅的duate educatìon that focuses on the centrality of one non-professional 發給袋， say , the humanities. In this ca紹， mathematics , the social and natural sciences , 20

and sometimes even the arts and foreign languages , reduce to supportive activities , decorative in nature and superficially enriching at best. Some of these proponents were themselves educated in a classic mo話， or 為“classics" mold ,… an environment which has ignored the march of time and explosion of the human intellect. τhe sad and uncompromising fact is that , in gener訓， neither our present high school curriculum nor self-study provides students with adequate exposure to new areas of knowledge.

An urban university cannot Iimit itself to catering to 改 selected few.

And at least in the United States , we believe that there are complementary avenues toward meeting national needs. There is no special c改se which can be so pressing as to require the abandonment of the Iiberal arts philosophy in an undergraduate education.

Now , my liberal arts curriculum.

At the minimum , the urban university mustoffer a two欄year general education curriculum which shows some semblance of bre治dth. It is not possible to cover very many areas in two years. Even with a strong secondary schoo\ background , new college students would find themselves facing unfami\iar te訂itories like phi\osophy , linguistics , economics , psychology , geology , or engineering - \et alone what falls in between ‘ My be !ief is to go for selectivity: a smalI number of courses which are reasonably representative of a lI the general areas. 說epresentative in the sense that they are in established fields with mature methodologies. Representative in that each speaks a nearly common disciplinary “ language".

1 would want the general education curriculum to show some semblance of depth. This means each course would be a one岫year sequence in the same field , or structured over two very closely related fields. This means each course should be truly representative of a discipline , to the extent that it is used for entry to a major in that discipli悶. The latter imp1íes that sìudents taking a cour詔 forgeneral education would find themselves sharing the same classroom with those intending to major in the field. The courses would be demanding , and the competi泣。n keen. 話ut think of the benefits of such an educational setting. The instructor would be rigorous in approach , and the peers

21

serious in atlitude. Both lecturing and out-of-c1assroom discussions would be taken to a higher plateau.

Note that 1 have said nothing about the level of instruction. That is for each faculty to determine. It has to be commensurate with the students' ability. My focus w部 on the nature of general education.

What 1 espouse. 那 state凸 above ， is obviously arousing murmurs of disagreemen t. lt does so with every audience of educators. Sometimes it even elicits anger. Alas , such is the consequence of our "liberal" education!

What 1gave is a personal view. It is not even the program at my own as yet. May never be. 1accept the fact that there are valid arguments for views that 1 criticize. It is indeed fortunate that we do not all see things in ex治ctly the same way. 法lhile at UC San Diego , 1 was a strong supporter for 梅花。lIege system". The university there operates on the basis of four independent colleges which share departments and facilities. Each espouses a different liberal arts philosopohy and features ad的erent general educatìon curriculum. Students come with dìfferent backgrounds , needs , and aspirations , and are not forced into the same mold. UC San Diego is just1 y proud of its co l1ege system , one that is quite unique in the U.S. In fact , it is just now in the process of starting a fifth college. 1 understand that the Chinese University of Hong Kong has a sîmilar co\lege 句stem. Remnants of its hîstory , to be sure , but 1 congratulate you for preserving it despite occasional inconveniences.

After a豆， univers泌的 exist for the students , not for the convenience of us bureaucrats. unìversi句 Not

T0 reiterate my point for emphasis , there is nothing more frightening than having one person , or for that matler one group of persons , determine what is “correct" for all and impose it on all. I fear the thought of thousands of identical curricula mass-producing millions of identicalminded citizens in any country which values freedom and progress.

After a豆， this is not 1984.

Up to now , 1 have not spoken beyond general education.

AlI large universities offer a full complement of degree programs.

22

τhey

are not of special interest to this audience. I wou譜， however , like to highlìght here a selected set of courses that reflect our urban and coastaI identity at San Francisco State University for your comparison.

We havωeight schools. Each provides regular programs for the four kinds of students we serve. Each features , in addition , courses designed to meet speciaI urban 為nd coastaI needs.

San Franc忱。's news media have been covering with enthusi的m Mayor Diane Feinstein's recent trip to China , especiaIly her visit to Shanghai , San Frànci忱。's sister city. Amidst the wining and dining , a number of agreements were concluded with Shangha i' s M句or Wang Daohan. At the top of the Iìst is a cooperative training program for Shanghai's internationaI business managers , between the Shanghai Institute of Foreign Trade and San Francisco State University. Our School of 話usiness ， long identified in California as a strong training ground for intemational businessme口， is now helping to hold open the Golden Gate still wider for the future of U.S.-China trade. We do this as a servìce to the two mayors and the City's budding young businessmen , who are our students. Through our Center for World Business and U.S. 明Japan Institute , we have been crossing the Pacifìc waters for years.

Adding to these efforts is our Institute of Sino-American Studies' new Overseas Training and Orientation Program to help American businessrrien overcom給 cultural gaps: a joint effort by faculty in the School of Behavioral and Social Sciences and faculty in the School of Humanities.

Our School of Humanities has a field耐oriented Journalism Department. Many of the professors came to us from the city desks and editorial staff of the Bay Area's two major newspapers. The students run two laboratory papers on campus , and do more investig為tory reportìng than my administrators and 1 dare to appreciate. The Sc hool also runs a highly acclaimed ESL program , proven valuable to immigrants and foreign students alike.

Our SchooI of Behavioral and Social Sciences has city輛 oriented programs in interna悅。nal relations , labor studies , women studies , practical politìcs , gerontology , etc. Take labor studìes. The longshoremen's movement wrote an important chapter in America's

23

labor history , as did immigrant-based International Ladies Garment Workers Union and the United Farm Workers. Our campus is the site of California's Labor Archives ‘ a valuable resource for learning and research. In Practical Politics , the area's legislators regularly show up on campus to meet with students in give明and-take discussions , and in turn the students work in some of their election campaigns. Just two weeks ago , State Senator Mi1ton Marks asked me to recommend a student who would serve as his 1iaison person to the Chinese-American com絞lU nity.

Our School of Creative Arts is , among other things , known for its programs on broadcasting and fi1 m. We sponsor the annual Big Bash for the City's broadcasting industry , which closely assocìates itself with our faculty and recruits from our students. The department is negotiating a cooperative program with China's premier Beijing Broadcasting Ins位t泌的. Our new Dean of the Sc hool , August Coppola , was responsible for the revival of the 1927 fi1m “ Napoleon" with a full symphony orchestra conducted by his Oscar-winning father , took part in the production of 在lms by his brother of “ Godfather" ,“Apocalypse Now" , and “Cotton Club" fame , and has famous actress Talia Shire for a sister and up-and-coming star Nicholas Cage for a son. With San Francisco as a backdrop , we are very big on the performing arts. Some years ago , Johnny Mathis gave up his Olympic particìpation as a high jumper and went into singing while a student at San Francisco St為te.

Our School of Education offers the doctorate in Special Education , contributes to the City's childcare through research on pre-school education , trains some two-thirds of Bay Area's teachers , and helps prepare sçhool administrators in Third World countries as far away as Liberia.

Our School of Ethnic Studies helps the University's approximately 20% Asians , 10% Blacks , and 10% Hispanics to become more conscious of their own American heritage , to give the Cauc浴sian majority a balanced view of America's multi締結:thn祉， mul泣-cultural tradition , and to relate experiences of America's minorities to their roots in today's Third World.

Our School of Health , Physical Education , and

24

Recreation編Leisure

Studies directs a participant-oriented athletic program , and offers modern , jazz , and ethnic dances. AII tailored to the needs of the City's residents. We ae exploring with UC San Francisco , the medical campus , possibilities of 0任ering joint programs on allied health sciences , and with the City College of San Francisco , a major community college , cooperative programs on hotel , restaurant , an tourism managemen t.

Our School of Science promotes opportunitíes for women and und肘-repre認nted minorities ín engineering and computer science: fields whích are “ hot" with job openings , and are thus , by tradition , areas in which the under-privileged finds room for career advancement , much as the way Jews moved up the economic ladder in Europe and the Asians in America. We operate a center for environmental studies on a 泊-acre waterfront site on the San Francisco Bay , run a Sierra field station 呵 and take part in a consortium欄operated marine laboratory - for research by faculty and students on envìronmental issues: water , geology , resourc咐， and marine biology - lifelines ，訓， for a coastal city.

The Univerty exists primarily for the students. Students come out of the city's population and return to the city's population. We are a microcosm of the city projected slightly ahead and above the teeming masses. It is our mission to challenge them , to guide them , and to strive for self-impro'Je ment with them. We must constant\ y remind ourselves of that sacred mission.

THE UR8A封 SOCIETY

U時IVERSITY'S

DIRECT

S芷RVICES

TO

The material prosperity of a society comes from a healthy politico翩 system , the availability of capital and 紹給urce氏 and a constantly progressing level of technology. At the base of all these elements Ii的 the Educated Person: a product of higher education. There is no substitute for human wisdom. First and foremost , then , the univ位sity must devote itself to the task of creating and preserving human knowledge. 仿conomic

τhis primary task of the university gives rise in a natural way to many secondary fundions which society values. At times, to the detriment of faculty morale , society values immediate services much more than the

25

extension of human wisdom , which moves on a much longer time scale.

It is nevertheless flattering to note that the unviersity is viewed by society at large as an intellectual resource. As such , it is constantly called upon to offer direct services.

A most visible service is the university's role to provide cultural enlightenment. Our School of Creative Arts , for example , puts on over 200 events a year , from experimental theater to full-dressed opera , from impromptu art to Madrigal plays. The School of Humanities operates a Poetry Center and publishes a journal called Modern Chinese Li terature.

The School of Business co-sponsors speakers on world trends with San Francisco's prestigious World Affairs Council and Commonwealth Club.

People can drive for half an hour across the Bay to UC Berkeley , or down the Peninsula to Stanford , for more display of artistic talents , or simply good old American beer-and-hot-dog college football.

Next , to serve as centers for research and developmen t. Every economist credits the University of California with the state's success in agriculture from crops to wine. In more recent times , much of the nation's most advanced work in microelectronics , biotechnology , earthquake safety , and energy is carried out on the UC campuses. For sheer drama , however , there is no question that Stanford heralded the advent of the Silicon Valley phenomenon. From yesteryear's HewlettPackard and Varian to today's Apple and throngs of venture ~nterprises ， the entrepreneurs have marched out of the ranks of faculty , graduate students , and even lower-division undergraduates. Even the traditionally timid and cautious Chinese-American scholars have come down from their ivory tower and taken up well-deserved niches in the temple of high-tech ventures. 1 shall leave the topic of technology transfer to the experts who will speak next. Suffice it to quote a couple of figures: According to a 1974 Brookings Institution report , “advances in knowledge" accounted for 3 1. 1 %, and “ increased education of the work force" 14.1 %, for a total of 45.2% , of America's economic growth in the 40-year period ending 1969. It is not difficult to believe that these figures are far higher for the San Francisco area. And all that before the IC revolution!

Next , to serve as reservoirs of talents.

26

?您chnology

was not always in vogue. As a graduate student in the sixties , 1 recall that physicists considered an engineering career a fate worse than death. W帥， for good reasons. In the late sixties , engineers were laid off everywhere. Come to think of it , physicists were not doing so well either. Today , of course , a graduating engineer is worth his weight in gold.

G殺rly

Which goes to show that society's need for "human capital" fluctuates. There was a drought of MBA's. There is 我 shortage of accountants 改nd computer scientists. There will probably always be an overall shortage of physicians. In ten years , there w琪， in the U.S. , be a serious shortage of teachers. History even spoke of a golden era for philosophers. Of course ,' musicians can occ翁sionally do quite well , especially in punk rock these days , but 1 guess people of my age would just as soon starve out the latter profession.

The univers泊的 serve as a reservoir of intellectual talents. Even in my lifetime , we saw in America Rooseve証's calling of scientists out of the classroom into the Manhattan Proj給哎， Eisenhow肘's mobilization of academic engineers for the race to the moon , Kennedy's call to artists and poets to his Roundtable of Camelot , his raid of Harvard , and Reagan's raid of the Hoover Institution. Closer to home , San Francisco State University is located in a district represented by congressman who used to teach on our campus. And 給台red business and government leaders regularly come and joih our faculty ranJ就 Dr. S. B. Woo in Delaware , a Pui Ching graduate and Chung Chi alumnus , has just been elected the first Chinese-American lieutenant govemor in the United States. He will continue to teach physics on the University of Delaware campus 圖 At the same time , he is expected to move on to stil1 greater things in American politics.

The academic career is a relatively independent and flexible one. It offers faculty the opportunity to intersperse learning and teaching with public service. Those who have experience as consultants or are used to sitting on committees move with ease 悅tween the academe and the private sector. From the point of vìew of the government , the community , or business , universities are a naturaI 紋。rage house for a highly qualífied and self-improving work force.

27

Next , the facul句 is a think tank. We in the universities are accustomed to abstract thoughts , model building and contingency planning. We can 00 creative. We review the past and learn what w紹， look 滋 the present and observe what 坊， and step back to conjecture what can 00. We can be wrong , oft，凹， but we are forever fearless.

That is what we are doing here in this conference. Aren't we? You , my friends , are Hong Kong's think tank.

One more thing. It is pamcularly important for coastal urban universities to serve as nu cI ei for intemational cooperation. People-topeople dialogs begin along the shores. Transoceanic commerce takes place in the po自. Safe harbors for eamest communication away from marlωtplace conflicts exist on university campuses.

At San Francisco State University and around the Pacific Rim , 1 am marshaling human and financial resources to underwrite blueprints for an In紋itute for lntercultural and Multiethnic Studies , a support and advisory organization cal1ed Intemational Friends of San Franci鈍。 State University , and a physical facility called the Pacific House. llook forward to two-way instítutional col1aboration on these projects , and fervently hope that this call strikes a resonant chord here in my native city of Hong Kong.

PROSPECTS ON HIGHI三R EDUCATION IN HONG KONG - SOME PRESUMPTUOUS OBSERVATIO肉S Hong Kong's future is now settled.

As a special administτative region , Hong Kong will continue to be a very unique metropolìs. Politically and economical勻， she will have two distinct roles to play. One , an autonomous , intemational city which wishes to preserve its prosperity and its own identity. The other , a great coastal city in a country on its way to unification. These two roles are strongly interdependent.

There is no doubt that both roles have significant political implications. But in my view , both during the transition period before 1997 and for years to come afterwards , it will 00 economics that

28

determines Hong Kong's value to her own residents and to the people of China. On the one hand , in order to continue to prosper , Hong Kong must expand her economic b那e beyond I諦。r-intensìve industry , border trade , capital flow , quick佩return investments , and real estate development. On the other , as the dominant coastal metropolis south of Shangh刻， Hong Kong needs to take on additional responsibilities ，我long with opportunities and burdens 可 and yes , sometimes the pains , for China's national modernization program.

Under the Open Door policy , Chìna's four special economic zones have developed rapidly. They begin to look very much like the Hong Kong of the late forties and early fifties. And we recall vividly how Hong Kong took off in merely a few years afterwards.τo that list of four are now added fourteen new open citi咐， wìth many others which dìd not make the list striving to get on. Assuming that China will move steadily in the present direcìion , as these cities take their pl治ces on the ladder of modernization , what wiII be left for Hong Kong if she does not establish new areas of expertise?

Let us look at the prospects.

Hong Kong's labor has been skilled innovaìive ，治nd relativefy inexpensìve. Nevertheless , the future of labor-intensive industry on the whole does not look good for her. Border trade may be strong for as long as there's a border , but China trade need no longer be channeled through Hong Kong when other active ports become available. Fluid capital ìs life-giving capital , but it can be fickle ，那 was obvious from actions that took place here during the last two years. Quicl令return investments do much to initiate industrialization , but cannot be depended upon as a mainstay for the livelihood of five and a half million people. Real estate development can be lucrative , but has sim i1ar Ii mit滋ions. Past a certain point , the wealth it creates may wind up on paper only. ,

rf r can be forgiven for being presumptuous , I'd Ii ke to suggest a thought for your consideration. 1 am sure the same point of view has been brought to your attention by many others before me.

In several key areas of modernization , Chîna lags the advanced world by about two decades. There is a missing rung almost exactly in

29

the middle of her economic ladder crying out to be formed. Hong Kong is posed at the right time and the right place to serve as that rung. 1 shall ilI ustrate the point with an example.

Capital has been flowing from Hong Kong to the San Francisco 自治Y Area. This is not to be celebrated or encouraged , but reality is reality and cannot be ignored. As we look at the trend , money from Hong Kong seems to have gone there mainly to buy up reaI estate and banks. There are other treasures in the Bay Area which are not getting the same a說en位on: technology編based small ventures , recently out-of-date but still produdive manufacturing plan的， the information enterprise , and service industries. These ente中rises can be highly profitable. They are precisely the areas in which China must catch up in order to join the ranks of modern nations. They require talents which happen to be abundant in Hong Kong and among Chinese欄Americans. Joint ventures can be formed between Hong Kong and San Francisco for industries which are old enough to export from the United States and still young enough to be important on the China scene ‘ As the gap between East and West c1oses , the middle rung wil\ move up accordingly until sophisticated independent R & D capabilities take roots right here in Hong Kong. At which time , coupled with a then-permanent financial structure , Hong Kong wi1l become China's New York , Los AngeI肘， and the Silicon Valley all rolled into one , standing firmly on the leading edge of that nation's maturing economy.

If the above picture appeals to you , then higher education in 封 ong Kong takes on additional meanings.

The primary function of higher education is instruction. 1take it that a master plan exists , or wi1\ soon exi紋， for complementary segments of higher education to meet the diverse needs of Hong Kong's population.

Universities are one of those complementary 詔gments.

It appears that Hong Kong's universiti的 would aim to serve basically the same four kinds of students that we at San Francisco State University presently 純rve: the conventional high school or college graduates , re輸 entry students , working men and women ，改nd those who seek cu 1tural enrichmen t. 1 understand , however , that there is a shortage of places in Hong Kong's univer草ities. As a result , most of the emphasis has been on 30

providin話 uninterrupted

education for the conventional high school and college graduates. If so , it is high time to extend that privilege to the remaining three kinds , who , from our own experience in San Francisco , contribute as much to the well-being of an internationalized urban society as the conventional students. They account for fully onψhalf of our enrollment. In fact , the average age of our students is around 29司 and almost three-fifths are women , many of whom working and advancing their careers through further education , thus benefiting the city as a whole. Also from our experience is the fact that mingling these students with the conventional has a positive maturing effect on the latter: The realities of a city's life come calling directly to many of the young who have been sheltered all their Iives. 1 do not believe in separating the “adults" from the "youths" even if ít proves expedient.

I hope that undergraduate education in Hong Kong will take on a committed liberal arts philosophy , away from Chinese and European tradítions. Note that even China is beginning to inject liberal arts elements into her profession-oriented curricula. A multi-dimensional education , in my opinion , is a "must" for innovation and creativity; and Hong Kong , Iike all cities , needs both.

It is the secondary function that [ wish to call to your particular atten泣。n. 1 refer to universities' direct services to the urban community: to provide cultural enlightenment; to aid industry with research and development; as a reservoir of intellectual talents; as a think tank for planning; and to nucleate international cooperation ‘ My understanding is that Hong Kong's universities are already a formidable cultural force 司 and that there is already some degree of coordination in the community for artistic events. Perhaps a “ regional endowment for 我rts and humanities" should be created to coordinate fund raising and the allocation of funds , in a role that guarantees support for cu\tural endeavors. The cultural life in a technologically advancing city needs committed , long-term safeguards 治gainst being turned into a desert.

In terms of aiding industry's 民&缸， providíng talents ‘ and working as 袋 think tank , 1 propose that you consider the formation of a "science and technology foundation". The nature of such a foundaìion can be

31

three-fold. One , to support basic research , functioning in a way not un 1ike the National Science Foundation in the U.S.; tax-based. Two , to support applications-oriented research with funds from industry; the research re以ilts are non-proprietary and publishable. Three , to promote university-industry cooperation , ac設ng as a matchmaker for profit勵 motivated joint R & 0 ventures. τhe purpose of basic research in this case 誨， in part , to encourage original work. Also , new technology often grows out of research whose applicability is at first obscure. Hong Kong needs a few people in every field to keep an eye on movements at the scientific frontier , and be ready to interpret important events to its technologists and technocrats. There must , of course , be incentives for these "guru's" , in both prestige and substance.

The purpo揖 of supporting non-proprietary applications oriented research is to 部sure broad-based advances in technology. Product愉 based developmental efforts may be highly profitab胎， but are too narrowly defined to sustain long-term prosperity. Witness the aircraft“ manufacturing industry in the late sixties , the nudear power industry in the U.S. in the late seventies, or electronic games in the eighties. In each case , a highly profitable industry can go 的ur overnight. T0 prevent too narrow an orientatìon , universìty scientists and engineers can be contracted by the “ foundation" to devote themselves to a broad range of non吵的prietary efforts. In a 紙 way ， they will be working for w 丸N治 F mightc 仿 al立la “HongKongln 吉nc ∞ or中 po 偕r侃淼滋ted"

The purpose of joint university機ìndustry ventures is obvious. 1 should leave the subject to the experts who will speak next. Judging from the U.S. experience , the local government has an important role to play in providing leadership and a financially and physically inducing environment for such proprietary ventures. The individuals will take care of their own profits and risks 越 Fìnally , on nud忿忿ting international cooperation 電 Hong Kong is at one center of the Pacific world. I see , not without prejudice or parochialism , the three cities: Hong Kong 、 San Franci況0 ， and Shanghai forming an iron triangle of Pacific cultu泊， ìndu紋旬， and commerce. I would personally like to see all of us here devote ourselves to that task.

32

Hong Kong is already a symbol to the world on how disputes between nations can be resolved to the benefit of all. It is our hope that she will also show the world how a region can f1 0urish and contribute while two economic systems coexist in one country. It is for the urban universities of Hong Kong to take advantage of their coast訓， international location to continually upgrade the cultural and economic quality of Iife of her peop始， and thus the people of China. You , my friends , have in your hold the rarest opportunity. 1 have every reason to believe that you would seize the moment and help make hìstory.

33

DISCUSSION

P起OF.

Y.K. CHEUNG (UNIVERSI1Y OF HONG KONG):

We also have a mature student programme at the University of Hong Kong , (1 don't know about the Chinese University of Hong Kong) and we sympathize with all those like the list you've given us with enlisted men , working men etc. But the number of pJaces in the university is so few th滋 to take in any mature student we would have to reject young students. 且eal旬， I'm sort of in a dilemma when we go through the list of applicants and decide on what we want to do. And in the end we invariabJy give the place back to the young men rather than older men ("and women" … by Chia-Wei WOO). 1 think it hasn't come to that stage yet , you know. But this is the fact of life in Hong Kong. We really don't know what to do

PROF. CHIA.WEI WOO: My message was not aimed at the universities but aimed at the govemment and ìndustry and busìne鈴， the tax base whìch supports the universites and 1 have a feeling that we're a lJ comrades in that e菇。此

DR.NGC話n這G-FAI

(UNIVERSI1Y OF HONG KONG):

Maybe we can make use more of the evening classes that may absorb some mature students.

MR. LO 院的G-TAK

(HONG KONG POLYTI三CHNIC):

Dr. Woo , may 1 ask whether your university offers any extemaJ degree program to solve the problem for the mature students? My second question is that , in general , can the extemal degrees in America organized by some , say the National Continuing University Association , be studied for in Hong Kong? Can you comment on this?

34

PROF. CHIA-WEI WOO: Fìrst of all , in America , unless you're strictly talking about extended education that provides cour紹s for enrichment purpos峙， otherwi妞， degrees are earned as long as you get enough credits. 50 there's no difference between external or internal students. In fact , we don't have a downtown centre anymore but we used to have a number of centres which would just give regular cou泌的， maybe at nìght , at dìfferent times to the students to make it convenient for them. 50 that's not the problem. Degrees are not taken that seriously in the Unìted 5tates. And certainly 1 guess no place in the world right now takes degrees more seriously than Chinese M訟inland at this point. But the time will come when that will also go away. 50 that's not the problem. We give a lot of c1asses in the evening: regular courses , engineering and business cour紹乳 so that the people who work at the Bank of America , at Tran令 Americ袋， at Hewletl-Packard and so on , come and take the courses to improve themselv前， even graduate courses. We would Iike to be of service to Hong Kong. One thing that 1 have found out in my university is that we have only 4 完 foreign students. You know the state of California is rather jealous when it comes to positions in the universities.

But in many fields which are not so-called impacted , there is room.

Computer science and engineering are very di琵icult ， but there are areas.

Even MBA programmes seem to have some openìngs now.

And we would Iike to be of service. In fact , 1 would Iike to see our university working with Hong Kong's universìties in some ways , or Hong Kong society in some ways. Of course , we'd Iike to find out what you can do for us. And it這 a two-way street. In the meantime , Hong Kong really does need to open up new universities and have new plac的 but we might be 油le to take a role in fillìng a gap for a short time. We can talk about it in more detail.

DR.MOK 揖Ar唾-HUNG

(HONG KONG BAPTIST COLLEGE):

。r. Woo , 1note with interest your ìd僻 of an iron triangle. 1 wonder if you can put in more concrete terms what this iron triangle can achieve and also how would you suggest going about promoting and setling this

35

up. Because 1 note also that the mayor of Shanghai , as you've mentioned in your speech , was in San Francisco , and apparently they have some cooperation with your institute. Have you ever sounded out thìs idea with Mayer Wang of Shanghai?

PROF. CHIA-WEI WOO:

of course , in public , outside of Hong Kong , we have to be rather careful because within this iron triangle, there are indeed places which will be 抖squeezed". But since 1 was born in Shanghai , raised in Hong Kong , and now Iive in San Francisco, that' s why 1 said parochìalism..

Maybe we should say the Chinese Mainland and Hong Kong and San Francisco.

Let me just give you one quick iI1ustratìon of what an ìron triangle can do. Take a technology , Iike IC (Integrated Circuits) 3 inch wafer - 5 micron technology is now readily export改ble. You stìll have to go through export Iicencing and so on , and some countrì的 may just sit on it to make U.S. jump a Iittle bit. It is exportable basìcally. And China has been buyìng some of these produdion Iines second hand , but 1 understand that quite a few of th惦念 lìnes , bought at rather low cost , if not 2 , then 3 or 4 miI1ion dolla鈴， turn-key productìon lines , have not been operating , certainly not to capacity. The reason is that the infrastrudure 教nd the management and the technology haven't quite gotten there yet and China sti11 does not adjust that easily. 1think that my friends from China wil1 agree with me. Hong Kong c治n take that role. If there is such an IC line , or for that matter , another line , electron gun , making something of that sort , that is exportable , Hong Kong can take some of its 侃pítal to buy such a factory for a small amoun t. If it's an industry that's going to last for a few more years , say the market wiI1 stil1 be there for 5 or 10 years , and then wi\l die off afterwards. Buy such a thing and hire the same management and run it for several years, while makìng enough money from the marke t. America wants to get out because they don't see much future after 5 or 10 years. So both by getting the capital back and also (I' m actually speaking from real experience , not just dreaming) make enough money , pretty much in the American market to cover that investment. And in th結 me改ntime sending the kind of people over there to learn , to get ready to take that

36

factory , the plant (these plants are all pretty small th的e days) to Hong Kong to set up. Then 3 or 4 years lat肘， it's taken back to Hong Kong to set up. The market is still there , the sales network is still there , so you can continue to 紹11 until the market in the western world dies out. In the meantime , the Chinese market would pick up. So after you bring it here in a year or two , you bring in the Chinese counterpart. You're doing the same thing as you did in the U.S. A. They put in half the capital or maybe all of 泣， buy the plant , use the people here , continue to make some money and then in a few years take it to China. The China market is going to last for quìte a while yet.

There are other things also which have nothing to do with 翁dvanced the glow. starter in fluorescent tubes. Tha t' s something that's not needed in 110 volt countries , but in 220. China has 220. China will need it for years to come. And yet American companies right now have to continue to make them even though they're labour intensive and they lose money , because they have long term contracts to supply to 巳lrope and to other countries with 220. So there are many such opportunities available. And Hong Kong can actually be both a matchmaker and take both roles and , if you Iike , Hong Kong people can make money twice. Of course , in these things , indu的y never makes as much as real estate , never loses as much either. technology.γake ligh恕，

DR. FRANK KEHL (CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK):

1 was very impressed that the San Francisco State mission type of student and general 5訓-up is quite parallel to our own at the City University , which 詣， however , much larger. We serve 177 ,000 students on 17 compu組s. But it' s not that point that 1want to get 祉， The 自rst

two qu的tions were 的sentially 1think getting at the issue of democratisation of education and the demand coming from the bottom for opportunity in educ訓ion. We see this not only in Hong Kong , we see it on the Mainland also. And the way this is being addressed in America there are multiple ways but one w月I in particular is the community college.τhe two year college provides a degree , a degree that different people weigh di宜erently ， but which provides a degree , training for certain things as well as some liberal 我rts training , so that one is not in a

37

dead end vocational trap and which allows for that same student after two years to go on to a four柵year institution through transfer. It seems to me that for Hong Kong and for the Mainlar泣， that this concept of the communi句 coIlege ， thought of in more or less this way , and in more or less the way we have it at CUNY (and 1am interested in hearing how it is in the B我y Area) might be a solution to many of th的e kinds of probJems that we've been talking about and in particular that demand coming from the bottom for higher education.

p註OF.

CHIA-WEIWOO:

I' m pushing the idea of community college even more so on the

Chinese Mainland than in Hong Kong. 1think Hong Kong has a number of institutions of that type. But 1 am in complete agreement with what you've just said. In fact , 1 would Iike to sugg絨 to the Society of Hong Kong Scholars to invite a person by the name of Hilary Hsu (徐建立) , also born in Shanghai , raised in Hong Kong , and lives in San Francisco now. He is the Chancellor of the Community College District in San Francisco , with one city college ，做10 university colleges and eight downtown centres.

Let me also pay you a quick compliment. 1 went to San Francisco State a year and half ago and 1 don't want to say that too often , but my model for San Francisco State is CCNY. CCNY has done much for the immigrants , for the poor whites , for the Jewish , bright Jewish students from Brooklyn Heights and so on for years and years. And actually CCNY and Berkeley produce more students who went on to doctorates than any other university in the United States. They have done well because they have the far sight and that was the model 1 would Jike San Francisco State to follow. l' m glad you're here.

DR.

F.c. CHEN (THE CHINESE UNIVERSITY OF HONG KONG):

1 just want to make a remark, not a question. 闊的y of the functions you've just mentioned by your university is being c治.rried out in the universities in Hong Kong, not in the university proper, but in the

38

univesity extensìon , what we called the Extra-Mural Department. 話。th universìties operate very large and active Extra-Mural Departments , which both cater to the old lady who wants to learn more about the symphony, and also to the nurse who want to be properly certified , or to the c1 erk who wants to be a proper Iibrarian. So , for instance , both universities enrol something Ii ke c10se to 30 ,000 to 40 ,000 students a year in their Extra-Mural Departments. So that's just a remark. And of cour捕， as you've put it , the Chinese University has already started a part編time de位ree and that is for the manpower up-grading of adults. But , finally , 1 do want to pose a question , even though 1 would not w治ntyou to answer it. And that is the following. The university is trying to educate manpower at various stages of their development. Young people when they're just ready and older people and yet older people. Now , in a place 1ike Hong Kong , the primary emphasis is on the young peop怡， the first chances. People with the second chances , you know , are given a back 制裁t. But do you have a c1 ear strat何y ， a philosophy , of what kind of profile of resource allocation to people of different ages? Now that is a question which always worries and puzzles us. In particular , how much money should we give to Extra Mural Departments within the two universities?τhat's very puzzling because you don't have a strategy or phílosophy for it and whichever way you think about it is not a simple and easy question. So we can discuss it J滋er. “

PROF. CHIA-WEI WOO: 1 want to thank the Secretary of the Chinese University for setting me straight. A 1ittle knowledge is very dangerous and my knowledge is too little and I'd Iike to be educated more about Hong Kong. As far as the allocation , 1 think that there is a natural force there. As 1 walk around , Ii stening to industrialists電 businessmen and government peop始， you hear what is lacking. Second chance studen恕， from my own experience 加卻'be that' s on垮台ue in America) have often wound up more motivated and contributing more th治n first chance students. So is it then necessary for them to take a back seat?

39

TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER AND HIGHER EDUCATION YIU-KWAN FAN UNIVERSI1Y OF WISCONSIN AT STEVENS POINT AND LOUIS K. WOO STANFORD UNIVERSI1Y ABSTRACT This paper discusses the interrelations between technology trωnsfer and higher education , and theÎr role in the dynamic process of economic developmen t. It builds on four basic premises: 1. Higher educatìon ìs an ìntegral part of the technology transfer process , and successful technology transfer requìres the support of an “ appropriate higher education system\ 2. An appropriate higher education system is one which not only supplies the nece55ary quality and quantity of manpower for the transfer and diffusion of new technologi斜， but more importantly , develop5 the general capacitìes for technological improvement and innovatìon.

3. To rem為in appropriate , the higher educatìon system must antìcipate future trends in technological development ，為nd change in uni50n with the structural change of the economy.

4. It is essential that achievements in appropriate higher education be rewarded with upward social mobility and economic opportunities 50 that incentives are provided to mobilize human resources and ingenuìty for technologícal innov拭ion and economic development.

40

技術轉移與高等教宵 活躍鈴寂寞是最華文撥

胡臨輝史坦福大略 摘聽 眾文討論拉爾轉移和器等教育之闊的關條，

手 IJ 思

系統」的交肘。 、新拉術的轉移與憾捕，需要有大量晶質的人力主權， 措只能由一個議智的高等教菁系統到菩提供及補給;

這蠢的

摺梁說，芳草進行按 1扣上的改農與革載。

、臨了譯詩它的品嘗'1笠，直等歡喜子是說1l\~真能劈頭晃設備發展的建 ，孟且能多句鵲經潛在組織上的轉發作出相應白色調腎，以求步 。

四、守主適當的高等教窗上取得戚就者，

智昇的機盒，以資槳，勵，這樣穿毒品躍動人力資源，

展及接站革聶斯:0、不再少的真搗亂惜的人士r o

辦

Dr. Y.K ‘ Fan

Dr. Louis K. Woo

41

TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER AND HIGHER EDUCATION Y1 U-KWAN FAN AND LOUIS K. WOO

ln recent years much has been written about technology transfer and its important role in the p如何必 of economic developmen t. Often mentioned in the discussion is education , which has been cited as both an essential prerequisite and a valuable outcome of successful technology transfer. In such a context , however , attention has been directed mostly to the importance of mass education at elementary and secondary levels , and relatively li叫e has been 但id of the functions of higher education in the technology transfer process.

This P況per argues that higher education is an integral part of the technology transfer process , and successful technology transfer requires the support of an "appropriate higher education system". An appropri被e higher education system is one which not only supplies the necessary qua1ity and quantity of manpower for the transfer and diffusion of new technologies , but more importantly , develops the general capacities for technological improvement and innovation. In order to remain appropriate , the higher education system must anticipate future trends in technological developmer泣， and change in unison with the structural change of the economy.

11 Technology can be defined as the systematic knowledge needed for the manufadure of a product , for the application of a process司 or for the rendering of a service (OECD , 198 1, p. 18). In other words , technology is the knowledge of how to do and make useful things (Stewa吠， 1979 ， p. 1). As such technology is essential for the development of new produds and enhancement of productivity.

42

Economic histori改ns have long suggested that the worldwide spread of modem economic growth has depended chiefly on the diffusion of a body of knowledge concerning new production techniques. Thus technology transfer has been advocated as an effective development strategy. Attempts to quicken the pace of the technology diffusion process from more developed to less developed countries have culminated in United Nations r肘。lutions and UNCTAD's effort to develop an International Code of Conduct on the Transfer of Technology.

However , the United Nations' call for action "by the international communíty to restructu紹 the existing patterns of internatìonal scientifìc and technological relatìons affectìng the transfer and development of technology" (General Assembly Resolutìon 35/56) has been resisted by developed countrìes. Indeed. despíte its potential benefìts to both the sendíng and receiving countries. international technology transfer has been a focal point of tension ín North-South relations. As expounded by Fan (1985) , much of the controveτsy surrounding North-South technology tranfer stems from the divergent views about the process between the sending country and the recipient country in terms of goals and objectives , expected short-term and long騙term benefits and costs , the time-frame for completion , and the basic understanding of technological :nnovation and its dì叮usion process. τh仿 firms ìn the sending country participate in the transfer process for profits , operating in relatively short tíme-frames , and orientìng their plans toward completion and operation of specific proj仿cts. The receìving country participates in the technology transfer process for economic growth and structural change. Although short勵term objectives of the recipient country may be íncreased productivity , higher employmer哎， and even natìonal prìde and prestige , the long-‘term goal is typically technological independence. Technological independence involves more than mastery of specifìc production techniques. It represents a stage of economíc development at whích the country can basically rely on its ìndigenous scientific and technícal personnel to maintain existing plants , to sustain production on a continuous basis. and to construct simil歧， if not better , plants. To achieve this requires coordir磁ted e叮orts among economic planne時， the indigenous scientific and technical community , educational institutions , and the enterpríses

43

that are effecting the technology transfer. It is an endeavor on the national scale that commits substantial human and material resources. an endeavor that cannot be left to the technology transferrlng enterprises to accomplish , for the simple reason that it would run against their instinct of maximizing profits.

1日

Technological development in industrialized countries generally reflects the complexity and specialization of their economic organizations , the relatively high income level and the corresponding consumption pattern , and the relative abundance of capital endowment (Stewart , 1977 , Chapter 1). 在volving from existing technoloffi，人 the newly developed technology presumes the avaílability of a highly educated and skilled labor force ‘ Therefore , if technology transfer is pursued without modification and adjustment to Iocal conditions , the imported technology wi1l only reflect the resource endowments of the senders. This type of transferred technology is what some researchers call ‘'inappropriate technology". T0 search for "appropriate technology" is 訟n importa成 issue in technology transfer. Contrary to common be!ief種 most production processes allow certain f1 exibility in input intensity; and the factor proportions may change over the Iife cycle of a particular technique (Vernon , 1966). Thus , in applying a matured technology there is a certain range of fador proportions from which one can choose an “ appropriate" production process which will take full advantage of local resources.

Conceptually , the transfer of appropriate technology involves four interrelated stages (Stewart , 1979 , p. 39; Rosenber弓， 1982 , p. 249). In the first stage , the transferee country must search for available options; it must evaluate , discriminate , and select the technology appropriate to the indigenous conditions. In the second stage , the coun甘y must be able to utilize the imported technology to manufadure a product or produce a service. The third stage is to adapt and modify that particular technology to suit specific local needs. The last stage is to develop new application of the imported technology , or its own alternative technology.

If we examine this conceptual process of technology transf紋 we can begin to appreciate the important role higher education plays in every stage.

careful旬，

是4

In the first stage , the most essential capability required is the ability to search for alternative technologies , to evaJuate the costs and benefits of those alt前natives ， and to discriminate and select among them (Ste\λlart ， 1977 , p. 126; 1979 , p. 39; UNCτAO ， 1978b , p. l29; Rosenberg , 1982 , p. 249). The Jack of this technical knowledge in most developing countries limits and constrains them in making independent technological choices , and handicaps these nations in negotiations (UNCTA口，的78a). Thus the receiving country bargains from a position of relatively incomplete knowledge , which accentuates i俗 subordinate positìon ìn the internationaJ market of technoJogy (James , 1979 , p. 93).

Many studìes have attributed the weak position of buyers of technology from the perspective of developing countries to the non耐 existence of their own skill base to facilitate technology transfer (Subrahmanian , 1972 , pp. 143 163; NationaJ Research Councìl , 1978). Thìs evìdence points to the importance of higher education in traìning both analytical and specìal skills to support the first stage of technology transfer. “

The second stage involves the utilization of technology imported.

Many studies have suggested that effective utilization of imported technology requires a high caliber of traìned personnel at the receiving end (Baranson , 1971 , pp. 12-18; Tee冊， 19沌; Wallender , 1979 , chapter 3). An UNCTAO report concludes that the e任éctive use of technology in deveJoping countries presumes a pool of trained manpow研(1 978b ， p 恥 16). Higher education shouJders the major responsibìlity of provìding this mass of traìned managerìal and technical manpower.

In the third stage , the transferred technology is supposed to take on indigenous characteristics such that modìfìcation and adaptation can be made to facìlitate the widest diffusion possible. The abílity to adapt , to modi旬， and to improve upon cho純n techniques and. subsequent旬， its products comes mainly from “ learnìng by doing" (Arrow , 1962). The efficìency of this process depends to a signíficant extent on the exístence of a critícallevel of analytical ‘ creative , and problem刪solvíng skills. Thus , a critical mass of “conversion" and “ improvement" engineers and technicians is required to adapt product designs and production techniques in accordance with local demands and indìgenous resources.

45

The formation of these analytical , creative , and problem-solving skills constitutes the development of absorptive capabilities (Baranson , 1971 , p. 32; UNCTAD ‘ 1978a , Chapter VIII); and the development of absorptive capabilities , including specific training in conversion and improvement engineering , falls largely within the domain of higher education.

In addition to abso中討ve c叩抽iliti峙， successful ad叩，tation of technology to exploit local resources also requires research expertise and facilities. In developing countries where research expertise and facilities are scarce , higher education institutions , by poolìng talents and resources of many disciplines; are relatively more equipped than industry to explore the feasibility of adaptation. Therefore , cooperation between higher education institutions and industry can greatly facilitate modification and adaptation of imported technology to be吐er suit local conditions.

The research support of higher education is especially essential in the development of indigenous technology which would be more "appropriate" than the imported technology. This final stage of technology transfer presumes a continuous commitment of local research and developmen t. Many researchers have asserted that a critical mass of scien起sts and engineers is required for productive research and development (Brown , 1973 , p. 24; 自ath and James , 1979 , pp. 16-17). Also , a minimum level of research activities spanning several fields of inquiry is needed to permit cross-fertilization of the ideas and techniques (National Academy of Science , 1973 , p. 33). The important role of higher education in personnel training and research activities is only too obvious.

Thus the relationship between higher education and technology transfer can be seen as a dynamic one. In the proc的5 of technology transfer technical knowledge is a prerequisite to an effedive first stage of search and selection and an input to the second stage of utilization. An outcome of learning by doing as a result of the second stage of technology transfer feeds into the third stage of adaptation , modification , and diffusion; and the learning experience of the third stage , coupled with scientific and engineering skills supplied by higher education institutions , facilitates the formation of the la紋 stage - developing

46

indigenous technology. Whether or not the four stages of technology transfer can be successfully completed depends on the capabi1ity of the higher education system in supplying the necessary qua1ity and quan位ty of manpower and in generating technological innovation.

IV We submit that successful technology transfer requires the support of an "appropriate higher education system". Two major 的pects of the appropriate higher education system c法仇 恨 identified: the manpower training aspe仗， and the development of general capacities for technological innovation. Let us examine these two aspects in greater detail , and discuss their imp 1ications for the design of higher education policy.

With reg訟rd to manpow位 training ， the higher education system should be designed to provide necessary skills for performing the functions in the transfer of technology (Hawthorne 弩 1971 ， Chapter 1).

These include operative and supervisory skills for the use , control and maintenance of imported plan認為nd equipment , scientific and engineering skills for adaptation of foreign technology to local requirements 有 managerial skills for assessing cost翩effectiveness and business opportunitiés for foreign technology , and legal skills for negotiating terms of transfer. Not only the type of skills have to match秒 up technology transfer requirements , the /eve/s have to be appropríate 的 well.

The match-up between the quantity of manpower and technology transfer requirements ís even more demanding and elusive. Two polar approaches to this problem have been manpower planníng and the market feedback mechanism. Each has its strengths and weaknesses , and is unlikely to be very useful when applied by itself.

Conceptual旬， the manpower planning approach starts from some development objectives over the planning period , such as target growth rates of some strategic sectors of the economy. Resource commitments including the necessary technologies to be transferred from outside sources are then identified and estimated. The manpower requirements for effecting the tr忍nsfer of technology can then be calculated through a

47

stock-and訕flow

adjustment process , relying mainly on the school system to supply projected short falls. Occupational requirements are translated into educational needs by associating each occupational group to the type and level of education deemed appropriate.

The methodological problems and pitfalls of manpower planning techniques are well-documented and wil\ not be discussed here (see , for example , G iIl俗， Perkins , Roemer and Snodgrass , 1983 , Chapter 9; Psacharopoulos , 1981; Parnes.哩 1962; Tinbergen and 80S , 1965).

Suffice it to say that the more detailed the model , the more ad hoc assumptions it has to apply ‘ and the more rigid the model structure becomes. Also , it has been observed that many functionallinks which are assumed to be stable in manpower planning models turn out to be unstable and unpredictable. For example , there seems to be no unique linkage between education and occupation 圖 Furthermore 會 the technology transfer process itself introduces changes to the existing industrial and occup滋ional structures.

Another major difficulty of the manpower planning approach Iies in the fact that the process of higher edu叫tion is much too slow to meet immediate demands generated by technology transfer. Also , in the context of international technology transfer , technology is very specific to products or production processes , whereas formal higher education is necessarily general. Together they imply that there is always a large margin of error in the quant設y of manpower supplied by the higher education system to satisfy technological needs , both in number and in occupa位 onmix 。

Recent years see rapid technological changes in most industries , mainly brought about by computerization and robotization. Advances in biotechnology promise further major changes in the near future. Such developments tend to make the manpower planning approach even more elusive by introducing 紋 high degree of uncertainty about future demands for various skills needed to transfer and absorb the new technologies. τhe other polar appro說ch to meeting manpower demands is to rely on the m為rket mechanism for signals of manpower surplus and shortage in various occupation categories. Responding to such signals as

48

unemployment or labor shortage in prospective job categories , student changes in turn serve as sìgnals based on which reaJJocation of educational resources is made. The drawbacks of this approach are obvious. Brie旬， because of imperfect information , limited foresight , high start-up and sunk-in costs of higher education programs , structural rigidity of the educatìon system , politics of the budgetary process and other factors , delays in responding to changing labor market conditions are inevitable , resulting in the possibility that the education system is constantly out of step with the developments in the labor market. This leads to chronic paìnful readjustments , and in many instances to waste of valuable human , material and financìal resources. en的IIments change. 在 nrol\ment

A practical approach calls for a combination of the two polar approaches. To the extent that technology transfer is a “ deliberate , systematical\y organized act" (OECD , 198 1, p. 1初， some manpower planning is necessary to generate guidelines for the design of higher education. However , market signals must be monitored and u紹d to activate adjustment mechanisms in the planning model. An effective way of monitoring market signals is through the establishment of formal and informal Iinks among the planning agency , higher education institutions and industry. We shall return to this point later. τhe match化lp of higher education programs to skill requirement for technology transfer demands careful planning. Investment in higher education is characterized by a long gestation period , large expenditure , and relatively long usefullife of the human capital being accumulated. A mis-match implies enormous amount of resource misallocation and economic inefficiency.

The other major aspect of an appropriate higher education system for technology transfer is development of general capacìties for technological innovation. Technological innovation marks the maturing stages of technology transfer , which in c! ude modification and further development of imported technology.

Technological innovation requires 位production of knowledge" for solving specific problems. Production of knowledge includes both research and learning-by明doing activities (Arrow 、 1969). Each activity in general wi\l have two valuable results: the physical outputs and the

49

change in information about other activities. Conceptu刻ly we can distinguish between research and leaming七y-doing by the relative effects of these two results. A research activity is one in which the actual output is of negligible importance compared to the information gain; whereas “ in the cases of leaming心少doing ， the motivation for engaging in the ac討vity is the physical output , but there is an additional gain , which may be relatively small , in information which reduces the cost of further production" (Arrow , op. C紋， p.31).

Given the importance of research and learning by doing in innovation , a high education system appropriate for supporting technology transfer should aim at developing the genral capacities for both of these activities. Thus it is necessary not only to produce scientists 句 engineers , and high-level managerial and administrative personn訓， but also to train production planners , technicians , middle management personnel and line supervisors. It also implies that higher education institutions must keep c1 0se contact , and indeed cooperate , with industry becau招 industry can provide f制ile ground for learning by doing experience. Again this calls for more formal and informallinks between higher education institutions and industry.

V p、low

we can tum our attention to policy implications.

The 1970 Istanbul Seminar on technology transfer sponsored by the Organiz滋 ion for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) rpade recommendations for education and training improvements that are largely still valid. Specifical旬， the recommendations call for reev治luation and re伽structuring of higher education curricula to m為kethem more flexible to reflect the changing needs of society , providing the necessary educational infrastructure for technological innovation , and for continuing cooperation between higher education institutions and industry.

In order to minimize the recognition and adjustment lags in response to changes in manpower requirements , the higher education programs must be made more flexible. One possibility is to "modularize" the traditional curriculum into self-contained bodies of knowledge for easy

50

currículum revísions. Also , by organizing courses into combinations of related modules , more interdisciplinary studies can be developed; and interdisciplinary studies are increasingly recognized as effectíve ways to broaden the student's horízon (Bennett , 1984).

In many rece成 studies ， researchers conclude that higher education should be re刪 oriented toward the development of "basic life competencies". Among the b部ic life competencies often mentioned are communicating , critical thinking , problems solvin也c1arification of valu斜， functioning wìthin social institutions , using science and technology , and using the arts. It is generally considered that thes結 are the qualities that are most needed to meet job requirements for the 1990's. The emphasis is more on broadening the scope of education than on advanced training of specific skills. 筒。st studies agree that the training of specific skil1s is best provided on the job.

The setting up of an educational infrastructure for technological innovation requires continuing cooperatìon between high結r education ìnstitutìons and industry. Cooperation may take many forms , including the following: (1) Direct financing by industry of specific research projects and training programs at universities , colleges and polytechnics. This enabl的 higher education institutions to provide direct service to industry to meet specific needs. It also creates communìcation channels through which higher education institutions can feel 我 sense of direction in relation to their applied research.

(2) Cooperative programs whereby industry employees on company time enrol in higher education programs considered to be most suitable for theìr Ii nes of duti的種 Students in the組 programs serve as the Iì nkage by bringing knowledge to real-Iife applications and by bringing work experience into the c1assroom.

(3) Research partnership between higher education institutions and industry. The partnership can be in the form of coupling between one institution and one company , or in the form of 為 consortium joining a single institution with a group of companies interested in a common area of 凹search. An example of the former is the Harvard “

51

Monsanto partnership to research the biochemistry and biology of organogenesis for a contracted period of 12 years. Examples of the la胎r include the MIT Polymer Processing Program and Stanford's Center for Integrated Systems.

(4) Industrial associate programs whereby faculty members of higher educatìon ins誼tutìons regularly consult or organize workshops for participating companies. These actìvities are problem-oriented , and are directly related to the companies' 民& D programs and production processes.

(5) Sabbatical exchange programs whereby faculty members spend their sabbaticalleave working for industry.

(6)

Executive-in悔residence programs. Industry personne l, generally at levels of responsibility , spend their leaves at higher education institutions to give lectures and conduct seminars in areas of their expertise.

(7) Entrepreneurship programs. These are relatively new and experimenta l. Entrepreneurship is not a well-defined term , but is generally agreed to be associated with innovation. An entrepreneur has been described as one who has creative ideas and vision. who perceives and exploits new opportunities , who can organize 治nd stimulate the e缸orts of others , who can design changes and push for changes , and who has a strong motivation to achieve. One program for fostering entrepreneurship involves providing an environment for students and faculty to work in collaboration with industry representatives in facilities not otherwise available to them. Another format is a multi-disciplinary program aìmed at broadening students' horizons by sensitizing them to global perspectives , current developments and future changes. Still another example is the University Science Center of the Unìversity of Pennsylvania. The Center houses around 60 small companies engaged in a broad spectrum of innovative production activities , providing them with low cost clerical and managerial support and giving them full access to university research facilitìes.

52

Vl From the perspective of developing countries , the ideal process of technology transfer is a systematicaJl y planned and contro Jl ed activity whìch is organized to reflect the resource endowments of the recipient country. From the perspective of indl浴缸ìalized countries , the tranfer process is largely governed by co中orate objectives , and reflects the economic organization and factor endowments of the sending country.

As such the process of technology transfer could not have been perceived farther apart than the perspectives of the transferer and the transferee.

Divergent as their perspectives are , there are good reasons for the North and South to strive for reconciliatìon. The first and most obvious reason is that international technology transfer can be mutually beneficial. It resu !ts in expanded production possibilities , overseas markets and possibly stronger political influence for the sending country; and it promises infusion of advanced technology , creation of job opportunities and rapid economic development for the receiving country. Second , because the two par位的 in the transfer process have different objectives , use different assumptions and methods in calculating costs and benefits , and operate in different tìme欄frames 唾 it is conceivable that each party can realize from the transfer process substantial gains before the Pareto optìmal arrangement is reached.

One common complaint of the multinationa\ corporations that engage in international technology transfer is the lack of technological expertise at the receiving end. One common fear among developing countries is that they would be given inappropriate technology at grossly inflated prices as the transferer exploits their technological ignorance.

Thus , to reconcile conflicting perspectives and facilitate technology transfer ‘ a promising strategy is strengthening the higher education system of the recípient countries. This paper has suggested that to pursue such strategy involves making higher education "appropriate" to the technology transfer process , both in meeting t胎兒latively short -run objective of manpower training for all stages of the transfer process , and in creating the infrastructure for technological innovation to achieve the long-term goal of technological independence.

53

It should be pointed out , however , that the success of the appropriate higher education system , if designed and implemented , hinges on the coordinative support of other socio-political and economic policies. It is essential that achievements in appropriate higher education be rewarded with upward social mobility and economic opportunities.

Only then can incentives be provided to mobilize human resources , talents and ingenuity for technological innovation and economic developmen t.

REFERENCES Kenneth. “The Economic Implications of Learning By Doing."

Review of Economic Studies , June , 1962. .“Classificatory Notes on the Production and Transmission of Technological Knowledge." American Economic Review , May , 1969.

Baranson , Jack. lnternational Transfer of Automotive Technology to Developing Countries. New York , NY: The United Nations Institute for Training and Research , 1971 Bath , C. Richard and Dilmus D. James. “ The Extent of Technological Dependence in Latin America." In James H. Street and Dilmus D. James (Eds.) , Technological Progress in Latin America: The Prospects for Overcoming Dependency. Boulder , CO: Westview Press , Inc. , 1979.

Bennett , William J. To Reclaim a Legacy: A Report on the Humanities in Higher Education. National Endowment for the Humanities , November , 1984.

Brown , Harrson. “ The Role of Science and Technology in Developmen t." In Roberto Esauenazi-Mayo , Khem M. Shahani , and Samuel B. Treves (Eds.) , The Scientific and Technological Gap in Latin America. Li ncoln , NE: University of Nebraske , Institute for International Stude坊， 1973.

Fan , Yiu-Kwan. “Toward a Reconciliation of Conflicting Perspectives on North-South Technology Transfer." Journal of Technology Transfer , Vo l. 9 , No. 2 , Spring , 1985.

A訂ow ，

54

GiII坊， Malcolr泣， Dwight 討.

Snodgr部s.

Perkins , Michael Roem校 and Donald R. Economics of Development. New York , NY: W.W.

Norton and Co 叮 1983.

Hawthorne , E.P. The TransferofTechnology. Paris: OECD , 1971.

Jam咐， Dilmus D. “ The Economic Case for More Indigenous Scientific and Technological Research and Development in Less Developed Countries." In James H. Street and Dilmas D. J為m惦記ds.) ， Techno/ogical 抖ogress in Latin America: The 抖的:pec必 for Overcoming Dependency. Boulder , CO: Westview Press , Inc. , 1979.

National Academy of Science. US. International Firms αnd R.D. & E. in Developing Countries. Washington , DC: National Academy of Sciences , 1973.

National Research Council. US. Sôence and Techno/ogy for Develop岫 ment: A Contribution to the U.N. Conference. Prepared by National Academy of Science , National Academy of Engineering , Institute of Medicine. Washington , DC: Department of S惚惚， 1978 點 OECD. North/South Techno/ogy Transfer: The Adjustment Ahead.

Paris: Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development , 1981.

Par兮的， Herbert S. Forecasting εducational Needs for Economic Development. Paris: Mediterranean Regional Project , OEC口， 1962.

Psacharopoul啦， George. "Returns to Education: An Upda給d International Comparison." Comparative Education , Vol. 17 , No. 3 , 1981. 訣。senberg ， Nathan. Inside the Black Box: Technology and Economics.

Cambridge , London: Cambridge University Press , 1982.

Stewart , Frances. Technology and Underdevelopment. Boulder , CO: Westview Pre坊， Inc. ， 1977. . International Technology Transfer: Issues and Policy Option. Washington , DC: The World Bank , July , 1979. World Bank Staff Working Paper , No. 344.

Subrahmanian , K.K. Import of Capital and Technology: A Study of Foreign Collaborations in Indian Industry. New Delhi , India: People's Publishing Co. , Inc. , 1972. ?的帥， David. The Multinational Corporation and the Resource Cost of International Technology Tran題fer. Cambridge , MA: Ballinger Publishing Co. , Inc. , 1976.

55

Tinberge鈴，

J. and H. C.峙。s. “A Planning 抖。del for the Educational Requirements of Economic Developmen t." Econometric Mode/s for Education. Paris. OECD , 1965.

UNCTAD. “ Technological Dependence:τhe Nature , Consequences and Policy Imp主臼悅。ns." In 卉。ceedings of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Developmen t. Fourth Se ssion , Vol. III. R我sic Documents (TDj190). New York , NY: The United Nations , 1976. . Handbook on the Acquisition of Technology by Developing Countries. New York , NY: The United Nations , 1978b. . Transfer of Technology: lts Implications for Development and Environmen t. New York , NY: The United Nations , 1978B Vernon , Raymond. “ In包rnational Investment and International Trade in the Product Cycle." Quarterly Journal of Economi白， M旬， 1966 Wa l1ender , Harvey W. III. Technology Transfer and Management in the Developing Countries: Compα ny Cases and Policy Analyses in Braz話， Kenya , Korea , Peru, and Tanzania. Ca mbridge , MA: Ballinger Publishing Co. , 1979.

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DISCUSSION

(Question not clear.)

PROF. LOUIS K. WOO: I guess any kind of presentation , any paper , must basically be biased by the presentors' own educational background. 1 think , it needs no emphasis that my training is in education economics and Professor Fan is from economics. So you can understand the focus of our papers is on the economic aspect of the whole process of technology transfer. This is not to say that economics is the only major aspect or the only important aspect in the whole process of technology transfer. But this is to acknowledge the fact that given all the soci祉， cultural , political factors which would inevitably influence the whole process , what can we talk about as far as the economic aspect is concerned? And tha t's how we approach the paper. l1's not to ignore the fact that those other factors are important.

As far as the second question is concerned , 1 think Professor Fan has mentioned that we are advocating ,‘advocating' might not be the right word , but we're pushing the point of view that higher education should be going into more encompassing , more analytic訟， creative aspects of training , rather than very specific ones. 1 think that given that kind of perspective , then hopefuIl y people who have gone through the process would be more equipped to look at the technology transfer process as more wholistic than simply ju說 technological or economica1.

PROF. Y. K. FAN: 1 want to add that over the past couple of decades , the process of technology transfer has been pretty much politicized , and if you look at the UNCT AD recommenda恆。口， or UNCT AD resolutions on technology transfer of a few years back and the UNCTAD statements of 1983 , you can feel the change of tone and 1think there is a tendency to de-politicize the process of technology transfer now. When both the receiving

57

countries and the sending countries realize that between the two polar views , as Professor Woo pointed out earli缸， there may be some optimal point or area where both the receiving and sending countries can work on and benefit from. And the fact of the matter is that the receiving countri的 and sending countries have different perspectives and have di証erent 位me horizons in terms of costs and benefits. And if they can negotiate in good faith , and if each party realizes what is involved , then we believe that there is an area in which both parties can benefit from the arrangemen t.

DR. YUWING句'IN (UNIVERSI1Y OF HONG KONG): τhe message th滋 higher education is importa的 for the transfer of technology is wel1 taken. lt has been put forth that there is no lack of highly trained Hong Kong people. (By that 1 mean people who are trained not only 10caIJy but also in other parts of the world.) lt has also been put forth that perhaps in this respect the p叭。rity for Hong Kong would be the training of middle-level technicians. Now , for an export-Ied economy , Iike Hong Kong , the situation is very much subjected to contingencies and as you have already noted , higher education , being a longterm process of manpower training or development , would be iIIequipped to take into account short term contingencies. In this perspective , 1 would Iike to pose the question whether you would consider higher education an important hindrance to the transfer of technology for Hong Kong. Or would there be other more important factors , like government policy , entrepreneurship in the private sector?

PRO F. Y. K. FAN: 1 think the point is well taken that education is not the hindrance of the process of technology transfer. There are other hindrances or there are other facilitators as wel1 as blockages. And , of course , the emphasis of our paper ref1ects the theme of the symposium , which is higher education. And in the context of Hong Kong , 1 agree with you that we have a lot of trained people at different levels. And 1don't think that the manpower aspect is as constraining a factor as in many other developing countrie草。 And as Dr. Ng noted at the beginning of the symposium , 58

Hong Kong is moving from the south to the north. 1still see the need for c1 0ser cooperation between higher education institutions , i. e. umver草ities ， polytechnic and colleges , with industries. One thing 1 can't help noting is that in many less developed countries (LDCs) , the incentive systems are not properly installed. To the extent that Hong Kong is moving away from the mode of a developing country into a developed country , this problem is less acute. But in many LDCs , the incentives are just not there. You put the people with the wrong kind of training into the wrong kind of jobs. So you have engìneers becoming administrators , historians becomìng executìve officers or whaìever. And so if the incentives are not properly installed , you would be channelling valuable human resources into wrong uses. And 1 see that to be the instìtutional b翁rrìer ， ìf you liI妞， of effective technology transfer. If there is c10ser cooperatìon between industry and higher education instìtutìons , and if the incentive system is such that the people who achieve in appropriate higher education are rewarded not so much by the fact that they hold a certain degree , or they hold a certain diploma , but by the fact that they perform at the job , if that kind of incentive is installed , 1see the technology transfer can be more effectively carried out.

PROF. LOUIS K. WOO: 1 would be very brief. And so 1would just say one more thing. 1think that one of the major thrust of our paper is to argue that higher education has two major functions: one is for training the appropriate manpower , and the second one is to appropriately use its research and development facilities to foster the transfer of proper and appropriate technology. 1think that it is a very important part to look at. We take the point of Professor Woo (i n the first paper) that Hong Kong has to move out from whatever it has been doing in the past of taking advantage of a cheap labour force. The Hong Kong labour force is highly educated , highly trained , so it ìs no longer cheap labour. but quality labour. So it is about time that Hong Kong moves ahead to develop its own technology which could betler utilize the human endowment of what we have today and in the future. At the same tìme , we should not only take full advantage of the local endowment , but also act more aggressively in creatìng markets , rather than merely respond to markets. So 1 think higher education does have many vital functions to pl旬， especially in research and development.

59

MR. LO MING.TAK (HONG KONG POLYTECHNI C): My question is on technology transfer ‘ l1's very difficult to find patent documents , such as from U.5.A. My first q泌的tion is that about ten years ago , each patent document costs one U.5. dollar. But in Hong Kong , it is so difficult to find patent documents. Is it worthwhile to have a patent document office sponsored by public funds?

My second question refers to the economy of the technology transfer.

American academics , over a period of 10 to 20 years , as recorded in the Patterson Independent 5tudy Guide Catalogue , h泛ve been offering extemal degrees or credits for 12 ,000 courses in 60 to 70 universities.

These would be so valuable to Hong Kong. It is so di宮icult to write material for the external degree courses for students. But they have already prepared 12 ,000 courses in about 60 universities , and these should be available to Hong Kong. For example , in order to understand more American laws in business , such as laws of business , commerce etc. , would it be worthwhile for us to cooperate with academic institution 如ch as Dr. Woo's university to make use of the material already prepared?

PROF. Y. K. FAN: It is. Yes , it is. 1think yours are ve叩 valuable comments and 1agree with you. We see the need for the establishment of a patent 0叮ice or at least a centralized place where we cans search for information about new patents and we also see the need for doser cooperation between Hong Kongins位tutions and U.5. institutions.

60

61

OPEN AND CLOSED UNIVERSITIES NORTH AND SOUTH KENNETH KING UNIVERSIτY OF EDIr可BURGH ABSTRACT It is almost twenty years since Sir Eric Ashby charted out an ecology of higher education in his justly famous account of Universiti俗， British , Indian and African. The interval has witnessed many new forms of the idea of the university , as national governments have sought to keep in some sort of balance a set of sometimes contradictory rationales for university expansion. The massive social demand for higher education jostles with government plans to invest in particular kinds of scìence and technology manpower , and in turn with worrìes about the size of the higher educatìon budget and , finally , with the growing evidence of graduate unemployment in some countries. τhis

period of greatest ever university expansion has coincided at certain points with two other factors of very great significance. First , the new information technologies were becoming progressively cheaper at the very time that the traditional campus university expansion was tailing o任 and even experiencìng financial cuts. New interpretations of openness began to beckon 穹 but the traditional unìversity has scarcely been able to digest the new technologies , so preoccupied has it been with fending off cuts in the older technologies. The second factor has been the changing pattern of openness between universities in the North and universi說es and students in the South. Intern滋ional student mobility (North-South and East-W峙。 has also begun to face some major difficulties in the latter part of this twenty year period , as country after coun智y has ìmposed fee policìes intended dramatically to discriminate between home students and those from the developing countries of the South.

62

Open and c1 0sed universities in the North and the South are inextricably part of a single problem , both across and outside organisations like the Commonwea \t h. No country large or small can afford to be intellectually an island , and perhaps least of all the microstates of East and South East Asia , where a free or at least relatively cheap international trade in ideas is crucial to the higher development of the economy.

間放與封閉的大學一一高興北 KENNETH KING 英團提 7堡文學 構要

大的工十年前，

Eric

Ashby

爵士議組過英國、 EnJ叢、非~，到各她

的大學教育，措錯了一疇高等教育的生態圈，他的理論其使廣為流傳 軍政府在擴展大學教育的時候，需要考互會、不少往

盾的瑋議，不得不在東多理論中尋求真禮筒，盟問對大 學的構想產生形形式式的萃的概念 O 社會的發展艷高等教菁擺出了巨

，不斷積擊蕭政府在某些特定的科按人力資源方臨的接瓷計

，大

在 j鑫段高史以業最嚨大的大學教育擴展期間，用時

1完了兩l'學意

。前牛羊答:正當傳說的大學教育擴展計載體始放隸、

，信患按 1拉雪變得愈東愈便宜;關於 r開放地」

的新的概念:開起問大學招芋， 1旦傳統的大學lE 'lt 於應付對麓的技備 方面的經實詩 IE肢， 1囂未說很好地消化各種新的投{柄。

大學及其學生的「開放 '1生..J正在還漸改變型式;單 際上(東龍之間、高北之樹)的學生流動， 龍去色 j聾連詛撓，愈來愈多盟按需IJ 拉了差點很大的大學收黨辦法，以研 ;處少來自調方發展中國家的外體學生 O

63

好，在其它的團軍之間現好，北方和高方的 糾撞在詞

組難題籠中。關家幫議大小

白丘克 -1墨子星島而不起室主播失。在主要豆豆和吏 南亞的小盟

，自為它們的經i齊發展，

間更費的或至少是較巖宜的知識交 j荒才得以進行。

代

Dr. Kenneth King

64

OPEN AND CLOSED UNIVERSITIES: AND SOUTH

NORτ封

KENNETH KING Open universities suggest something very different from open schools. In the la設er case openness is usually concerned with some aspect of the curriculum or school organisation since in at least the OECD countries schools are alre扮dy open to all. And even where , in the developing world , schools are n從 open to all , it is 部sumed th必tthe aim is universal 為ccess. The “ right" to basic education usually encompasses primary and lower secondary education in OECD countries , and it is a compulsory right. In the poorer and middle income developing countries , universal primary education (UPE) is often already on the st為tute book, and the notion that secondary education should also be ideally universal is reinforced by the encouragement to communities to build their own secondary schools to comp\ement the government's endeavours. In the new\y industrialising countries (NICs) of East and South East Asia provision is fast approaching that of the OECD countries. At th結 university level , however , the notion of openness is much more concerned with access than with curricu\um organis滋ion ， and the term “ open university" usually ìs making a point about the re\atively c\ osed nature of existing provìsìon 、 and the need for that to be reconsìdered 2. The purpose of thìs short paper is to explore the meanings of openness in higher education. Despite an incre法singly widespread use of the term “ open higher education" , there is 為 need to unpackage 為 various meanings , and examine differences and commonalities across the North and the South. In particular it is important to acknowledge th泌t the discussion of open higher educ捕。n (OHE) has tended to be restricted to a specialist technical Iiter滋ure on distance education , and not to be made part of the more general planning Iìter翁ture on higher education. One of the greatest gaps at this more general level at the moment is the need to establish what is the conceptual relationship between universal and open provision in higher education. ln many countries , the higher education system has grown relatively slowly; so that perhaps there is only a single university for a population of five to

65

ten million. ln others , notably lndia , China and lndonesia , more than a hundred major institutions of higher learning exist with many more associated colleges. One thing , however , that these tiny and expanded systems of higher education seem to have in common is the absence of an explicit policy for the size of the university or higher education sector.

This absence of policy is much more obvious now than in the 1960s when many developing countries had very carefully laid manpower plans for higher education's expansion. ln contrast with that period , many countries which are allegedly facing major economic crisis are still . confidently planning new universities , or allowing foreign exchange to be used to provide almost as many student places in foreign universities as there are home students. All of which suggests that the dynamics of university expansion is hard even for poor or authoritarian governments to control 3. For all the evidence available in the scholarly and agency literature about how one university place costs between twenty and fifty times more than a primary school place in certain parts of the Third World (Williams , 1981 , 19) , investment in higher education continues. lndeed , it sometimes seems that the Northern view of higher education priorities in the South proceeds on a quite different set of assumptions than those used by planners and politicians in the South. What fuels the expansion is a series of local definitions about universi蜿･ access that have ve蜿ｩ li菴考e to do with manpower needs , productivity or educational costs but a great deal to do with meeting social demand. Some sense of this can be gathered by those few occasions where ministers of education and policy makers draw back the veil and reveal that their real agenda on higher education is in fad based on a promise of openness far beyond the existing provision. For example , one Commonwealth minister of education stated in December 1984 that the ideal for higher education in his country could be much better represented by a square than by a pyramid. Other ministers have personally espoused open education systems at the tertiary level as ways of extending provision. These latter may only have a certain finite capacity , but they stand for an unfulfilled ideal. Whatever their size , these open universities act as a form of shorthand for the ideal of universal access. lf a still very restricted higher education system has a living example of open higher education within its boundaries , it gives legitimacy to the state's desire to be seen as a universal provide r. lf in addition , there is an unwritten agreement that 66

any parents who can afford .it may send their children overseas , there is available a further proof of the state's regard for unrestricted higher education.

4.τhe notion of primary and second紋y education as basic rights for aJl children removes the obligation that they should be related to specific jobs or improved productivity. Instead they become consump泣。n goods. A similar thing begins to happen at the tertiary level when governments allow massive overseas travel for education , establish some open hgher education , and encourage private and community bodies to run higher education institutions. Even though the total numbers attending forms of higher education are still sm品， the state has sought to avoid any too c1 0se a bond between higher education and jobs. Or rather , a state that encourages many more graduates of higher education than there are highly paid jobs has embar迦d on a strategy that is perhaps unique to developing countries. It has determined that providing the opportunity to enter and complete some form of higher e出lcation is politically more visìble and more highly rewarded than guaranteeing a small number of jobs to a highly selected group of graduates. Access to d仿grees is more visible than graduate unemploymen t. Absence of place!ì in university is more worrying to some governments than absence of jobs thereafter.

GRADUATES AND WORK 5. One reason for this optimism about places in university is that in many developing countries there is a loosely conceived pöpular view about human capital which seems now to have risen from the ashes of the 1960s. In the eyes of \ocal planners , this suggests that higher education , Iike secondary education before 址， actually does impact on labour productivity even if the particular job is not one of great importance or responsibility. “Scient泊c" manpower planning may still be in disgrace in many countries (but see Hong Kong in Cheng Kai Ming , 1984); nevertheless governments continue to respond naturally to the view that a more educated and certificated population will in fact do a betler job, whether in the civil service, the factory or the home. In other words there is very little evidence of the Iiterature on the Diploma Disease having had any impact on parents or policymakers. Many of the latter do not bemoan the fact that graduate appears to be doing a job that could be done by a 紹condary school student , but appear to assume that

67

the graduate is somehow doing this job betler. As graduates begin to become quite commonplace in line positions in banl心， governments offices , primary and secondary schools in these countries with the rnost rapidly developing university systems , it becornes important to analyse in some detail what sort of difference graduates do make to jobs. Apart from the rather negative ass泌的ption about certificate escalation that lie behind the Diploma Diseas吼叫 most no work has been done trying to trace the more positive effecìs of a higher educated workforce.

6. This question of the utilisation of these new graduate skills and knowledge has often been addressed therefore in a way that misses the original rationale for students getting involved in further learning in the first place. While it is clearly important to consider whether particular types of work require or may benefit from workers in higher education , it is equally important to acknowledge the attitudes to mobility that fuel the aspirations for further 紋udy. The British tradition about leaving compulsory schooling as soon as it is legally allowed , or in Germany about entering technical and vocational education are not present in Asia or Africa to the same degree any more than they are in the United States , Canada or Japan. In addition , one reason for the popularity of mature age open university education is precisely that adult workers do not conceive of themselv綿的 staying in the same job for their lives 種 The relative newness of so many careers in both the newly indus全ialising countries and the 1的s developed countries means that there is really no tradition of being a professional family , a business family or an artisan family - for the majority of people. This is c1e被Iy not the case in some of the old cuItures and societies such as China and India , but it is certainly so of many of the new jobs acquired for the first 心ne by youngsters in Africa , Asia and the Gulf States.τhere is consequently no particular sense of getting the same job as one's father had and staying at that level.

7. In many of these developing countries education has emerged and expanded at the same times as the new índustrial , commercial and civil service job opportunities of the last twenty years; and unlíke Europe , education has been much less differentíated into streams and varied types of secondary and post secondary provision (OECD , 1981).

Where Europe and North America have varied forms of university and non-university provision , and short and long cycles of technical and 6發

vocational education as well as general academic secondary , many developing countries have emphasised a more monolithic secondary education leading to college and university. Both schooling and the formal labour market therefore are much more closely associated in the public mind with higher edu侃tion than they are in Europe. Hence universities bear more completely the brunt of the expectations for better work and living than they do in the West. τhere certainly are some alternative non-university routes to higher education , but in most countries these have not h袋d the long and c1 0se sanction of industry and commerce that they h治ve had , say , in Germany. Consequently , university turns out to be the main channel for mobility and the rapid development of open university syst結 ms becomes naturally a more 那ceptable alternative to the campus university than would the non編 university options of Europe and America.

DEGREES OF OPENNESS AND OPEN DEGREES 8. The dilemma for small university communities Given the speed with which expecta怠。只s of univer路 primary and secondary education have spread through countries , taking sometime only twenty years to achieve what w則為chieved in two centuries of education in Europe , it is not surprising th滋 attention has been transferred to the tertiary leve l. It is extraordinarily difficult to generalise about these pressures that have built up at the tertiary level even in a single country or region , let alone across the developing and industrialising countries of Asia. In a few coun全ies ， university systems are more than a hundred years old , a few are sixty or seventy and many others are not much old位 than twenty or thirty years. ln some countries , the term university sp街口5 a wide range of institutions public and private of very varying quality , in others it refers to a highly restricted definition based on compe說tive selective examinations in higher secondary school.

But in a l1 developing countries there has been the oblig滋ion to try and create scholarly communities in different disciplines that would increasingly reflect their national values.τhere has also been the obligation for universities to build traditions of national research. But in many countries that only have one or two universities - whether in Africa , East Asia or the Caribb叫 n … it is extremely difficult to achieve the sense of a critical scholarly m為ss. When there are only one or two economics , rr磁ths or chemistry departments in the whole country , it is 晶晶cult for th說 group of scholars , however dedicated , to fulfil all the

69

functions that might be carried on in larger countries by the representatives of thirty or forty universities and departments 點 Maintaining scholarly journals , disciplinary associations , reviewing and critiquing work in the discipline , organising and supervising research , and participating in national academic conferences and foreign collaboratïons are Iikely to prove very demanding especially if there are also ob1igations to consult and advise for government departments or ministries. In such a situation the ideal of the open critical intellectual community is hard to achieve because of the geographicalJ y c10sed nature of the universíty's size.

9. Such small academic departments and universities are almost bound to seek for more openness and contacts beyond their national boundaries , but in this search for openness there are further dangers. In many cases , the natural university communities in the neighbouring countries are unapproachable for varieties of political , 1i nguistic or economic re路。n. The result is then a search for relationships with university communítìes in the North , several thousand mil的 away.

These la加r sometimes have more reasons and more funding to forge links than do the universities nearby. But the openness of the North may be related to their interest in attracting students to the North from the developing countries , or in arranging for research to be conducted by Northern scholars in the South. While there is nothîng amiss with these interests , it may be necessary to insure - whether in the new university openness of China , Hong Kong , Malaysia or Zimbabwe … that the new collaborations with the North do not reduce the search for întellectual authenticity at the nationalleve l.

10. Also , when the university community is very small , there willlikely be a tension between producing its faculty locally and having them trained at the masters and doctoral level abroad. This latter institutionalises a certain internationalism , but in turn 如何 produce at the same time a dependency on types of research problem and resear廿l paradigm th滋 are in vogue elsewhere , in Europe or North America. This openness to ext借口al training has a different impact on the arts , the social sciences , and the sciences , but it can to some extent be a valuable counterweight to the closed interbreeding that is 我 danger in a small academic community that reproduces itself without external ferti 1isation.

The real test in a community that depends on overseas openness in the

70

training of university faculty is whether this can be combined , as it has very successfully in the social sciences in Chi泊， with a strong Jocal culture of research. How can a small country be both open to the transf校 of academic technologies from overs叫5 and also be in a position to sift out , reject ‘ adapt and indigenise these technologies?τhis is a question that faces faculty members in all microstates including those entrepot economies like Hong Kong and Singapore.

OPENN主SSANDTHESτUDENT

DIMENSION 11. An even more serious problem in openness relates to the student body. In many of the developing countries , both large and small , there are no less than three student bodies.τhere is , f設計， the student body residing in the traditional university campus. Second there is the overseas student body , and third. there is the often very sizeable "invisible" community of students doing degrees through distance education. These three elements are worth looking at in a little more detail since in combination , they are responsible for the particular f1 avour of many student communities in the South. .

Dl STANT HIGHER EDUCATION 12.τhe most remarkable aspect of this diversified student body is its overseas openness. There has been Iittle experience prior to the modern period of countries having larger numbers of students studying outside the coun同， than inside. This has not just been an immediate pre or post independence phenomenon , but regularly over the past many years , a large number of countries have consistently had as many students outside as inside. In the most 紹cent year for which there are statistics from USA , 19♂3-4， there were the following very large numbers abroad from many different kinds of countri俗 {IIE ， 1984}.

1510 Ghana Hong Kong 9 420 20360 Iran Jamaica 2 330 6890 Jordan Kenya 1 920 Rep Korea 13 860 M治laysia 18 150 Nigeria 20 080 Singapore 3 230 Taiwan 21 960 Thailand 6 950 71

T0 these US numbers must be added the further often very large numbers studying in Canada , UK , France , Japan , Australia and Germany. It then becomes c1ear that many "national" university systems have a shadow university body overseas. Often only a small proportion of these overseas sìudents go with government backing; the vast majority go on private family funds to universities and to subjects of their choosing. This overseas open “ university" is to this extent quite unplanned and yet it co柵exists even in nations Iike Tanzania which spends much time planning the appropriate size of all disciplin的 in its two national universiti的. Much has been written of late about these foreign student bodies , but it is p\ain that this shadow university derives from relative\y wealthy sectors of society who for various reasons are excluded from or disappointed with the nationa\ university. This overseas open university is therefore strict\y speaking acting as a kind of vast private university , with the exception of those few students paid for by local or host governments. It constitutes a very considerab\e drain on foreign exchange. Indeed few other consumer goods are as expensive as no ,ooo per annum! And yet very few countries outside the Eastern Bloc have put barriers in the way of this particular consumer industry.

13. The remarkable , in fact historically unique ，的pect of these overseas shadow universiti的 is that they have \asted so \ong , and have been so large , and have been so Iittle studied. That is not to say that aspects of this phenomenon have not been researched , for example the brain drain in the 196鼠， and the Commonwea\th politics of student mobility sparked off by Britain's unilateral full cost fee po 1icy for foreign no衍 -EEC students in 1978-9 (Wil1iams 1982). But what has not received critical attention is the who\e body of these open overseas students considered over a period of ten or twenty years. For different countries , what has been the impact on local careers , the local university , the aspirations for ter討ary education of there being as large a sh殺dow university as there is a national system? If for examp\e Hong Kong's USA student numbers a\one are taken for selected ye念rs ， the 在gures are startlingly high: 1974 /7 5 1979/80 1981/80 1982/83 1983/84 72

11 060 9900 8990 8609 8630

With the addition of those in Canada and the UK the total was more than 20 ,000 ìn 1976 alone (II E and Willìams op cit).

14.τhe shadow system in Malaysia has been much larg缸， but must be seen somewhat differently as an extension of the ethnic politics of higher education as well as supplying the usual mix of prìvate demand and specialised manpower not trainable locally. Yet the very openness of Malaysia's shadow system has alarmed local politicians who fear the exposu紹 of young Muslim students to Islamíc fundamentalists overseas.

From the fear has emerged a new interest in split degrees of various sorts , a move which may begin more effectívely to co-ordinate local uníversity study with study abroad , and thus bring together the 以10 somewhat separate university systems. In other countries too these shadow university populations play different ro峙， and can 0負en be seen as expressions of differing political economíes of higher education in these states.

15. The reality of what we have been calling the overseas open university (or distant higher educatïon) is that it is actually closed to all but the richer parents and richer countries , with the exception of a minority of aided students to which we have already referred. this tendency has become more pronounced with the r為ising of fees ìn many of the OECD countries and has been reinforced by the importance of these high foreign student fees to the host countries whose own student bodies are shrinking. In Britain in particular with public expenditure cuts halting expansion and reducing unìversity places for \ocal UK students , the foreign student with full cost fees remains the only open window for university expansìon. Hence the Brìtish universities today certainly need foreign students as much as the students themselves want to come to Britain. The problem from an equìty perspective ìs that in the new scramble for student fees , many universìties in the North wil\ increasingly target their search on the richer Third World count泌的， and without corresponding host government aid ‘ the poorer countrìes wi\l be less 翁nd less represented ìn overseas universities. In condusion 電 therefore ， the universities of the North seem increasingly Iikely to be only selectively open to students from the South. Whether this enforced isoJation from the knowledge and data bases of the North is a good or a bad thing for the intellectual health of some of these more fragile ,“closed" academic communities of the South depends a good deal on one's point of view

73

and on one's judgement about the ability of the South to develop a strong cultural 治nd intellectual authenticity in its higher education system in the absence of overseas open education.

OPEN HIGHER EDUCATION AT A DISTANCE 16. There has emerged a local as well as an overseas open university in many developing countries. This phenomenon of local open higher education has apparently been sparked off by a number of factors , including the knock翩。n effect of already expanded primary and secondary education , the aspirations for higher education , as well as the need to reduce the cost both of the traditional university and of the large number of overseas students. Open higher education at a distance has become one of the most common innovations in the last ten years , especially in countries of South East Asia; and it may therefore be worth examìning the exisìing rationales a 1i泣le more c1 osely.

17τhere does not seem to be a very c1 0se connection between the presence of a large high cost overseas student population and open higher education provìsion more locally. The countrì的 wìth some of the largest overseas student bodìes , e.g 圖 Malaysia and Hong Kong , at present have 1ittle access to open higher education locally. lndeed the off岫campus programme in the Science University of Malaysìa is minìscu峙， and is unlikely to be much cheaper than conventìonal universìty studi俗. Malaysia may well soon espouse an open access higher education facility , but has probably resisted doing so thus far because of its desire to use the conventional universities for positive discrimination in favour of the Mala戶. Any “ open" system in Malaysia would presumably also have some form of cIosed ethnic quotas , but if open higher education is a medium that also favours the more motivated students , it might still result in higher success rates for some communities than others. Entry quotas cannot protect against differential rates of drop翩。ut.

18. Open higher education at a disíance has expanded most dramaticalIy in Thailand which was certainly one of the countries with a high ratio of overseas student. The rationale there seems more cI osely related however to universalising access to higher education for those unable to enter conventional universities and to offering sími1ar opportuniti的 to those already in government service. There may also be

74

a concern in a country thathas had a long experience of student politics not to locate these new hundreds of thousands of students in large conventional campuses. It would however be interesting to know a Ii紛紛 more about the interactive dimensions of the three universi句 communities in a cour治y 1ikeτhailand. At the moment we do not appear to have information on the following important ques世ons: (a) Are those going overseas those who have already profited from conventional higher education , or have they begun to in c1 ude students with first degrees from the local open universities? (b) Is there any evidence that overse加 student numbers at the undergraduate or postgradute levels have fa l1en as a direct result of more local higher education provision? Or are these really two different academic markets with lì說le influence on each other? 的 Is there a significant socio-economic status difference between students in conventional universities and those in Thailand's two local open universities? It might be hypothesised that the Thai open universities may act somewhat Iike the community colleges in the United States or the binary system in the UK , democratising access to some form of higher education without altering the social class access to traditional universities. (d) Presumably if the overseas Thai students in c1 ude a significant number of less able students from wealthy homes , there would not be much substitutability with new provision in local open universities ‘ Such students would profit more from situations where they did not have to rely too strongly on individual motivation and study skills working on their own. The relative cheapness of the local provision is not rea l1 y an is心ue.

19. A similar set of questìons might be asked about Hong Kong's several student popul誦。悶， local and overseas.τhe nature of the relationships amongst these large groups of students is probably worth exploring , as would be the mìx of disciplines followed by the open access students overseas.τhe home universities attempt to cover the universe of knowledge; but the 20 ,000 odd overseas students select their own courses. It would be intriguing to look at the curriculum of Hong Kong's shadow university students overseas. Would it approximate to the pa位ern of the 330 ,000 foreign students in the United States , more than ha)f of whom are taking engineering , business ，如滋hs or computer

75

sciences? How different would the pattern be frorn the home universities , and how much attention is paid to these overseas curricular choices by manpower pJanners ìn Hong Kong? And how different agaìn would be the students from Hong Kong who have enrolled in the Open College of the. University of East Asia in M我cau? In this case too , a great deal can be learnt about higher edu如tion policy by examining the forces that favour locaJ open universities , continuation of overseas openness , and the expansion of conventional universities.

20. A very different scenario of open higher education ex怨怨 in lndia.

There the difficulty faced by open higher education at a distance is that the prevailing conventional coJlege 法nd university education is remarkably cheap , widely availab悔， and often arranged in mornings and evenings for students already working. There have existed correspondence courses but recent\ y there has been 為 groundswell of new interest in open universities , centres for developmental communication and in the proposal for an international open university.

Manyof these initiatives are based on the lure of the new technologies in fecilitating the spread of open higher education. India is not alone in viewìng the openìng of a new era in open educatìon via the use of 錯tel1ites ， audio and video cassettes and TV. But like its counterpart , new information technology in schools , the new technologies of open higher education are being adopted without trial , often as part of wider electronics penetration of society. The political appeal of mass educational TV , and of knowledge networking via the new technology is virtual1 y unstoppable. Unlike the old technology of the correspondence degree , the glittering appeal of the satellite , TV or video degree is very alluring. This has meant that the open higher education at a distance has suddenly become much more appealing both to the aìd givers (transferring the electronìc technologìes) and to the local politìcians wìshìng to be identìfìed with revolutìonary methods ìn hìgher education.

At the moment , however , very Ii ttle is known with any certainty about the costs of high technology open education , and there has been little evaluation of the multi-media degrees except in the British Open University .

CONCLUSIor這

20. In this brief paper we have sought to suggest that open higher education 遁 takes different forms in dìffere成 politìcal contexts.

76

Distinguishing the shadow university body overseas from the other rather shadowy group of students taking degrees at a distance but 10caIJy is a useful first step beyond thinking of higher education in terms of conventional university places. However the Iiterature on these first 以10 student bodies has been insufficiently integrated into the planning literature on higher education. The overseas student literature has been principa lJ y concerned with the brain drain and the rise in the fee levels in the industrialised countries. There has been much less interest in examining this shadow student body as a long term historical phenomenon , complementing in a very particular way the tasks of the local universities. Similarly , we have suggested , the sub- Ii terature on higher education at a distance has thus far been too much restricted to a group of specialist distance educators whose concerns have frequently been more with estimating the comparative advantage of different kinds of distance higher education over against conventional education. In this sense , much of the distance higher education Iite給ture has been an advocacy literature , and it is only relatïvely recently that it has beω1 recognised that the rapid spread of open university systems is as much a political as a technical question.

21. The interplay of these three student bodies , we have argued , has not been studied as a whole. It has not been studied in the countries of the North since none of the industrialised countries has anything like the proportion of its students studying abroad that has been commonplace in Hong Kong , Malaysia , Iran and Nigeria for ten to twenty years.

Admittedly some industrialised countri的 do have large and rather complex systems of higher education at a distance , but even these 治re probably operating under rather different rationales from the systems in Thailan止 India ， China or India. There is therefore an opportunity for some countries in the South to carry out new and rather challenging studies of the complexity of the higher education environment. In many ways we have suggested that the higher education environment in the South is entangled with higher education in the North , through staff training , through students , and through the transfer not only of the new technology hardware a鈴。ciated with distance universiti帥， but also of the software of the dominant research paradigms developed in Northern settings. In some ways , therefore , the very openness of higher education in the South to higher education in the North emphasises a relationship of dependency , constantly reinforced by the f1 0ws of students , ideas ,

77

staff and technologies. On the other hand th結 drive for higher education with which we commenced this paper is itself à very local phenomenon , and far too little attention has been paid to understanding its nature and shape.

22. We currently lack for most countri的 anything approaching an ecology of higher education. For many , particularly Commonw紛紛lth countries , the absence of 教 coherent policy for the shape of higher education has only recently become an issue , as they have moved from the certain誼es of the one or two unive路ities modelled on London to an awareness that there is nothing sacred about the conception of a tiny university system protected by A levels. lf we lack a modern ecology of higher education , we also lack a series of local accounts and perceptions of how hìgher education ìs expected to impact on work and on jobs.

Certainly , a number of books have been written from the prespective of the diploma disease and the assumed under-employment of graduate manpower. But very few have even begun to explore the widespread assumptions about the greater productivity and creativeness of college and university graduates. This relationship between universities and technological capability is of particular interest to the newly industrialised coun恆的 such as Hong Kong , Korea , Singapore etc. 、 but it must be admitted that at the moment there 怨他le firrn data on the impact of inve組ng in hìgher education ìn different political and economic situations. The fact that an elec出cal engineering graduate can be more easily utilised in Hong Kong than Tanzania has what kìnd of consequences for higher education policy? Should poorer countries have more c1 0sed systems of higher education , and rich countries open their higher education to greater student choice and greater overall access? These are just a few of the questions faced by the planner who opens up the black box of higher education , and unpacks the assumptions about students , courses and employment that Iie inside.

78

BIBLl OGRAPHY Ramkhamhaeng University , InternationaJ Conference on Open Higher 在ducation ， Bangkok. mimeo papers , 13-17 August 1984 Commonwalth Secretariat , Distance τeaching in Hìgher Education , Specialist Conference , Cambridge , EngJand , 6-11 January 1985 P.R忍ggatt and K. Harry , Trends in distance hìgher education , (Distance Education Research Group , the Open University) ，。在RG papers lOA , March 1984 Open Doors 1983/4. Report on International Education Exch治nge.

InternationaJ Institute of Educatìon , New York , 1984 其eport to the Congress of the US: US and Sovíet BJoc training of Latin American and Caribbean Students: Considerations in developing future US programs (Aug. 16 , 1984) P. WilIiam 能d) ， The Ouerseas Student Question (Heinemann , 1981) Comparatiue Education Re υiew: Special Issue: Foreign Students in Comparative Perspective , vo128 , no 2 May 1984 V. Selvaratnam. The higher education system in Malaysia: metropolitan , cross-n法tion祉， peripheral or nation訓， mimeo paper at Compartìve and International Education Society conference , Houston , Texas , March 21-24 , 1984.

V. Selvaratnam and S. Gopínathan , Higher Educ為tion in ASEAN towards the year 2000; Higher Education , 13(1984} 67 -83 OECD , Access to higher education , intergovernmental conference on policies for higher education in the 1980s , Paris 1981 Borje Holmbe嗯 ， Recent Research into Dis的 nce Education , Fernuniversit紋，只 age口， 198話，

Bulletin of the Unesco Regional Office for Education in Asia and the Pacific: Higher Education in Asia and the Paeific , No 24 , April1983 (Bangkok) 時. Fransman and K. King (在d) ， Techno/ogioα1 Capability in Deueloping Countri師 (Macmillan ， 1984) Overseas Development Administration and Dept of Education in Developing Countries , London Institute of Education , Conference on Education Priorities in Africa , December 4今， Windsor , 1984.

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DISCUSSION

PROF. C.N. YANG (STATE UNIVERSITY OF NI己WYORK): Dr圖 King

mentioned at the begínning that Dr. Q. W. Lee made some estímate , which perhaps Îs not necessarily going to be the truth. Dr. King may not know that Dr. Lee is 訟罰。st important member of the Government of Hong Kong and more importantly , he is in charge , 1 understand , of an educational commission. 501 would predíct that what he saíd ís likely to be realízed. 1 say this not to argue with Dr. Kíng , whose speech is most interesting , but to make a specific poin t. The point 1 want to make is that when we discuss North and 50uth , and the developed and developing countries , there is a tendency , natura l1 y , to calculate in term of the per capíta Gross National Product. Now we are here to díscuss higher education , trends of higher education. 1 believe classìfication by such figures as per capita Gross National Product is highly inadequate for thís purpose. Hong Kong ís an am紛zingly energetíc and dynamic society , whose achievements are for all of us to observe.

Why is it so successful? Why has it been 論le to transform , in a very short time , a rather backward economy into an amazingly competitive modem economy? 1 submit that one of the fundamental reasons is in fact deeply related to the question of education. It is not so much the structure of the educational system. It is the 成titude of the people towards education. 1 submit that that attitude ís one of the fundamenìal reasons why 抖。ng Kong has been so successful. This is a matter , in my opinion , of great importance. It is 我 cultural phenomenon and 1 would líken it , from the view point of the educator , to the 如此i1ity of the soi1. When a gardener or 為 farmer tries to plant something , he knows very well that there are vastly different types of so話， ranging from the desert叫líke to the very fert i1e ones.

Different coun給ies from the view point of the educator are 1ike different kinds of soi1. In my opíníon , Hong Kong , and for that matter China , 50uth Korea , Japan , Taiwan and 5ingapore are all regions which for culturaI reasons are extremely f.剖i1e soil to the educator. When the right planting proced ures are followed 、 these places are ready to produce amazing rl的ults. Let me carry this metaphor a líttle bit further. The fact

80

that the soìl is rich , that the soil 胎兒rtile does not mean that planting can be done arbitrarily. The fertile soil will have to be managed in a way so that it can produce. In other words , if you plant the wrong thing or you use the wrong system , the fertile soil could be as unproductive as infertile ones.

DR. KENNETH KING: In reaction to that let me just raise two points. One , 1 respect the estimates of Dr. Lee. 說y only point is that 1 suspect that as with every other politician who gets involved in such numbers , that the actual development of higher education will be much greater than what he estimated. If one adds to the calculation of the size of higher education the three student bodies that we've been talking about in this last hour , then 1 think you already have something vastly in excess of the figures we are talking about. And so , while respecting that for these two univ的ities here (and possibly including the third university) , this may be fairly accurate , 1 would say that it's more complicated to look at the actual size (a) of the shadow systems and (b) of the shadow aspirations for mass higher education that have not been tapped yet. As to the second point , 1 think that you agree with me in dismissing the relative importance of higher education in the metaphor , because you make the very important point that thωsoil is the culture , whereas many people planning higher education systems thought that higher education was the soil. That 坊， you have this little thing called higher education , you pour students into 說， out would come development , you know , and high-yielding varieties of student crops. But what is higher education in relation給 ip to your metaphor? Is 社 the ferti 1izer? Or is 役， well , we can think about that. But 1think you really confirm my view point that it is the culture which is the reason for the success of the enterprise which is HongKor啥， and which we see in other trading communities around the world. It has very li位le to do - and that is the point 1 made in a seminar that 1 addressed recently in the Department of Education of the Government - it has very li從le to do with these formal app滋滋uses for technical and vocational education or apparatuses for higher education. τhe Engineering Department of this University cannot itself be

81

responsìble ìn almost any way at all for the enterprìse which ìs Hong Kong. It may now want , as ìndt紛紛y becomes a more corporate enterprì妞， to get ìnvolved ìn some kìnd of cooperatìve and collaboratìve deal. But it cannot, let's be frank , ìt cannot be responsibJe for this miracle of Hong Kong. The numbers have been too few , the thing was only set up recently ，的 it ìs somethìng el妞. It is somethìng in the soil that is different from how many B. Sc. Engìneering students you have produced because there are lots of other countries that have produced just 念s good engineers , perhaps , on p治per ， whether in Nigeria or in Kenya. But the soil is not the certificate. The soil is what your family suggested you might do with the certificate , having been doing other kinds of thìng very successfully without certificates for quite a long time And so the reason why lndians h我ve c1eaned out Scottish entrepreneurs on all the sidewalks and grocery stores and everywhere else in Scotland (i ncluding the Outer lsles of Scotland) has nothing to do with the famous lndian university system … absolutely nothing to do with lndian higher education.

DR. LOUIS SHEN (SAN FRANICSCO STATE UNIVE三RSITY): 1 am not here to defend the San Francisco State , but 1 think higher educatìon must play a very important role. Because it is 為 very complicated issue ìn terms of the future of 討ong Kong , ìt takes very many components. But 1 think higher education can play an impo從ant role in leading and in making the society aware ìn cooperating with the other elements of the society in considering and postulatìng the future of HongKong.

DR. K. T. LEUNG (UNIVERSITY OF HONG KONG): 1 think that it may be quite unfair to say the Hong Kong higher education has very little to do with what Hong Kong has become.

Though we may argue about all the money earned by the Hong Ko n.g engineering graduates , 1 think Hong Kong has produced enough educated people to furnish an infrastructure for the development of such a society. In comparìson , for other places where such an infrastructure is notprovid吋， the development of the economy would be slowed.

82

DR. KENNETH KING: Of course , 1 am exaggerating in order t6 make a point. There must be something good about universities. 1 managed to survive in one myse簣， for twenty years. But 1 think the point that one h那 to come to grips with is: what has to happen in the ínfrastrudure outside the campus for the campus to profit from the skilIs that are transferred to its students.

It's c1 ear from many exampl帥， whether you look at the fate of engineering in U. K., or whether you look at the inability of Tanzanian engineers to do anything with the thing which is now their economy.

There's nothing to be done with it now. That has gone down so low that the stuff you learn from the engineering college , however keen you may be , you 借口't grapple with that any longer. 50 that there are major problems of utilization whïch need to be looked at ín different political economies and Hong Kong happens to be a situation where the mix , or the chemístry , is just about right for the maximum utilization of engineers , and of electronic engineers. But in order to study this more carefu旬， one would like very much to know what has been the contribution over the past thirty years of those who have been trained locally as engineers. (τhat must be quite a small number of peop始， you know.) Those who have been trained on the job as engineers is the group that 1 would Iike to know much more about. The people who have. in fact. been doing engineering before it was defined as engineering in some university department , and they are the people who have bought the second hand machine from Japan and England and elsewhere and adapted , and indigenised , and developed that equipment. It has , on the who始， not been the people who teach engineering. People who teach engineering , Iike teachers everywhere , go to universities , stay in universities apart from maybe one year of short想rm attachment to an industry (a Ii仕le bit of the old dirty-your hand) , back to university , do a Ph.D. , and then start teaching in university. 50 engineers in uníversity are often not particularly good exponents of learning-by-doing. And particularly in 設ituations where the few months they have to spend in industry is a very second rate kind of industry which you have in a very dependent industry , where there is no indigenous technological development and that is the case for most of the industries in Africa. If you attach your engineers to Coca-Cola Kenya , all you can see will be the bottles going along. There is no indigenous technolo “

83

and so you cannot really analyse the situation unless you analyse the nature of the soil that we have had our attention drawn to. For this , you should look at the very interesting book by Martin Franceman and Kenneth King , called Technological Capacity and Developíng Countries , Macmi1lan , 1984 , which has a chapter on 討ong Kong and on metal working in Hong Kong as an iI1 ustration of this fabulous ability to indigenise and adapt modem technology. And 1would say with very little connection to the formal education apparatus of the state.

PROF. Y.K. CHEUNG

(UNIVE三RSITY

OF HONG KONG):

First of a豆， 1think 1 would agree with Dr. Leung that while we have not produced anything earthshaking in terms of research in engineering in HongKong ‘ we did produce a vast number of engineering graduates who are now holding various posts both in industry and in governmen t.

For exam帖， you quote 5ir 5.Y 鱷 Chung. He was a HKU engineering gr為duate. He holds a post in the industry which is very high. You quoted Africa or India. Of course 可 India produce a lot more engineers than we do. 自ut this has got to be a mixture of soil and fertilizer , as you and ProÍessor Yang said , in order to create something. 1 also want to point out than when HKU started quite long ago , the first two faculties were Medicine and Engineering. 50 it has a very long history , much longer than Arts and other things. 50 a l1 these years , we have produced a lot of people. 1 went to the University of California last year , and they have a very big reserach centre which dealt with submarines in the old days and which ìs now open to the public. And the diredor was a HKU graduate involved in mechanical engineering. 50 if you want to fìnd a HKU engineering graduate who's now as famous as Professor Yang here , 1 don't think you can fìnd one , at least not to my knowledge. But good , solid engìneers , 1think you can find lots , lots of them. As far as research is concerned , we are hampered , of course , in many ways.

The first thing you've talked about is we have only one university with engineering. Now , of course , we've got the Polytechnic , and they wil1 be granting degrees in future. 50 hopefully there will be more dialogue and more cooperation in this respect. But 1 think in recent years , it' s true to say that reserach has played a much heavier role in unìversity li缸， both in terms of promo悅。n for staff (they have to do 8是

something) and also in trying to cooperate with indus句. You are quite right , of course , in pointing out that in those days what cooperation can you get - there was so Iittle industry. But now Hong Kong , of course , is a very good exporter of manufactured goods and we've found that we do have a role to play. 1 am a civíl engineer , not someone who is producing something in industry and 1 would also maintain that the civil engineering graduates over the years have played a very important role indeed in the development of properties , bridges , dams , roads and tunnels in Hong Kong.

DR. KENNETH KING: 1am fascinated by , of course , the civil engineering in 行ong Kong as anybody who trìes to drìve up to the top would know. 1 think it would be very interesting , however , to have a historical study of the development of engineering in Hong Kong. And to have a look over your shoulder at the same time at the attitudes towards science and mathematics ìn 行ong Kong , which 1 think may have greater commonalities with those in the Mainland. But 1take your poin t.

PROF. C.N. YANG (STATE U時IVERSITY OF NEW YORK): 1 am afraid 1 have to make a comment because 1 certainly did not 1did not even hint and 1don't think it's true that higher education in Hong Kong did not con討ibute to the miraculous development of Hong Kong. In fact , 1 be1ieve the opposite , and 1 would guess that Dr. King agrees with me in this respect. It is c1 ear , observing Hong Kong from the outside , that the very fabric of Hong Kong society starting from Government to health care , to commerce , or to the construction industry , every aspect of it is greatly aided by the universities of Hong Kong or the higher education為1 institutions of Hong Kong. Having said that , let me return to some of the more general discu部ions. It would seem to me that there are three fundamental 為ims ， or fundamental goals of higher education in a society. The first is to nourish the attitude of the people towards education.τhe second is to guarantee the ability of the graduates to freely use what they have Jearnt , to 治pply what they have learnt to various kinds of new situations. The third is the accumuJation of knowledge. 1 would put these in the order stated and it is from this view point that 1 believe Hong Kong is very fertile soil for making higher education contribute grea t1 y to society

$教y ，

85

香港高等教育苗臨的挑戰 論是雄

香港單嘴搗會

攜妻 中英書體香港問題的聽合聲明，己京姑 84年叩月叩臼

。在這轉變期內，需要興豈宜的事很多。

的昌等教商來說，至少有以下四 f單方濁的問題是懇切需要我們聽對和 權決的: 、香港昌等院校是否車應謀用 r 賽語指教學?

一、怎樣發展高等數青菜促進工鵑業發展? 三、恁樣培養治港人才?

霞、怎樣躍投起香港幕上教舊的盟際雌性?

針對以上問蟬，文中做 γ 分析和討論 O 組提出一援建議和解決辦 法 O 議種作者指啦，中、英聯合髒絡小組有~\繫 f鑫速設立一 f閱單三家小 組晦檢討香港路等教育的需1] 護和發展方向。

FORTHCOMING CHALLENGES IN HONG KONG'S HIGHER EDUCATION SZE-YONG ZEE SOCIE1Y OF HONG KONG SCHOlARS ABSTRACT After the offícial sígning of the Sino備 British joint declaration on the 19t h December 1984 , Hong Kong is entering a new era. In higher

86

educatíon , the author points out that , if Hong Kong is to remaín stable and prosperous before and after 1997 , something concrete ought to be done in the following areas of concern: 1. Whether Hong Kong should 'mandate' a genuine bilingualism (viz.

English and Chinese) language policy in all institutions of higher learning.

2. How to reform 訐ong Kong's institutions of higher learning to match the needs and development of industry and commerce of Hong Kong.

3. How to traín and educate Hong Kong's future leaders , administrators and teachers etc.

4. How to establísh Hong Kong's ins敏utions of higher learning in the front rank of world academe.

In order to tackJe these problems, it is the opinion of the author that a spedalist sub-group should be set up promptly by the Sino峭British Joint Liasion Group to undertake an overall review of the tertiary education system , the long term tertiary edu凹的on policy and the hîgher education needs of Hong Kong.

Dr. S. Y.

Ze控

87

香港高等教育面臨的挑戰 誰是雄

話。 港著 香接

→口小

h ， 纜 衍 有正

LL

'己於…九/兀自年十工月十九位 一個轉欒朗。

題，港人需要織駐甚麼，態該報些在書麼， τ持~1吏香港安禱土建波濤這十

一舟，而在一九九七年偕仍繼續繁接下去?這是現今香港人都梧當觀 巾和盛裝語對的重大悟題。

九九七年後的安定繫榮，很明顯的， rj巷人活港 J 創造幌件，露養人芳和進行 過甜的改革。

環今幣望寄蒼手與妻室的事很多，我們大多錢搞高等教商工作和顯心 高等教音守主作的， 提出來和合當對笠翁一卜。

王更令香港的高等教蒼穹亟需解決的，看來有以下發語詞題:

(一)有關香港商等院校是古都應採甫仁雙語 J 題。

(二〉怎樣發農高等教爾提 1J:E進香港工業發展的詞題 O (三〉宮、報培養i台港人才的問題 (四〉信、據建立起香港專上教訝的國際增位的問題。

下聶我就這聲喝將題闡析一下。

抖著聽香海篇講教育阱校是否都感採用「雙雙語j 寫教轍語言的 問題。

大黨都知道，香港政府曆來對中學以及幕上學說應 1采用中文抑或 英文來教學，都妝是一套明醋的和整體的政策 O 故此，香港的

發8

，應 j云用嘴一種語言來教學，是相隨lj里最鈞。

英文程度會來態低落<D的龍接和生

年重 j崑

草草原區。

，最近借外關專家

?香港教育部里一支持繁

顧問團報告書 J

，基於經濟及政這盟黨，學好英文集起需的 O

了

龍在去共政策上典里的兩難嘴:兒:

詛水平好的人才會防毒了大部份人的教背進展( )而另一方臨重繞擎體(自荷保存了文化)卻鑫 境的能力， f要經濟繁榮可能因此而下降 o .J

，雖然設立起了香港現時由於語言問題問造

成臨困境，個拜疆專家可向往安艷麗權範闊的眼韻，

，真 IJ 並無詳細說頭。

怨無載的看法，

f問:

第一語課問是因為農鵲以東香 j聲援樣菜單所統端，荷英語又是法

。一九七後，中文雖然也被劉備法定語霆， 1是直至 2見兮， 英語的正統地位，並沒有因為中文接到罷法語言青絲聲有所 2~磁。

政府的公文，智大多數還是用英文;中文自然是鑫於次要均住， ，少報應用和處處選安割歧視和掛 ff: o

二個原昆主是單馬香港的講等學府之一的香港大學基本

月，也從不鼓勵咱中文眾教嚀。大寡都知道，只妻香港大學一早就;采 取中、主乏競聾的態度，聽;要香港中學的數學語言言問題，諱言設不會出

像現在還樣的混亂局器。香港的中文中學也不會被藹法得 j鑫j鞍 lli遠，

中學的學生的中文組婆也不會做濤說這 f盟主建立長。香港大學(除 了恤少數發續用中文朱敦擎的課程如中文、中史等之外)長期堅持用 英語投教學，當然就不得不灑做所有的中學都上行下殼，恣意 事章中」跑來了 C

89

亂的第三倍原因，在外隨草豆豆黨的報告告書中也

「當學生和三支農都知議被視聽教育金字塔頂軒的學科…一­ 英語教控的時候，我們很難期墓中文

o .J外蠶專家雖然是詩啦?還一難，但

他們並沒有要求中

大學的醫科應多罵中文眾教授。原部倚在，貝 IJ 不

得高知。

O 很明顯拾，由於香i慧的法律

是{按照英盟的法律行馨的，自此英文在法律上的地位設相 …不論是法律文件，抑或在法廳上昂的語言，都以英文為主。不過， 有關進一詞題， l丘吉拉香港的中并律師，著5 日開始用意香港應 f遴選把法

例都譯成中文和在法庭上多罵中文@。而律政臼唐明:金在…九八屆年 十一丹八日的立法揭發言言也說

r英語岱項保持其地位，尤以高等法

底能然， i.盟中文應在法律上與英文有 1司等地說，及技法庭上路種文本

體耳聞等作准 o .J學這樣中文在法律界的地位便被肯定下來 J ò 租借 未來在香 i 巷的法律靡，中文和英文 :e'、審問盤雷彈。

Tllil 再讓我從另一姐角廈予更探討一下香港拉齊語言的問髏 O

九七年?妾，香溝的工業、商業、金融等方面肯定會和中國 陸海盟的關彈和交往黨來愈密切。需要會島和醬醋中文的人 芳更是正做哼)

0

所以如果我們的大專學生萬不重朧中文的話，那麼肯定是

要吃艷的。事實上，我們現今已經常罐車!一些我們的畢業生，他們最 諾在和大建交往詩，不潭中文的不便處是很多的 O 一些重才華的外舉廠 晶和貿易機機也經常把紹，香港對主義幫易的人才難求。

夠 @o 所以聽從實賠?實姆封建考廳，在香港加強學習和使用中文的重要 性， p 旱擬祖三容量傘RtJ直響。

此外，從保存、發惕和劉道中蠶文化的角度來看，香港由於長期

，加上經濟艾繁若是，所以從理論上來說，是黨看見多穹的條件 聳聽中國文化方臨{殼的很好的成績和貢獻的 o

遺憾的是，

j慧的優秀人才長期被藥鐘在 r重英輕中 J 的思想桂惜中，香港主黨方

90

A體恤， 逗-著 主 -49 a 興辦益是蟹，豈固

業人芽，大多的語霄能力(即能夠 j軍鵑誓i通話和精通中真文)都不

醋的建檔，事實上是遠去是於台灣和大酷的 O 試想…想，在們的嘴秀人

芽、精英份子從來都不重欄中文，不盡親中鷗艾先，聽聽中國的文化 如何能在香港紮機?聲不了框，又怎能聽花結果呢?

還哥哥一聽 O 大家都創造，語言殺一種人典人溝通和罵來總思考的 重要工真和蝶介 G 語言並且還代表聲由民族的思想方法、思維結構

和 r蠶攝影態.J

0 任何人輯是響於和訝 '1實於用自己的語言言文字來表達

、思考問題以及開展構思、思維活動和最 1J1乍活動的 O 在歷史上缸

子灌i安哥哥 -1盟關家或民族，能不聞自己的語言文字而建立起自己的燦

繡的哲學、文學、藝術和文化的 O 我們港人是在也意事求我們自己在 發展中盟的文忱導事業方聽多做出貢獻?這錯不重視自

1T嗎?

O

f是無法;當汰的。因為不論在工業、髓業、

。從香j巷的角 金融中心和保持社會繁接的重重要*蟻。這些木錢絕不能忍。

們還應大大的增加造方醋的實力。

報上極倡議種說法， m 不意被看作燒我想提倡保留英殖民主也鬧

。 i本;每老筒說， f袋?雙門的情:兒，如 5是將來中國艷澳門核續使用主權， 肯定很少人鑫要求保盟體語和加強學翟蕾詣的， O 而相反，漢門將來可能住富強調加喝學習英語的'

的實用價種實在太大了 O 再說，事實上英語現今日是

樓閣標語言。掌握好英語，不但可

以方便我們與對髓的人們溝通，主主主之痛可以方使我們學習和了體其他 民族的文化，闖關我們的贖罪 O 所以英語的麓要|、生，無論從哪… f園角 ，都 f查普3署盤疑的。

要求香港的中學生住、大且學生學好英語，不但現在需要，在一九九 七年後要需要 O 我們在英語方面的優勢是只能增蟬鳴輯對不離削鶴的 。

91

?足以上自兮兮料，可以看到香港只有賦閑中、英說盤(即所謂 f雙

龍IJ)的辦法，才是最合理的做法。 以後，我們的大專說校肯定得 多的中、英雙語兼i麓的人才 O 所以理今輯對我們的主義恁撓去解 決好在大專院校實 11' r 體語」教學的問題。有體這一問髓，近東

多ili教嚮離家握了…學很好的聽講學@@ 0 椒據這主主審議案的建議以及 我自古的一些研究份料，我認攏香港政 j存在龍Ij訂教育政策時，

的重要性。在這方間，香港教育統籌委員 誤的報告書中，對中學!略問「雙語 J

立主且還?真慵設立「中文發展基金華處會...J ~長檢討中國語艾教材等。 單單在中學強謂 γ蠻認 J 教學是不夠的，重要擎的是要香港大學 itt采取

糧攝態度，從 j重考旦掌草草求參加高級程度會場，有意進入香港大學就讓

，除需取得姜文科(

Use of English Examínation

)及格之

蚱，禮讓中文語文科(需護車數設立，海藍藍考學生的語文程度)及格。 香港大學如能在入學資格考試，堪設中文語文辛辛考試，那j聽老竇說， 就算教驚奇嘗不作任餌規定，香港的中學也會馬上重語中文租來 O

認為才是最有效的立竿見影的做法 O

次，我認購香港大懋選育鼓勵各院系的教師，能用中文的聽

說罵中文從學生學。高香港政府也霜，主、妻，簡單求是她擬的一個切 質可行的推廣普通話和簡體字的方案。 f吏表們的學生能 f毒草掌握普過

。這種做法不但對我們的學生的求知有利， 體殺和發展也是紹輯有利的。

o

:fj聲大法?讓系現正在考膚、未來的學生寄:真需要舉宮中 o ...J這一頃措麗無疑也會有助 λ 們對中文的重親 O

出您樣發展高各學教育東提議發港工業發展的問聽 O

香港的工業和出己腎路是香港經濟的重要支柱之一 01旦控年張表 們的工業黨品的出口權勢在安副其它盟軍的競爭能力的土升和保護主 義的威脅下 '2 愈來愈感圭Ij IJ乞丹和不容易保持下去 JO 九七七年所發表的 f 經濟多先化諮誨委員會報告書」莘學中雖然提胎

採舟「工業多元你 J 的方法諜加以補救，但自從

92

，香j巷土豆葉多元化的步子立是沒有邁得很愣。罷 三?予以是夠的推動 和不肯化大力氣在發展幫工黨和先進技娟的研究方面作出溫蠶的部署

和足夠的撿資 O

大豆葉都知鐘，不論是先進工黨頭毒室主口美國、德軍租日本抑或是我

們的競莘莘才亭如嘶力E坡、罵輯，在部 11 旗嘉軒枝人才方語和先進科技研

究方面的接道都遠比我們的聽多。@。如東香港繼續忽視護方菌的措 資，那麼香港的主業很快便會被「第三三次浪潛 J 苦苦時代出現的主業

j雷汰。到為我們至今議沒有為發展「第三次通潛 J 的婚幹工業( 、海洋工藥、 i鑫傳工程)作出任需計畫IJ和部署。

不過，如果我們從現今起聽上急起聽瓏，諂定三十劃，多引進

幫主業和多作生進技捕(

Hìgh-tech

些

)醋的接資，那!接我們肯定還

來得及 G 盟為香港瑋霖的主業基確讓不葦 O 為了 巨設立宣告設立一個永久性的若現閒

究先進科技 O 當然，就像日本這棵工業發達的驛竅，也沒有這可能和能力控

「第三次濃潛 J時代將自玉昆的所有士樂都予以發展@

0

力而備、實事求是地盤麓 f置畫畫熱土黨和項自豆豆發展。個怎樣去做選擇

?;在樣決定發展方向和安排發展的先後汶 j字?怎樣去籌集資金?如何 去配全中國內站、 j丟到 i 和蛇口的主業發展以及中蠶豆:Q í韻現代仰的發展 等問題，都非要享有這樣一體常設的管理忠來贊賞全盤競韓、策劃不可 O

他遺憾的是，現今香港政府卻不斷 3宣傳說，

計數，性的政府接麓，而仍可f數以往搬繼續繁橫下去。但事背上，玉昆今 ，香港的工業是有蓋許多臘賽和雷轟蕭許多間難的 。香港的工黨主基本結構並非是很健全的，題時還是非常聽鶴的 @@o

如果香j義政府罐罐對工雞摸單一種「日滿 J

、高校無聲和無麓的態!叢

中出現的問題和軍斃，那麼香港的工業

93

，對矗級工業人

三字(起念業管器人才，高級工聽說，路鞍科校工業 λ 具等)的進糞土色 是都不容縷的 O 大家聽到道，發j接聽兮的工業按鐘七十年代 B 4::位工 業，是麗君令 f知識雷厲捏 J 和?鎖在鑫IJ蟻，性的數獻 J 諂 O 以上還罵名?

話是經濟合作聞發組織(

OECD

)於…九七六年對自4::工業品濟實 O

這評價對香港的工業也很溫鼎 O 所以像自克拉一樣，主主們岱5員認識 ~IJ 這

一難，而多在守主街質鸚 J 站誼作撥撥 o (無謂投稿賽車是指〈為f要 用外醫專利前支付的養費用〉與〈意

之上t

0

)如要達到達攔阻襟，

具有獨創性的講職工樂人才 O 自

現令他們已進入收播期@。 '的乎只 j生意接工、按 1桔員 以及投師級的工黨人才的培養繁d語。香港政府對智力布面的開發和高級

按術人才的培嚼，貝1])金蠶?磚牆不鉤。意爭港的大專院校閣成很有必要重

新檢討一下他們的使命、間棚和押金十;獨應多注意培養具有組織能力 和獨創能力的高級工業人汁。而不哥哥儲備滿足於訓練

的的工業專業

人才。此外，我們的大轉院校輝應該多注意一下您轍有鼓地去運用 「教育多元化」來配合「工黨多先化 J 和仁就會多光你」的發展。同時 還應 j主意怎樣去繼獨鐘間和發臘梅濤的工業和駕車讓利用香港這一自由 開放的城市去耀續開拓科校、耳聽、紹峙的軒緝峙。

和惑講:穹盡去了。 影響 o .J

94

品 O .J @如果將來的 iI: 晶體的幫蒼譚一方向發晨的話，那就要求我們 未衷的工黨人芽，不但華書掌握高康的專業和先進科技知議，站立還要 有高燒的艾化 11草藥。換言之，也只有這種工黨人才，才能幫撞出具有 競爭力的產品 O

我們香港的大專蹺枝，在英露傳說教育制度的影擊下，只

練學生數據比較狹隘的專業科技知識，高忽聽層臨鞍騁的、跨料性的 以及文化方富翁的教育 O 這種真式的教舊報蔑和教育臣槽，現今己較 落後，因為它研涉及的教育器和知議面過份狹當;缺乏瘤研設|笠、靈通

，悅和割造性的 O 為了這聲香j卷進入薪工賽時代所需要的觀級科接 λ 芽 ，我認鑄醬港政府有感嘉軒現今大專院較喜 11 輯工業和專業人才的制

、方法、按程等作出一全當血檢討和革新 O

怎護培饗泊港人才的詞輯。 一丸九七年後香港人便要挽起門發人治港」的擺攤。所以在…九 九七年後香港除了需要更多的高科授和獨創性的路級工業科撥人才之 外，議需要大量的興奮管王望能力的、有政治會髏的人來數程埠港的實

。這些人才肯定不能再大蠢的當用外露人，前要在我們的大專院校 培養出來 O 我們的大專院校艾怎樣去增至發 i這些海港人才呢?

陸豆豆豆香港政府在割讓和培養j合理香港的人員方商( 都有…護主方法@)@。一丸九七年後，我們是妻子彈蟬續証用連這套方法來 說績和培養治瓏替湛的人才呢?義來是不可能了 O 因為:

第…、…九九七年稜混們的治港人芹的報務對操、 E 譯、 改變 O 香港在經濟、文化方富的女性與中噩 j有道將會起來起這三切 O 管 王童養濤的人員陪要器對的不單單是怎樣去維持發i擎的安定繁凳，並且 還幣毒害患重買到中麗的整體發颺 O 所以將來治現替港的人芳，這首來品嘗

有廣麗的鞠襟早日:蕃於i轟 i逸的本領。我們大概不能讓只有棋盤地區主

義的人

95

第二、將束中

的

。

的治港人員要有高度的民族意議、函

力

、判醫力和達見。我們將封建的治港人鈍，

，都要

故賴英量人，經常向英齒人

九七年後

，表們基本上已無山可靠，

了。

第三、香港的社會在一九九七年後， 樣，還禹於一題更厲謹麓的以企業和

我們的這港人穿藍色意付得來這瞬息 告中盟內生售和世霖各蜜的各方話鈴聲力和離離嘴?

其他的不說，就拿現今

說，怎樣去撞養未萊的政務官便是一詞很{濃得讓朧的問題

大家都知道，香港的政務官罷

份 J 。他們的工作包括「協勘制訂、

策與計畫IJ' 並管制所涉及的資源、.J

0

，並和社會各界人士聯絡 J 等工作母語。

「協調地方行政 內閣組織，所以

香港的政務官不但是公務員，

九

九七年後的香港政府中 政府的高級職位和政府部門的首長絨服役，

來 O 我們怎樣去培養這些未來的政務管呢?

除政務官之外， 人員?~樟去培養各級的教師?

當然，要這賽以上這些重要人才，

的辦法之一 C 但這種方法顯然只能攝罵於少數人 O ，基本的言 11 繞聳然還得通連我們的大學教奮來完成 O 為此，

看望香港島大專院校在培養子失業的人士Jr1J 蠶豆草藩鑫 i主黨以下聽器龍:

一、要幫品學生建立起聽心香港、 二、蓋重重養學生的責任惑、告信心、

96

以及民主意識和主提意議。 三、在(專撥專業或鞋業知議以外， i曇纏在多方面加強縛濟、智菁、文

f拉克蜜的教學，以誰就出一批新壁的、眼光遠大的、具有科學頭

糧和文化棄蠢的 λ 1' 0

(四)怎樣建立起香議專土教育在單際上的地位的聞組 o

同翱型的、高綴專業和

職業訓練瓊斯。?香港的教育主要豔←穫蟬以讓自經濟與職業區的的

相當應用車麗的途徑。...J@從香港大學的創立目的哥華@，我們 E可以清 當地看到，香j義政府為了配合英聾的統i台和利益，向來只希望我們的

大專院校培聽一聲專業教職黨 λ 才。香議政府立宜不要求表們的大專院

校捕獲出具有理想、有創i造力和興農按觀念及主兒的人汁。

由於我們的大專院校，長期被規躍在專門到|練專業和職業人才

窟，所以我們的大學都是比較缺乏學術氣麓的。由訴我們長期缺乏學

講方面和思想方詣的發展，所以我們的器等學府至今還未能「轎身於

世軒一清華主科學校之多 IJ ...J一九九七年後我們已脫離了英醋的統治， 我們是否還能讓這種情混攜續下去呢?我們是否有黨任記我們的大

學辦成世界棄的大學呢?如要做封這一點，我認為我們一竟要立紅

樣敢以下的興革: 一、我們喜~2;交替整一下以往的{設法，不蓋章過份故賴英區和英聯邦國黨提

供的觀麓，高權多考慧和寄生軍從世界其他雖軍去網羅權秀的教學

λ 才，務京做至日人才和思想學街上兼睿並紋。 、有必要改變英武大學的一峰不合理的教學制度;而動淺出一套科 於香港大專臨校發農的教學制度，評審學位和專業資格制度，以

及轉輯、提升教軒的制度 O

、要想辦法去教勸大革院校的教師從事具有深度的研究工作，大力 幫展各種學術活動 O 在學館研究設費方聽一定草草多增加撥款和 設立不間想要的跨料性的和高級的研究院。

97

離開一九九七年只有的十二年的時間了。在這十三年中，我們除 了會保證香港的大專院校糟糟獨立自主、能自由拼邂學生、聘用教師、 規定課程、教學方法以及自由開展各種學術研究活動之外，對於上 臨鋪及的一些現荐的不合理的教育制度，一驢鞭縛我們思想的以及一 盤不適合和不科鼓搗襲人芽的教菁臣的、內容、第 UJ室和芳:去，當然也

聽逐步予以改革。 檢討一下當前和農期的香港高等教育題時帳了 O 為此我認為中、

棋聯合聯絡小組有必要堅聽連設立一個香港商帶教裔的改革和長期發颺

肘鑫IJ 專家小組，對香港的專士教育予以全醋的檢討和策畫IJ

0

與香港政蟬的改革問織提饗 O 要知道人芳和制度是息患梧庸的。

最輯，如果沒有安聽盤當言 11 蠶的館長和能真去操作和憲章史，

學擱淺和畫還各種厄黨的。所讀十年樹木，草草輯 λ 。十二年半的路 濃期盤不長，高等教蒼穹 15詣的適當改革也聽聽手進行了。

參考艾獻 Cheng , N. L., Shel哇，K. C. ， τ紹， K.K. and Wong , S. L. At what cost?

Instruction through the English medium in Hong Kong Schoo/s: a report for the public. Hong Kong 1973.

2. Ho , T .F. D. Englísh language skil/s αnd academic performance.

Hong Kong Language Papers. Edited by R. Lord. Hong Kong University Press , 1979.

3. (香港教舊議喘一一單際顧問畫報告童醫) 1982. 34頁· 75頁 O 1.

再.

(香港大律歸公會及律餓會主主有鼓詣憂無慕的建議書) 1984年 10 丹。

5. 據 1984年 11 丹 9 B (大公報〉報導 O 6. 據 1984年 10 月 21 日〈明幸的重堂、 j著總騙的訪問記錄 O

7. 羅慷烈〈還談香j巷的中閻語文教育) 1984年 10 月 30 日，叩門 31 日

• 11 月 1 日 (El月報〉 。

8

.杜龍抬{中文教濟支是香澤民主自

報)

98

0

1984年竹月 17 位(El月

9.

Cheng , Helen. Language Education: Policy and Planning , paper presented in Hong K6ng and 1997: Strategies for the future.

Conference: Dec. 6-8 , 1984. Centre of Asian Studies , University of HongKong.

10. 據教育統籌委員會第一號報告書所公佈的建議， (明報扒 985年 T 月 10 日 O

竹.據 1984年 12 月 26 日〈新晚報〉報導。

12. (經濟多元化諮詢委員會報告書) 1979 。 13. Moritani , M. Advanced technology and the Japanese contribution , The Nomura Securities Co. Ltd. 1983. p. 176 14. (第三次浪潮〉阿爾溫、托夫勒菁、南粵出版社， 1984 。 15. Lo , J. Hong Kong's industrial policy and industrial development in view of the 1997 question with special reference to the electronics industries , paper presented in Hong Kong and 1997: S甘ategies for the future. Conference: Dec. 6-8 , 1984. Asian Studies , University of Hong Kong.

16. Mok , V. Hong Kong's external trade relations at crossroa品， paper presented in Hong Kong 1997: Strategies for the future.

Conference: Dec. 6-8 , 1984. Centre of Asian Studies , University of HongKong.

17. (技術教育概論) (日〕 細谷俊夫編菁、肇永和、五立精譯、清 華大學出版社， 18. 鄭正面 11

1984 0

(職業教育與提高勞動力〉香港中華總商畜禽刊， 84第四

期， 1984 。

19. Ph i1osophy of Education (Edited by S. Fox.) The Van Leer Jerusalem Foundation , 1983.

20. Miners , N.J. The government and politics of Hong Kong , 3rd Edition. Oxford University Press , 1982. pp. 92-116.

21 . Mushkat , M. The making of the Hong Kong administrative class , Centre of Asian Studies. University of Hong Kong , 1982.

22.

(大趨勢一一改變我們生活的十個新方向)

(美〕約翰、奈斯比

特菁、梅艷譯、中國社會科學出版社， 1983 。

23.

(何不以政務工作為終身職業〉香港布政司署銓敘科編， 1984年 8 月，

1-

4 頁。

24. Mellor , B. The University of Hong Kong - an informal history , Hong Kong University Press , 1980. p. 37.

25. Jennin醉，1. and D.W. Logen. A 同port on the University of Hong Kong , 1953.

99

100

論壇*

香港高等教育往何處去?

主持:其民雄傳士、香港摺饗協會

講者:島

臨博士、香港中文大蠟校長

謝志偉博士、香港還會呂學院校接

張佑數教授、 3香港大體工學院院長 黨肅再帶士、香港理工學院嘴子工程系主任 據接通車教接、經輯州立大學石溪分部理論紛童研究所所提

*吉為主會主量吉普內容由鱗輯繫妞，未結講者校對 O

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莫畏雄博士(主席)

各位朋友，今天下午研討會的最能 -í@l項話，就是在們的論壇，主 題是「香增高等教菁姓何處去...J

0

我們非常高興能夠請束了五位知毛的戀者擇任主要的講者 G 的們

的如毛要實在很萃，所以我潘豈不用雨花時間多作什錯了。他們發言

血來自本地議等院校的自位學者發話，接剛才跟他們磊囂的

話瘓，是先請馬校長，然後聽說t校長，再服潤是張發攪和黃博士 O

隨後，我們講楊梅寧教授發言。

這樣的安排是特當讓扭捏扮演一語「特納評論員 J

。楊教授

雖然校黨盟工作，可是對香濤的高等教菁位有深刻的了權 O

大學昏然科學自哲學網融體 E經有多年，罩在覺應香港中 黯草書院的 j船高在香港作訪問 O

當我們雷艷清香港的盤大轉變，在今天這個時刻來討論書淆的高等教

育，是少不堯要踐中間盟內的情況粒上

些觀鋒 O 而在這一 1J 齒，

教授亦現有體會。 她剛剛在在京大學接覺了名譽教撥的稱號，

圈內所才發盔的第盟樹名譽教授稱號

o 所以，

best of three worlds." )由

(“ He knows the

，請楊教授當

田正

í始對三三個世騁的最處都有所認議。...J 最i金會不過的 G

。接希望大眾踴躍發言，

大%(眾真閱決定，

今天在璋的，無論是在 ，因耽拔希望各位都能將自

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主主皂己以外，都是教育科 來，跟大家合孽。

各 f立發言時，志;以照普通話，

，悉撞車便。

罵臨搏土

謝謝主席 l

我想

O

在想

提出馬 @i揉碎，就去是我要講的語。

靠一，

O 其次，

大學碩能亦是各方臨的，制如:計|議草草藥 λ 材、發展學搞研究、 審問題提供意見嚀嚀 O 可是處於不同社會和不闊的發展階段，大學功 能的重熙可酷略有河之間 O 第二無我妻講的兒全是我憫人意見。

軍 IJ 芳自意誰是雄教攪所提出都四期覺得都非常踅耍，而且是非常惜

當的。關於掌聲諾鞍巒及科枝弘進等這些問錯，如果要用長達計畫把它們 來幫潰的話，我 1讓人還信研究院茁教音是非常蠶擎的，亮在香i慧的幕

上教育在研究說教窗上，可以說太通漠親，三晶弓之重 i頂了。在海外一

啦研究院的教在學比例， fm 研究院的學生非日本科學生的上t 例，大概撞到 20'"'-'25% 左右，香港比例較之大為偏低，大概只有 10% 左右 O

第二，今龍替游人豆豆負起管理自己的讀{圭和在思想意識上對中 的進步能夠瞭幣和伸出更多的貢獻。聽聽，大巒體產生一一詞很重要的作

用 O 大學在社會、政浴、經濟、文化各患考髓，聽起一撞動作用，

位應該成繞一嚮思想聽聽、言了?詩、反黨的議主壞，還是五十年代中盤大

學最能起作用的士學方 O 此 f愛聽十年菜，思為糟糟儷蓮、語誤，大眾一 提到思想就害的，爛得還是動亂的根源，

，這都是不正

確的 O

在某一瞎結社會司能是應該理當建設，能鉤蘊譚一定的模式建設。

對如:香港在議去五十年的講混就是拉鈍。龍在晃一體段，社會要裝

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，就 1l\J轟反賞自己的觀難，它的模式才能有所突破，

O

今天香港的大舉應該站在社會的前端，看奎Ij香港和中

和他們下…儷諧段的功能的新重心。這罹難是今後大學最主義擎的。

我僥幸E 果要哥大學今後能發揮其意有的功能，乏其梧龍在財政上，臨人 ，聽需要有很大支持。盟員馬代茁進步很蠢，

按:克和社會結構與二十年代的中量有很大的差距，

條件及叢略也不種題。前以在今天大學擴展及進步是不能謹妻室去醫學者 Êl帥熱心或空j闊的呼籲與豆豆聾，卦須有完足的實濃及良好的對委會

。所以有說

r畫吾吾克觀」或「巧婦難為無米之炊.J ，看時是三tff 想，未:品寄至連起真正結果，

，在我們高等教盲界，香港教師的質棄一純是相配愛民肘。 一前工作亦非常努力，他們無論在教學或學術研究上的成就 ，而I 以眼任何相穎的機構來比較 O 同時他們的才幹 x

大學之水平，最主要是供給充足的設備、 時儲量是給予他們一些輔助的服務，例如;在

。在時間運用上，給予更大彈性與自由 O ，要給予更多機會 O 那麼，我相信發揮教師之二恃字:宇

一所大學如果要發揮最大之作罵，最要緊的是有接好的教師， 他們本來就要很還憂，我們要要培養他們，給予 o i言難相信各人士穹垂肩意的 O

引一聽教計的數字指出香港在高等教窗按質上，

和土豆豆豆醫生的單位數上均較很多先進的靈蒙低很多。 §部主主;藍藍的青年在不再位置蒙得歪IJ 靈蒙給予高等教育的平均數路 O 還是指鐘書名的人平白賽扇，不管 f告奮否進 λ 高等鞍蕾的機績。 O

104

地方

用美元計算

香港

920 4809 1926 3336 7074

?奧加|

日本 英國

美圓

國寡給予適齡青年高等教育平均費用 這些數字也是從剛才徐教授所提到的教育海外機構OECO 得來的，而 香港數字是我們自己算出來的 O 香港要在社會和經濟發展上追上這些

國寡，就不能對高等教育的人力投資採取一種保守的態度 O 如果我們 不作一個長遠的打算，相信那會是自欺欺人的 O 我想再補充一句剛才 的數字給我們有兩個指示:

第一，香港專上學位不足 O

第二，就是在財政上、人力物力上給予高等教育、專上教育的支持 也是不足 O

我想我要講的就是那麼多，謝謝!

謝志偉傳士 很可惜我的普通話不好，所以用廣東話來與各位講話。另一很司惜

的是，因為剛才我要離開會場去為香港文化活動作一些貢獻，為一個

畫展剪緝，所以失去機會聽到徐是雄教授所講的「高等教育面臨的挑 戰...J

0 其實，我很希望能聽到他所講的話，因為我知道今天的討論主

題將會環繞這中心 O 因為我預先知道我沒機會聽到，所以我恐怕今天

我所講與其所說的有所重複，因此為安全起見，我將今天的話題圍繞 一個沒有司能重複的中心上，就是我們浸會學院發展的情況 O 不過，

今早在這裡聽到三位學者演講時，發現以為萬無一失、不會重複的主

105

，所以一方面令我好像有無失望， E3 C 想說的事韓非只是皂 E 想像， ，大家都知謹在這頭年來，

'豆豆?專程教實( liberal 叫 ucat叫

ion with the vocation emphasis

)。這協主題就是路去搞年來引

。今車很高興醫至IJ 程設講老均提到海識教奇(

eral 制 ucation )的重要，甚至

liber-

1立譯者說至1J 1劃

G 我們對於這主題的看法有如下結論:

闊的科目，一種是偏重學術為主的， 。在偏重單事業為主的課程中，強調專業性是一件很簡直處的觀

上、理論上的了醋，

做 o

至於學術方面之課程，當然其本身基本上就是一種博雅教潛藏 。在這槽通議課程中，如何加入其專業性， ，覺得在這通;當教育上，

，或者有些人 pJT稱處噓的暮敢措龍(

basic

'那麼，表們就司以達到這偶高專藥性的盞

，我們的學生在這課程肉， 、台相資料、第決問題，並言 11 練言語與文字的表連能扣。

我認篩選種按持鼓接能雖然不一定霍達能與某種行業插上聽嘿， '這種接能均震發須的。我i冉說 ，於設計課程中特別蛋讀這無 O 肉，在主題上誨的發展就是強語專業特色的通議教奮 O

1r，濃重露在學說一{毒所堅持的玄 λ 教育的理想非常吻合。蜀 中均裝起有一種使命感，這使命感興其草草藥或將來 o ñ有過講教育就能與幫助學生，於其學習溫程

。同時，我們認聶-@學生需要於社會上對社會

自己的價值觀念及價值系統 O 如何才能給予他們道

?就是通過道種溫識教育悶得 O 所以我們覺得這通論教爾與演

，我們兩年前開始這課程發展時，

1997的問聞聲無閱(祟的。因為我們開始時 97問題仍未被金港人

106

所正珊， i.ê 當我們一直發展銬，發現我們所行的高等教育路線與香溝 面臨將東所發展的路線好像不謊言穹合，

自己治體的人芽，而是說校高等教育方霞，沒有 O 我覺得一 11~1 有過議基磁之教育，可以培養這種人 才 O 所以現在講等教育方器與香j蜂王校來發展的方前不謀而合。問時，

串於香港將張社鑫之把式，或者將宇晨社萌發展之路舟，到自前沒寄一 個人敢說非常明朗 O 在這種未見全明顯的情況下，如果…哩學生在其 教育過程中能保持彈性，保持有機勵之才能，聽聽，可能於倦的發展

上手下吝幫助，而我們在草草攤上之通議化持有 l~t 觀;豈有考生 O 當然，表們 進行這撞議程發展亦有王建議墓墟。

:我們認寫封議合乎不能與社會脫節 O 知議兮子特 護是要較有所周之教育。問時，表們認為

路前知識的增長率對塵'1爽，所以一續活學活闊的教育是比較一種 tJ知 識積緊換墓禮之教育更能幫品學生撞上轉代，領導時代 G

:在專業 15 聽亦然，個 11'2目前各種專業的發展到臨繁樓， 有那~~菜切之輯僚，所以我們認為一咱有厲闢鑫壁的專業教 齊耳以幫助學生態付變化多端高擾蓋住的專業發展 O

，在我們這咽課程發展之方向

一生長難題:

第一:是廣博與暮之輯的閱(系 O 肆無糧軾的觀念說豆豆擅自Ij '這釋是互不相容之看法 O 所以我們要克臨的問題，

怎樣在我們的課程中， 1要?聲與專有適當的比例。其次茗、模橫陳與專謂 者，不但彼此攔不會互不招蓉，冊書彼說結合，讓 j黨做戒毒草之基礎， 焉能增強專的力量 O 照以，現在導我們的在探棄階段，我們現在 ，但不敢說能全部成功 O

自難:我們~":真最認高等教育的發展不能控體中等教舊的摹 墟。日前香港有一相當樣楚的中等鞍育常法，這亦是我們銷會困揮之

處 O 其實這臨樺的問題組非這隅年才發生。還在 1975年，

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摸棄自己發展的搶館時，已經連連這種問題 O 當銬，我們考慮，

有六年的小學，五年的中學，然f圭喜些是一年的中六，頭蓋苛 t)學指

蓋等程度考試，高豆豆 λ 中文大學及其倍幕上是學校。晃一語IJ 廈是六年小

，五年中學後，鶴立志高級程度課程(

A level course)

,

港大學及其他學校。當8卷起們均在摸脅。我們，心裡覺得如果我們有好 的通識教育基蟬，中學者喜磁是相當重要的。可惜，我們心目

發展的高等教商與中懋所能提供給我們的仍有一段距離 O

當時，裴們會接作講這樣的選擇，如讓我們教奮起Ij廈一定要維持

六、玉的話，第壤，我們寧額達六、五、二，萃，說是現在我們研行

的制度。但如果數商辦農能鼓足足六、六的話，那六年小學、三年初中

、五年高中(即如悶住我念書的情形)

，那膺，我們買 IJ 願意選擇六

、六、四或六、五、忠、四之制度 O 經過很多我們自己學院內

度，所以我們三村采取進個六、五、 z 制度 o EI 前我們均在嘗嘗試如何在高級程度課程(

A level course )

還狹窄之基聽上去聽克…種比較廣闊的議:最基體 O 這是我們頭臨的讓 大摺題 O

我相信我趕出遇問題與我們香港教育發展很有關條，目為在中

內地目前所有的中懋制鹿和大學制度與香港的中學制度和大學制度均

有不同之處 O 到底我們間對將來發展時，要采取恁樣的態度?採取一一 租車往持原來樣式的啦!裳，抑或要考愚至目中間擺攤犬的教育掛度對我們 的影響?這儷起覺得那是我們所應探討的鴨鵲 G

今天

，多 ~~1 !

張佑敏教授

，我也有甫難先講。

:我講的不是賠

、工幸存的教育。靠工是只代表我富人意笠 ，不代表工學院或是香濯大學的意見。

108

首先一無:我覺得目前我們隊取這鐘之三年制的工科課程主轄的。

學生在這三年內，他需要學很多課程 G 者講的萃， 肉，要學完專黨校 1~寄:黨和專業諜，這些已經很嚷了，再要學其 f背棄醋

，的確很盟難。 部於功課很重，一聽擊生都不會參加社會和體育活動

。而我憫人覺得講糟活動對學生極端有好路，因為他們可以調導學性

，有共同工作、共悶玩樂的精神，也石?以增多黨他們在引導方面的才能 o

;'G/要辦呢?我想我們可以有兩儡做法:第…咱做法正如謝校長剛才

所講的，就是:念十二三年中、小學後，再唸在3 年，謹 i~ 靠自慶幸很多聽黨 品中墨、三要醬、如傘大三澳大科豆豆穹襪撓、悶。

第二苛能性，鑼近在英區有這 ílm蘊向，

四年，唸完三三年以犧得歪Ij工學士銜，日悉完第四年，百以得到碩士銜。

這種做法還是很傳統的，學生要日念完十五年以後才進大學 O 現在我們 在港大工學院是開始對這方面有討論，甚撥給與現在還不知道，大概 選需一段時間穿得到一些結論 O

第三方盈是研究說教舊的問題。鼓鼓起們主學院醫設-@主黨讓

( part

time) 的碩士台麓，站在蠶工程師晚上由來大學裝修。目前，我

們這些學生都是唸八噹最佳的諜，並作論文 o i議組f設法現在感至1 有些

問題，因篇很多學生支柱唸完書以後，要作論文峙，他們就發覺在職公 司或政府機構內的工作很忙。結果到這階段了?作股東，這當然是不很

愉l爽的事情，望雙方花了那麼多時間而沒有結果。所以工學院亦開始討 議是否能獨如美驛或其組閣寡聞設只是傳說的棋士，就是說我們不做

小論文，全!鑫唸盞，這一要在我們罩在住在考慮。 除了這撞哼囂的碩士

己經很久了。 還方詣，我覺得島校長鷗訝得很好，說是表們老師是 否一定上七點人是受呢?我覺得不一定， i且我想我們老師卻沒有別人的論 文寫得多 C 主要個問聽是我們缺乏研究經醋。我在海外服務很久，

在英國、加拿大、 i澳大利亞我均富任教 O 當然我沒有岡 tt 馬校長提 那種資料，可是在丹在精揖程，我知道在海外我們司以通過各種議建黨

對研究經費。{吉普如我在加拿大哥以拿懿加拿大餾家研究題(

Research Council

)的接賽，或是單說研究還嘉獎審(

National Defense Re-

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search Board )的錢。在美國有國家科學基金( National Science Foundation ) ，還有別的 O 英國還有很多這種基金 O 香港卻沒有 O 而且我們在大學裡每年的研究經費是很少的，不能做很多事情 O 另外 ，研究生我們也不敢講太多，因為是沒有錢 O 這徊研究助理要困難， 因為這是個很少人能取得的東西 O 那我覺得以後工學院在這方面做多 熙事情，也就是能得到比較好的支持來做研究工作 O

因為目前理工學院還沒有研究生之制度(聽說以後很快會有 J) ，所以目前為止，我希望我們工學院能在香港作為有工科的高等學校 師資培養的主要供應者 O 除 7 在香港要做這事情以外，我覺得我們也

應該眼中國多熙來佳，也可以遣一小部份好的學生，從大陸到香港工 學院來唸碩士和博士 O 太多我們也吃不消，兼且學院也不大 O 不是說

我們現在沒有做這事情，事實上我們已有好幾位圍內的大學生或在國 內當講師的來香港大學唸高等學位 O 現在唸高等學位的學生干日本科學

生，在經費方面的分配是不大合理的，因為撥款是 士與一位博士的學生是同價的 O 大家都是用同

徊學士、一個碩

數目的錢 O 我覺得在

外國我們一祖碩士最低限度要算一徊半學士，一個博士要算二至三徊 學士，不過這@問題還要等到以後才體決 O

第三 f固問題，就是工程師在外面工作、不脫產，我們應該想辦法

在大學為他們辦一些課程，使他們在工作上提高水平(

experience

post-

courses) 。在現在技術轉變很快的情況下，是特別重要的。

另外，有些工程師學會像英國的土木工程師學會 (Institute

Enginee悶， London

of Civil

)他們也有 -1固規矩，譬如，你要做到會員，

那你在畢業得到工學士以後，在六年以內要唸卅天的課程 O 這課程都 應該是研究院水平的課程，不是普通大學生的課程，沒有這 f固就不能

算作土木工程師 O 因此像港大工學院土木工程系也舉辦這祖課程 O 我 們辦 7 兩年，以後也希望繼續舉辦下去，這男店也是和學校對課程看法 有關係 O 以前我曾與學校行政人員討論這個問題，我們討論幾年 J'

他們想教是可以敬，錢是不能收錢，要收就最好放入大學口袋裡面 O

我說當然我也有很多朋友在文科、理科、醫科，但我想不出甚麼道理 ，我要教書而他們可以享受 O 因此我們

110

開始就不肯教，雖然我們覺

的，但如果他們採串連種態度，我們就不敢 G 結果討論

，才討論幫一咽地步，就是你教書與平常毅的並無黯嘿，

，收至目的錢是學校眼呆子里間對兮，這樣我們?接受。自瑪拔-tt不

是現束語人的名與利，但如果茶樓間能多無錢，於文鼠、投術員方面 均可多聘用人作幫忙，多質些小儀器，捕會也司以有議作罷配。也許 大軍不太清徑。我們做如在海外工作，要差去開吾泰福會議，一做學校都 說什機票，食指費用和註冊費。可是遲大只有一張飛機票，食宿實用

和註冊費菩敢也沒有 O 如果這位報 λ 歸入果裡，我們首Jj...::J科用

用補貼一下 O 我覺得這種畢書長以龍的課程，應大力發農，因達爾與工

還有一難是敵?聽到線教授講的，栽倒是有聽播充 O 徐教投提出

是現在學生的中文程度本大好，囡為香港大學堅持要用英文來還誤。

，間為我覺得香港大學英文一月2程度也在下 搓，不知道中文程境下降成甚!聽碟，自偽我們用英文講課， 文是在下降 C 譬如我們現在工學院巴經有個措施， 至1 英語慎用科(

Use of English

)合格才能進奈，進來以後，我們

還要給他們嗜簡試，主農學生英文不好，聽他再補 11霎英文 G 以前補 11雪

情友，學生上兩諜錢便不上了.-tt奈何僧們不得。 一 11集餌，當作是一門囂，一年級不合格，工年級萬日念，二年級不合格 ，三年級平等唸'主年級不合格，讀報再吟，車豆豆唸完攜止 G 因此我想 不但只吝中文水平能降問題，高且英文水平也有現降的問題。

黃肅亮↑專土

今天研討會的題目是「香港高等教育往何處去斗、這是一霞說到

方向或是趨臂的閻麗，今天要說的數難，許多請者都會揖及，特別是

今天早上吳敬瑋校長，就巴經蓋不多說 7 義?!3、講的說話，當然這樣的 情況十勞盟黨，唯一石;以補給的士也方，知是今天早上說的，可能大寡

l' l 還有拔掉我的講詞中英文都早己經印了出來，大 。

111

院沒法不接§是一咽挑戰， 材，提供專業的知識，來幫助港人治j巷，另外…憫向就是香 一咽地軍性的專上舉院發稿中盟鑫… f勵大摺之專上

，混戰使我們的嚨里子和無關注的範聾閉 。侶早 i言路綿綿盤前輔蠻、我自己覺

巴拉有培養人 材

,

昌等

(statesman)

，一握真有讀導才能的人 O 攘的話說，就f瘦如院校的實在更加 快校龍有從事研究工作， ，能我們會問:這祖研究題目對香港的關佛是怎樣罷?將來

，我們研究的範閣， 加廣闊。

，我覺得能夠令每一間晚校觀具有使命感。剛才謝校 。這詞 ilm 趨勢就客觀地使院校增加的香港，對中國的

中說罰蕉。

度的問題，

O

'乏文想提及一本書，遣軍會諱:罷課聽嚼的，就是〈大

( Megatrend)

，聞說這本書柱香港相當游行，在中盟亦有許

多人爭相閱讀。鑫本書提到世界，特別是傲的關絮，有十f屆大趨脅，

…悶和舉制有關係，這個趨勢是從「非此即被.J

「多讀、選擇.J

(multiple choice

(either or

)這

)的方式。它的意思是

說以齣組會許多時候面臨的抉擇，不設i韓叩憤怒wj蠶己，將來的趨勢， 闋的選擇 O 大蒙或許聽站以前的路特汽車公司，初出汽

句說話

r顧客可以串串擺擺顏色，但以黑色為限。 J

( " You can choose any COIOL汀， provided it is black." 至 12

)大黨

都明白

:從前是沒有選擇的 O

還在都知這買許多東詣，

看不同的選擇。

這疆和香萃的學這 IJ 在菩 j妻關保覺?

在 i受害甚麼選擇，學生一是選草書，一支農譯工作，孟子像今旱的學者

所說，香港的學制諱:過會所謂「正規學生.J

(conventional stud-

ents 卜郎一國講上去的學生 O 我覺得有考庸、推行一些更加靈活的巨變 制，這些學青 IJ 最少有凹種不同的特點:

(1 ) (2)

(3) (再)

chance

。

)。今單煉了王正搏士看捏懿剪…次機鑫(

( second first chance ) ,

我在這襄想強謂擁工次機會的重要 O 還 f聽聽活的觀壞不單立能講足豆豆

青人不闊的顛三套，議發不闊的環境，有學學能說?學性是不喜歡 -0

讀完六年，艾讓六年，再讀1m年，不鵲臨的讀下去 O 可能比較持冉， 更加可能將來?設立全菩薩黨 (entrepreneurs )的學生，不喜歡這樣講馨 的方式。但我們的教育制度特別像今早所提及高級程度 (A

level)

這東西，很多時候將有潛質發展戚為企業澈的學生隔開，使他們不能

進入專上學校。 所以我覺得一值靈活的這 IJ 麓，不雖說到公平， 說至巨第二汶機會，我聽得起於我們將來畢黨巒生的質賽是有影響的。

?義記得有一次去一體攬子之藤，其生產部的躍 建設:

吸水一樣(

，學習是沒有詞聾的，他們報致知識，就如海綿

absorb knowledge like a sponge

)。但面對一些比較

新穎的問單時，卻誰往不能找到一個有殼的傳單決方法，因為他們不樹

嘗試，他們很帕失敗。.J我有時想想，我們的懋從一詞比較果粗 的教育剖廈培養告亡的來，他們根本

間就不甘|質嘗試軒的東 iffio

因為沒有第二次機會，如果他們在嘗試輯認 γ 一次錯誤，鼓不能翻

113

，賴本就不育以鑑欄升學 O

束自今年驚人中，我覺得很難找對足夠人? 的責任。雖然不是說護?罷市j 度-聽了，建立即可以幫;女人才的問題 ，該想這也不一定的。我想我討誰還個問題只是其中的

f閉關攀 O 今

天許多講者部提至1 其口問姦 O

另件有一點，或者單為時間關擇，我聽說得體短…峙，就是這位

鑫等院校聽由接霆，性的院校漢變為所謂國際性的說校或中臨的專上學 O

這 f盟趨勢艷我們將東的譯音法有甚麗影響呢?

課程的內室，鶴立?所提到研泣的範閣，學生拉伯人數， λ 力的幣求和知讓水平的提高，我們要有一 提到的另持一@趨勢控器，特別是三廠霞的

( information society ) , ，知識是軒的盟黨財富，知議好像工業廢品一蟻， ，亦可j;J推錯，可以出售，忘了以賺錢 O

，在這簡新興的知識主黨(

dustry

knowledge

ìn呻

)譚一方面司以做一個倡導者的角色。香港的學院校將張許 ，都應該首以提棋…些經過詳制研究

的專業知識，在研誼和教育方髓，可以考廠成立一些資源中 lL' (河心

source centres )，特點在教舉方面的歡得( educational soft叮 ware ) ，即如各類不照自擎的課程，電磁助學的資料或按聽教材， ，首以實實際 i繁多做一熙拉夫。但是發展還主 教材雖是為香潛使用，未:!c、是符合誼濟關則，但發展之後， 和中關各角落都 j鑫泛使用的話，我覺得是一語很有意思的工作。

，這結論皆為想的時候是黑英文，所以用英

文說出來時土上較通JiI頁，翻譯後好像稍欠生動。

度不聽僚

體汝等著數生蜓的輪船。(

Hong Kong higher

education should not be a ship wìthout life-bo稅) 0 大黨都知

114

\

題英盟的外相，聽於香港的的連問題，如果有些香 港人不想盟在香港，厲害喜歡不司以幫他們開一條路去英語罷?這位外

相說

r哉ír守主要的工作是做一隻船，不是做救生船 o .J我記得當我 ，我覺得英臨的外相很香急寸， ，或背離哈!

另有人說，這輪船(

ship without life boat

)原本聽聽救生艇

的，救生艇被取下來梭，三字繼續建過 i鑫聾錯。 但姑切論，我們是至于

“ A ship without life boa t. "我們的凹的是:“ We should be a tank; a 廿)ink-tank and a knowledge-base for China. " 平吳校長已經攏過這種說法:我們要體知議科研究力量的會膺，

j巷並為全中臨的發展提供如議 G 我覺得這就是專上院校朱家發展的一 i~ 方向。

誤?謝各位。

楊振寧教掛 我雖然到香j蟻來過很多次，菩次傳望的時閻 港的詩議我Ê:J告知道是不勢頭的。此軒說:我蠟然試過了很多法，卻 始終沒有方法賠廣東話正確地講出「香港.J

γ香」字「港 J 寧的發

學好的 O

阻撓地理環境的罷課，因為鴉片戰事以來的廢史詩景，尤其區 英聯合聲謂的寶安薯，拉馬拉增多收計議香港的高等教育問題， 合時宜的。轎車台這醋，我們應該感謝組織這鵲會的聲位主持人，他們

抓住了這 f聞機會， 1要我們大黨能獨一詔*=討論一下。

我只有很少的發難蠶豆，跟大萬克誠懇地坦白工的尖一一設 O 。不敢講大家都會問意義的意見，更不敢講吾吾…能令天在麗的人， 我的話都會譯得舒服，不過湛藍確是我忠游的爸目。

115

/

了驚人的發展，可以說是否蹺

O 就從我自己的觀棋東筍，戚年以後，我聽 1965年第一次到 0 萬時候 i的腦塘的畫畫風塘內，錯鑼灣的避風語肉，

數多的船戶，山上輛破破爛輝的房屋詐常之多。今天就完全不…緣

。這二十年來，故意吾兒了香港大學讀緝的發展，看見了 大學的創錯，看見了香港政府和平鶴教實界的議槽， 。 1965年香港的報紙~說，香港是…錯文化沙漠 O 今 天這番港的文化藝術方麗的浩勸不比任何曹容 i司機大的城市有遜色。

:我 fr可意該承認，香港過去廿多年的發展是寄蹟式的發展。

學的 大草

北了

叢不

寄蹟式

設至1 中鸝叩 84年達奎Ij了 ，社會發展的豆豆器都不是天上掉下快的。那麼，香j巷杏E養育 ?當然這樣大的一詞社會的變咒，絕不可能有單純的銷單 的理由。

。

，這點我們早上告提到過一下。 傳統當然宣言很多

，現往只講一謂熙好了 o j軒幾年我巨良母親，譯者很多親戚，

一家舖子?為院無 J 心，我們看到懿鸝裡 O~ 熱心的，紹大 去是三三代的 λ 一起在日笨。)蓮說很簡單 I塹，很濟葦士拉表現

一 O 布章是大學( 做 Leon

Brown University )有一溫高名的特王毀譽教授，叫 Cooper '前發年對中關參觀，當單上海的郊臨看看 O 她自

美觀以後跟我說，蝕著奎IJ 上海部甚囂 E 種得聽聽聽彈。農民都j耍筆直勢 ，始設備很難相告還是…個第五世罪 tfl 詛竅。饒的釋得那麼好， 那 i蜜勤勞，這設鈍持一個傳統 O 像今天早上所講的， ，香港和中園都可以認篇是把眾的土士學。 這些土站時正確的方法來耕

種，是很客額收到成果的 G 香j巷銷工略為何丘克站的闊葉，是英圍在遣

，還政體好的主些方我認為必講給予王富的 。香港的 λ ，應該聽於聽這當政體裡好的增芳:議對驕傲， 譯為對政體內好的婚方給予正面的評纜， f設符合聯合聲名的幣、自糙的。

第二無經麗華以佳品至 30年，我覺得香港必須要集中力量誼臨下 ，就是全世騁的工業發展，技館發展目前都在

116

祖轉變時

期。

，不能在轉變以後的噎朦競爭情形下

佔得對一席甜的話，

1 英盟、

，直露他們發現美盟控日本對方才措資受Ij耘的工業的

發展方向上，且比他們捨先了很多步。大家都知道，英磁今天臨盔種 種單難，就是自嘉其獨i還未能堅決如何去面對軒前接前轉變，晰引起的 搖載 O 的政府，香海工簡業界的議袖，香j華教驚罪的領袖放前要注意創造無 中全力，向正確的方向發展，都來替溝是有憲付新形勢的露這 娃的。

，詞Ij才像教攪在演講裡擺出裝置詢問題。這許多聞聽都是 很重要的問妞， 1晨全§守黨的問題，高位，都是相當接雜的問題。 ，在討論中:0、講頭腦清簡單。甚蜜語斗做頭腦清醒?

是自位好清楚聚一繡問題是最還是讀書的，那… f態問題是次重擎的 O 不能間

最重要和次重要的兮楞，就不能j瓷缸正確的決定。那塵，聲 j褻是最重

要的題聽?甚麼是 22年之內香港的蠢蠢要任務?我詩篇由答很體量， 就是維持安定繁榮，促議經頭發展。道咱是第

草草謊。

，都鐘書香港對它的歷史的任務，在這 22年內就應該認為相

功。如果達不到連任務，那!要香港就是一組直是敗。我們討論以後 22年 一任務，放在最前 O 等教育界緝毒一個任務能譯了他們的責任的話，那 j暨我覺得香璋的高

等教育釋說再以認為捏成了?也們對香滑的竇佳，對中圓的黃佳，對歷 史的實佳。

117

討論

李永植先生(路德會呂明才中學) 本人是路德會呂日月三?中學校長。因為中學很多方面是高等教育的

基確，聽到剛穿所講的，引起我一些感想，沒有甚麼組織，但我試拿 出來 O

「儒學當如金字塔，要能博大要能高j栗。」所以我很贊成謝校長所 講應該要有一個博識的基體來作為高深學問鑽研之基地 O 但是現行香

港教育制度使我們很難做，原因我們可以看中學，特別由中四開始，

就已經分文組、 E里組甚至有公工組、商組。在這裡已非通識教育，要 到大學或專上學院第

年或更多時間來作一通識教育是否在

個很浮

的根基上呢?但是我們也許要間，如果很清楚中學必須負起通識教學 的責任，為何仍要如此分組?他們會說，因為要進入大學，大學入學 試內有某種要求，所以我們要準備我們的學生進入大學，於是要分組 讓他們打好專門的知識根基，好等其考入。

而事實上，我們看

下，大學及專上學院收新生亦似乎只會還那

些於中學會 11華適合科目的學生就讀，這樣變成高中裡非通識教育，而 大學第一年需要通識教育後，三r~良若是專門的教育。這樣又面臨另一

問題，正如港大那位教授所說，如果大學只有三年的話，需通識

陣

子，又剩餘多少時間去讀其專科的教育呢?這 f固追源棄根都是香港中 學教育與大學教育脫節而沒有

個通盤計劃的原故 O

還有一樣感想，兩間大學的入學試，由於可能受香港政策所束縛 ，變成如一守門將軍，使沒有那麼多人可以受到高等教育，而這原因

似乎在以往

*綠皮書內暗示。就是恐防有太多高級分子出來找不到

好的職業而引起不滿，而這種不滿做成香港的不安定，這是對於知識

分子的恐懼。但如果從教育立場來說，就是儘量去發揮每一個人的潛

118

。那麼，連器制度反而權受Ij一組人不能發揮其潛能，免得臼龍太多 人出來措飯吃 O 這種思想，究竟我們弄滿腔j受害?我不知道在產 、專家、及教窗界 λ 士，他們是否對於香海政府的書艾爾政 策有…定的影響?如有的話，特蠶他們能用這一點予接影響香潛之教育。

謝志鐘搏三t

我很同意李較畏剛才所講的一蓓說話 G 其事實輯::t我所說的，都是 在ir守所遭遇的回斃，不過現在我們覺得這個叫警」吳仁草草J 不一定是 互不相容的，可能寄語言割讓其互相結金，這個是我們對留難中，吾土找

出懼j夫先鞘法 O 但是棺木的辦法，們在中學教育上蒼芋，所以我很悶 畫，如果哉們當中有人能影響香港政府的教育政策的，應該 。

島臨博士

主李校長 援學差於醋 的原圈，

，體於通職教禽，

的 G 第二離我想講罷於 λ 大聾的困難， G

DR. FRANK KEHL (CITY UNIVERSITY OF NI三WYORK): Last night 1 was talking to some teenage肘， students at S t. Paul's Co編 education College. 1 asked them what 1997 means to them and they answered first with a joke. They said , 'We言， 1997 , St. Pau)'s Co吟d. will become No. 7 such and such high school (重難學校).' Then 峭的 that ， we laughed together over that , and they said very seriously ,“Youknow , we don't know how to analy仰仗，\So my question ís: Is there any ro\e for higher education to play in terms of either setting up an 訓mosphere

119

where the whole i55Ue of Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong U華人洽港) can be di5cu55ed , an atm05phere and a curriculum that will enable the transìtion , which is prìmordially 我 political transition , in my view , not 50 much a technologoïcal or managerial transition , that will enable this transition to be made more smoothly and more justly and with the interest of China 法nd Hong Kong taken into consideration.

PROF. C. N. YANG (STATE UNIVERSITY OF NEWYORK): 1don't know how to answer the question but 1want to under1i ne that it's a most important one. The fact that the youngsters have some problems , or some misgivings about their future is a very n叭ual one. 1 think it in fact devolv的 upon the educators to explain to them the meaning ofthe Joint Declaration. 1 have confidence , by my own reading of what has happened in the last few ye法泊， that there are no grounds for a negative attitude. That's the re說son why 1said what 1said , namely that maintaining stability and prosperity and advancing economic development are the fundamental tasks. If the youngsters can embrace that , if they think they can contribute , then they would no longer have any misgivings.

DR. JOSHUA SOOK-LEUNG POLYTECHNI C):

WONG

(抖。詩 G

KONG

1 don't think 1 h訟ve any good answers either. But 1 think 1 would put forward a few points. 1 think , from the point of view of higher education , educators can give the lead to the young people of Hong Kong by making known their views on important issues. To me , that is ín words only. 1feel that perhaps the best way to have an influence on the young people ís not through words , but through action. We have heard a number of speakers refer to the need for asking the govemment to give us more resources to do research , for examp始， to establish research institutions and to give us more university pJaces. We seem to be taking the view that if you give us this and that , then we can do something. 1 believe , as one involved in higher education , that we have to

120

demonstrate that we have in fact made full use of the resources already given to us. We have to ask ourselves: Are we really doing as much research work 的 is limited by our resources? Can we be sure that if and when extra resources are available to higher education , we can in fact make giant steps in our research effort? 1 think we can perhaps 5et an example by not 50 much asking others to do 50mething for higher educatíon , but by asking our5elves whether we have in fact collectively put our best effort forward.

DR. TSE CHI.WAI , DANIEL (HONG KONG BAPTIST COLLEGE): 1 have to say that 1 agree with Dr. Wong one hundred percent.

Before we ask for more , we must be sure we've done the best we can. 1 think the expression of the youngsters is a symptom of the lack of cìvic education in the educational system of Hong Kong , 1 think that is an area we would have to give a lot of atlention to in the future.

程介明先!t(卷宗灌食學) :

'這的確是一 1重|問題 J 1!曼在我們

，就是矗等教育發展的政簣，說是 1978 年p-賠了 。 1978年自古詩候，我們親

J' 麗在高中(就是 15歲起 17歲的 '說是基本上普及 J

0

1983年

，所以罩在在讀科以後，

?在政府的法策機構內，也不是沒有爭論，

1981 年，搞過詞人力的頭測， ，也是大學與理工撥款委員會主張的叉 另

?所以我很

121

說的，應該

，應該讓這些 j央黨的機構，

專門機構也不廢話取代現在比

京的方向去發展高等教竭， 較發揮作用

。

這襄我 JII農續舉一鵲 IJ\1男子，我觀盤上海 E 來， 實 λ 談遲。我們平常拿香港的教奮豆豆罷!有的教哥拉載，

教蕾輯、是還是很鑫很瘤， 1.錢鐘無城市踐誠布來比較， 比較，蹄，情況惡怕不一樣。上海現在革中學生估了 47%

'

業的學校，已經超過了錯誨的高中了，其它都是能就業了。 中希望升學的學三位棺閥，互之咱就有兩咱可以升學，即 40% 。他們的目 標是以後三徊裡間升悶咽。)鑫j跟一 f聞發展對我們香港來說， 發作用 O

吳家瑋教接{三藩申辦'1:1乏文學)

: ，我有一種感受，

我聽

難。至夕五位內有四位講制造?晶體題，這咱也是這唱審議的戚吶。

言重要是挂在一天的會議肉，能夠提到 -1區共闊無是不容島的 O 闊無就是大眾都覺得香滑油諾夫達二十來年是成功的 O

的，那怕香港的工聽是加工， f設紹峙，是消化不畏，那 '1由工 新的，但是事實是最好的證明，香港的主業是成功的。

年的成功，草木表示將來二、乏足十年的成功，所以香港最強的聞方設 遁惡性，以前能講應得好，

，但是牧鼓呢?毒輯數議能繼續吃下去嗎?這種輯題， 蠢的 λ 要亞書的，而去是社會上， '1=豆括政府，

。假如他們的看法是時鶴聽了，香港錯話島時候到了，

想罵校長囂的研究院是學生的教誨，或者是張教援設的老篩們科研的機 會，像這些問題，遙控蠶酷的資源會主區的，體重口她們認為辭新的時候

到了，

122

。

假如僧們認為遣詞時間還未動，讀者看到短

，那麼我們在這禪說，也是沒有峙的。 所以

，幾{立教授 1r， 0 我們知灑你們眼香港的 多，而且談得也非常多，

了沒有?他們是否已經做了 ，但是普遍來說，

? 真簫高禪:1:-:

表

也〕口

，一緝聾子畏難組錢一撞車子答寞， ，我費得香港的，

，完全可以比較。 但是他們 ，三主要是居第香港缺乏一 i~ 環境，

，所以i品數年麓，可能我們的畢業生， 0

個遭遇好，漸漸在轉好中，國

，香港所謂高科技(

，百I 能是中級科技(

high tech intermediate technology )

，比

我鞍熱習的電子工業內開始有一些如橄型爾腦系統的發

它的軍件，開關式電源 (switch

mode pow-

) ，即有些比較軒的，科技要京主較高的膺品。 ，讓我們畢業生體始有多些機會業增一些科投內

(research and development ) 。主要直言主義會說我們的畢業生

入比較，您至是如將香港主程爵的薪金和美麗的工程師新業 ，剛畢業者只是美盟的三好一支臨好…。制如 ，他一祖月的薪麟，

500 完美金上下， 數，所以其賢在香港(前一些發展設計的士作是很有利的， ïJÌï開始慢慢將這一類的士作轉移至替滑做 O

123

張佑敏敬接:

我來講鰱句話，我是土木工程白色，談不土耳;較高科才華(

high tech)

是所謂搞泥水的。聽於在學校襄首識研究的問題，在眼黃博士、馬 校長報謝校長斯講的有無不陪聾兒。 ，立主不是不甜頭 '1青 O 哥哥挂研究成果，在路件的人仕也有問我們取資 料，這是爾定的，所以不覺得沒苦苦做事情。

另外，性最近十發年，大學跟宜之精方誼綁在

比較多的是付韓摹金會(

Croucher Foundation

)方臨 O 理工的土

木系，潑大土木及機械系，都曾在此方醋拿封撥款東研究，

i義?莓，也與中國合作和英關合作。拉夕十遣禍問學校與工業發展委最

( I 0 B , Industrial Development Board ) ，也就是政訝的機槽 。當然土木主主非高科技( high tech ) ，不能沾到這些 光，無法申講點錢，而南于日民黨髓設計和電腦生產 (CAD ， CAM) 卻 拿到芷江艷的經整整作挂上上鞍者惡用性的研究。完外，也與主黨保持相當 聯繫，想:做末都如牛金-←品發 O

陳聽聽?尊士(香港大讀) : 系的，我想說雙語教學方前講變色〕詣。用

，並不會使得學生的英文較好，同樣的，用中文母語來教學，也

不商吏學生中文好…熙 G 語文水平的下楚是詮釋i生的問題，是大家 ，好會給博士所說，進大體時要求學生溫油菜

能進去，這是…偶確實可行自方法，是很客票三可以做到的。

正如張說長所說， o

J盡是對島，借要求旦發生在本科以外，

中文，英文的水平，道樣做法是有問題的。第一，是錢的問題， 多聽老師，設一種盟難。第二，是時闊的問蟬，香港大學是王三年割的

有廿凹 11~ 星期，如果各主E 語文科， i是然使學生百上 G 不過，可考膚、軒舟暑瑕古拉開一些語文進修服' ，請大家討論一下。

124

彭這學騰先生(灌基番說)

:

的存在 O 如果能鼓勵私立大學 ，如果主主張靠政府

大學研讓供的罰範教育，是不足的，但如果政府能聽鼓鼓策，

有讓學在立前籃的tJj護。如要不多可鐘，哥向社會人杜亞于籲，本自 o l'象:雙門 j鑫腹、小的地方，也有黨組大學。所以如果政府

開放教商時策，相信會有很多人樂予參與的。那麼，將來不再是間 只有兩 ílm O，念大學，間竟是十 f屆學生中有十咱可以唸大學，

。希望大葉也注意一下還語詞題。

曹 5設戚樽企(香港中文大略)

剛才黃梅士所擇，

: 感 O 香j巷的大學生不蓮於海外， ，就是學生路 λ 社會

，楊教授否Jï擺 O 於此 。相佑，目前香港的政府情勢，

向的機盔的必要 O 如楊教姆斯囂，若要發展，裂、輝先對問題探息， 找出政府或民間的東道東協助發展 O 如果台上路役，有籃蜜的話， 。

馬臨博士:

剛才提到觀於維持香港的繁榮和便進經濟的發展， [哥哥也提筆Ij工 4

。在想香港工謹驛位額導人都有中 O 王老4阿拉租給你瀚的，如果我們不提

125

出來，由他們來提，是有無本末倒置 O 所以我想說的是，我們要提醒 他們，他們有此優良傳統，他們對他們的興學非常重視，例如剛才一 位校長所提東亞大學，在香港的專上學院，沒有

徊是沒有得到工商

界，私人團體的支持，這一無是在香港辦學所感到的榮幸 O

順便一提，維持安定繁榮，香港不是靠資源的，是靠人材的，剛

才所提的高科技，非本科所做的，而是由研究院發起，尤其是某些科 目是十分重要的 O

再舉

例，徐教授和陳博士會提及雙語教學 O 香港過去是邀請幾

位專家來香港一段短的時期，就以為他們能夠對症下藥，我想這種態

度我們現在要檢討一下 O 我們是否可以在大學襄設立自己的適當的研

究中心、研究場F斤，更深入地研究我們自己的問題 O 不重視自己的研 究力量，單是靠外人來，不是不可以， 1旦並非長遠之計 O

余永賢博士(香港大學) :

剛才徐是雄教授會提到四咽很有意思的問題，但我們沒有就相對

重要性得到明確指示 O 徐教授在第二個問題

r怎樣發展高等教育來

促進工商業發展」。對於加強高等教育在工商業的短期發展，在今早 有了一興趣的討論 O 現 !tf、指出的是，若果太注重工商業發展，會使高

等教育有畸型和偏差的情況出現，我們應給學生健全的全人教育 O 近 夾有太多要求高等教育為工商業發展作出貢獻的論調，這是不健康的

。這是我徊人的意見，不知其他講者有其它看法否?

吳清輝博士(香港大學) : 我有 -11~1 問題是有關楊教授講話的。楊教授說目前香港高等教育

的最重要任務是維持香港的安定繁榮，促進經濟發展。這徊講法令我

稍為感到不安;在香港我們已聽到很多安定繁榮的提法，剛l 才喬賦麟

博士( Dr . Frank Kehl )提到一徊例子是很值得我們深思的 0 億甚麼

126

年青 λ 好像有點空虛呢?我想是按社會的價值觀念有無混亂有關。

點在這過波題，安定繁榮有提多版本，內容究竟應該是甚聽?

'去o r)駕照跑，鏡頭 ÏJE ..J溫種輕撓的講法年予詩人鑫;B棒球幫呢? 人很熱衷跳舞，設否就對安定繁贅苦苦樂獻呢?

是令人頭霉的響。我就舉一 i甜苦1子，這個惋子不一定很好。去年，我 會帶一推向學到廣州、It喧囂參觀工廠，晚上好些學生與室主騙自語範學

學生鞠叉，談談地慎的學習、生活't講:兒，這都 f設備1r~ 需擎的己要求安 鄉的。今年我帶另…批罔學若是，也是

tft 學習態躍不錯的時學，迫

，晚上論們發乎全部拉到東方實館的「的土高..J

co

(Dis-

)去。雖然這是一個例子，耳能還不覺建設辜的餅子，但也許反映

一些問懋看法的服變。故冉說這筆都是與去年類傲的一啦?良豆子的時懋，

他們皂夫也很用心參觀 o 1咱們這樣使義想到是不是與社會的價 f鑫觀 誰有關。我想這是f獲得我們注意和深患的。自前我們應否注意這詣苦

，應否?主麓讀值觀念問題，抑立足只需彈攝安定繁榮?這嘩眾?至IJ 要就 。

楊握軍教授:

我講隅無題淺的聲音法。香港的前 IÈ1b 艷的血策據我的觀察立豈不足廿

年前更多。鑄在要麼今天琴手特點注意呢?我知議香港大學的學生平均水 準是擺好的，他們要至IJ r的土高 J 說麓，我覺得是很好的事情，

憊不好呢?老實說，我覺得香港的大聲生草書也許讀得太多了。

揚聽誰?專士(漫會書險)

按:想提出

:

1閱或頭?當問題，是讓蹺權撮寧教授，馬觀校長和觀校

農民握的 O 自室主要安定繁直是香港這社會，所以一部要維持平變， 。在未來十發年中，我們譯音器裝等教育，是否會維持不蠻

的影式提?蠶蠱第→諂問題 O 第二儘題蠶豆設，挂在數星期前在南華罩 a

吾吾自哼， ftii1ififtijzttt

著看到一項統計，香港的外盟人有十聽萬，但括英、 j澳洲、美輯、加

拿大人和自本 λ 簿，在達十緝萬人中，有很多是在政府機構、教商機 構和工報機構作領導聾的人物 O 但是毛主這十鶴立革中，香港是安定繁榮

127

，會有多~'人難聽香港，有多企人留在香港，王友們不知。聽向馬校長 斯擇，人才的講克和需要，是非常的大，但這顫香港的教警系紋，尤 其在高等教育中說朱建及將來要蹟備艦甚 j辜人 O 譬如在品等教育中，

有不少外國的教械、行政人員如果他們在某

段時間要轍欄，那~辦

?如今大學的一的教育都是製造中層階級的行政、管理和教裔的人材 '是否能考

高囂，

本抖的人弱，豆豆是政待室ßF究中要囂的行政人員琨?至Ij底攪在是維持如 今的趨勢，還是研究院和更喜潔的研究學講機構作一挂訴觀和黨車去罷?

'嗎臨博士: ，但

我們在一體改變的豈容，

(evolution) 再非革命;生的位變(哼一

蟹的方式不俑，

語 IJ 芽的…租問題 O

volution) ,

提鑑添磚士(發海大學)

，只是改

:

聽聞i 三了多位講這吉斯講，按 00 表們…盟畫畫生能體至4 的箏， 1乍一種建 :香港教育制JJ鑫是由井士也可列車油封建的，問移殖的成功與苔，至今仍

未有系統的檢討 O 剛才楊振寧教授提到香港的政制，包捕彈背IJ ，是有 其 1憂無白白，應予保留 O 然而亦有其不膜的地方，是否應檢討一下?這

我們教菁工作者耳鐘之事，單純希蓮香港學考協會將眾組織 -ilm 檢討香港各級的舉觀J1t 類揖討論或其梧的緊鑫 O 最後我連接對今芙盛 會的成功，而是法:錢腦妥善組金部截至鑫雖繡丞品語言說議主 O

說盟輝教接( ，超過描大學)

:

在這襄與大黨合草些經驗。

及香港

教奮的一黯感覺。…暗語、罷，

關讀大學時，大一、大二，

128

，尤其在美 出色，但至IJ

、大四，

便會來愈[]Z;力，至Ij J 研究院聖賢辛苦，尤其與美關學生立起來，要覺 。分析標語，是在香港所學的是如何議審、還記，考試待員Ij將

未經消化的資料全部默出作答( regurgí扭扭) ，但至於怎璟兮析，如 偉釋:夫問題，民日本夠聽蹄，要 i受害學具有批判?生的思考方法(

crítíca I

thinking) 。這些都應該注議的，不應罩在課程上下屆夭。也要瞭幫 教學方法，在這F>f>:j者的 j主要設下，對醬港的塔拉人村的環境是有很大的 幫筋的 O

129

-A.區，闕， ，喧了M 圓圓圓 、~圓圓圓

Society of Hong Kong Scholars

f^~

___ Longman Group (Far East) Ltd