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SPECTRUM Journal of Student Research at Saint Francis University

Volume 6 (1) Fall 2015


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SPECTRUM: Journal of Student Research at Saint Francis University Faculty Editors: Balazs Hargittai Professor of Chemistry

Grant Julin Assistant Professor of Philosophy

Student Editorial Board: Allison Bivens ’12 Morgan Dutrow Cathleen Fry Paul Johns ’07 Sarah McDonald Steven Mosey ‘14 Rebecca Peer ‘14 Margaret Thompson Staci Wolfe

Managing Designer: Grace McKernan

Cover: Photo by Balazs Hargittai

Kayla Brennan Hayden Elliott Eric Horell ’13 Elise Lofgren ‘14 Jonathan Miller ’08 Morgan Onink William Shee Stephanie Wilson Jennifer Yealy ‘13


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SPECTRUM Table of Contents Are Saint Francis University students meeting current physical activity recommendations? Christopher S.J. Foore; Kristofer Wisniewski


Opposing Obstacles and Overcoming Opposition: The First Graduates of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania Christie J. Olek; Lori Woods


Extroversion/Introversion Trait’s Effect on Perception of how Personality Contributes to Success Morgan L. Dutrow; Katee A. Gresko; Marnie L. Moist


Contents of SPECTRUM Volumes 4 – 5


Call for papers


(Student authors’ names underlined.)

5TH ANNUAL SAINT FRANCIS UNIVERSITY RESEARCH DAY Thursday, November 19, 2015 12:30 – 4:00 pm JFK Student Center


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Are Saint Francis University students meeting current physical activity recommendations? Christopher S.J. Foore Physical Therapy Department School of Health Sciences

Kristofer Wisniewski, Ph.D. Physical Therapy Department School of Health Sciences

Current Physical Activity (PA) recommendations from the American Heart Association (AHA) and American College of Sports Medicine (ACSM) state that adults should engage in Moderate-Intensity Physical Activity (MPA) at least 150 min/week, and Vigorous-Intensity Physical Activity (VPA) at least 75 min/week, or a combination of both to elicit optimal health benefits. It is not known if Saint Francis University (SFU) students are meeting these recommendations. Our purpose is to examine if SFU students are meeting current PA recommendations for adults. 152 (118 female, 34 male) SFU students (35 freshmen, 37 sophomores, 38 juniors, 30 seniors, 12 graduate students) completed an online questionnaire assessing subject demographics and their MPA and VPA habits. The number of students who claimed participation in MPA and VPA were 110 and 93, respectively. Median and interquartile range of MPA were 60 min/week and 180 min/week, respectively. Median and interquartile range of VPA were 60 min/week and 195 min/week, respectively. 83 (54.6%) students were meeting the current PA recommendations for adults. According to the 2013 Behavior Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS), 47.8% of Pennsylvanians and 50.8% of Americans were meeting the PA recommendations. Subjects involved in the present investigation exceeded the prevalence of those meeting the recommendations at the state and national levels. It is inferred that subjects in this study are representative of the entire SFU student population. Therefore, SFU students may also be exceeding the state and national prevalence of meeting the PA recommendations for adults.

Introduction It has long been known that physical activity (PA) is beneficial to health and longevity in life. According to the American College of Sports Medicine, premature mortality, cardiovascular disease, coronary artery disease, hypertension, stroke, osteoporosis, Type 2 diabetes mellitus, metabolic syndrome, obesity, colon cancer, breast cancer, and depression have all been shown to have an inverse relationship with PA. Evidence has also shown that PA helps improve functional health and cognitive function, as well as decreases the risk of falling. More specifically, cardiorespiratory fitness has been shown to decrease the risk of all-cause premature mortality, especially from cardiovascular disease (2014).

The current PA recommendations set forth by the American Heart Association (AHA) and American College of Sports Medicine (ACSM) state that adults should engage in ModerateIntensity Physical Activity (MPA) at least 150 minutes per week, or Vigorous-Intensity Physical Activity (VPA) at least 75 minutes per week, or a combination of both to elicit optimal health benefits (2014). According to the Behavior Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS), 47.8% of Pennsylvanians and 50.8% of Americans were meeting the PA recommendations of 150 minutes of aerobic PA per week (2013). It was not known if Saint Francis University (SFU) students are meeting these recommendations. Therefore, the objectives of this investigation were to examine SFU student PA habits, and to examine if SFU


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students were meeting the current PA recommendations for adults. In addition, SFU student PA levels were compared to the Pennsylvania and United States national levels of those meeting aerobic PA recommendations. Methods All SFU students were sent an email explaining the study which included a hyperlink to complete the online survey through SurveyMonkey (SurveyMonkey Inc., Palo Alto, California). They were asked to provide demographic data including their: age, gender, height, weight, academic major, academic year, residence in proximity to campus, if they are an athlete, and if so what sport. Next, subjects completed questions from the World Health Organization’s validated Global Physical Activity Questionnaire (GPAQ) (Armstrong, 2006). These questions assessed current PA in a typical week. This information included how often, how long, and how intense they exercise in a typical week. Once completed, all responses to the SurveyMonkey questionnaire were analyzed using Minitab verson 16.0 (Minitab Inc., State College, Pennsylvania). The α level was set a priori at 0.05. The data provided by subjects in regard to academic major was categorized by SFU academic schools. The SFU academic schools were classified as Arts and Letters (A & L), Business (B), Health Sciences (HS), Sciences (S), and Adult Degree and Continuing Studies (AD & CS). Based on each subject's responses to how much PA they perform in a typical week, subjects were classified as either meeting or not meeting current PA Recommendations for adults. Demographic data was used in determining which populations of students (academic major and year) were meeting the recommendations. The MPA and VPA data were analyzed using the Mood Median Test. Results The present study investigated the PA habits of SFU students. A total of 152 SFU students completed the online questionnaire. Freshmen (n = 35, 23.03%), Sophomores (n = 37, 24.34%), Juniors (n = 38, 25.00%), Seniors (n = 30, 19.74%),

5 and Graduate Students (n = 12, 7.89%) completed the survey. The total reported median ± interquartile range of MPA and VPA for subjects were 60.0 ± 180.0 minutes per week and 60.0 ± 195.0 minutes per week, respectively, (Table 1). Health Science students presented the greatest number of responses to the survey. The median amount of minutes per week HS students reported they participated in MPA and VPA was 80 min/week and 60 min/week, respectively. Science students were the second highest population of respondents to the survey with median MPA and VPA minutes per week of 60 and 45, respectively (Table 2). Table 1. Median and Interquartile Range for MPA and VPA MPA (min/wk) Median; IQR

VPA (min/wk) Median; IQR

Males (n = 34)

115.0; 236.3

164.0; 292.5

Females (n = 118)

60.0; 135.0

45.0; 180.0

Total (n = 152)

60.0; 180.0

60.0; 195.0

Table 2. Comparison of PA recommendations being met by students from each academic school MPA VPA (min/wk) (min/wk) Median; IQR Median; IQR A & L (n = 13)

30; 120

60; 215

B (n = 6)

120; 421

170; 275

HS (n = 105)

80; 158

60; 225

S (n = 25)

60; 225

45; 165

AD & CS (n = 2)

128; 195

688; 1375

Mood Median Test Results

χ2 = 1.10

χ2 = 3.11

p = 0.894

p = 0.540


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In addition, the number of SFU students who participated in and met the current recommended amounts of PA (≥150 minutes per week MPA or ≥75 minutes per week or combination of both) was 83 students, which was equivocal to 54.6% of the sample of SFU students (Table 3). The number of SFU students who did not meet the current PA recommendations (<150 minutes per week MPA or <75minutes per week VPA) was 69 students, which was equivocal to 45.4% of the sample of SFU students. Table 3. A comparison of Academic School for those who are and are not meeting PA recommendations Meeting Not Meeting School n (%) n (%) Arts and Letters

6 (46.2)

7 (53.8)


5 (83.3)

1 (16.7)

Health Science

57 (54.3)

48 (45.7)


14 (56.0)

11 (44.0)

Adult Degree & Continuing Studies

1 (50.0)

1 (50.0)


83 (54.6)

69 (45.4)

Discussion Students reported a median participation in 60 minutes per week of both MPA and VPA, which is less than the recommendations for health benefits. This could be due to the fact that students are unaware of the PA recommendations set forth by the AHA and ACSM. There could be other common barriers hindering students from completing the recommended amounts of MPA or VPA or a combination of both per week. These barriers include not having enough time, not having a place to exercise, lack of motivation, not knowing how to exercise, not having enough energy, and feelings that PA or exercise is not safe and could lead to injury (American College of Sports Medicine, 2014).

In the present study, subjects self-reported (M ± SE) 148.4 ± 22.8 and 153.9 ± 18.9 minutes per week of MPA and VPA, respectively. According to the BRFSS, 47.8% of Pennsylvanians and 50.8% of Americans were participating in at least 150 minutes of aerobic PA per week (2013). The majority of subjects involved in the present investigation exceeded the prevalence of those meeting the recommendations at the Pennsylvania and United States national levels. However, the Pennsylvania and United States national medians were based off of 150 minutes of aerobic PA per week. The students’ responses were based off of 150 minutes per week MPA or 75 minutes per week of VPA, which is equivalent to 150 minutes per week of MPA. Tucker, Welk, & Beyler (2011) compared selfreported PA to objectively measured PA with an accelerometer among U.S. adults. The subjects self-reported (M ± SE) 324.5 ± 18.6 and 73.6 ± 3.9 minutes per week of MPA and VPA, respectively. Subjects’ objectively measured PA was reported as 45.1 ± 4.6 and 18.6 ± 6.6 minutes per week of MPA and VPA, respectively. This resulted in 62.0% of the subjects meeting the PA recommendations according to self-reported PA, but only 9.6% meeting recommendations according to accelerometer data. These results suggest that individuals self-reported PA participation was much greater than their accelerometry-measured PA (Tucker, Welk, & Beyler, 2011). This discrepancy may also be in the present study where the percentage of students who are meeting the recommendations may be lower than the percentages reported. Therefore, a future study should focus on the comparison of self-reported PA to accelerometer-measured PA to accurately assess SFU students’ PA habits. The amount of SFU students who were meeting the aerobic PA recommendations for adults may be exceeding the amount of individuals who are meeting those recommendations at the national and Pennsylvania state levels. However, there might also be a discrepancy in the results since PA participation was self-reported. An inherent flaw in physical activity questionnaires is the imprecise


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cognitive processing and memory errors that contribute to recollection bias by individuals (Baranowski, 1988). Even though the majority of SFU students may be exceeding national and Pennsylvania state PA levels, steps should be taken to increase aerobic PA habits to levels known to be beneficial for health and fitness. One possible solution may be the Exercise is Medicine® on Campus initiative that encourages students and faculty to engage in PA in order to promote healthy living habits and lifetime PA participation (Exercise Is Medicine, 2015). This type of program at SFU may encourage all members of the campus community to be more physically active, thus increasing the amount of individuals who meet the current PA recommendations for adults.

Works Cited American College of Sports Medicine (2014). ACSM's Guidelines for Exercise Testing and Prescription (9th ed.). Philadelphia, PA: Lippincott Williams & Wilkins. American Heart Association. (2014). American heart association recommendations for physical activity in adults. Retrieved from Walking/American-Heart-Association-Guidelines-for-PhysicalActivity_UCM_307976_Article.jsp.

Armstrong, T., & Bull, F. (2006). Development of the world health organization global physical activity questionnaire (GPAQ).Zeitschrift Für Gesundheitswissenschaften, 14(2), 66-70. Baranowski T. (1988). Validity and reliability of self-report of physical activity: an information processing perspective. Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 59(4), 314-327. Behavior Risk Factor Surveillance System. (2013). Participated in 150 minutes or more of aerobic physical activity per week. Retrieved from

Median % &state=UB. 60 55 50 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0

50.8 49.2



54.6 45.4

Yes No



SFU Students

Figure 1. Comparison of median percentages of individuals meeting or not meeting Aerobic PA recommendations at the national, state, and university levels.

Exercise is medicine. (2015). Retrieved March 20, 2015, from Tucker, J., et al. (2011). Physical activity in U.S. adults compliance with the physical activity guidelines for Americans. American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 40(4), 454-461.

Chris Foore (’15, B.S., Exercise Physiology) was a member of the Saint Francis University Honor Society and was recognized by the Who’s Who Among Students in American Universities and Colleges program. He was actively involved in the Sigma Chi Fraternity and the Exercise Physiology Organization. He also served as a Resident Assistant for Residence Life. His goal is to pursue a career in the medical field.


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Opposing Obstacles and Overcoming Opposition: The First Graduates of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania (1850-1880) [Research conducted for HIST 501 (Independent Study in History)] Christie J. Olek History Department School of Arts & Letters

Lori Woods, Ph.D. History Department School of Arts & Letters

This paper examines the ways that gender limited and eventually propelled women physicians’ entrance into and success within the medical field during the nineteenth century. The records from the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, the first institution in the world to grant the MD degree to women, indicate that Victorian beliefs about women’s position in both the public and the private spheres caused many people to resist the medical education of women, the inclusion of women as professionals, and the emergence of women as professional physicians. However, despite the immense barriers that women faced in their pursuit of medical degrees, many women physicians overcame the odds and managed to become doctors. For some women, in fact, these limits within education, scholarship, practice, and the domestic setting encouraged them to think broadly and find new solutions. Using the alumni files, the annual announcements, and the students’ theses as primary sources, this paper examines early women doctors whose stories not only show the opposition that they faced when entering the medical field in the late nineteenth century but also show the solutions that they used to overcome opposition. This novel style of problem solving energized the field and ultimately propelled the progression of modern medicine. In the nineteenth century, women entered the medical field as professional physicians for the first time following the opening of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania in 1851. This medical school was the first in the world to offer the M.D. degree to women.1 Women who received the distinction of medical doctor during this period worked tirelessly just to finish their daily medical tasks. Dr. Marie Zakrewska, a member of the class of 1860, wrote this schedule into her journal: At 5:30 A.M., I started in an omnibus for the wholesale market, purchasing provisions for the week, and at 8:00, I was back to breakfast…After breakfast, I made my visit to the patients in the house with two of the students…Then a confinement 1

First Annual Announcement of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1851.

case arrived and I attended to her…After this, I descended into the kitchen department, as the provisions had arrived…and I settled the diet for all as far as possible. I then took another omnibus ride to the wholesale druggist, begging and buying needed articles for the dispensary and the hospital, arriving home at 1:00 P.M., for dinner. This consisted every day of a good soup, the soup meat, potatoes, one kind of well-prepared vegetable, with fruit for dessert…After dinner, I usually went out to see my private patients, because receiving no compensation I depended upon my earnings for personal needs. On this day, however, I was detained by the confinement case mentioned and could not go out till 5:00 P.M., returning at 7:00 P.M., for tea. This always consisted of


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bread and butter, tea and sauce or cheese or fresh gingerbread. After making the rounds of the patients in the house, it was 9:00. Then the students assembled with me…I cutting out towels or pillow cases or other needed articles for the house or the patients, while the students folded or even basted the articles for the sewing machine as they recited their various lessons for the day. After their recital, I gave them verbal instructions in midwifery. We finished the work of the day by 11:30, as I never allowed any one to be out of bed after midnight unless detained by a patient.2 Early women doctors certainly struggled to keep up with their demanding schedules, but perhaps more importantly, they also struggled professionally to be accepted by male physicians and the general public. From the beginning, both male and female physicians were forced to confront the question of whether women could carry out the duties of a physician in the same way that male physicians did. Both men and women held a range of views regarding the appropriate role for women as physicians. No consensus existed as to whether women should even become doctors. One viewpoint held that women were unsuitable for the medical profession and should instead assume domestic healing roles.3 A contrasting viewpoint 2

Marie Zakrewska, “Diary of Marie Zakrewska” reprinted in Ruth J. Abram, ed., “Send Us a Lady Physician” Women Doctors in America 1835-1920 (Markham, ON: Penguin Books Canada, 1985), 87-88. 3 Julia W. Carpenter, “A Thesis on Woman’s Physical Strength” (thesis, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1870); Georgiana C. Glenn, “A Thesis on the Lying-in Chamber” (thesis, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1874); Angenette A. Hunt, “The True Physician” (thesis, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1851); Augusta R. Montgomery, “Disquisition on the Medical Education of Woman” (thesis, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1853); Prudence A. Saur, “Physicians and their Duties” (thesis, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1871); Elise Pfeifer Stone, “The True Position of Woman” (thesis, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1867); Jayne Payne, “A Disquisition on Women as Physicians” (thesis, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1861); Amanda C. Price, “The Necessity for

9 held that women should become physicians, but practice separately from their male counterparts.4 Finally, a third viewpoint proposed that women doctors should practice medicine in an equal capacity to their male colleagues.5 The confusion about what the appropriate role should be for women physicians caused them to remain uncertain about their own position within the profession. Moreover, the controversy caused female doctors from the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania to experience opposition in their medical education, within scholarship, in their practice, and within their personal lives. The historiography on this topic begins in the 1980s and altogether highlights the reality of women’s unstable position within the emerging medical profession during the nineteenth century. The views at that time reflect early thinking about the relationship between the ideology of separate spheres and women’s professional medical practice. In fact, most of the literature addresses how separate spheres impinged upon women’s ability to practice medicine as a doctor. The earliest writing on this topic holds that women were confined to the domestic sphere where they were expected to undertake a range of duties at home. Contrarily, men worked outside the home within the public sphere. Moreover, women struggled against these social and cultural norms in order to practice medicine as doctors. Each historian who has published on this topic has used sources from various female medical colleges as their main source of evidence to discuss the relationship between the gender-sphere theory and women’s professional medical practice as physicians. From the 1980s until today, historians have reinterpreted the impact of this separate sphere ideology on the professionalization of medicine. Regina Morantz-Sanchez, in Sympathy and Science, 1985, argues that women physicians in the nineteenth century bridged the gap between the private and public spheres by having membership Women Physicians” (thesis, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1871). 4 Ibid. 5 Ibid.


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in both.6 In her view, women physicians served a special role in the public medical sphere because of their natural ability to nurture patients, to protect patients’ modesty, and to act as moral counselors for patients. On the other hand, women doctors used their medical education to care for the health of their families. While women physicians became integrated into both spheres, they were nevertheless still on the fringes of both. As the author maintains, they practiced a hybrid form of medicine which was quite distinct from that of male physicians precisely because it integrated both domestic and professional medical ideals. In the 1990s, historians began a revisionist approach to the gender-sphere theory. Ellen S. More, in Restoring the Balance, 1999, argues that women physicians were more firmly rooted in both the domestic and the public medical sphere. More claims that women physicians tried to maintain an equal but separate role to male doctors within the public medical sphere, while also working as wives and mothers within the domestic sphere. In More’s words, female doctors had to “balance” their roles within the domestic and public spheres.7 Women doctors did this by creating separate female medical schools and female professional medical societies that trained and supported them within the public medical community. By the early 2000s historians began to analyze the rigidity of the gender-sphere boundaries. Steven Peitzman, in A New and Untried Course (2000), did this by looking closely at the beliefs of Quakers regarding gender roles within society. Peitzman argues that women physicians, particularly within Quaker societies like that of Philadelphia, did not remain confined to separate spheres. In fact, “[t]he abolition movement provided for women an opportunity to exert agency outside the sphere of home or farm—even to speak in public.”8 The 6

Regina Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science: Women Physicians in American Medicine (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), xiv. 7 Ellen Singer More, Restoring the Balance: Women Physicians and the Profession of Medicine, 1850-1995 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), 13. 8 Steven J. Peitzman, A New and Untried Course: Women’s Medical College and Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1850-

10 Quakers actually believed in affording women equal rights to those of men, and this belief crossed over into the medical field. The Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, an institution founded by Quakers, served as a method for equalizing the rights of women physicians as colleagues to male physicians within society. Mary Kelley, in “Beyond Boundaries” (2001) presented other evidence which contradicts the idea of the traditional gender-sphere theory. In her research, Kelley examined nineteenth-century fiction literature for clues about whether these spheres actually existed in practice during this period. Kelley believes that these gender “boundaries” may not have restricted women to a domestic sphere. For instance, “some [women within the literature] claimed a transcendent morality, making use of the feminine convention that ascribed to women guardianship of their family’s and by extension their nation’s virtue.”9 In this way, women sometimes assumed a role that pertained to both the family and the public. Furthermore, her interpretation of the literary evidence indicates that gender roles remained contingent on the situation and were not always designated to a certain sphere. Recent scholarship regarding this topic continues to reinforce the idea that gender roles were not absolutely confined to separate spheres. Deborah L. Rotman, in “Separate Spheres? Beyond the Dichotomies of Domesticity” 2006, claims that archeological evidence from the nineteenth century supports this idea. In her opinion, “archaeological and historical evidence from Deerfield, Massachusetts, reveals that gendered uses of space were fluid and specifically that women were active agents in the village beyond the domestic sphere.”10 Rotman observes that within the house “parlors 1998 (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2000), 7. 9 Mary Kelley, “Beyond the Boundaries.” Journal of the Early Republic 21, no. 1 (Spring, 2001): 73-78, accessed October 23, 2014, 10 Deborah L. Rotman, “Separate Spheres? Beyond the Dichotomies of Domesticity.” Current Anthropology 47, no.4 (August, 2006): 666-674, accessed October 23, 2014,


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were used for entertaining (male, public), but women’s social gatherings…might also be held there (female, private as well as public).”11 Trends in the historiography demonstrate that gender roles were fluid or in transition in the nineteenth century. A close examination of the alumnae files and the student theses from the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, reveals that each of the interpretations discussed above reflect the experiences of its graduates in given periods. During the early years of the college, in the 1850s, the separate-sphere theory exerted the most influence on women physicians. Then, during the 1860s, women physicians battled to be accepted as members of both spheres. While women continued to face opposition within their medical careers, they managed to gain modest public support. Finally, beginning in the 1870s onward, women physicians became comparable colleagues within the medical community, as the idea of separate spheres slowly dissolved. Each of these decades are significant because the 1850s, 1860s, and 1870s each show different turning points for women as they transitioned from domestic healers to professional physicians. In the 1850s, women physicians were compelled to practice separately from their male colleagues due to the social and cultural norms in place during the nineteenth century. To be certain, these norms often, although not always, restricted their medical practice to the treatment of women and children. The fact that women’s medical practice was social and culturally defined in this way meant that women doctors experienced opposition in education, scholarship, practice, and in the domestic setting. Dr. Angenette Hunt, a graduate of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania in 1851, described in her thesis the restrictions that female physicians faced during the 1850s. Hunt states that women physicians were often criticized by members of the public who scrutinized their every action.12 Furthermore, the “complaint of many [women] medical practitioners

[was] that the world [was] ungrateful for their services.”13 Despite these significant obstacles, the female doctor--“the true physician”— possessed certain qualities which allowed her to continue healing the sick even while under the scrutiny of the ungrateful public with the hope that one day her work would be appreciated.14 She ended her thesis by claiming that “[i]t is certain that the health of the world, depends on the women of the world and at least some of the qualities needed in the medical profession as gentleness, patience, quick perceptions, and natural instinct which is often surer than science, deep sympathy all these belong to the female sex in an eminent degree.”15 Hunt holds that women physicians during the 1850s faced scrutiny when they attempted to enter the public workforce as physicians precisely because in doing so, women went against the prescriptive gender roles from the eyes of the public. Hunt was not the only graduate to address this topic. Medical students grappled with this question throughout the early years of the college. An overall analysis of the alumnae theses reveals that nineteen out of two-hundred fifty graduates between 1850 and 1880 addressed the question of whether women should become physicians (Figures 1 and 2). It is significant that nearly eight percent of students mention this topic within their writing as being one of concern within society. Based on these documents, it is therefore possible to reconstruct several of the arguments that female medical students heard against women becoming doctors. Some women recounted that male doctors believed that women’s innate physical weakness would greatly compromise patient care. A second position held that women were mentally inferior to men because they have smaller skulls, and as a result, women lacked the ability to intellectually comprehend the knowledge necessary to practice medicine. Yet another similar argument asserts that women are typically emotionally distracted largely due to frequent menstruation. Thus, female clinicians would be too distracted by their own





Rothman, “Separate Spheres?,” 666. Angenette A. Hunt, “The True Physician” (thesis, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1853).

Ibid. Ibid. 15 Ibid.


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personal matters to attend to patients effectively. A final opinion claims that women cannot practice medicine and also care for a family. According to this position, women who attempted to practice medicine while also caring for their families would tend to neglect both roles. This multifaceted debate endured from 1850 to 1880 and helped to support the idea that women doctors should be treated differently from male physicians.

Figure 2: Theses by Topic 100 80






20 0


Injuries/Poisons/Chemistry 23%


Procedures/Surgery/Treatments/Me dications/Preventative Women’s Diseases and Women’s Health Specific Body Systems/Diseases/Death Psychology/Legal Medicine/Children's Health Women Physicians

Injuries/Poisons/Chemistry Procedures/Surgery/Treatments/Med ications/Preventative Women’s Diseases and Women’s Health Specific Body Systems/Diseases/Death



Psychology/Legal Medicine/Children's Health Women Physicians

This public resistance to disruptions in the gender-sphere theory meant that women physicians experienced great opposition when they sought medical education in the 1850s. In the early nineteenth century, medical training remained largely independently contracted. The student often began his or her medical training through an apprenticeship with a practicing physician, and after reading selected medical texts, the student was permitted to accompany the physician on his rounds to visit with patients.16 At the conclusion of the apprenticeship, some students sought further medical training within formal medical schools, and the student often relied on his practicing physician’s professional network connections in order to secure a seat in one of these formal medical schools.17

This personal reference system helped to get male apprentices accepted into medical school but not their female counterparts. Consequently, women medical students were forced to obtain their formal medical education from female medical schools. Because of this barrier, women remained confined to a separate sphere even though they attended medical school. Such was the case for Ann Preston (1813-1872), a graduate of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania in 1851. In Philadelphia, Preston studied medicine under her uncle, Dr. Nathanial Mosely, a Quaker physician.18 Following her internship, Preston applied to several regular medical schools, but was rejected by each of them.19 Because of this, Preston’s preceptor (the practicing physician that Preston studied under prior to medical school) decided to found the Female Medical College of Pennsylvania.20 Moseley founded the College with 18




Figure 1: Theses by Topic 8%



Ruth J. Abram, ed., “Send Us a Lady Physician” Women Doctors in America 1835-1920 (Markham, ON: Penguin Books Canada, 1985). 77. 17 Ibid.

Ibid. 17. Ibid. 20 Guilielma Fell Alsop. History of the Woman’s Medical College, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, 1850-1950 (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott, 1950), 13.- The school was 19


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the goal that its graduates would be educated equally to “the graduates of any other Medical Institution in this Country or in Europe.”21 Women physicians struggled to gain a medical education in the 1850s due to public resistance. Public resistance to the idea of female doctors working outside of the domestic sphere forced women to open female medical schools among progressive communities like the Quaker community in Philadelphia where members of the community were more open to the education of women within a public setting. One could argue though that because women medical students were forced to receive their medical education from female medical institutions, they remained confined to a separate gender sphere. Public resistance to women’s entry into the medical profession also meant that they would experience opposition related to scholarship during the 1850s. In the 1850s, no hospitals would hire female doctors.22 In order to overcome the obstacle of unemployment, many women doctors began lecturing on public health topics to audiences of other women. For example, Harriot Hunt, an honorary graduate of the Woman’s Medical College Class of 1853, often lectured for the Ladies’ Physiological Society teaching women the “laws of life.”23 Through these lectures, Hunt taught audiences of wives and mothers hygiene practices that they could use to prevent illness within their families.24 In addition, Hunt also covered topics like how to care for infants.25 However, Hunt’s lecture topics show that women physicians, as medical scholars, were still restricted by social and cultural norms. To be certain, they taught women about health within the home and thus, practiced medicine consistent with domestic duties of women. In other words, women doctors later renamed the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania and the Medical College of Pennsylvania ultimately being absorbed by Drexel University in 1980. 21 First Annual Announcement of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1851. 22 More, 96 23 Sanchez, 35. 24 Harriot Hunt, (Alumnae File, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1853). 25 Ibid.

13 were forced to practice medicine in a way that respected the social norms of defining a separation between women’s work and men’s work. Public resistance to the hiring of women physicians forced women to remain confined to practicing medicine within the domestic sphere. In the 1850s, female doctors faced opposition within the practice of medicine. Because hospitals refused to hire female physicians, women doctors were forced to seek a different type of employment. Angenette Hunt, an 1851 graduate of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, was a regularly trained physician who for one reason or another took employment as an irregular hydrotherapy physician.26 Homeopaths interested in this type of therapy believed that water could be used to cure diseases; therefore, hydrotherapy facilities tended to operate, “something akin to today’s spa.”27 The fact that Hunt chose to take employment as an irregular physician after completing the lengthy training to become a regular physician may have come about after her sister’s illness was cured using homeopathy.28 However, it is possible that her choice also indicates that she experienced so much opposition finding employment that she felt compelled to work in homeopathy where women practitioners were more accepted. These employment barriers were designed to keep women physicians confined to practicing in the domestic sphere. Perhaps the opposition that female clinicians faced in practice during the 1850s resulted from the influence of earlier medical ideas. Women medical students recounted in their theses that many male physicians were opposed to their entrance into medicine under the same premises used by the general public.29 The basis for this debate seems to stem from the way that sex difference was understood and interpreted by the medical 26

Sanchez, 153. Ibid. 28 Angenette Hunt, (Alumnae File, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1853). 29 Theses of Julia W. Carpenter, Georgiana C. Glenn, Angenette A. Hunt, Augusta R. Montgomery, Prudence A. Saur, Elise Pfeifer Stone, Jayne Payne, Amanda C. Price, (Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1851-1874). 27


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community in the nineteenth century. The conception of sex difference during this period may have emanated from eighteenth century beliefs. In the eighteenth century, “Sexuality was no longer to be seen as residing exclusively in the sex organs.”30 Instead, “Pierre Roussel, a French physician,” claimed that “the essence of sex…is not confined to a single organ but extends, through more or less perceptible nuances, into every part.”31 Eighteenth century anatomists further related this rationale to social norms of the time. Therefore, scientific notions about the anatomical differences between the sexes formed the structure on which gender roles were based. The relationship between eighteenth century medical knowledge and social ideas about women as the weaker sex can be seen within European medical writings of this period. “In 1726 Alexander Monro, professor of anatomy in Edinburgh…[wrote that]…the bones of Women are frequently incomplete, and always of a Make in some Parts of the Body different from those of the robust Male.”32 Drawings of the male and female were also portrayed as markedly different from one another; moreover, the differences in the pectoral portrayal of both female and male skeletal anatomy tend to resemble the specific social roles given to each gender.33 Anatomist Bernard Albinus drew the male skeleton in 1734 that equated masculinity with idealistic perfection.34 This mimics the social thought that men were stronger and anatomically build to labor and support a family by working outside of the home. By the same token, “anatomist Marie Thiroux d’Arconville”35 depicted the female skeleton in 1759 with a large pelvis, a small frame, and a narrow ribcage.36 While these traits may only incidentally indicate the body of a model who wore 30

Londa L. Schiebinger, “More Than Skin Deep: The Scientific Search for Sexual Difference.” In The Mind Has No Sex?: Women in the Origins of Modern Science, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989), 189. 31 Ibid. 32 Ibid. 193. 33 Ibid. 189-213. 34 Ibid. 191-192. 35 Ibid. 195. 36 Ibid. 192-213.

14 corsets for many years,37 one could argue that these traits were actually meant to underscore women as the weaker sex with inadequate anatomy to that of the man. The similarities between the ideas seen in eighteenth century medical scholarship and the ideas seen in the nineteenth century alumnae theses indicate that male doctors may have resisted the integration of women into the profession because they were influenced by early medical ideas. Women physicians also faced opposition within their private lives during the 1850s. One of the reasons that members of the public resisted the idea of women physicians was that members of the public believed that if women worked outside of the home, they would not be able to care for their families.38 For this reason, many early female physicians seem to have remained single. Both Harriot Hunt and Ann Preston remained single over the course of their careers which suggests that they might have felt pressure to choose between having a family or a medical career.39 In fact, during the 1850s, only one-fifth to one-third of female doctors married.40 Similarly, women who became physicians seem to have lost their feminine identity within society as some considered them to be “a monstrosity” or an intellectual and moral hermaphrodite.”41 The entrance of women physicians into the public medical arena disrupted the social and cultural norms that underpinned separate spheres ideology as the public expected women physicians to practice only within the domestic sphere. In the 1850s, when women physicians expanded their practice into the public sphere, they faced opposition when attempting to redefine their domestic relationships. Members of the public were critical of those who attempted to redefine their domestic relationships because they hoped to limit women to practicing medicine within the domestic sphere. In her 1853 thesis, Dr. Agusta R. Montgomery perfectly summed up the opposition that women 37

Ibid. 198. Abram, 63-64. 39 Ibid. 71-78. 40 Ibid. 65. 41 Sanchez, 51. 38


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physicians faced during the 1850s as a result of the friction between the social and cultural norms of the period and women’s practice of medicine. Montgomery claimed that women doctors were expected to practice medicine by drawing upon their maternal instincts.42 They should nurture and educate patients, and thus remain within their domestic role. This idea is a product of the scientific thinking of eighteenth century medical ideas. Marie Thiroux d’Arconville drew her female skeleton in 1759,43 and it exaggerated upon the fact that women have a larger pelvis than men.44 Drawing the female skeleton in this way emphasizes that women’s role was maternal and not intellectual in nature.45 Furthermore, this drawing “captured the imagination of medical doctors for more than half a century.”46 Based on this evidence, Dr. Montgomery may have been influenced by this drawing and the social meaning behind it. Montgomery’s idea that a doctor’s role is maternal in nature reflects the social notion that women and men should practice separate forms of medicine. Instead of contesting ideas about gender roles, Montgomery used the scientific explanation of sex difference to her advantage in order to show that women could in fact be better physicians than men because of their maternal nature. In this way, Montgomery answered the question of whether women should become physicians in a way that allowed her to both become a doctor and follow the cultural and social norms of the time. Female physicians faced opposition within education, scholarship, practice, and in the domestic setting because members of the public expected women physicians to stay within the domestic sphere. The 1860s saw growing acceptance of female doctors within the public sphere – ironically, because they offered patients a more nurturing type of medicine. By this point, people began to believe that women doctors could help ease female

15 patients’ discomfort about baring their flesh to a male physician. Jayne Payne wrote in her 1861 thesis that women under “particularly (sic) circumstances” were able to seek a more complete education, but within “separate facilities” from men.47 This new value placed on women physicians meant that they were afforded more freedom to practice medicine within the public sphere; however, women doctors were expected to practice separately from their male counterparts, and this new prescriptive role caused women to experience new challenges within education, scholarship, practice, within the domestic setting. Female physicians encountered new challenges within education during the 1860s. In the 1860s, although they were trained by male and female physicians within the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, the women-only institutional environment had unfortunate consequences. The very fact that they were educated within a separate school caused some people to consider their techniques to be inferior. For this reason, women physicians faced opposition when teaching and instructing new doctors. For example, when Professor Marie Zakrewska, an 1860 graduate of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, attempted to secure thermometers, test tubes, and microscopes for use in her class at the Female Medical College of New York, she was “denied [by her male superior] on the grounds that these were “new-fangled European notions.”48 Zakrewska might have been denied these items because American doctors thought that they were unimportant or ineffective medical instruments. Or, perhaps the Female Medical College of New York refused to purchase the most technologically advanced equipment on the account that they were too expensive. It is also possible however, that Marie Zakrewska was denied because her male superior thought that she knew less about medicine since she was educated at a female medical school.


Augusta R. Montgomery, “Disquisition on the Medical Education of Women” (thesis, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1853). 43 Schiebinger, 195. 44 Ibid. 192-213. 45 Ibid. 46 Ibid. 195.


Jayne Payne, “A Disquisition on Women as Physicians” (thesis, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1861). 48 Abram interprets this phenomenon as a medical competition between Europe and the United States (Abram, 91).


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Ostensibly, by calling test tubes, microscopes, and thermometers “new-fangled European notions,”49 Zakrewska’s male superior may have been aiming to insult her because she was in fact a European who learned about the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania from a German newspaper.50 In any case, the fact that Professor Marie Zakrewska was indeed denied these medical instruments shows that women practitioners faced opposition when teaching new doctors in that they could not acquire the medical instruments that they wanted to use to educate new doctors. Similarly, Dr. Harriet Preston (class of 1868) encountered opposition in her medical education as a student at the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania during the 1860s. According to her alumnae file, “While Miss Preston was in attendance at the Women’s Medical College, the students of that school were granted admission to the clinical lectures at the Pennsylvania Hospital in Philadelphia.”51 However, when they showed up for the lecture, the male students “jeered and hissed” at them to demonstrate their opposition to the coeducation of male and female doctors.52 The cases of Marie Zakrewska and Harriet Preston demonstrate that women doctors found the public medical arena more accessible in the 1960s. They were able to teach in female medical schools and attend coeducational lectures at medical schools for men. Nevertheless, female doctors remained a novel concept that many people viewed as a transient social experiment. Therefore, women experienced opposition as both medical students and doctors of medicine. The change in the prescriptive role for women doctors caused them to experience new challenges within medical scholarship. While presented with new challenges, they still found greater public acceptance. By the 1860s, women doctors struggled to publish academic papers and thus to contribute

to the burgeoning medical scholarship. For example, Mary E. Greene, an 1868 graduate of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, struggled to have her medical expertise and mastery recognized by the New York Medical Society. When Greene applied for membership in this professional association, “that body shouted with indignation at the thought of admitting a woman to this conclave.”53 After “many stormy discussions,” Greene finally received membership into the New York Medical Society.54 Buoyed by this victory, Greene used her professional membership as leverage for her career as a medical scholar within the specialties of preventative medicine and dietetics. Thus while Greene experienced opposition within scholarship, she found greater public acceptance as a female physician and medical scholar in the 1860s. For instance, she presented her research on several occasions to the Medical Society of Michigan. In addition, she spoke to women’s clubs in New Orleans on food and sanitation and used her research on these topics to establish “diet kitchens” for typhoid patients in Fort Thomas, Kentucky during the Cuban War and at Fort Meyer at the breakage of Camp Alger with the help of the American Red Cross.55 Later, Greene published her research in her book, “Food Products of the World, which passed through the fourth edition.”56 Finally, her admittance into the New York Medical Society provided her with the professional opportunities to obtain memberships in several other professional societies. Once she received membership into this society, other societies were also willing to recognize her as a member. Moreover, Greene became a member of American Household Economic Association, the American Medical Association and the American Public Health Association, and she served also as president of the Board of Health in Tulsa, Oklahoma.57 Greene’s



Ibid. Marie Zakrewska, (Alumnae File, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1860) 51 Harriet Preston, (Alumnae File, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1868). 52 Ibid. 50

Mary E. Greene, (Alumnae File, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1868). 54 Ibid. 55 Ibid. 56 Ibid. 57 Ibid.


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medical career during the 1860s shows that women physicians experienced new challenges within scholarship due the change in the prescriptive role for women doctors; however, female doctors during this period also experienced more public acceptance of their role as women doctors. Mary Putnam Jacobi, a graduate of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania in 1865, also experienced both societal acceptance of and public opposition to her as a physician and medical scholar. After her graduation from medical school in Philadelphia, Jacobi moved to Paris with the hope of studying medicine at the renowned École de Médecine.58 She faced great opposition in her quest to become a European-trained medical scholar because women were not admitted to study within this institution. But after she spent two years studying in Paris, Jacobi was finally admitted as a student. Moreover, she graduated with high honors and won a bronze medal for her thesis.59 Her training in Paris gave her the credibility to produce scholarly research accepted by both male and female doctors. With this platform, Jacobi used her scholarly research to continue to fight the notion that women could not and should not be doctors. “Seemingly destined for a literary career as the daughter of publisher George Palmer Putnam,” Jacobi tackled the opposition that female doctors faced within medical scholarship through the publication of her scholarly articles.60 For example, “Jacobi attracted national attention in 1876 when her essay, ‘The Question of Rest for Women during Menstruation,’ won Harvard's honored Boylston prize and appeared the following year under the Putnam imprint.”61 In her research, Jacobi conducted public health surveys in order to

17 evaluate women’s menstrual symptoms.62 Based on the results of these surveys, Jacobi argued in her article that menstruation does not impede a woman’s physical, mental, or emotional ability to treat patients.63 Although Jacobi initially experienced difficulty in building a reputation as a credible and female scholar during the 1860s, she triumphed over these criticisms using her education and her academic publications. Jacobi’s medical career during the 1860s shows that women physicians experienced new challenges within scholarship due the change in the prescriptive role for women doctors; however, female doctors during this period also experienced more malemedical and public support for their role as women. In the 1860s, the change in the conventional role for women doctors caused these women to experience new challenges within the practice of medicine. Female clinicians sought jobs in public practice which meant that they challenged the social norm that women or even women doctors should stay within the home. As a result, they experienced different obstacles. One example of this opposition occurred in the career of Clara Swain, an 1869 graduate of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania. Clara Swain experienced great difficulty finding employment following her graduation from medical school. Although some members of the general public were becoming more accustomed to women doctors, many refused to see them as patients. Therefore, women physicians could not always earn enough money to support themselves from a private practice.64 Furthermore, because some members of the general public during this period were still uneasy about seeing a woman doctor, female practitioners, like Swain, often took on a second job to increase their income. For example, Swain opened the Clara Swain Hospital.65 Swain’s Hospital catered to


Sanchez, 193. Ibid. 60 Hellen Lefkowitz Horowitz, “Mary Putnam Jacobi and the Politics of Medicine in Nineteenth-Century America (review).” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 85, no. 2 (2011): 302-303, accessed November 30, 2014, 59 _the_history_of_medicine/v085/85.2.horowitz.html. 61



Mary Putnam Jacobi, The Question of Rest for Women During Menstruation, (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1877). 63 Ibid. 64 Clara Swain, (Alumnae File, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1860). 65 Ibid.


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women and children, including boys up to age twelve.66 Swain also travelled to the Orient for employment on several occasions.67 As a medical missionary, Swain “served all who might come seeking help, regardless of caste, creed, or religion.”68 Swain’s career demonstrates that women doctors during the 1860s experienced opposition within the practice of medicine and because of this, women doctors had to be creative about how they sustained a living. Many women physicians during the 1860s operated private practices while also earning income by serving in more domestic roles. While women doctors saw growing acceptance in public, they experienced opposition due to social and cultural norms. In contrast to the opposition that Swain experienced, Marie Zakrewska (class of 1860) experienced opposition within the practice of medicine for other reasons during the 1860s. Although some members of the public became more supportive of women doctors during this period, other members of the public criticized women physicians for practicing inferior medicine. Zakrewska experienced this type of public anger when one of her hospitalized patients died in childbirth. She wrote in her journal that “[a]n immense crowd collected, filling the block between us and Broadway, hooting and yelling and trying to push in the doors…”69 “Armed with pickaxes and shovels, they demanded admission shouting that the female physicians were killing women with cold water.”70 This incident shows that women physicians had more freedom in where they practiced medicine during the 1860s; however, the public still criticized them in their role as doctors, especially when they could not save their patients. Women physicians faced opposition within their private lives during the 1860s due to the change in the accepted role for women physicians. In the 1860s, some members of the public, especially fathers and husbands, remained

18 concerned that women becoming doctors would upset the structure of the family. If women had the autonomy to choose to have careers outside of the home, they would also have the freedom to choose not to marry.71 Indeed, female doctors who did marry would not spend adequate time tending to the family.72 Mary Putnam Jacobi claimed that, “[t]he question of marriage…which complicates everything else in the life of women, cannot fail to complicate their professional life. It does so, whether the marriage exist or does not exist, that is, as much for unmarried as for married women.”73 This statement demonstrates the opposing views about women physicians and marriage. If a woman doctor remained single, she was viewed as not following the role prescribed for her by Victorian society. But by the same token, if a female physician married, then she was viewed as someone who was neglecting her duties as a wife and mother. The varying viewpoints meant that both married and single women doctors were scrutinized for their position in the 1860s. Women faced opposition within their private lives during the 1860s as a result of the changing prescriptive role for women physicians during this period. They were gradually more accepted within the public setting; however, they were also seen as having a separate role from that of their male counterparts. Elise Pfeifer Stone sums up this new prescriptive role in her 1867 thesis. Stone claims “that woman is man’s equal if not his superior, mentally, morally, and physically;” however, women are treated differently from men within society because she has different talents.74 Women’s unique strength in ministering to patients’ emotions in crisis situations makes her the more suitable physician in certain situations.75 Therefore, women physicians had a place in medicine separate from that of their male counterparts. While women could practice 71


Ibid. 67 Ibid. 68 Ibid. 69 Abram, 86. 70 Ibid.

Sanchez, 94-98. More, 23-25. 73 Ibid. 74 Elise Pfeifer Stone, “The True Position of Woman” (thesis, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1867). 75 Ibid. 72


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medicine separately from men, neither group considered the other to be colleagues. By the 1870s, the customary role of women physicians changed once again as women began to integrate into the medical arena as colleagues of male doctors. The general public was more accustomed to the idea that a practitioner could be either male or female since many women doctors owned their own practices by this period.76 As a result of greater public acceptance, women doctors became more confident in their abilities as medical providers. In addition, this confidence caused women to strive to participate as equal members within the medical arena. Women physicians believed that they practiced medicine equally to their male counterparts; therefore, these women believed that they should work closely with male physicians and be considered colleagues of male doctors. Julia W. Carpenter (class of 1870) claimed in her thesis that women and men should be treated as equals because women and men have similar strength and are able to do the same work.77 She supported her argument by stating that women “peasants in France and Germany plough fields” while “Indian women accompany men on long marches.”78 Carpenter also points out that women and men are equal anatomically and physiologically because they have the same bones and muscles.79 Another student, Amanda C. Price (class of 1871), agreed with Carpenter that women physicians and male doctors should be treated as equals. In her 1871 thesis, Price argued that women have been tending to the sick far longer than men and this shows their strength and ability to be equal practitioners to men.80 Price stated that “When the male physician comes to tend to a sick person in the middle of the night, he often finds a woman

19 there caring for the sick person.”81 Moreover, women were not only able to do the work of the physician but they also had been already doing it since the beginning of time.82 Both Carpenter and Price demonstrate that the conventional role for women physicians shifted from one that is separate and distinct from that of domain male physicians to one that accepts gradual equality with these male counterparts. As the prescriptive role for women doctors changed, so did the types of opposition that the women experienced. Female doctors faced a different kind of opposition in education in the 1870s as a result of growing public acceptance for women doctors. First, because the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania existed to train women separately from men, this put the college at a disadvantage when it came to attracting new women medical students.83 By the 1870s, women had the opportunity to enter coeducational medical schools.84 As a result, enrollment decreased at the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania. A further consequence caused by this change in education was that the women who wanted to receive a gendered medical education faced new kinds of opposition. The Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania struggled to remain open due to the decrease in enrollment, and the decrease in tuition profit meant that the school struggled to purchase the necessary educational materials. Second, women doctors faced opposition in the public medical sphere as a result of receiving gendered medical education. For example, a patient sued Dr. Sarah Hibbard (class of 1870) for medical malpractice claiming that her education was inferior to that of male physicians. The plaintiff in this case called on Dr. Sarah Hibbard to set his broken arm following an agricultural accident, and


Alumnae Files, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1851-1880. 77 Julia W. Carpenter, “A Thesis on Woman’s Physical Strength” (thesis, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1870). 78 Ibid. 79 Ibid. 80 Amanda C. Price, “The Necessity for Women Physicians” (thesis, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1871).


Ibid. Ibid. 83 Peitzman, 3. 84 Bernard Becker Medical Library Digital Collection, Washington University in St. Louis School of Medicine. "The Path to Medical Coeducation in the United States." Accessed December 1, 2014. 82


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Hibbard performed the surgery successfully.85 It was only after the plaintiff spoke to his friend about the incident that he sued Dr. Hibbard for $10 in damages.86 He claimed that the arm had to be reset because Hibbard had set it crooked.87 Dr. Hibbard indicated to a newspaper after the case that she suspected that the case was brought against her because she was a woman.88 In her opinion, she was viewed as an easy target because of her gender.89 The male judge in the case, however, dismissed the case, and Dr. Hibbard did not have to pay for damages.90 This case shows that some members of the public still believed that women practiced inferior medicine. On the other hand, it also shows progress in that some members of the public were growing more accustomed to women doctors. In fact, some public authorities, like the judge, were willing to vouch for women doctors who they deemed to be competent practitioners. Furthermore, Hibbard claims that at least one male physician considered her medical expertise to be equal to that of his own. Hibbard’s alumna file states that Hibbard was once addressed by an “aged & eminent physician of Pennsylvania…who said he was glad to see the day that woman had risen to her place as physician.”91 This evidence demonstrates that while women doctors experienced different kinds of challenges within education during the 1870s as a result of a change in the accepted role for physicians, this change also shows that women doctors were treated more like their male colleagues than they had been before. In this case, the court regarded a woman’s medical degree as a record of her ability to practice competent medicine. Legally, women doctors and men doctors were both viewed a competent clinicians. The change in the prescriptive role for women doctors meant that female physicians encountered new challenges within scholarship during the

20 1870s, especially while they sought to be recognized as colleagues of their male counterparts. For instance, Mary Dixon Jones (class of 1875), a Canadian who sought American medical training, performed the first successful hysterectomy in addition to removing a seven pound tumor during the same surgery.92 In addition, Jones made two important discoveries in the field of cancer research. First, Jones used microscopic research to conclude that the “inflammatory reaction around a cancer [growth] is not a pre-stage” but instead the inflammation demonstrates that the growth is “already malignant.”93 Second, Jones concluded that lymph vessels convey cancerous materials throughout the body.94 When Jones attempted to publish her findings, she experienced opposition because she was a woman. Publication companies were more cautious in agreeing to publish her work because of her gender, and as a result the publication process took longer.95 In fact, her work was evaluated for two years before anyone agreed to publish it.96 However, Jones did eventually publish her work, and in doing so, she showed that although women experienced opposition in scholarship during the 1870s, the fact that she managed to contribute as a published medical scholar, however delayed, emphasizes that women doctors, in many ways, were treated similarly to their male counterparts during this period. Likewise, Mary Alice Bennett (class of 1876) experienced similar opposition regarding scholarly publication. Bennett worked as the Medical Superintendent of the Department for Women in Norristown, a hospital for the insane.97 While working there, Bennett conducted research on the benefits and risks of using straightjackets on patients.98 Bennett argued in her paper that these devices were actually harmful to patients and 92


Sarah A. Hibbard, (Alumnae File, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1870). 86 Ibid. 87 Ibid. 88 Ibid. 89 Ibid. 90 Ibid. 91 Ibid.

Mary Dixon Jones, (Alumnae File, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1875). 93 Ibid. 94 Ibid. 95 Ibid. 96 Ibid. 97 Mary Alice Bennett, (Alumnae File, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1876). 98 Ibid.


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should not be used.99 Instead of using these restraints, Bennett claimed that the implementation of occupational therapy, a work program, entertainment, and school for patients improved the patient’s quality of life and lessened their need for straightjackets.100 However, like Mary Dixon Jones, Bennett experienced several delays when she attempted to publish her findings. Publication companies tended to be cautious when publishing her papers because she was a woman doctor and not a male physician.101 Several publications delayed or flat-out refused to publish her work because they were afraid that doing so would lessen their credibility in the medical field.102 The publication companies were concerned that publishing a woman’s research might tarnish the name of the journal and ultimately decrease their profits.103 After several years, Bennett managed find a journal that agreed to publish her papers, and as a result, she became the scholarly authority on insanity and served as chief physician for nearly twenty years.104 The case of Mary Alice Bennett further demonstrates that women experienced opposition within scholarship during the 1870s while they sought to assert themselves as colleagues of their male counterparts. Women doctors encountered new challenges within the practice of medicine as a result of the changing prescriptive role for female physicians during the 1870s. Clara Marshall’s (class of 1875) career demonstrates an example of the opposition that women physicians faced within the practice of medicine during the 1870s. The Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania hired Marshall as a professor just one year after her graduation from medical school.105 However, during the hiring process, several male doctors on the faculty questioned her appointment because in 1876, consultation with a woman physician caused a

21 member of the Philadelphia county medical society to forfeit his membership.106 Such a debate existed among male doctors during this period that one’s credibility as a medical doctor could be tarnished for supporting a woman doctor. Despite this rule, Marshall was hired and through her efforts this rule was changed.107 As a result, she was credited with “breaking down the prejudice against women in medical institutions.”108 Marshall’s achievements show that although women faced opposition within the practice of medicine in the 1870s, women doctors managed to strive for equal opportunities to male physicians. Finally, female physicians encountered new challenges within their private lives during the 1870s as they sought to become members of an integrated medical community. First, women physicians still struggled to find gainful employment in hospitals or private practice which caused many women to take unconventional jobs. For example, Phebe Oliver-Briggs (class of 1870) took a position with the Society of Friends, a dangerous position because she was treating members of the Otoe and Missouri tribes.109 The nature of this job challenged Oliver-Briggs to overcome cultural difference regarding medical treatment for Native Americans.110 However, even though Oliver-Briggs experienced opposition due to the nature of her job, her career shows that women doctors in the 1870s were treated similarly to their male counterparts. For instance, OliverBriggs served as the breadwinner for her family at the request of her husband who chose not to have a fulltime career.111 This example shows that some husbands by the 1870s were comfortable with their wives working in the public while they stayed home. They no longer seemed to be concerned that women working as physicians would cause them to neglect their families. The career experience of Oliver-Briggs demonstrates that women doctors


Ibid. Ibid. 101 Ibid. 102 Ibid. 103 Ibid. 104 Ibid. 105 Clara Marshall, (Alumnae File, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1875). 100


Ibid. Ibid. 108 Ibid. 109 Phebe Oliver-Briggs, (Alumnae File, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1870). 110 Ibid. 111 Ibid. 107


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faced opposition within their private lives in the 1870s; however, many women physicians were treated similarly to their male counterparts during this period. Prudence A. Saur (class of 1871) and Georgiana C. Glenn (class of 1874) concisely summed up in their theses the change that occurred in the prescriptive role for women doctors during the 1870s. Women did integrate into the general medical arena. Saur stated that the public viewed the difference between men and women doctors by this point as simply a matter of preference among members of the public.112 Some women [were] ashamed by “having one of the opposite sex see to attend them.” But, Saur emphasized that both male and female physicians practiced the same type of medicine with the only difference being gender.113 Glenn agreed claiming that although both men and women are capable of doing the same work, some women often feel more comfortable about baring their flesh to a female physician with whom they can “speak freely” with about private matters.114 Both of these theses demonstrate that the accepted role for women physicians during the 1870s changed. By the 1870s, women physicians and men physicians were considered to be colleagues who practiced the same kind of medicine even though individual members of the public still might have preferred one gender over the other. As a result in this change, female physicians experienced new challenges within education, scholarship, practice, and within their private lives; however, although they experienced opposition, women doctors resisted and negotiated these new barriers and indeed often surmounted them. Early women doctors, in addition to working tirelessly through their hectic medical schedules, experienced instability within society as professionals because members of both the medical public and the general public remained uncertain about what the role of women physicians should 112

Prudence A. Saur, “Physicians and Their Duties” (thesis, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1871). 113 Ibid. 114 Georgiana C. Glenn, “A Thesis on the Lying-in Chamber” (thesis, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1874).

22 be. The experiences of the graduates of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania demonstrate that the prescriptive role for women physicians changed from the 1850s to the 1870s as women transitioned from domestic healer to professional physician. In the 1850s, separate sphere ideology exerted the most influence on women embarking upon a medical career. During the 1860s, women physicians battled to be accepted as members of both spheres. While women continued to face opposition within their medical careers, they managed to gain modest public support. Finally, beginning in the 1870s, women physicians were often treated similarly if not equal to their male counterparts, and there is evidence that the idea of separate spheres was slowly being dissolved. Nevertheless, because the prescriptive role for women doctors evolved over time, female doctors experienced new types of opposition within their medical education, in their endeavors to publish, within their professional practice, and in their roles as wives and mothers. Acknowledgements I would like to thank Dr. Lori Woods for her encouragement and support through every stage of this project, from personally introducing me to archival research to patiently reading my successive drafts. I am also grateful to Dr. Denise Damico who read many of my early drafts and kindly offered her expertise as an American historian throughout this project. Their willingness to teach me their craft continues to inspire me as a student and as a historian. Finally, I would like to thank archivist, Matt Herbison and the team at The Legacy Center for their assistance in helping me complete the archival research for this project. Christie Olek (’15, B.A., History) graduated cum laude with Departmental Honors. She is currently attending the paralegal program at Saint Francis University and hopes to attend graduate school in the future to study the social history of medieval medicine.


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Extroversion/Introversion Traitâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Effect on Perception of how Personality Contributes to Success [Research conducted for PSYC 202 (Research Methods and Statistics II)] Morgan L. Dutrow Psychology Department School of Arts & Letters

Katee A. Gresko Psychology Department School of Arts & Letters Marnie L. Moist, Ph.D. Psychology Department School of Arts & Letters

The personality types of extroversion and introversion were related to how students perceived these traits had aided in their academic success. College students at Saint Francis University were asked to fill out the HumanMetrics (1998) Jung Typology Test to determine whether they were an introvert or extrovert. They were then asked to report which trait the test had assigned them and were given time to write about how they felt this trait had negatively contributed and positively contributed to their academic success. Introverts and extroverts were found to generate approximately the same proportion of positive responses about how they felt their personality had contributed to their academic success. The most frequently given positive response generated by introverts was that they were better able to focus, while extroverts tended to say that their ability to form study groups had aided their academic success. This study aimed to address how positively extroverts and introverts perceive the contributions that their personality has made to their academic success. This problem is of interest because, as far as our research suggests, no one has done any work examining how people perceive their personality has aided them in their academic achievements. With this knowledge we could identify whether or not oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s perception of how their personality contributes to academic success is a self-fulfilling prophecy. This would be of special interest to educators, who could stress to extroverts that they should not let negative perceptions of their personality affect how they perform in school. The general goal of this study is to expand upon the current knowledge of the affect that personality can have on academic success. Building upon the ideas of the psychiatrist Carl Jung, each personâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s personality can be broken

down into various trait dimensions. These dimensions are introversion and extroversion, intuitive and sensing, thinking and feeling, and judging and perceiving (Bisping & Patron, 2008). With each dimension a person almost always shows a tendency to display one trait more than the other. For example, a person is not usually equally as extroverted as they are introverted; they are normally labeled as either an introvert or an extrovert. Introverts prefer to get their energy from dealing with the ideas, pictures, memories, and reactions inside their head. They are in their own inner world. They prefer to do things alone or with a couple of people with whom they feel comfortable. They take time out of their day to reflect upon things. They often find themselves liking the idea of something more than the actual thing. Extroverts get their energy from being actively involved in events. They tend to be excited


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when they are around others. They prefer action and making things happen. They tend to gain a better understanding of a problem from talking about it (The Myers & Briggs Foundation, 2014). Introversion and extroversion are simply one dimension of the four that make up personality (Bisping & Patron, 2008). We assume it is correct to break personality into four dimensions, that there are exactly four dimensions, that the traits chosen to make up these dimensions are valid, and that people actually display one trait more than another most commonly. However, we also assume that the extroversion/introversion trait will most clearly connect to people’s own self-perception of academic of academic success because there are a number of studies that clearly indicate that introversion and extroversion are connected to actual success, and we made the assumption that actual success must be connected to perceived to success. For the purpose of this study, success was be measured via GPA. The general purpose of the study done by Wolfradt, Felfe, and Koster (2002) was to examine the relationship between self-perceived intelligence, which is measured by the Emotional Intelligence Scale, and other personality measures, including the Five Factor model. In the study the conditions of introversion and extroversion were compared. Measured was the score achieved on the emotional intelligence scale. “All emotional intelligence scale dimensions showed positive relationships to extroversion, conscientiousness, life satisfaction, intuitive and rational thinking, and to the creative personality traits,”(Wolfradt et al., 2002, p. 301). Extroversion seems to be an indicator of high emotional intelligence, which is, to some degree, needed to succeed academically. “The purpose of this research is to examine the moderating effect of personally knowing an accountant, or of being a student with accounting as a declared major, on the perception of the need for practicing accountants to possess these attributes,” (Sale, Cheek & Hatfield, 1998, p. 188). First compared were being an accounting student and a non-accounting student, while the conditions for the second variable were knowing a

24 professional accountant and not knowing a professional accountant. How well the students perceived the necessity for a professional accountant to possess the three types of general skills desired by accounting firms, which are communication, team participation, and creative problem solving skills was measured. The main result of the survey indicated that those students who knew an accountant had a better knowledge of all three skills required of professional accountants than students who did not (Sale et al., 1998). Knowing an accountant improves the likelihood that a student will know what attributes employers look for in an accountant. This study demonstrated that having knowledge of personality traits contributed to success. A study conducted by Judge, Higgins, Thoresen, and Barrick (1999) looked at the relationship between traits from the Five Factor model of personal and how they related to career success. The influence of neuroticism, extroversion, and conscientiousness on career success was examined. Career success was further divided into intrinsic and extrinsic success. Extrinsic success, which is measured outside of the individual in the world, was measured by recording the participant’s income. Intrinsic success, which was the participant’s satisfaction with their job, was measured via a survey. Neuroticism was found to be negatively linked to extrinsic career success, while extroversion and conscientiousness were found to be positively related to extrinsic success (Judge et al., 1999). This means that being neurotic will hinder people in their career success, while being extroverted and conscientious will aid people in their work success. The main purpose of study conducted by Hadley (2003) was to address Bandura’s theory of self-efficacy as a construct rather than a trait of personality in order to determine if generalized self-efficacy is capable of predicting job performance. Introversion and extroversion were also measured and compared to generalized selfefficacy to test if trait theory and social learning theory could be correlated with job performance. The influence of introversion versus extroversion


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on job performance, which was evaluated via a model the researchers created. “Performance change was correlated with generalized selfefficacy and extroversion/ introversion, and the results were non-significant,” (Hadley, 2003, p. 40). The results of the study showed that there was no relationship between being introverted or extroverted and one’s job performance. This means that introverts and extroverts may perform equally well at their jobs. We have noted that the previous two studies contained contrasting results. It was our belief that Judge et al.’s (1999) study better explained the role of introversion and extroversion as the researchers used both real world measures and internal measures of success, while Hadley’s (2003) study relied entirely upon a self-created model. Jung’s theory and the MBTI suggest that personality types are quantitatively and qualitatively different (Pittenger, 2005). This supports our assumption that introverts and extroverts are distinct groups of people. Consistent findings question the construct validity of the MBTI; and, many researchers have generated findings inconsistent with the MBTI theory (Pittenger, 2005), yet we assume that the MBTI is a valid instrument to determine personality traits. Bisping and Patron (2008) defined the theoretical terms of introversion and extroversion in the same manner as we did. In a study done by Nourayi and Cherry, there was no relationship found between personality type and work performance (Bisping & Patron, 2008; Hadley, 2003). However, studies done by Judge et al. (1999) did find a significant difference in work success, with extroverts being more successful than introverts. Our proposed hypothesis will add unique information to what scientists already know about introverts and extroverts. Many studies have looked at the actual success that introverts and extroverts have in academia and the workplace, but no studies that we have found have looked at how people perceive the influence of introversion or extroversion on their own performance. With our study we will be able to see if extroverts or introverts feel more positively about how their personality has

25 influenced their academic success in college. Our study assumes that there will be some difference between the personality types of introversion and extroversion. We have noticed through personal observation that friends who are introverted tend to stay in and study more than extroverted friends, and this studying often results in better grades. Higher grades are likely to cause people to have a better perception of how their personality has contributed to their success. During the study, the participants took the HumanMetrics (1998) Jung Typology Test in order to find out whether they are an introvert or an extrovert. Based on this designation, the participants will have two five minute intervals to list how they feel being an introvert or extrovert has aided and hindered their academic success. These results will then be analyzed to determine whether introverts or extroverts feel that their personality has contributed more to their academic success. We expected to find that the difference in the percentage of positive responses about academic success generated in five minutes was greater for introverts than for extroverts. We expected to find this because, according to Farah and Atoum (2002), “introverts achieve, learn, and succeed more readily and recall better from long-term memory than do extroverts,” (p. 149). If introverts are able to do all of this better than extroverts they will, in all likelihood, have more positive feelings towards how their personality has aided in their academic success than will extroverts. Methods Participants. There were a total of 21 participants. Of these participants 9 were female and 12 were male. The participants fell into several different racial groups. There were 18 white, 1 African American, and 2 participants that fell into the category of other. All of the participants were college students from a small, rural Catholic school in central Pennsylvania. The study utilized a convenient sample that was comprised of students enrolled in Saint Francis University, some of which were registered for Dr. Moist’s introductory


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psychology class and offered extra credit as an incentive to participate. All students who responded and met the criteria for being included were allowed to participate in the study. The students were 12 freshmen, 3 sophomores, 5 juniors, and 1 seniors. These students had several special characteristics in order to participate in the study. They had to be at least 18 to 23 years of age, could not have a learning disability or a mental health diagnosis that would impact their academic success, and had to be a full-time undergraduate student. Graduate student were excluded from participation. The option to select graduate was on the demographic survey, but only to ensure that their results could be caught and removed from the study. Materials. The classroom at Saint Francis University that was selected had a whiteboard and an Expo marker so that we could write down the web address of the online survey that we asked the participants to complete (HumanMetrics, 1998). The self-made demographic survey contained 9 questions, with 4 questions intended to gather basic demographic information and 5 questions intended as relevant additional information (see Appendix 1). Computers were necessary in order for the students to fill out the online survey. The two types of computers that were most commonly used were the Lenovo ThinkPad T440 and the Lenovo ThinkPad T430s. The online survey, which was used to determine if the participants were introverts or extroverts, was the HumanMetrics (1998) Jung Typology Test. No reliability or validity values for the test were able to be found on the site. There was also be a response packet. This packet included a sheet explaining the qualities of introverts and extroverts. The information for this sheet was obtained from The Myers & Briggs Foundation (2014) (see Appendix 2). The sheet was intended to clarify what introverts and extroverts are for the participants and to aid them in generating responses for the response sheet. The first and third pages of the response packet were self-made and created with the purpose of collecting the dependent variable information. The participants needed to bring a pencil in order to fill

26 them out, but extras were offered if needed. We also needed a stopwatch which was used to make sure that the participants took only the specified amount of time to fill out the response sheet. The stopwatch that was used was a Timex Ironman Sleek 50 Lap watch. The final material needed for the test was a folder for the participants to place their response sheets in. Design and Procedure. The independent variable was personality type. The conditions in our study were introvert and extrovert. The HumanMetrics (1998) Jung Typology test autoscored the participants responses and gave a percentage of trait strength for introversion or extroversion. In order to be placed in the introvert condition the participant must score 15% trait strength or higher in introversion on the HumanMetrics (1998) Jung Typology Test. To be placed in the extrovert condition the participant must score 15% or higher in trait strength in extroversion on the HumanMetrics (1998) Jung Typology Test. Participants who ranged from 014% in either trait were thrown out of the study. The dependent variable in the study was the percentage of positive responses out of total responses the participants made about their personality type across two 5 minute intervals. The research methods used in this study were both a survey and an experiment. The participants filled out a survey in order for the introvert/extrovert personality trait to be recorded after the online personality test was taken. The experiment was between-subjects and a quasiexperiment. We counterbalanced the order of two questions pertaining to positive and negative perceptions of how personality had contributed to academic success. The participants needed to fill out the response sheet after the online personality test so that they would know which personality trait, introversion or extroversion, to reflect upon. The participants received a campus-wide email, see Appendix 3, inviting them to participate in the study. They then responded to this e-mail and received the consent form, which they were able to look over and then sign. The participants were then given a time and classroom to show up to with their


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consent form, their laptop, and a pencil. The participant was one of a group of five. Before the participants entered the room, they handed over their consent form, were given a participant number, and asked to remain quiet for the duration of the study and to take it seriously. In regards to the rest of the experiment summary, for verbatim instructions, please refer to Appendix 4. The participants were then seated far enough apart that they could not see another participant’s computer screen. The participants were then given all the handouts they would need for the experiment, which included the demographic survey before the response packet. The participants were then given instructions about the tasks they would need to complete and the approximate amount of time it would take to complete them. The participants then typed in the URL for the HumanMetrics (1998) Jung Typology Test and took the test. They then sat quietly until everyone had completed the survey. Once the survey was done the participants were instructed to fill out the first page of the response packet and to then read the section describing the personality trait that the test had determined them as having. They were then instructed that they would be given 5 minutes per question to answer the last two questions with a 30 second break in between the two questions. The participants then did this. Finally, the participants placed their response packets in a folder at the front of the room and were free to leave. Scoring. The HumanMetrics (1998) Jung Typology Test was auto-scored online and gave percentages of trait strength for all four of the MBTI traits. Because the test was scored online, we were unable to randomize the test item order across the participants. Two individuals scored the subjective responses to the last two questions on the response sheet. These individuals counted up the number of positive and negative responses and then calculated the proportion of positive responses over total responses. The Pearson Product Moment correlation was run to determine the amount of agreement between the two scorers. The results of this test were r (19) =0.881, p=0.000. This results

27 demonstrated that there was a strong, positive correlation between the two scorers, making the results significant. A summary of all the all the positive and negative responses in descending order from most to least frequent can be seen in Appendix 5. Results All effects significant at p≤0.5 were reported. The average was based on subject means. The independent samples t-test was run on the proportion of positive responses generated to compare introverts and extroverts. Introverts (M=0.59, SD=0.09) did not generate a significantly higher proportion of positive responses than extroverts (M=0.51, SD=0.23), t (19) = -1.13, p = 0.274. The sample sizes we needed to detect a large, medium, or small sample size were 393, 64, and 26, respectively. Since we tested n=21 people we did not have enough power to find a large, medium, or small effect size. The effect of introversion or extroversion on the type of positive response generated can been seen in Table 1, which is located in Appendix 5. The general trend of Tables was that introverts’ top positive responses generated were different than extroverts’. Discussion The results failed to support the hypothesis. This means that introverts and extroverts generated the same proportion of positive results. Personality type does not necessarily predict how positively or negatively people will perceive their academic success. Because both introverts and extroverts have been in academia for so long, they have been forced to adapt to the school environment, which over time may have caused them to form a more positive outlook on their personality. The experiment was performed in a group setting, which is the preferred setting for extroverts. This fact may have caused extroverts to generate more positive responses because they were in a setting they were comfortable with. Conversely, introverts were in an environment that they do not thrive in, a group. This could have caused them to generate fewer positive responses because they were not


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tested one on one, which probably would have been their preferred setting. The experiment contained a few flaws. Some of the participants appeared to be more efficient workers. As a result they were able to finish the survey 3-5 minutes before the rest of the participants. During this time it was likely that they became bored and it was noted that a few used their cell phones and computers for purposes unrelated to the study. This took their focus off of the main ideas of the study and could have caused them to generate less results on the response page. We forgot to tell the participants what their assigned number was. This caused a lot of confusion and some disruptions, mainly in the form of questions, when they began filling out Appendix 2, which required them to write their participant number. Our findings seem to be consistent with the results of a study done by Wolfradt et al. (2002). They found that extroversion appeared to be highly correlated with increased levels emotional intelligence. People high in emotional intelligence would most likely find working in groups to be rather easy, potentially preferable to working alone, as they would be better able to navigate the emotional conflicts that arise whenever people work together in a group setting. One of the top responses extroverts in our experiment gave as a way that their personality had aided in their academic success was that they felt more comfortable forming and working in groups. Introverts did not cite ease of forming or working in groups once. These findings seem to confirm the conclusion drawn by Wolfradt et al. (2002) that extroversion is highly correlated with higher levels of emotional intelligence. The study done by Sale et al. (1998) found that having knowledge about one’s personality traits contributed to one’s success. The data we collected seemed to partially support this. In the response sheets filled out by introverts they reported knowing that they did not study well whenever they studied in environments with a lot of distractions. Common distractions listed were excessive noise and the presence of others. To compensate for this deficit introverts wrote they tended to study in quiet

28 environments without others present in order to better learn the material they were studying. Having learned certain information about their personality introverts adapted in order to allow themselves to be more successful. This would seem to support the conclusion made by Sale et al. (1998) that knowledge about one’s personality can aid them on the path to success. The results found in our study seem to contradict the results found in a study that was conducted by Judge et al. (1999). In the study performed by Judge et al. (1999) they found that extroversion seemed to coincide with increased extrinsic success at work; however, our results seemed to indicate that extroverts were no more likely to perceive their personality’s as having contributed to their success than introverts were. Perhaps extroverts are able to achieve more extrinsic success than are introverts, but according to our results this increased extrinsic success does not coincide with increased feelings of success on the part of extroverts, and feeling as though one is successful is possibly as important a part of successful as external factors are. Therefore, the results found in this study seemed to partially contradict those previously found by Judge et al. (1999). Our results seem to coincide fairly well with those found by Hadley (2003). In the study done by Hadley (2003) he found that introverts and extroverts generally performed equally well at their jobs. If two groups perform their jobs well and at about the same level of success, then it would not be unduly surprising to find that they have equally positive feelings about how their personality has contributed to that job success. Since we were unable to find a difference in how positively introverts and extroverts viewed how their personality had aided in their academic success, our results do not seem to contradict the ones found by Hadley (2003). In fact, the results found on our study appear to coincide rather well with those previously established in the study done by Hadley (2003). Our main hypothesis that there would be a difference in the proportion of positive responses


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generated by extroverts and introverts as to how their personality had contributed to their academic success was not supported. We were, however, able to find a difference in the types of positive responses generated by introverts and extroverts. For instance, extroverts tend to view group work as having contributed to their academic success, while introverts tend to view it as having detracted from their academic success. The differences inherent in extroverted and introverted personality types appear to cause introverts and extroverts to view different factors as positive and negative. Knowledge of what things tend to aid introverts and extroverts in their academic success might allow introverts or extroverts who are not as perceptive to incorporate these things into their study habits, allowing them to be more successful academically. One avenue for future research could be to examine all sixteen MBTI personality types in order to determine which specific type views the contribution their personality has made to their academic success most positively. Another option would be to look at the relationship between a student’s personality type and their actual GPA. Works Cited Bisping, T.O., & Patron, H. (2008). Personality Type as a Determinant of Student Success in Introductory General Business Courses. Academy of Educational Leadership Journal, 12(1), 35-50. Retrieved October 27, 2014 from PROQUEST database. Farah, A, & Atoum, A. (2002). Personality Traits as SelfEvaluated and as Judged by Others. Social Behavior and Personality, 30(2), 149-156. Retrieved October 27, 2014 from PROQUEST database. Hadley, J.G. (2003). A Test of Bandura’s Theory: Generalized Self-Efficacy and the Personality Traits of Introversion and Extroversion as Measures of Job

29 Performance. (Doctoral Dissertation). Retrieved from ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. (305239611) HumanMetrics Inc. (1998). Jung Typology Test. Retrieved November 10, 2014 from

Judge, T.A., Higgins, C.A., Thoresen, C.J., & Barrick, M.R. (1999). The Big Five Personality Traits, General Mental Ability, and Career Success across the Life Span. Personnel Psychology, 52(3), 621-652. Retrieved October 27, 2014 from PROQUEST database. The Myers & Briggs Foundation (2014). The Myers and Briggs Foundation – Extraversion or Introversion. Retrieved October 27, 2014 from

Pittenger, D.J. (2005). Cautionary Comments Regarding the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator. Consulting Psychology Journal: Practice and Research, 57(3), 210-221. Retrieved October 27, 2014 from PSYCHINFO database. Sale, M.L.,, Cheek, R.G., & Hatfield, R. (1998). Accounting Student Perceptions of Characteristics Necessary for Success: A Comparison with those Cited by Professionals. Allied Academies International Conference. Academy of Accounting and Financial Studies Proceedings, 3(2), 188195. Retrieved from October 27, 2014 from PROQUEST database. Wolfradt, U. Felfe, J. & Koster, T. (2002). Self-Perceived Emotional Intelligence and Creative Personality. Imagination, Cognition, and Personality, 21(4), 293-309. Retrieved October 27, 2014 from PROQUEST database.

Morgan Dutrow ('15) is a Psychology major with a minor in Chemistry. She is a member of Psi Chi and Phi Eta Sigma. She plans on attending graduate school next fall. Katee Gresko (’16) is a Psychology major with a minor in Nutrition & Wellness and in Social Work. She is a member of the Saint Francis University Cross Country, Indoor Track, and Outdoor Track teams.


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Contents of SPECTRUM Volumes 4 – 5 (Student authors’ names underlined)

Volume 4 Issue 1 Conor S. Norris; Edward Timmons: Medical Device Excise Tax: An Economic Review Julie L. Cashdollar; Lori Woods: Keeping One’s Head or Heart? Exploring Popular Reaction to Henry VIII’s Seccession from Rome Lauren S. Wingard; Heather R. Kindel; Stephen M. LoRusso: Urinary Incontinence: The Silent Embarrassment of Female Athletes

Issue 2 Abstracts of the Third Annual Saint Francis University Research Day

Issue 3 Brittany A. Kovacs; Pedro L. Muíño: Molecular Modeling of Folding in Lactam-Modified α-Conotoxins Jennifer E. Wilde; Marnie L. Moist: The Role of Optimism in Attaining the Ideal Romantic Partner Jamie L. Wichrowski; Balazs Hargittai: Success of Women Physical Therapy Graduates from Saint Francis University

Issue 4 Irene M. Boyle; Stephen M. LoRusso: Organized Body, Organized Mind: The Association between Yoga and Cognitive Abilities Kimberly A. Gronski; Grant A. Julin: What is Google Doing to Us Danielle R. MacMurtrie: The Blending of Passions: Integrating Art into a World of Science


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Volume 5 Issue 1 Dennis J. Ryan; Arthur Remillard: From Purity to Pollution: The Transformation of Baseball in the Steroid Era Michelle Lipski; Lauren E. McConnell; Lauren E. Grabowski; Kristen N. Ritchey; Michele R.S. Hargittai; Balazs Hargittai: Synthesis and Characterization of Azo Dyes Stephen D. Kowalski; Stephen M. LoRusso: A Study of the Risk Factors of Degenerative Joint Disease of the Knee leading to Total Joint Arthroplasty and their Influence on Therapeutic Outcomes

Issue 2 Abstracts of the Fourth Annual Saint Francis University Research Day

Issue 3 Eric J. Anello; Arthur Remillard: Why We Run: An Experience of Time Margaret K. Connelly; Rachel M. Robinson; Jocelin R. Teachout; Mary K. Woloschuk; Lane J. Loya: Insect Foraging by Winter Birds: Do Supplemental Food Sources Increase Predation Success Cecelia A. MacDonald; Robin L. Cadwallader: The Progression of Sexual Awakening in Literature

Issue 4 Gabrielle Townsend; Donna M. Menis: Photojournalism: To View or Not to View Monika E. Goss; Balazs Hargittai: Phthalates from Toys and How it Affects Children Timothy A. Keith; Edward Timmons: Inflation and Income Inequality after the Financial Crisis Samantha L. Dilling; Robin L. Cadwallader: Making the Invisible Visible

Call for papers Sub m ission G uid elines The purpose of SPECTRUM is not merely to disseminate new results, but also to inform and enlighten. Our readership is a general and multidisciplinary audience who may not be an expert in your field of study. Consequently, please explain all pertinent concepts essential to understanding your article as well as any concepts that might not be common knowledge. Please submit your file in Microsoft Word format as an attachment to the following email address: The text should be single spaced, using 12-point Times New Roman font. Please use italics, rather than underlining, for emphasis. O r ganiz at ion of M anuscr ip t s SPECTRUM is an interdisciplinary journal accepting submissions from the natural sciences, the humanities as well as the professional schools (health sciences and business), therefore, the structure and style of each manuscript will differ from discipline to discipline. Regardless, all submissions must provide a cover sheet, a thorough introduction of the problem your research addresses, the conclusion(s), result(s) or findings of your research, as well as some form of bibliographic citation. Below are the general guidelines for these requirements, some of which may not apply to your area of research. C ov er Sheet Title Names and departments of undergraduate researcher(s) and faculty advisor(s) Abstract (200 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 300 words) Six key words Int r od uct ion Include general background of the relevant field and the larger problem your research addresses as well as its relevance within the field. In addition, explain what prompted your investigation, a summary of previous findings related to your research problem and what contributions your project brings (or was expected to bring) to the issue. M et hod s and M at er ials (If ap p licab le) Summarize important methods and materials used in your research. R esult s/C onclusions Give detailed report of the results and or conclusions reached through your research. Discussion Results should be evaluated in the context of general research problem, the implications of which should be explained with conclusions, predictions or suggestions (if applicable) for further study. T ab les (if ap p licab le) Create tables in Microsoft Word format and insert into general text accompanied by a table legend. Each table needs a number based on its appearance in the paper, where it is referenced. Figur es (if ap p licab le) Please submit figures at the end of the article, one image per page; we will fit these in as we organize the manuscript. Each figure needs a number (the figures shall be numbered consecutively in the order of their appearance in the paper) and a title. SPECTRUM will be printed black and white, but there will be an online version where figures submitted in color will appear in color. R efer ences You may use any referencing style you choose so long as it is a standard format or your discipline (IEE, APA, ACS, PubMed) and that you use it consistently and to the appropriate bibliographical standards.

Spectrum Volume 6(1) Fall 2015  
Spectrum Volume 6(1) Fall 2015  

Spectrum: Journal of Student Research at Saint Francis University