HON RICHARD MARLES: DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER & MINISTER FOR DEFENCE
HON TIM WATTS: SPECIAL ENVOY FOR INDIAN OCEAN AFFAIRS
AVM GLEN BRAZ: AIR COMMANDER AUSTRALIA, RAAF
HON JUDITH COLLINS: MINISTER OF DEFENCE, NEW ZEALAND
H. E. DAME SARAH MACINTOSH: HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR THE UNITED KINGDOM TO AUSTRALIA
H. E. DR JULIE SUNDAY: HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR CANADA TO AUSTRALIA
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By Serge DeSilvaRanasinghe, Founder, CEO, Principal Editor WA DEFENCE REVIEW
Welcome to the seventh edition of our Annual Publication. Once again, the WA DEFENCE REVIEW team is delighted to bring to you an issue packed with incisive content. In compiling this edition, we continue to draw upon our greatest strength: bringing an independent, nationally focused Western Australia-based voice to topics of local, national, regional and global significance.
This edition headlines crucial defence policy updates directly from the nation’s decision makers – the ministers themselves. Australia’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Defence, the Hon Richard Marles discusses the government’s AUKUS submarine enterprise and recent developments planned for WA’s defence precinct at Henderson. The Minister for Defence Industry, Hon Pat Conroy, highlights the Commonwealth Government’s commitment to investment priorities for a sovereign defence industrial capacity, and their impact on WA.
The Hon Matt Keogh, in his role as Minister for Veterans’ Affairs and Defence Personnel, has contributed two articles, the former summarising the government’s efforts to bolster ADF retention and recruitment and the latter addressing veterans’ affairs initiatives by the Commonwealth Government.
Turning our attention to Western Australian governance, we feature an interview with WA Minister for Defence Industries, Hon Paul Papalia CSC MLA. Speaking exclusively to WA DEFENCE REVIEW, the Minister shares his views on recent defence developments for WA and their relevance and significance for the future of AUKUS.
We’re also honoured that this year WA DEFENCE REVIEW has been able to include exclusive content from a wider range of senior international diplomats and highprofile leaders than ever before, featuring commentary from representatives of nations such as Japan, South Korea, Canada, United Kingdom and New Zealand in our ‘International Relations & Diplomacy’ section.
Looking beyond our shores, in our ‘Indian Ocean Security’ column we’ve secured articles from the Special Envoy for Indian Ocean Affairs, Hon Tim Watts, and from Professor David Mickler. The former provides insights into Australian
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As Western Australia strengthens its position at the forefront of Australia’s defence and industry landscape, we’ll be there every step of the way, providing your unique independent voice that connects defence policy, strategy and innovation.
Government policy towards this region, while the latter offers a refreshing focus on western Indian Ocean policy alternatives that benefit Australia. We’ve also gone to great lengths to commission a detailed a map of Australia’s Indian Ocean coastline and maritime boundaries, which are unfamiliar to many.
Taking a more global perspective, Emeritus Professor Amin Saikal provides a deft assessment of the evolution of the post-World War II global order and its likely future trajectory. Dr James Bosbotinis assesses the rise of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, Dr Lindsay Hughes ponders the ascendency of the BRICS movement, while Brendan Augustin analyses the implications for Australia of geopolitical change in the Indo-Pacific region.
And closer to home, WA DEFENCE REVIEW is also privileged to share commentary from a trio of current and distinguished former Australian Defence Force leaders: AVM Glen Braz AM, CSC, DSM, Air Commander Australia, Royal Australian Air Force; ADM Peter Jones AO, DSC, RAN (Rtd); and AIRMSHL Geoff Brown AO (Rtd), Chief of Royal Australian Air Force (2011-15).
Moving to our ‘Aviation & Space Affairs’ column, we showcase a special feature on the important role WA has played in the longstanding defence aerospace relationship between Australia and Singapore. In the space realm, we have given prominent coverage to the roles and capabilities of Curtin University and University of Western Australia’s cutting-edge research projects, the International Centre for Radio Astronomy
Research (ICRAR) and TeraNet, which are revolutionising space communication.
Our look at ‘Critical Infrastructure’ sets the scene with two interesting and timely contributions. Dr Christian Bueger assesses the escalating threat to subsea cable infrastructure in the Indo-Pacific region and our Senior Correspondent Deborah Evans investigates the encroaching threat of drones to critical infrastructure globally. And under the ‘Innovation & Disruptive Technology’ banner, we include two exposés on the Curtin MicroFactory of Additive Manufacturing and Western Australia’s expertise in High Performance Computing.
As always, WA DEFENCE REVIEW includes a great deal more, with a comprehensive range of cutting-edge analysis and commentary, news and updates, and forecasts across all our columns, including Academia & Universities, Cyber & Information Security, Defence & Indigenous, Eastern Australia Security, Energy Resilience, International Trade & Export, Land Systems & Capability, Logistics & Supply Chain, Naval & Maritime Affairs, Northern Australia Security, Oceania Security, Policy & Advocacy, Veterans’ Affairs and West Coast Defence.
On behalf of the WA DEFENCE REVIEW team, we hope this edition informs, challenges and inspires. As Western Australia strengthens its position at the forefront of Australia’s defence and industry landscape, we’ll be there every step of the way, providing a unique independent voice that connects defence policy, strategy and innovation.
Serge DeSilva-Ranasinghe is the author of over 500 articles on topics spanning strategic policy, geo-politics, political risk, maritime security, military affairs, transnational security and defence industry. He has interviewed numerous senior political, government, military and industry figures, with his work featured in publications such as The Diplomat, Harvard International Review, Forbes Asia, Jane’s Defence Weekly, Jane’s Intelligence Review, Military Technology, NAVAL FORCES, The Australian, Australian Financial Review and many more. He has appeared on radio and television, chaired dozens of events and been
Front Cover: Seen here, an Aerovel Flexrotor unmanned aerial vehicle lands on the flight deck of guided-missile destroyer USS Paul Hamilton in the Gulf of Oman, 26 June 2023. The warship is deployed to the US Fifth Fleet area of operations in support of regional maritime security. Note: The appearance of US Defense Department (DoD) visual information does not imply or constitute DoD endorsement. Source: US Navy. Photo: Mass Communication Specialist 2nd Class Elliot Schaudt via DVIDS.
Editor, Publisher, Design and Production: PO Box 6701, East Perth WA 6892 For enquiries: admin@wadefencereview.com.au
invited to deliver presentations for organisations such as the Committee for the Economic Development of Australia (CEDA), Australasian Council of Security Professionals, Australian Defence College, Special Operations Command, Defence Imagery and Geospatial Organisation and numerous others. Serge is an Associate of Security Professionals Australasia, an honorary fellow with the National Security Institute, University of Canberra, is an Ambassador for the Veterans’ Transition Centre Jarrahdale, and is the former President of the Australian Industry & Defence Network of WA.
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Disclaimer: Any opinion expressed is the honest belief of the author based on all available facts, but is not necessarily the view of WA DEFENCE REVIEW or its employees. Comments and facts should not be relied upon by the reader in taking commercial, legal, financial, or other decisions. Articles are by their nature general, and readers are advised to seek specialist advice before acting on information published within which may not be appropriate for readers’ particular circumstances. WA DEFENCE REVIEW will not accept liability for any error or omissions printed, however caused. All rights reserved. WA DEFENCE REVIEW is the owner of the trademark WA DEFENCE REVIEW (Registered in Australia, No. 2010538). No part of this publication may be reproduced, communicated, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form without the prior written permission of WA DEFENCE REVIEW. Copyright © 2025 WA DEFENCE REVIEW. 7th Edition – published 20 October 2025. ISSN 2652-5860 (Online) ISSN 2652-5852 (Print)
Acknowledgements: WA DEFENCE REVIEW acknowledges our valued clients for their ongoing support, and also appreciates the support from our stakeholders: the ADF, Defence Media, Government of Western Australia, Defence West, Henderson Alliance and the Australian Industry & Defence Network. Last, but not least, we extend our gratitude to the following individuals whose commitment and support have enabled WA DEFENCE REVIEW to deliver another successful edition:
Andre De Barr, Bryce Solomon, CDRE Brett Dowsing, RAN (Rtd), Chad van Heemst, Cherish McNamara, Colin Cairnes, Dante Barrett, David Nicolson, Davide Sirolli, Debbie Evans, Defence Media, Dr Colin McIvor, Dr Gabriele Maluga, Emma Kelly, Fred Bkamdin, Geoscience Australia, Geoff Brown, Greg Salotti, Greg Whitehouse, Hon Richard Marles, Hon Pat Conroy, Hon Matt Keogh, Hon David Johnston, Hon Kim Beazley, Hon Paul Papalia, Hon Peter Tinley, Jaki Fisher, Jay Sri Kantha, Jermaine DeSilva, Jillian Formentin, John McIntosh, Leighton G. Luke, Luke Hutt, Mark Musarra, Maria Rennie, Michael Faulkner, Michelle Hutchins, Monique Williams, Neil Bartlett, Nelomie DeSilva, Paul Sparke, Prof Peter Leahy, Prof Samina Yasmeen, RADM Phil Spedding (Rtd), Richard Talbot, Robbie Adams, Rohan Green, Ross Louthean, Samuel Sheppard LCDR, RAN (Rtd), Stephen Bunce, Tanya Izzard, Thomas Hage, Toff Idrus, Tony Wills, Vanessa Kroemer, Vanessa Perkins, Vanessa Oliver and Veronica DeSilva.
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EDITOR’S FOREWORD
By Serge DeSilva-Ranasinghe
MEET THE TEAM
AUTHORITARIAN TRANSACTIONAL MERCANTILISM: THE NEW CONSEQUENTIAL TWIST IN GLOBAL POLITICS
By Emeritus Prof Amin Saikal
SHIFTING TIDES OF GLOBAL ORDER: WHITHER THE SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANISATION
By Dr James Bosbotinis
AN ADVOCATE AND VOICE FOR THE GLOBAL SOUTH: THE RISE OF THE BRICS
By Dr Lindsay Hughes & Stephen Bunce
AUSTRALIA’S GORDIAN KNOT? NAVIGATING THE UNCERTAINTIES OF AUKUS
By Dr Peter Layton
THE 21ST CENTURY CALL TO ARMS: AN AUSTRALIAN DEFENCE REVOLUTION
By Dr Gregory P. Gilbert
DURABLE PILLAR OF STATECRAFT: AUKUS WILL COUNTER PRESENT THREATS IN EUROPE WHILE PREPARING FOR FUTURE RIVALRY IN ASIA AND THE TECHNOLOGICAL DOMAIN
By BRIG Matt Munro (Rtd)
THE INDO-PACIFIC CONNECTION: WHY FRANCE REMAINS A VALUABLE AND CONSEQUENTIAL PARTNER TO AUSTRALIA
By Dr Peter Layton & Dante Barrett
THE LONG GAME: HOW AUSTRALIA DEFINES ITS PLACE IN THE INDO-PACIFIC ORDER IS MORE CONSEQUENTIAL THAN EVER BEFORE
By Brendan Augustin
DELIVERING ON A STRATEGY OF DENIAL
By Hon Richard Marles
INVESTING IN A SOVEREIGN DEFENCE INDUSTRIAL BASE
By Hon Pat Conroy
A SKILLED AND GROWING WORKFORCE IS FUNDAMENTAL TO THE AUSTRALIAN DEFENCE FORCE’S PLAN TO ENHANCE ITS CAPABILITIES
By Hon Matt Keogh
CANBERRA MUSINGS
By Dr Gregor Ferguson
EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW HON PAUL PAPALIA, WA MINISTER FOR DEFENCE INDUSTRIES — DEFENCE IN WESTERN AUSTRALIA COULD EMERGE AS THE STATE’S SECONDLARGEST INDUSTRY, THEREBY DELIVERING ON AMBITIONS FOR A DIVERSIFIED ECONOMY
By Serge DeSilva-Ranasinghe & CDRE Brett
WESTERN AUSTRALIA AND AUKUS: THE HEADLINING ACT OF AUSTRALIAN DEFENCE
By RADM Phil Spedding (Rtd)
STATE OF THE DEFENCE SECTOR IN WESTERN AUSTRALIA: 2024-25
By Serge DeSilva-Ranasinghe, Brett Dowsing & Luke Hutt
NEWS & EVENTS
NORTHERN AUSTRALIA
SECURITY UPDATE
By Dr Peter Layton & Thomas Hage
CORPORATE PROFILE
EXMOUTH FREIGHT AND LOGISTICS: A PROACTIVE PARTNER IN THE TRANSFORMATION OF EXMOUTH AND THE NORTH-WEST
By Exmouth Freight & Logistics
A VOICE OF LOGISTICAL REASON: WITHOUT TRUCKS AUSTRALIA STOPS, AND SO WILL THE ADF
By Louise Bilato
EASTERN AUSTRALIA: DEFENCE INDUSTRY ROUND-UP
By Dr Gregor Ferguson & Thomas Hage
JAPAN-AUSTRALIA RELATIONS: THE MOGAMI-CLASS IS THE LARGEST-EVER BILATERAL DEFENCE INDUSTRIAL COLLABORATION
By H.E. Ambassador Kazuhiro Suzuki
REPUBLIC OF KOREA-AUSTRALIA
STRATEGIC COOPERATION: RESILIENT AND FORWARDORIENTED
By Jimin Kim
NEW ZEALAND HAS NO CLOSER FRIEND AND ALLY THAN AUSTRALIA
By Hon Judith Collins
STRATEGIC SIBLINGS: EXPANDING THE CANADA-AUSTRALIA RELATIONSHIP
By H.E. Dr Julie Sunday
UNITED KINGDOM-AUSTRALIA RELATIONS: DEFENCE IS AT THE HEART OF OUR PARTNERSHIP
By H.E. Dame Sarah McIntosh
AUKUS AND BEYOND: THE GROWING DEFENCE AND ECONOMIC COLLABORATION BETWEEN THE UNITED KINGDOM AND WESTERN AUSTRALIA
By Ticky Fullerton
STRENGTH THROUGH PARTNERSHIP: AUSTRALIA AND THE INDIAN OCEAN REGION
By Hon Tim Watts
ENHANCING AUSTRALIA’S INTERESTS IN AFRICA AND THE WESTERN INDIAN OCEAN THROUGH ACADEMIC DIPLOMACY
By Prof David Mickler
174 177 186 192 196 202 204 208 212 219
CORPORATE PROFILE
AUSTRALIA’S INDIAN OCEAN TERRITORIES: CAPITALISING ON STRATEGIC LOCATION, PROXIMITY TO SOUTHEAST ASIA AND UNIQUE ENVIRONMENTS, CULTURES AND COMMUNITIES By Nick Gan
FROM HEADWINDS TO UNCHARTERED WATERS: THE ROYAL AUSTRALIAN NAVY HAS UNDERGONE A MAJOR LETHALITY IMPROVEMENT, YET SIGNIFICANT CHALLENGES PERSIST By VADM Peter Jones (Rtd)
CORPORATE PROFILE
AUSTAL: GROUNDED IN SOVEREIGN CONTROL, OPERATIONAL CERTAINTY AND INDUSTRIAL CONTINUITY By Paddy Gregg
FEATURE INTERVIEW CHRIS STOLL — GRIFFIN INDUSTRIAL: DEFENCE IS OUR KEY FOCUS By Serge DeSilva-Ranasinghe & Leighton Luke
CORPORATE PROFILE CITY OF COCKBURN: THE BEATING HEART OF AUSTRALIA’S SHIPBUILDING DEFENCE INDUSTRIAL BASE ON THE WEST COAST By City of Cockburn
CORPORATE PROFILE HOFMANN ENGINEERING EYES DEFENCE GROWTH By Emma Kelly
CORPORATE PROFILE
ROCKINGHAM IS READY TO SUPPORT THOUSANDS OF NEW JOBS, ATTRACT MAJOR INVESTMENT, AND HELP SHAPE WESTERN AUSTRALIA’S FUTURE AS A LEADER IN NATIONAL SECURITY AND INNOVATION By Emma Kelly & Dante Barrett
ROCKINGHAM AND KWINANA ARE POISED TO PLAY AN EVEN BIGGER ROLE IN AUSTRALIA’S DEFENCE FUTURE By Sue Hasey
THE AUSTRALIAN ARMY TACTICALLY AND STRATEGICALLY INTENDS TO USE AUTONOMOUS SYSTEMS AND TO FIGHT AT MUCH LONGER RANGE By Dr Gregor Ferguson, Thomas Hage & Dante Barrett
THE TRUE TEST OF AN AIR FORCE: AUSTRALIA’S STRATEGY OF DENIAL REQUIRES THE ABILITY TO STRIKE AT A DISTANCE By AIRMSHL Geoff Brown (Rtd)
INDISPENSIBLE TO OUR NATIONAL SECURITY: ROYAL AUSTRALIAN AIR FORCE BASES IN WESTERN AUSTRALIA
By AVM Glen Braz
AUSTRALIA–SINGAPORE DEFENCE COOPERATION: THE STRATEGIC ROLE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA IN JOINT TRAINING PROGRAMS
By Emma Kelly & Stephen Bunce
CORPORATE PROFILE
DEDICATION TO INNOVATION: DRONE FORGE IS REDEFINING HOW ORGANISATIONS LEVERAGE DRONE TECHNOLOGY
By Thomas Symes
WESTERN AUSTRALIA IS AT THE UNIQUE INTERSECTION OF RADIO ASTRONOMY AND TRANSLATABLE DEFENCE CAPABILITY
By Prof Steven Tingay & Eleanor Sansom
TERANET: REVOLUTIONISING SPACE COMMUNCIATION AND BOLSTERING AUSTRLIA’S DEFENCE FROM WESTERN AUSTRALIA
By Aliesha Aden
CURTIN UNIVERSITY’S PHOTON FORGE ADDITIVE MANUFACTURING FACILITY IS SITUATED TO DRIVE ADOPTION AND MANUFACTURING READINESS FOR SOVEREIGN INDUSTRY
By Karl Davidson & Associate Prof Zakaria Quadir
WESTERN AUSTRALIA IS WELLPOSITIONED TO USE ITS CROSSINDUSTRY EXPERIENCE AND FLOURISHING EXPERTISE IN SUPERCOMPUTING TO BE AT THE FOREFRONT OF INNOVATION
By Bryce Solomon
CYBERSECURITY IS NO LONGER A NICHE TECHNICAL CONCERN BUT A FUNDAMENTAL ELEMENT OF NATIONAL SECURITY
By Dr David Parry
AUSTRALIA’S CRITICAL INFRASTRUCTURE CHALLENGE: INDO-PACIFIC SUBSEA CABLE SECURITY
By Prof Christian Bueger
CORPORATE PROFILE OMNI IS COMMITTED TO GROWING LOCAL CAPABILITY AND SUPPORTING AUSTRALIA’S NATIONAL INTERESTS
By Omni
THE INCREASING USE OF UAS AND OTHER UNMANNED SYSTEMS HAS ACCELERATED AND HIGHLIGHTED THE RISKS TO CRITICAL INFRASTRUCTURE
By Deborah Evans
CORPORATE PROFILE
LAUNCH OF PARABELLUM INTERNATIONAL’S NEW DEFENCE DIVISION, STAR, IS A FORCE MULTIPLIER FOR DEFENCE INDUSTRY PARTNERS
By Parabellum International
CRITICAL STRATEGIC
BLIND SPOT REQUIRES A COMPREHENSIVE AND PRAGMATIC ENERGY
SECURITY STRATEGY
By Dario Bongiovanni
CORPORATE PROFILE
BATTLE TESTED: PARC ENGINEERING SETS ITS SIGHTS ON EXPANDING INTO THE DEFENCE MARKET
By PARC Engineering
SUSTAINABLE AVIATION FUEL PROVIDES GAME-CHANGING POTENTIAL FOR AUSTRALIAN AVIATION INDUSTRY’S NET ZERO AMBITIONS
By Emma Kelly
FEATURE INTERVIEW
DANIEL JOHNSON — EIG AUSTRALIA: WESTERN AUSTRALIA’S MOST TRUSTED SOVEREIGN CONTRACTOR FOR DEFENCE FUEL AND ENERGY INFRASTRUCTURE
By Serge DeSilva-Ranasinghe & Luke Hutt
ENERGY RESILIENCE IS AN INCREASING STRATEGIC PRIORITY FOR DEFENCE AND NATIONAL SECURITY
By Jason McFarlane
PUTTING AUSTRALIA ON THE MAP: WHY AUSTRALIA NEEDS A RARE EARTHS AMBASSADOR
By Ross Louthean
VERTICAL INTEGRATION OF DOWNSTREAM PROCESSING AND SMART MANUFACTURING IS CRITICAL FOR DEVELOPING A STRONG NATIONAL ECONOMY, SOLUTIONS FOR CLIMATE CHALLENGES AND A GREEN ENERGY TRANSITION
By Tony Tang
WHY MINING EDUCATION AND SKILLING MUST BE A CENTRAL PILLAR OF AUSTRALIAN SOVEREIGNTY
By Kyle De Souza
CORPORATE PROFILE
SOUTH METROPOLITAN TAFE: PARTNERING WITH INDUSTRY TO DEVELOP TRAINING PROGRAMS THAT REFLECT CURRENT AND FUTURE WORKFORCE NEEDS
By South Metropolitan TAFE
CORPORATE PROFILE AT THE FOREFRONT OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA’S DEFENCE INNOVATION: CURTIN UNIVERSITY By Gary Hale
CORPORATE PROFILE
WORLD READY: EDITH COWAN UNIVERSITY IS A FORWARD-THINKING, SOLUTIONS-DRIVEN PARTNER IN DEFENCE AND SPACE By Michele Clement
CORPORATE PROFILE ANYONE FOR WARGAMES? UWA’S DEFENCE AND SECURITY INSTITUTE BRINGS UNIQUE STRATEGIC PLANNING WORKSHOPS TO WESTERN AUSTRALIAN INDUSTRY AND GOVERNMENT
By David Johnston & Prof Gia Parish
LEGACY OVER TOKENISM: HOW FIRST NATIONS BUSINESSES SHOULD CONTRIBUTE TO THE FUTURE OF AUSTRALIA’S DEFENCE CAPABILITY By LCDR Sam Sheppard (Rtd)
WESTERN AUSTRALIA HAS THE INDUSTRIAL HEFT, THE GEOGRAPHIC ADVANTAGE AND THE POLITICAL MOMENTUM TO LEAD AUKUS By Hon Peter Tinley
ESTABLISHING A SUSTAINABLE DEFENCE INDUSTRIAL BASE By Rohan Green
WHERE INNOVATION MEETS PRAGMATISM: BROWNFIELD ENGINEERING IS THE STRATEGIC ENABLER OF INDUSTRIAL CONTINUITY AND GROWTH By Jillian Formentin
AUSTRALIA’S DEFENCE EXPORTS: NAVIGATING A COMPLEX MATRIX OF LEGAL, STRATEGIC AND ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS By Mike Johnson
REAL, MEANINGFUL AND ENDURING REFORM: IMPROVING OUTCOMES SHAPED BY VETERANS, FOR THE VETERAN COMMUNITY By Hon Matt Keogh
CORPORATE PROFILE
NATIONAL LEADERS IN VETERAN ADVOCACY WITH GROWING IMPACT ACROSS WESTERN AUSTRALIA: KSC CLAIMS By KSC Claims
LIFE AFTER THE ARMY: TRANSITIONING AND FINDING MEANING IN A CIVILIAN CAREER By Tony Wills
STRUCTURE AND PURPOSE: HOW MY TIME IN THE ROYAL AUSTRALIAN NAVY PREPARED ME FOR A CAREER IN THE DEFENCE INDUSTRY By Jay Sri Kantha
By Emeritus Professor Amin Saikal AM, FASSA, Australian National University
The world order has historically been a fluctuating phenomenon. It has been shaped by power politics: specifically, by the actors that have had the most capability to influence it in accord with shared or conflicting interests. Since World War II, this variable has not changed in determining the direction that global politics has taken.
World War II generated an urgency for the creation of a world order that would prioritise peace and stability over conflict and instability. The two most powerful victors of that war, the United States and the Soviet Union, along with Great Britain, France and the Republic of China (today’s Taiwan), forged a consensus on the need for the establishment of a global organisation to perform the task.
World War II generated an urgency for the creation of a world order that would prioritise peace and stability over conflict and instability. The two most powerful victors of that war, the United States and the Soviet Union, along with Great Britain, France and the Republic of China (today’s Taiwan), forged a consensus on the need for the establishment of a global organisation to perform the task.
The United Nations, whose charter was signed by 50 countries in June 1945, was ratified at the San Francisco Conference in October of that year. It came into effect as a successor to the League of Nations, which was founded in January 1920 in the wake of World War I but which proved ineffective against the rise of Nazi Germany and the outbreak of World War II.
Members of the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) marching in front of the Tiananmen during the 2025 China Victory Day Parade.
Source: Press Service of the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan/Wikimedia Commons.
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The re-election of Donald Trump to the US presidency has brought a new consequential twist in global politics. He has set out to change the international order as he sees fit through an authoritarian transactional mercantilist approach.
The UN, however, was structured and institutionalised in a way that essentially reflected the interests of the US and the USSR as superpowers. They, together with the UK, France and Taiwan (replaced by the People’s Republic of China in 1971 following US recognition and General Assembly Resolution 2758), became permanent members of the UN’s top decision-making body, the Security Council, each with a veto power. As could have been expected, the different ideological and political systems of the US and USSR soon gave rise to a global Cold War rivalry and polarisation of world politics. That, more than anything else, virtually paralysed the UN as a body for conflict resolution, peacemaking and peacebuilding.
Nonetheless, the division of much of the world into two opposite camps revolving around the two superpowers ushered in a relatively stable and functional world order. It entailed interventionist and proxy wars in the Global South, for example, as in the cases of Korea, Vietnam and Afghanistan, but no direct American-Soviet confrontation that could cause a world war, especially as the two sides increasingly became mindful of their nuclear capability for mutual destruction.
The two powers’ relatively stable relationship provided a degree of certainty and predictability in world politics. It also availed a space for enhanced decolonisation and enabled a number of developing world and Middle Eastern oil-rich states alike to exercise a degree of freedom in the conduct of their domestic and foreign affairs. A non-aligned movement emerged as a third wave in the international arena.
The post-war order, however, was shattered with the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the 9/11 al-Qaeda terror attacks on the US, orchestrated from Afghanistan, which was under the rule of the ultra-extremist Taliban. Bipolarity gave way to unipolarity, leaving the United States in a unique position to forge what essentially amounted to a UScentric world order.
The US was availed a unique moment not only to intervene in Afghanistan but also to declare a wider ‘War on Terror’ well beyond. Its 2003 invasion of Iraq, initiated before Afghanistan could be stabilised and secured, proved disastrous. It destabilised further an already volatile Middle East and contributed to conditions for the rise of the so-called Islamic State (IS) in conflict-ridden Iraq and Syria.
Two contrasting alliances, one led by the US and another by Iran and Russia, largely defeated IS
Tariffs and unilateralism are used to reconfigure the political and economic landscape of the United States and that of the world in support of ‘Make America Great Again’ at the expense of allies and adversaries. That, along with Trump’s desire to be a selective deal-maker and peace broker while, for example, pressing for an end to the war in Ukraine but not to the Gaza crisis, has shaken the very fundamentals that had underlined the Cold War, the postCold War and the multipolar eras.
territorially in the late 2010s, but not necessarily ideologically and operationally.
US failures in these areas came against the background of a heightening ethno-nationalism in challenging state-centric hegemony throughout different parts of the Global North and South, and China’s emergence as a growing economic and military power and Russia’s reconsolidation as an assertive actor.
By the mid-2010s, the age of a US-led unipolarity saw a decline in favour of a multipolar world order, with the European Union and India hovering on the edges as influencers. New geopolitical, economic and financial alliances and blocs came to feature in this multipolarity, which homogenised specifically around the US and China as the key players.
Two developments have further shifted the global situation towards a US- and China-centric world order. One is Russia’s February 2022 invasion of Ukraine to counter a perceived threat from NATO expansionism, which largely occurred during the age of American unipolarity, as well as to fulfil Vladimir Putin’s authoritarian power ambitions.
The other is China’s resolve to flex its economic and military prowess for global influence, especially in the Asia-Pacific region, with a focus on reuniting Taiwan with the mainland in one way or another.
The world is now in the grip of very rapid geopolitical changes, along with an unprecedented technological revolution in civilian and warfare spheres. It is hard to foresee the next phase in the process. What kind of world order may emerge from it is a matter of conjecture.
The re-election of Donald Trump to the US presidency has brought a new consequential twist in global politics. He has set out to change the international order as he sees fit through an authoritarian transactional mercantilist approach.
Tariffs and unilateralism are used to reconfigure the political and economic landscape of the United States and that of the world in support of ‘Make America Great Again’ at the expense of allies and adversaries. That, along with Trump’s desire to be a selective dealmaker and peace broker while, for example, pressing for an end to the war in Ukraine but not to the Gaza crisis, has shaken the very fundamentals that had underlined the Cold War, the post-Cold War and the multipolar eras.
The world is now in the grip of very rapid geopolitical changes, along with an unprecedented technological revolution in civilian and warfare spheres. It is hard to foresee the next phase in the process.
At this stage, it seems certain that world politics has once again become polarised, but this time along the lines of the forces of statism and protectionism, led by the US, and ostensible globalism and free(ish) trade, the likes of which are increasingly being championed by China. What kind of world order may emerge from that is a matter of conjecture.
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By Dr James Bosbotinis, Contributing Defence Analyst
The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit held in the Chinese port city of Tianjin from 31 August to 1 September 2025 was notable on several accounts. It was the largest SCO summit yet, and also highlighted the shifting tides of global order, namely, the emergence of a bipolar international system centred on the United States and China, a continuing Sino-Indian rapprochement, and Russia’s continuing relative decline.
Since 2001, an additional four states have joined: Belarus, India, Iran and Pakistan; with a further 14 states being Dialogue Partners – Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Egypt, Cambodia, Kuwait, Maldives, Myanmar, Nepal, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Sri Lanka, Turkey and the UAE, and two Observers – Afghanistan and Mongolia. Following the Tianjin Summit, Dialogue Partners and Observers are now collectively ‘SCO Partners’, with Laos also becoming a partner.
The summit also reflected the increasing complexity and interconnectedness of the international system and, while the Tianjin Summit Declaration highlighted “a growing desire to create a more just, equitable and representative multipolar world order”, the organisation’s development going forward arguably reflects Chinese power and the reemergence of bipolarity.
Before discussing the Tianjin Summit itself, a brief overview of the SCO is necessary. The SCO itself was established in 2001, with a membership of six: China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, having evolved out of the Shanghai Five grouping. The latter, created in 1996, was intended to resolve territorial disputes in Central Asia.
The SCO’s remit is broader, and includes developing cooperation across a diverse range of areas encompassing the political, diplomatic, economic, scientific, cultural and environmental domains. The
SCO is also committed to “jointly ensure and maintain peace, security and stability in the region”, and, most notably, “promote a new democratic, fair and rational international political and economic international order”.
Since 2001, an additional four states have joined: Belarus, India, Iran and Pakistan; with a further 14 states being Dialogue Partners – Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Egypt, Cambodia, Kuwait, Maldives, Myanmar, Nepal, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Sri Lanka, Turkey and the UAE, and two Observers – Afghanistan and Mongolia. Following the Tianjin Summit, Dialogue Partners and Observers are now collectively ‘SCO Partners’, with Laos also becoming a partner.
It is an eclectic grouping, and notable that it includes key Arab states, rivals India and Pakistan, and Turkey, which is also a member of NATO. It also warrants mention that a number of the members would be interested in a shift away from the Westernled international order to a multipolar system, for a variety of contrasting reasons, and not just opposition to the US.
It is an eclectic grouping, and notable that it includes key Arab states, rivals India and Pakistan, and Turkey, which is also a member of NATO. It also warrants mention that a number of the members would be interested in a shift away from the Western-led international order to a multipolar system, for a variety of contrasting reasons, and not just opposition to the US.
The range of perspectives was highlighted in the Tianjin Summit. Its Declaration stated that the SCO can “serve as a basis for the formation of an architecture of equal and indivisible security in Eurasia”, with it acknowledging that the world “is undergoing profound historical changes that affect all spheres of political, socio-economic and social relations”.
In a thinly veiled reference to the Trump administration’s challenge to the international trading system, the Summit Declaration stated that the “global
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While President Xi, in his respective speeches to the Heads of State and SCO Plus meetings, emphasised multipolarity, the key outcomes of the Summit, in particular those relating to the establishment of an SCO Development Bank, enhancing links to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the creation of platforms for China-SCO cooperation, and support of the multilateral trading system, all highlight Chinese power.
economy, especially international commodity and financial markets, is experiencing serious turmoil”, whilst also drawing attention to intensifying “geopolitical confrontation, challenges and threats to security and stability, including in the SCO region”.
While there may have been agreement on the broad vision of a ‘multipolar world order’, the rationales for such a vision differ significantly, however. For example, in his remarks to the Heads of State Council Meeting on 1 September, President Putin set out the Russian perspective, which unsurprisingly focused on “a system that would replace outdated Eurocentric and EuroAtlantic models”.
In contrast, in his remarks to the SCO Plus meeting (the 10 members plus the partner countries, invited guests and international organisations), also held on 1 September, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi remarked that the “SCO can play a guiding role in promoting multilateralism and an inclusive world order”.
While President Xi, in his respective speeches to the Heads of State and SCO Plus meetings, emphasised multipolarity, the key outcomes of the Summit, in particular those relating to the establishment of an SCO Development Bank, enhancing links to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the creation of platforms for China-SCO cooperation, and support of the multilateral trading system, all highlight Chinese power.
That is especially the case in regard to President Xi’s articulation of the Global Governance Initiative (GGI), which seeks to create “a more just and equitable global governance system and advancing toward a community with a shared future for humanity”. The SCO’s role would be, as President Xi explained, to “play a leading role and set an example in carrying out the GGI”.
The SCO by itself is not going to build a multipolar order. Rather, it will form, alongside the BRI and other organisations, networks and relationships, the architecture of a Chinese-led institutional framework. The growth of the Chinese economy, which, as
The SCO by itself is not going to build a multipolar order. Rather, it will form, alongside the BRI and other organisations, networks and relationships, the architecture of a Chinese-led institutional framework. “
vividly shown in its parade marking the end of World War II, is enabling the comprehensive modernisation of its armed forces, has set China apart from other major powers, and it is a superpower with the US.
That is, the international system has returned to a condition of bipolarity rather than multipolarity; no other state has the necessary level of capabilities to compete with the US and China. In the context of the SCO, President Xi highlighted its “combined economic output of nearly US$30 trillion”; of that, US$19.23 trillion is Chinese GDP.
Conversely, as was seen in the optics of Putin and Modi’s meeting, the international system is also increasingly complex, contested and interconnected, and both major and minor powers will seek to navigate the system to maximum effect.
Finally, a central theme of the Tianjin Summit was the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II, and as that conflict heralded profound change in the global order, so do the geopolitical and geoeconomic shifts of today.
SCO MEMBER COUNTRIES
SCO MEMBER COUNTRIES
CHINA
CHINA
RUSSIA
RUSSIA
KAZAKHSTAN
KAZAKHSTAN
KYRGYZSTAN
KYRGYZSTAN
TAJIKISTAN
TAJIKISTAN
UZBEKISTAN
UZBEKISTAN
BELARUS
INDIA
IRAN
BELARUS
INDIA
IRAN
PAKISTAN
PAKISTAN
MONGOLIA SCO OBSERVER COUNTRIES
AFGHANISTAN (Inactive)
MONGOLIA SCO OBSERVER COUNTRIES
AFGHANISTAN (Inactive)
SCO DIALOGUE PARTNER COUNTRIES
SCO DIALOGUE PARTNER COUNTRIES
AZERBAIJAN
AZERBAIJAN
ARMENIA
ARMENIA
BAHRAIN
BAHRAIN
CAMBODIA
CAMBODIA
EGYPT
EGYPT
KUWAIT
KUWAIT
LAOS
LAOS
MALDIVES
MALDIVES
NEPAL
NEPAL
QATAR
QATAR
SAUDI ARABIA
SAUDI ARABIA
SRI LANKA
SRI LANKA
TÜRKIYE
TÜRKIYE
UNITED ARAB EMIRATES
UNITED ARAB EMIRATES
RUSSIA
BELARUS
BELARUS
AZERBAIJAN ARMENIA
TÜRKIYE
TÜRKIYE
KAZAKHSTAN
AZERBAIJAN ARMENIA EGYPT
KUWAIT
KUWAIT
EGYPT
AFGHANISTAN MONGOLIA
IRAN UZBEKISTAN
IRAN UZBEKISTAN
PAKISTAN
KAZAKHSTAN PAKISTAN
KYRGYZSTAN TAJIKISTAN
KYRGYZSTAN TAJIKISTAN
Established in 2001, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is a Chinese-led multilateral body that is dedicated to enhancing political, security, economic and cultural links across Eurasia. Since then, the SCO has actively expanded its geopolitical influence by courting Middle Eastern and South-East Asian countries.
Established in 2001, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is a Chinese-led multilateral body that is dedicated to enhancing political, security, economic and cultural links across Eurasia. Since then, the SCO has actively expanded its geopolitical influence by courting Middle Eastern and South-East Asian countries.
The BRIC grouping (Brazil, Russia, India and China) was conceived in 2001 by Goldman Sach’s then Chief Economist, Jim O’Neill, to “describe what [he] saw as the world’s key emerging economies”. The Russian and Brazilian foreign ministers, Igor Ivanov and Celso Lafer, saw the political advantage to be had by turning BRIC into a political entity, based on the ideas of Ivanov’s predecessor, Yevgeny Primakov. South Africa, initially an observer state, was admitted as a member in 2009, creating BRICS.
The 2023 BRICS Summit saw membership increase with invitations offered to Argentina, Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Argentina’s president, Javier Milei, declined the invitation, refusing to “ally with communists”.
Saudi Arabia delayed joining with no explanation given. Indonesia became a member in 2025. The 2024 BRICS Summit saw a new category of membership created called ‘Partner Countries’, comprising Belarus, Bolivia, Cuba, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Nigeria, Thailand, Uganda and Uzbekistan. Vietnam was admitted in June 2025.
BRICS seeks to act as an advocate and voice for the Global South, calling for reform within international institutions such as the United Nations. The 17th BRICS Summit of 2025, which was held in Rio de Janeiro, called for the expansion of the UN Security Council, as NDTV reported on 7 July, and to form blocs so that its views on global issues, such as its opposition to the condemnation of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, may be heard. It has valid reason: BRICS countries account for nearly half of the world’s population.
The group also seeks to coordinate economic policy and reduce its reliance on Western institutions and the US dollar, as the Australian Institute of International Affairs noted in an article titled, ‘BRICS Institutional Innovation and the Push for Economic Sovereignty’ on 18 September 2025.
The article also noted that BRICS has established the New Development Bank (NDB) and Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA) to replace the World Bank and IMF, respectively, and reduce its overall reliance on Western-dominated institutions. The NDB seeks to service private projects in other emerging countries, and the CRA acts as a common fund among the BRICS central banks to provide support during a currency crisis. In short, BRICS seeks to create
parallel international financial systems to have greater independence from Western systems.
Economic and fiscal reality differs. BRICS accounts for 40% of global GDP, but only 18% of trade occurs within the bloc. An analysis of the Exporting Partner Significance Index (EPSI) titled ‘What Has BRICS Really Achieved? A Data-Driven Look’ on the ‘Think BRICS’ portal, shows that “…from 2005 to 2022, there has been growing export significance between several pairs.”
For instance, “Russia’s EPSI grew for China (0.68 in 2009 to 1.15 in 2021) and Brazil (0.33 to 1.08), surpassing the significance level. China’s EPSI has consistently grown for most original BRICS partners, including Russia (1.52 in 2021), Brazil (1.56 in 2022), and South Africa (1.49 in 2022). India shows a strong EPSI with South Africa (4.03 in 2022) and Brazil (1.95 in 2022). China is Brazil’s most significant export partner within BRICS, with an EPSI of 2.44 in 2022. India is South Africa’s most significant, with an EPSI of 1.4 in 2022.”
Despite increasing over 17 years, internal trade, when measured in proportion to trade outside the bloc, is hardly as significant. Of the approximately US$33tn in global trade conducted in 2024, intra-
BRICS trade made up just three per cent, or around US$1tn. One reason is that the currencies of BRICS states are vulnerable to geopolitical currents and internal tensions, which is why 57% of global currency reserves are held in US dollars, despite falling from 65% in 2016, as the Financial Times noted in an article titled ‘Dollar dominance in global forex reserves slowly diminishing’, dated 16 May 2025.
The US currency is used to transact around 88% of global financial exchange transactions, but, as Theryn De Arnold notes in ‘De-dollarization and
BRICS seeks to act as an advocate and voice for the Global South, calling for reform within international institutions such as the United Nations. The 17th BRICS Summit of 2025, which was held in Rio de Janeiro, called for the expansion of the UN Security Council, as NDTV reported on 7 July, and to form blocs so that its views on global issues, such as its opposition to the condemnation of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, may be heard. It has valid reason: BRICS countries account for nearly half of the world’s population.
Global Sovereignty: BRICS’ Quest for a New Financial Paradigm’, in the Human Geography journal of 16 August 2024, President Trump has threatened to impose penalties on BRICS countries that pursue de-dollarisation efforts. Within BRICS, even though China actively supports transactions in renminbi, the share of renminbi in global foreign currency reserves dropped to 2.3% from the peak of 2.8% in 2022, likely due to concerns about Beijing’s stance on supporting Russia in its war against Ukraine, its potential invasion of Taiwan and, arguably, China’s economic situation.
Moreover, factors such as the tensions between India and China, India and Pakistan, China and Russia, Iran and Saudi Arabia (if the latter opts for BRICS membership) etc., are significant hurdles to overcome in order to consolidate the future cohesion of the grouping. Those factors, taken with the threats of economic sanctions from the US over imports of Russian energy products and the unstable positions of the main BRICS economies, indicate potential challenges to the grouping’s long-term effectiveness.
Interestingly, Putin and Xi did not attend the recent BRICS summit in Brazil. Putin likely feared arrest under a warrant issued by the International Court of Justice and Xi due to internal political turmoil and fear of being upstaged by other BRICS leaders. Their stance epitomises BRICS. Only cohesion could give it power.
Describing the BRICS summit in Moscow in 2024, Jim O’Neill, the former Chief Economist of Goldman
BRICS has established the New Development Bank (NDB) and Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA) to replace the World Bank and IMF, respectively, and reduce its overall reliance on Western-dominated institutions. The NDB seeks to service private projects in other emerging countries, and the CRA acts as a common fund among the BRICS central banks to provide support during a currency crisis. In short, BRICS seeks to create parallel international financial systems to have greater independence from Western systems.
Sachs, who conceived of the BRICS grouping, noted in his article ‘The BRICS Still Don’t Matter’ on the Project Syndicate portal, that “The annual BRICS summit is an ideal occasion for political leaders like Vladimir Putin to promote a vision of a world that the United States does not lead. But each year also brings further confirmation that the grouping serves no real purpose beyond generating symbolic gestures and lofty rhetoric.”
That view is not shared, however, by Professor Jeffrey Sachs of Columbia University. In his analysis of the BRICS Summit that was held in Kazan, Russia, in late October 2024, he states flatly that the summit
should mark the end of neocon delusions, saying, “Simply put, the majority of the world does not want or accept US hegemony, and is prepared to face it down rather than submit to its dictates.” Kazan, he points out, “brought together 35 countries with more than half the world population that reject the US bullying and that are not cowed by US claims of hegemony.” He notes that:
The countries that assembled in Kazan represent a clear majority of the world’s population. The nine BRICS members (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa as the original five, plus Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran and the United Arab Emirates), in addition to the delegations of 27 aspiring members, constitute 57% of the world’s population and 47% of the world’s output (measured at purchasing-power adjusted prices). The US, by contrast, constitutes 4.1% of the world population and 15% of world output. Add in the US allies, and the population share of the US-led alliance is around 15% of the global population.
He underlines that:
The BRICS will gain in relative economic weight, technological prowess and military strength in the years ahead. The combined GDP of the BRICS countries is growing at around five per cent per annum, while the combined GDP of the US and its allies in Europe and the Asia-Pacific is growing at around two per cent per annum.
Given such diametrically opposing opinions, developments regarding BRICS will need to be carefully watched and evaluated.
BRICS MEMBER COUNTRIES
BRICS MEMBER COUNTRIES
BRAZIL
RUSSIA
RUSSIA
INDIA
INDIA
CHINA
CHINA
SOUTH AFRICA
SOUTH AFRICA
EGYPT
EGYPT
ETHIOPIA
ETHIOPIA
INDONESIA
INDONESIA
IRAN
IRAN
UNITED ARAB EMIRATES
UNITED ARAB EMIRATES
BRICS PARTNER COUNTRIES
PARTNER COUNTRIES
BELARUS
BELARUS
BOLIVIA
BOLIVIA
CUBA
CUBA
KAZAKHSTAN
KAZAKHSTAN
MALAYSIA
MALAYSIA
NIGERIA
NIGERIA
THAILAND
THAILAND
UGANDA
UGANDA
VIETNAM
VIETNAM
BRICS+ is an informal coalition of emerging economies from the Global South wich are united in the aim of providing an alternative to the dominance of Western-led institutions while championing a multipolar world order. From its inaugural summit in 2009, it has grown from Brazil, Russia, India and China to include South Africa (2010) and Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran and the United Arab Emirates (2024). Indonesia joined in January 2025.
BRICS+ is an informal coalition of emerging economies from the Global South wich are united in the aim of providing an alternative to the dominance of Western-led institutions while championing a multipolar world order. From its inaugural summit in 2009, it has grown from Brazil, Russia, India and China to include South Africa (2010) and Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran and the United Arab Emirates (2024). Indonesia joined in January 2025.
By Dr Peter Layton, Senior Correspondent
DEFENCE REVIEW
In September 2021, former Prime Minister Scott Morrison startled Australians with the announcement that the country would be buying US and UK nuclearpowered attack submarines (SSN). At the time, the costs and timetables were unknown. It was SSNs at any price and justified by their impressive capabilities in sinking hostile warships.
With the Labor Government’s election in 2022, AUKUS became a bipartisan project. For domestic political reasons, neither of Australia’s two major parties can now oppose it, or even significantly adjust it. Instead, the project is being driven by the US and, to a lesser extent, the UK. In 2023, AUKUS became better defined. It now comprises four distinct parts.
First, the most definite part of AUKUS today is the establishment of Submarine Rotational Force-–West to meet an early 2027 deadline. The force will operate from HMAS Stirling, south of Perth, and involves the intermittent presence of one UK Astute-class and up to four US Virginia-class SSNs. An $8bn program of work is underway that involves pier and wharf improvements, mooring dolphins, new small vessel pontoons and berthing, dredging works and piling, a controlled industrial facility to manage low-level radioactive material and 550 new married quarters for the some 1200 American and British personnel and their families that will be posted in when the rotational force is fully operational.
Second, Australia is buying two ex-US Navy Block IV Virgina-class SSNs for delivery in 2032 and 2035,
together with a new Block VII Virginia in 2038. The life of a Virginia is 33 years. Australia’s two second-hand Block IVs will therefore need to arrive with about 25 years’ life remaining for them to fit current long-term plans. Given that is three-quarters of a Virginia’s life, it seems overly optimistic given the US Navy is short of this type of submarine. Australia thus looks likely to need to exercise the option of buying an extra one or two Virginias. Against this, many worry the American SSN industrial base will not be able to meet both US and Australian orders, even with Australia partially funding the base’s expansion.
AUKUS Pillar II is an outlier concerned with accelerating the development of advanced military capabilities. It concerns sharing critical technologies, such as cyber, artificial intelligence, quantum technologies, electronic warfare, hypersonics and undersea domains. Initially seen as providing some quick outcomes to tangibly demonstrate AUKUS’s possibilities, Pillar II seems to have stalled. It lacks a clear imperative, funding and organisational framework.
Third, the SSN-AUKUS is a joint Anglo-Australian project albeit with considerable US involvement including in propulsion, weapons, vertical launchers and combat data systems. Australia will buy five SSN-AUKUS boats with the first delivery around 2042. BAE Systems and ASC will build the boats at the Osborne Naval Shipyard in Adelaide and fit them with sealed nuclear reactors supplied by the UK. Australia’s long-term plan is to have three Virginias and all five SSN-AUKUS in service in 2055. Preparatory work is beginning on the Osborne submarine construction yard, developing the workforce, risk reduction and acquiring long-lead items. There are worries about cost overruns, schedule delays and the naval and industry workforce.
Fourth, AUKUS Pillar II is an outlier concerned with accelerating the development of advanced military capabilities. It concerns sharing critical technologies, such as cyber, artificial intelligence, quantum technologies, electronic warfare, hypersonics and undersea domains. Initially seen as providing some quick outcomes to tangibly demonstrate AUKUS’s possibilities, Pillar II seems to have stalled. It lacks a clear imperative, funding and organisational framework. This is unlike AUKUS Pillar I, Australia’s SSN purchase with its project office of some 550 staff and funding provision of up to $370bn.
AUKUS is prominent in the public debate about defence in Australia, not least due to its high cost, long delivery timetable and numerous problems. With the earliest parts of AUKUS mainly American, current media attention is focused on the Trump Administration’s statements. The Administration is trying to reassure Australia of its commitments, but the President’s rhetoric creates confusion. Moreover, the 2025 Lowy Institute poll found 64% of Australians distrust President Trump.
AUKUS is prominent in the public debate about defence in Australia, not least due to its high cost, long delivery timetable and numerous problems. With the earliest parts of AUKUS mainly American, current media attention is focused on the Trump Administration’s statements. The Trump Administration is trying to reassure Australia of its commitments, but the President’s rhetoric creates confusion. Moreover, the 2025 Lowy Institute poll found 64% of Australians distrust President Trump.
Even so, while many Australians fret over the Trump Administration and AUKUS, the Lowy poll finds 80% support the alliance. That is similar to 2024, which indicated 83% support. Such polling suggests the Australian public has not tightly connected AUKUS to the alliance or indeed to President Trump; all seem to understand them as separate issues.
Polling about AUKUS is mixed. Last year, about two-thirds of Australians were in favour of buying SSNs although only about 25% thought AUKUS was worth its high cost. This year, about half think AUKUS will make Australia safer but 57% now want a Parliamentary Inquiry into AUKUS. Younger voters are particularly negative on AUKUS and that is important as it is a very long-term project.
Even so, while many Australians fret over the Trump Administration and AUKUS, the Lowy poll finds 80% support the alliance. That is similar to 2024, which indicated 83% support. Such polling suggests
the Australian public has not tightly connected AUKUS to the alliance or indeed to President Trump; all seem to understand them as separate issues.
On the other hand, the Trump Administration may differ. The Administration appears displeased that AUKUS is diverting funding from near-term defence improvements that the US believes are important to deter Chinese adventurism later this decade. Some consider Australia should increase defence spending to three per cent of GDP to cover both these near-term improvements and AUKUS.
To be fair, many defence commentators in Australia would support the claimed emerging US position that near-term improvements should take precedence over AUKUS. As AUKUS is being implemented, it does seem to be noticeably distorting the existing ADF force structure, especially in limiting land warfare modernisation. “
Such a view is not that different from earlier comments from US officials and others who tend to believe the Australian defence budget should support American defence policies. For example, it has been argued that the SSNs acquired under AUKUS would need to be automatically available to the US in a major crisis, such as over Taiwan.
To be fair, many defence commentators in Australia would support the claimed emerging US position that near-term improvements should take precedence over AUKUS. As AUKUS is being implemented, it does seem to be noticeably distorting the existing ADF force structure, especially in limiting land warfare modernisation.
AUKUS has a long way to go and there are many uncertainties. Australians apparently see the alliance as more important than AUKUS and safely enduring beyond any changes to it. If the Trump Administration froze AUKUS in a fit of pique over Australia’s defence budget, there is no guarantee that AUKUS would be later restarted. That would be to seriously disadvantage both America’s SSN industrial base and the Make-America-Great-Again stance. AUKUS may not have just trapped Australia’s two major political parties but also the Trump Administration. It may now be too big to change.
By Dr Gregory P. Gilbert, Contributing Defence Analyst
“War is not an independent phenomenon but the continuation of politics by different means,” wrote Karl von Clausewitz in On War. That insight feels more relevant than ever. People often ask me, “Will this lead to World War III?” My response is, “Stop deceiving yourself: the onset of World War III has already started. We in Australia have just not accepted it yet.” It is time to wake up and declare a 21st-century call to arms.
Writing this article in late September 2025, it is clear that some nations are already in a kinetic war. Many are fighting either a hybrid or grey-zone war. The rest of us, including Australia, are fighting a nonkinetic war in the information, cyber and economic domains.
It is clear that some nations are already in a kinetic war. Many are fighting a either hybrid or grey-zone war. The rest of us, including Australia, are fighting a non-kinetic war in the information, cyber and economic domains.
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The 21st century has become a Hobbesian world, with power struggles initiated by authoritarian leaders and dictators who do not think they need to follow conventions or laws. Like the citizens of classical Athens and Sparta in Ancient Greece, we are in an era where we have to band together to oppose tyranny when we see it. Today, Australia and much of the free world is increasingly in an existential struggle, namely the onset of a World War III, against tyrants.
Most Australian defence analysts, strategic advisers and media commentators cannot see the obvious. They are too entwined within a late 20th-century mindset of post-Cold War alliances struggling for advantage in an international system maintained by predictable leadership, controlled use of power, economic interests and the rule of law. Unfortunately, such a system no longer exists. A small but growing number of prominent defence analysts and national security commentators, including the ANU’s Professor Hugh White and Lowy’s Sam Roggeveen,
have recognised this major strategic shift and made recommendations accordingly. I believe the days of evolutionary change are over.
The 21st century has become a Hobbesian world, with power struggles initiated by authoritarian leaders and dictators who do not think they need to follow conventions or laws. Like the citizens of classical Athens and Sparta in Ancient Greece, we are in an era where we have to band together to oppose tyranny when we see it. Today, Australia and much of the free world is increasingly in an existential struggle, namely the onset of a World War III, against tyrants.
Australian values – egalitarianism, mateship, democracy, freedom, liberty, justice and a fair go – must define our national strategy and, it follows, our defence policy settings. In the past, Australia has fought against Prussian militarism, a genocidal Ottoman regime and communist dictatorships. During World War II, we fought against Fascist Italy, Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan.
Throughout the Cold War we opposed various authoritarian communist regimes. Throughout our first hundred years as a nation, Australians fought alongside allies who essentially shared our democratic values, although we also fought alongside temporary friends and neighbours who did not share all that
many of our values: Japan during World War I and the USSR during World War II.
Today, we are ready to fight for equal rights, multiculturalism, community, the rule of law, protection of the environment and the greater good. These are globally-based values, many of which are enshrined by the United Nations, and maintained by other like-minded states. It is self-evident that Australia needs a values-based national strategy.
So, if we are now already fighting the onset of World War III and we need a values-based national strategy, who are we fighting against? For the majority of Australians, we are fighting a war against tyranny. This fact is most obvious when considering plans to oppose the Chinese communist dictatorship, especially as it has its source back in 20th-century Cold War alliances. Our opposition to North Korea and Iran is likewise somewhat obvious. Putin’s Russia is a more
Australian values – egalitarianism, mateship, democracy, freedom, liberty, justice and a fair go – must define our national strategy and, it follows, our defence policy settings. In the past, Australia has fought against Prussian militarism, a genocidal Ottoman regime and communist dictatorships. During World War II, we fought against Fascist Italy, Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan.
difficult case because, as the country moved from a communist dictatorship to a fascist-style dictatorship, Australia’s opposition wavered.
Following the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, Australia decided to oppose Putin – the earlier 2014 invasion was mostly ignored, even after many Australians lost their lives when flight MH17 was shot down by the Russians. In the meantime, Russian third-party operatives have launched economic, cyber and disinformation attacks against Australia without suffering a proportionate response. Australia’s belated defence against such non-kinetic warfare is limited at best, and we have equally limited retaliatory capabilities.
Australia’s position in relation to other authoritarian governments, or emerging dictatorships, is also opaque; for example, Orban’s Hungary, Erdogan’s Turkey and Modi’s India. Middle Eastern autocratic countries with a significant track record of human rights violations have generally been accepted by Australia. Many of these Australian policy decisions highlight the fact that we have frequently acted as a proxy for the US.
Speaking about the contradictory nature of Australia’s defence policy, the elephant in the room is obviously the US. Many people I know have suggested – perhaps hoped – that the Trump presidency is an aberration in American politics, and that if we can hold on for another four years, the upside-down world will right itself. That, unfortunately, will not happen. Like ill-fated metaphor of Humpty Dumpty and the
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Today, we are ready to fight for equal rights, multiculturalism, community, the rule of law, protection of the environment and the greater good. These are globally-based values, many of which are enshrined by the United Nations, and maintained by other like-minded states. It is self-evident that Australia needs a values-based national strategy.
French Revolution, the old world system will not be put together again. The United States has been on a steady slide towards an authoritarianism since the late 1990s, and shows all the hallmarks of a deeply entrenched oligarchy.
It is not a singly Trump phenomenon; rather, there have been such anti-democratic and authoritarian tendencies in the US for at least 100 years. Hopefully, my colleagues are correct, the US may self-correct and return to a democratic norm with values similar to ours, but there is growing evidence to suggest the rise of authoritarianism is an intergenerational phenomenon that will be difficult to reverse.
The current US administration has weakened the foundations of the world system, disregarded international rule of law to the extreme detriment of human rights, waged economic warfare on friends and allies, and has conducted an information warfare campaign to a point where all information is suspect. There are many more examples where the policies of the Trump presidency conflict with Australia’s long-held values. This point has been raised by others, including former Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull and the Founder of Australian Community Futures Planning, Dr Bronwyn Kelly. We are left with a situation in which Australia is trying to hold onto a strategic alliance with a US administration that is often directly opposed to our values, that is a wrecking ball to the international system, is so transactional in its dealings that the trust that we have historically relied upon has precipitously declined, and which increasingly cannot be relied upon for defence assistance.
Australia is already fighting a war against tyranny globally. We cannot rely upon an increasingly outdated US alliance with a regime that espouses authoritarianism and undermines our values. We must adopt a values-based national strategy. To win this dangerous 21st-century struggle, we need much more than inconsequential defence reforms. We need a national call to arms and an Australian Defence Revolution.
In 2013, the Australian American Association (Canberra Division) marked the 71st anniversary of the Battle of the Coral Sea with a commemorative service and wreath-laying ceremony at the Australian American Memorial outside Russell Offices, Canberra. The US flag and the Australian White Ensign are raised during the service. Source: Department of Defence.
By
When Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States unveiled the AUKUS pact in 2021, most attention focused on Canberra’s decision to acquire nuclear-powered submarines. Beneath the waves of headlines, however, lies a broader geopolitical shift, one that positions the UK not merely as a junior partner, but as an active architect of a trilateral defence arrangement with global implications. For London, AUKUS is more than a military agreement; it is a means of extending strategic reach, deepening ties with key allies, and breathing new life into its defence-industrial base. It also neatly complements the post-Brexit ‘Global Britain’ agenda. If such a vision is to be realised, it will be built as much in shipyards as at summits.
The UK’s 2025 Strategic Defence Review labelled AUKUS “the most significant defence, security, and diplomatic arrangement the UK has entered in six decades.” While NATO remains the cornerstone of national security, the Indo-Pacific is increasingly important. By 2030, the UK government aspires to be “the European partner with the broadest and most integrated presence” in the region.
That ambition now rests, in part, on a newly signed 50-year submarine manufacturing treaty with Australia. The Nuclear-Powered Submarine Partnership and Collaboration Agreement (The Geelong Treaty), was signed on 26 July 2025 and will underpin cooperation between Australia and the UK on the design, build, operation, sustainment and disposal of SSN-AUKUS submarines. This landmark industrial and security commitment will span generations.
AUKUS serves several UK objectives at once. At its core, it deepens cooperation with two of its closest allies. It helps preserve a technological edge in an age of great-power competition and supports the UK’s commitment to a rules-based order.
Domestically, the pact is rejuvenating submarine construction, especially through joint production of the next-generation SSN-AUKUS class. Over £4bn (A$8.2bn) in contracts have been awarded to UK firms, including Rolls-Royce and BAE Systems. The Derby-
That ambition now rests, in part, on a newly signed 50-year submarine manufacturing treaty with Australia. The Nuclear-Powered Submarine PartnershipandCollaboration Agreement (The Geelong Treaty), was signed on 26 July 2025 and will underpin cooperation between Australia and the UK on the design, build, operation, sustainment and disposal of SSN-AUKUS submarines. This landmark industrial and security commitment will span generations.
based reactor program alone is expected to create more than 1000 high-skilled jobs.
Pillar II, the advanced capabilities pillar, is equally ambitious. AUKUS partners have already launched joint trials in underwater autonomy, cyber-defence, AIenabled systems and hypersonics. An ITAR exemption
granted by the US in 2024 has cut red tape for British firms, potentially unlocking billions in exports and innovation. For London, AUKUS is a scaffold not only for strategic power projection, but also for industrial revival.
The Indo-Pacific matters to any state with global ambitions. It is home to over 60% of the world’s population and more than half of global GDP. Its shipping lanes carry the lifeblood of trade, including that of the UK. Rising tensions over Taiwan, China’s assertiveness, and North Korea’s weapons program add urgency. The UK government sees the region’s stability as inextricably linked to Euro-Atlantic security. AUKUS, officials insist, is not a pivot away from Europe but a hedge against a less stable global order.
Though born of a submarine deal, AUKUS has morphed into a broader enterprise. Pillar II initiatives now encompass trilateral work on quantum, AI and
cyber, with industry playing a growing role. The second AUKUS Innovation Challenge was launched in April 2025, focused on undersea command and communications. Maritime trials in the US, Portugal and Australia have showcased new levels of interoperability. Talks are underway with Japan, Canada and South Korea about joining specific projects under Pillar II – potentially transforming AUKUS into a hub for advanced military-technological collaboration.
The UK’s defence priorities are evolving. NATO and the defence of Europe remain vital, particularly amid continued aggression from Russia. Nevertheless, AUKUS is now embedded in the UK’s long-term posture. A dual-track strategy is emerging, countering present threats in Europe while preparing for future rivalry in Asia and the technological domain.
Pillar II, the advanced capabilities pillar, is equally ambitious. AUKUS partners have already launched joint trials in underwater autonomy, cyber-defence, AI-enabled systems and hypersonics. An ITAR exemption granted by the US in 2024 has cut red tape for British firms, potentially unlocking billions in exports and innovation. For London, AUKUS is a scaffold not only for strategic power projection, but also for industrial revival.
The UK’s defence priorities are evolving. NATO and the defence of Europe remain vital, particularly amid continued aggression from Russia. Nevertheless, AUKUS is now embedded in the UK’s long-term posture. A dualtrack strategy is emerging, countering present threats in Europe while preparing for future rivalry in Asia and the technological domain.
AUKUS is not without risk. The UK’s distance from the Indo-Pacific limits its leverage, and commitments there could stretch an already burdened defence budget. Domestically, the eye-watering cost of nuclear
submarines may strain public patience. The trilateral effort is also subject to review in Washington, where bipartisan support endures but political volatility may yet spell change. Meanwhile, Chinese diplomats decry the pact as destabilising, and regional sensitivities remain acute.
Nonetheless, the UK has doubled down. A rotational deployment of an Astute-class submarine to Australia is expected by 2027. Training of Royal Australian Navy personnel is underway, and construction is progressing in Barrow-in-Furness and Osborne. The UK has appointed a senior official (and former Ministry of Defence Permanent Undersecretary) as AUKUS Special Representative and launched a £200m (A$410m) local development fund for Barrow, the heart of its submarine program.
Handled deftly, AUKUS could become a durable pillar of UK statecraft, one that enables it to balance immediate commitments in Europe with longer-term ambitions in Asia and beyond. Not just a pact, then, but a platform: for deterrence, for innovation, and for the UK’s enduring aspiration to punch above its weight.
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By Dr Peter Layton, Senior Correspondent WA DEFENCE REVIEW
France has been involved in the Indo-Pacific since well before Europeans settled in Australia. While this involvement has waxed and waned, France is now once again increasingly engaged with Indo-Pacific affairs and is therefore increasingly relevant to Australia.
In the Indian Ocean, France’s Mayotte and La Réunion islands are overseas departments (départements d’outre-mer) with a population of some 1.3 million people and the same status as metropolitan France. Less known, the French Southern and Antarctic Lands comprise numerous uninhabited islands stretching from north of Madagascar to the Kerguelen Islands in the Southern Ocean. In the Pacific are the overseas island colonies of Wallis and Futuna, New Caledonia and French Polynesia, which together have a population totalling about half a million and varying degrees of political autonomy.
Across these Indo-Pacific islands, France has several small permanent military bases with some 8000 personnel stationed at them. These bases are mostly involved in tasks such as maritime surveillance, search and rescue and disaster relief. The largest are at New Caledonia, French Polynesia and La Réunion. Based at each are a Floréal-class light frigate, two patrol boats and a mixed air transport squadron of a couple of CN235 light transport aircraft and a few Puma helicopters.
The ageing patrol boats are now being steadily replaced by longer-ranged vessels similar in size to the Royal Australian Navy’s new Arafura Offshore Patrol Vessels and are able to operate uncrewed aerial vehicles. These new overseas patrol vessels will undertake periodic fisheries surveillance of the Kerguelen Islands and possibly also Australia’s nearby Heard and McDonald Islands, now that Australia does not. The icebreaker Astrolabe based at Réunion has already been periodically undertaking such surveillance during its Antarctic transits.
France’s Indo-Pacific bases allow rapid power projection if necessary. Demonstrating this, the French Air Force’s annual global Pégase exercise in 2022 saw three Dassault Rafale multi-role fighters, two Airbus A330 MRTT Phénix and two A400M Atlas aircraft fly from northern France, through India and Darwin, to New Caledonia in less than 72 hours. The previous
year, a similar package had been deployed in less than 48 hours to French Polynesia via California.
These two Pégase exercises focused on France’s Indo-Pacific airbases. In contrast, the Pégase 23 exercise was much larger and involved 10 Rafales, five A330 MRTTs and four A400Ms. This air fleet visited 10 Indo-Pacific countries, worked with 14 regional air forces and participated in the American Mobility Guardian and Northern Edge exercises, and Australia’s Talisman Sabre.
In April 2023, His Excellency the Ambassador for the French Republic to the Commonwealth of Australia, Mr Jean-Pierre Thébault, and captain of the amphibious assault ship Dixmude, Commander Emmanuel Mocard, attended several functions in Townsville and toured RAAF Base Townsville and the Lavarack Army Base. Seen here, a Catafalque Party mount during a memorial service to commemorate the members of the defence forces of Australia and France who made the ultimate sacrifice during WWI at Anzac Park, Townsville. Source: Department of Defence. Photographer: CPL John Solomon.
The latest overarching defence agreement between Australia and France was signed in December 2023.
The ‘Australia–France Roadmap: A New Agenda for Bilateral Cooperation’ covers three main areas: Defence and Security, Resilience and Climate Action, Education and Culture. The defence aspects include improving reciprocal access to military facilities, deepening military interoperability through more complex joint activities, increasing intelligence sharing, and further collaboration between the two nations’ defence industries.
Australia has long had a deep relationship with France. This seemed to be entering a new era in 2016 when Australia ordered 12 large French-designed submarines to be built in Australia commencing 2023. However, the Morrison Government terminated the contract in 2021 and opted to instead acquire nuclear submarines under the AUKUS multinational partnership. By that stage, Australia had already invested some $2.4bn in the project.
The manner in which the termination was undertaken was viewed as duplicitous by France and the Ambassador was recalled from Australia. The incoming Albanese Government reached an agreement in mid-2022 to pay Naval Group, the French company involved, some $600m termination settlement costs. With that and, given the new government in Canberra, work began in both countries on rebuilding the relationship.
As such, in December 2023 a new overarching defence agreement between Australia and France was signed. The ‘Australia–France Roadmap: A New Agenda for Bilateral Cooperation’ covers three main areas: defence and security, resilience and climate action, education and culture. The defence aspects include improving reciprocal access to military facilities, deepening military interoperability through more complex joint activities, increasing intelligence sharing, and further collaboration between the two nations’ defence industries.
The Roadmap’s words are being steadily translated into actions. In July-August 2024, the French Air Force deployed fighters, aerial refuelling and transport aircraft to Australia’s largest international air combat training activity, Exercise Pitch Black. France first joined the exercise in 2004 with its involvement progressively growing.
In January 2025, Australian destroyer HMAS Hobart participated in Exercise La Perouse 25, a French-led maritime training activity in the Malacca, Sunda and Lombok Straits. Nine regional states, 12 ships and more than 30 aircraft practiced multi-domain warfare training, boarding operations, live fire exercises and search and rescue. This year’s was the largest in its history.
In February, the French-led Exercise Rastaban 25 involved RAAF F-35A fighters operating from Darwin working with Rafale M fighters flying off the French carrier Charles de Gaulle. In April, the ADF deployed 70 personnel to New Caledonia and Wallis and Futuna as part of France’s disaster relief exercise Croix du Sud. The ADF effort included a C-27J Spartan transport aircraft, a Civil-Military Centre team, combat engineers, military police and health teams.
In July, more than 400 French defence personnel were involved in Exercise Talisman Sabre 2025. Notably, that included three dozen paratroopers from
New Caledonia who joined German and United States forces for a night airborne insertion in Queensland, the first French personnel to conduct a jump in Australia.
These increasing regional activities are a tangible response by France to the dangers discussed by French President Emmanuel Macron when he spoke at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore in May 2025. He told defence chiefs that France worries some large nations are trying to impose spheres of influence across the region, including in the South China Sea. Macron noted there are certain “countries that want to impose on free countries their foreign-policy choices or prejudice their alliances.”
Beyond the two countries’ military-to-military interaction, Australian defence industry is now working with France to provide several thousand 155mm artillery rounds to Ukraine. French company Nexter manufactures the shells, while Thales Australia at Mulwala supplies raw materials used to make gunpowder. Thales Australia is Australia’s largest manufacturer of munitions, rocket motor and artillery shell propellant, and military explosives.
To achieve this, the company manages two Australian Government-owned but contractor operated sites employing over 650 staff. These sites will become increasingly important as Australia invests in increasing local weapon manufacturing capabilities. The wider Thales Australia company also manufactures Bushmaster and Hawkei vehicles, and exports air traffic and mine systems to numerous countries.
President Macron takes the view that the Euro-Atlantic and the Indo-Pacific are a single geostrategic theatre; events in one area now influence the other. Consequently, President Macron believes European nations have a role in Indo-Pacific security.
There are several other relevant French companies in Australia. For instance, Airbus extensively supports the RAAF’s fleet of seven KC-30 tanker aircraft and has firm orders from Qantas for 24 A350-1000ULR, 20 A321XLR and 20 A220-300 passenger aircraft. Safran Australia provides engineering support for several types of aircraft and helicopters, and for the VAMPIR NG infrared search and track systems installed on Australia’s ANZAC-class frigates, the Hobart-class destroyers and the LHD amphibious ships. Beyond equipment matters, Arteilia, a multi-disciplinary engineering and project management company, is expanding its Australian presence and has acquired LCI, an Australian building engineering company. Capgemini Engineering Australia provides management consultancy services, including in industrial design and the implementation of Agentic AI.
north-east Indian Ocean and South-East Asia. Led by Anzac, the task group conducted a number of bilateral and multilateral activities, including participating in Exercise La Perouse, a French-led multilateral maritime exercise in the
Of greatest concern to Australia, however, is the future of French New Caledonia. This large island, one-third the size of Tasmania, is only some 1500km from Brisbane. New proposals for autonomy and a form of statehood have been developed, made all the more urgent by 2024’s violent riots. New Caledonians will vote on these in a referendum in 2026. An independent New Caledonia would probably be a much poorer nation than now and would likely require ongoing Australian financial support to be economically viable long term. There would also be worries over China becoming deeply involved in the island’s domestic security arrangements as it has done in the adjacent Solomon Islands.
France’s Indo-Pacific strategy has for several years been built around multilateralism, strengthening national sovereignty and deepening existing relationships. Surprisingly perhaps, it had opposed NATO opening an office in Tokyo, but this appears to be softening.
At the recent Shangri-La Dialogue 2025, President Emmanuel Macron observed that China is supporting Russia and North Korea in the Ukraine War. Accordingly, NATO may now need to consider China as a danger to European security and take appropriate action. In this, President Macron takes the view that
the Euro-Atlantic and the Indo-Pacific are a single geostrategic theatre; events in one area now influence the other. Consequently, President Macron believes European nations have a role in Indo-Pacific security. This is opposed by the US which sees no linkage between the two areas, and which wants Europeans to stay focused on Europe, leaving Indo-Pacific security to the US. The US Secretary of Defense, Pete Hegseth, speaking in Singapore in mid-2025 declared that, “We would much prefer that the overwhelming balance of European investment be on that continent”. However, France being involved in the Indo-Pacific at a time when both China and the US are of concern, even if for different reasons, is arguably in Australia’s national interest.
Of greatest concern to Australia, however, is the future of French New Caledonia. This large island, one-third the size of Tasmania, is only some 1500km from Brisbane. Many indigenous Kanaks seek independence from France but others who make up about half of the island’s population do not. New proposals for autonomy and a form of statehood have been developed, made all the more urgent by 2024’s violent riots. New Caledonians will vote on these in a referendum in 2026.
An independent New Caledonia would probably be a much poorer nation than now and would likely require ongoing Australian financial support to be economically viable long term. There would also be worries over China becoming deeply involved in the island’s domestic security arrangements as it has done in the adjacent Solomon Islands.
For Australia, continuing French involvement in the Indo-Pacific brings many advantages. This includes sharing regional security burdens, added military-to-military cooperation opportunities and complementing US regional activities at a time when continuing US involvement is unclear. France remains a valuable and consequential defence partner to Australia.
By Brendan Augustin, President, Australian Institute of International Affairs (WA)
DEFINES ITS PLACE IN THE INDO-PACIFIC ORDER IS MORE CONSEQUENTIAL THAN EVER BEFORE
Almost every commentator on Australia’s current geopolitical environment begins with the claim that the country is facing its most uncertain and challenging strategic context since the end of World War II. This article asks whether that assessment holds true and, if so, how well Australia is framing its policy responses in order to protect and advance its national interests.
Australia’s choices are not binary. The question is not simply whether to pick a side, but how to shape a policy mix that preserves sovereignty, maintains prosperity, and supports stability in the region. It means investing credibly in the alliance while also deepening ties with regional institutions, middle powers, and non-traditional partners. It requires clearer thinking about risk, and greater honesty with the Australian public about the costs of defence preparedness and the limits of external guarantees.
Despite the Cold War and various nationalist conflicts in the post-war period, the combination of a US security guarantee in the Indo-Pacific and the pro-development economic orientation of the Washington Consensus over the last 80 years transformed much of the region into the economic powerhouse it is today. That emphasis on development helped to contain strategic competition.
Most East and South-East Asian countries capitalised on that order, becoming engines of global growth. The region also became a case study in a “baseline” respect for a rules-based international order – not without flaws, but reflected in the resolution of many (though not all) territorial disputes, protection of freedom of navigation, the creation of reasonably effective regional institutions (ASEAN, ARF, EAS), and steady progress on economic integration through forums such as APEC and genuine trade instruments (RCEP and CPTPP).
The relative strength of the US, Western powers, and their regional allies (for example, under the Five Power Defence Arrangements), compared with other regional actors at the time, provided governments across the Indo-Pacific with the strategic comfort needed to prioritise economic development.
For Australia, this formula served both strategic and economic interests well. But many now argue that the formula is fraying – perhaps disappearing altogether. The Indo-Pacific has become the main theatre for USChina great-power rivalry, and the stakes are high.
China’s strategic drivers appear clearer. The Chinese national project will remain incomplete until Taiwan is reunified. Building the regional conditions to make this possible is part of the long game.
Like all powerful states, China also seeks to shape its environment to secure its continued rise, ensuring the rules of the game support its accumulation of strategic and economic power. Yet China has also benefitted immensely from the existing order over the last 50 years. This suggests, perhaps, that careful calculation will be made before strategic decisions are taken, although, of course, that cannot be guaranteed.
The United States, by contrast, has become harder to read. The traditional national security and foreign policy establishment continues to believe in the old formula: work with allies to build a security architecture aimed at deterring aggression and, if necessary, responding militarily.
The logic is that such an approach will continue to serve US strategic and economic interests. But scepticism runs deep. The legacy of the forever wars in Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan has strengthened an isolationist current in US politics, exemplified by – but not confined to – the MAGA movement and President Trump himself.
If this truly is the most uncertain strategic environment since World War II, then the response cannot be business as usual. The debate now underway in Canberra is not only about alliance management, but about how Australia defines its place in an Indo-Pacific order that is more contested, more complex, and more consequential than ever before.
A generation of veterans of those recent wars is now influential across the political and policymaking community, including as elected members of Congress. They have been part of a broad-based opposition to open-ended US involvement in distant conflicts. This raises the possibility of a US retrenchment towards securing its own hemisphere and reducing its commitment to the Indo-Pacific. The US response in Ukraine (and its dealings with European allies on the issue) provides a live case study that shapes expectations of what Washington’s posture might be in a Taiwan contingency.
Others, however, reject that parallel. They argue that, unlike Russia, China is the only genuine strategic competitor in areas central to US interests. From this perspective, the United States is deeply committed to checking China’s ambition to become the dominant Indo-Pacific power.
That is the conundrum facing the region, and especially Australia. As an ally that has fought alongside the United States in every major conflict of the past century, and a nation that has relied on Washington for its security since the fall of Singapore in 1942, Australia’s dependence is particularly pronounced.
The ‘deputy sheriff’ label, once used by a former Prime Minister, reflects a long history of alignment. At the same time, the extraordinary economic windfall delivered by Australia’s trade with China, especially over the last 25 years complicates the picture.
Unsurprisingly, analysts, policymakers and politicians in Australia are engaged in vigorous debate over the country’s strategic choices. A prominent number of former senior officials argue that while they would prefer continued US primacy, given the historical advantages it has provided to Australia, the facts on the ground – including China’s rapid military expansion and US reluctance to bear the costs of primacy – make this unlikely and other policy options should be given more priority.
Others insist that Australia’s unwavering commitment to the alliance, and to AUKUS, is essential, both to secure access to advanced capabilities and to ensure that the United States continues to see
its own interests as bound up with Australia’s security. What is clear is that the stable framework that underpinned Australia’s prosperity and security for decades is no longer guaranteed. The US-China contest has introduced a degree of volatility and unpredictability that leaves Australia more exposed than at any time since the 1940s. The central challenge is how to balance its strategic reliance on the United States with its economic interdependence with China, while also cultivating stronger regional partnerships that can provide resilience if either pillar weakens.
Australia’s choices are not binary. The question is not simply whether to pick a side, but how to shape a policy mix that preserves sovereignty, maintains prosperity, and supports stability in the region. It means investing credibly in the alliance while also deepening ties with regional institutions, middle powers and non-traditional partners. It requires clearer thinking about risk, and greater honesty with the Australian public about the costs of defence preparedness and the limits of external guarantees.
If this truly is the most uncertain strategic environment since World War II, then the response cannot be business as usual. The debate now underway in Canberra is not only about alliance management, but about how Australia defines its place in an Indo-Pacific order that is more contested, more complex, and more consequential than ever before.
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By Hon Richard Marles MP, Deputy Prime Minister & Minister for Defence, Australian Government
At the cornerstone of the 2024 National Defence Strategy is the recognition that we require the Australian Defence Force to be more integrated, focused and capable of delivering a strategy of denial. Australia’s defence industry, which supports our national security by delivering and sustaining the capabilities Defence relies on, is essential to delivering that vision. It makes the need for a close partnership between Defence and industry in Western Australia a truly national project.
Earlier this month, the Prime Minister and I stood at Henderson to announce that we are committing an initial $12bn over the decade to deliver the Defence Precinct at Henderson. This is a significant down payment for the Defence Precinct and an early commitment by the Albanese Government to provide certainty to industry, who will partner on the construction of infrastructure and facilities.
This is about kick-starting early works whilst more detailed planning and design work for Henderson is finalised. And once established, the Defence Precinct at Henderson will deliver continuous naval shipbuilding in Western Australia with key programs critical for Australia’s defence capability and delivery of the AUKUS pathway.
To ensure that WA and the nation can make the most of this moment, the Albanese Government is focused on growing industry participation, leveraging a range of existing programs to support defence industry, as well as introducing targeted measures to build a sovereign Australian industrial capability. We have delivered a once-in-a-generation reform to turbo charge defence exports between the industry, higher education and research sectors of Australia, the United States and the United Kingdom: the AUKUS licence free environment. Since the licence-free environment went live on 1 September 2024, these sectors have been able to export most military and dual-use
goods, technologies and services among and between AUKUS partners without requiring a permit or licence. This reform has dramatically reduced the barriers for industry across the three countries to innovate together, speeding up capability delivery and cutting red tape.
There are now over 470 Australian entities in the AUKUS licence-free environment, including 37 from WA. In its first year, the licence-free environment has removed the need for around 900 export permits per year from Australia to the UK and US and facilitated over $130m in licence-free exports from Australia to the UK and US.
Calytrix Technologies in Perth, for example, is a training and simulation company specialising in developing and delivering integrated training solutions for Defence. Matt Moncrieff, Head of Major Programs at Calytrix, confirms the company has made the licencefree environment a core part of their growth strategy, delivering significant savings and reducing time to delivery on major Defence projects.
Similarly, Balcatta-based company Orbital Australia, which designs and manufactures engine systems for uncrewed aerial vehicles, is finding it easier to do business with Australian and US companies all along the domestic and international supply chains.
The AUKUS nuclear-powered submarine program alone will support thousands of jobs and underpin $30bn in investment in industry uplift, including shipyard infrastructure and workforce development. An initial wave of uplift activity over the next two years will support over 125 Australian suppliers to invest in their own capabilities to meet the high standards of nuclear-powered submarine build and sustainment activities in Australia and our AUKUS partners.
As part of this investment, Australia has committed $262m to support industry through a range of programs, including via the Defence Industry
We have delivered a once-in-a-generation reform to turbo charge defence exports between the industry, higher education and research sectors of Australia, the United States and the United Kingdom: the AUKUS licence free environment. Since the licencefree environment went live on 1 September 2024, these sectors have been able to export most military and dual-use goods, technologies and services among and between AUKUS partners without requiring a permit or licence.
There are now over 470 Australian entities in the AUKUS licence-free environment, including 37 from WA. In its first year, the licence-free environment has removed the need for around 900 export permits per year from Australia to the UK and US and facilitated over $130m in licence-free exports from Australia to the UK and US. ary and dual-use goods, technologies and services among and between AUKUS partners without requiring a permit or licence.
Development Grants (DIDG) Program, an expanded Global Supply Chain Program, and through qualification of Australian products into US and UK submarine programs via the Defence Industry Vendor Qualification Program
In the most recent round of DIDG announcements, WA companies Franmarine Underwater Services, Orontide Alphablast and Moon Bay Trading received funding to upskill their people – further demonstrating our Government’s commitment to investing in the defence industry workforce.
In the skilling stream, WA design and manufacturing company Veem was awarded $1m to procure a multiaxis CNC machine and scanner for manufacturing propellers and other complex components for multiple maritime platforms. In March 2025, I had the privilege of visiting Veem and announcing their involvement in yet another key AUKUS program: the Australian Submarine Supplier Qualification Pilot Program being run by America’s largest shipbuilder, HII. Through that program, Veem is undergoing qualification that will enable it to take part in the supply chain which is helping to build Virginia-class submarines in the US.
AUKUS Pillar II is also powering ahead, and there is a concerted focus by all three AUKUS partners to achieving advanced capabilities in partnership with industry. The formation of the trilateral AUKUS Advanced Capabilities Industry Forum in 2024 demonstrates this commitment of the AUKUS partners.
Four trade associations with wide networks and deep experience ably represent Australia on the Forum as conduits for industry: the Australian Industry and Defence Network, Australian Industry Group, Business Council of Australia and Tech Council of Australia. The Forum’s trade associations are working closely with their constituents to leverage the combined potential of Australian industry, identifying residual barriers to trilateral industrial collaboration, and working with government to find solutions.
The Submarine Institute of Australia held their most recent conference in Perth, 18-20 August 2025. The conference, focused on ‘Nuclear Submarines in Australia’, was dedicated to strengthening the relationships between submariners, past and present, with government and industry. Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Defence, Hon Richard Marles MP (right), in conversation with Submarine Institute of Australia President Michael Fitzgerald (left), during the conference. Source: Department of Defence. Photographer: POIS Craig Walton.
Beyond AUKUS, the Government’s Defence Industry Development Strategy recognises that defence exports are essential to growing an internationally competitive industrial base. Supporting Australian defence industry to enter the defence markets of our close partners and create meaningful commercial and collaborative partnerships is a top priority.
In FY2024/25, Defence, in partnership with Austrade, led three targeted trade missions to Japan, Singapore and the Republic of Korea. Western Australian companies have had a strong presence in these missions. Austal participated in the trade mission to Singapore in May that focused on maritime domain awareness and coastal defence capabilities, while Innovaero joined the industry delegation at the Japan trade mission in October last year that focused on small, low-cost, expendable uncrewed aerial systems.
All of these programs and the local businesses at their forefront speak of the great opportunities for the West when it comes to the defence of our nation. It is about helping to build Australia’s future, and Western Australia will reap the benefits in a growing defence industry sector, a more diversified economy and generations of skilled jobs.
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The AUKUS nuclear-powered submarine program alone will support thousands of jobs and underpin $30bn in investment in industry uplift, including shipyard infrastructure and workforce development. An initial wave of uplift activity over the next two years will support over 125 Australian suppliers to invest in their own capabilities to meet the high standards of nuclear-powered submarine build and sustainment activities in Australia and our AUKUS partners.
AUKUS Pillar II is also powering ahead, and there is a concerted focus by all three AUKUS partners to achieving advanced capabilities in partnership with industry. The formation of the trilateral AUKUS Advanced Capabilities Industry Forum in 2024 demonstrates this commitment of the AUKUS partners.
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By Hon Pat Conroy MP, Minister for Defence Industry, Australian Government
Western Australia is at the forefront of the great national partnership between Defence and industry that is essential to protecting Australia and keeping Australians safe. The strategic rationale for investing in the sovereign defence industrial base is as salient today as it was at the release of the Government’s Defence Industry Development Strategy (DIDS) in 2024.
As we survey the work to date and prepare for the 2026 iteration of the DIDS, which will be updated along with the 2024 National Defence Strategy and 2024 Integrated Investment Program, it is timely to reflect on what has been achieved – and how WA is integral to the achievement of a Defence future made in Australia.
The Albanese Government is delivering a generational investment in Defence, increasing defence spending by $57.6bn over the decade compared to the previous trajectory. It is the largest increase in defence spending since World War II, with $10.6bn of that increase over the next four years.
In terms of capability and sustainment, we have increased and re-focused investment, including more than $330bn over ten years through the Integrated Investment Program.
Since coming to office, the Government has significantly sped up major defence capability acquisitions, brought forward initial delivery dates for
The Albanese Government is delivering a generational investment in Defence, increasing defence spending by $57.6bn over the decade compared to the previous trajectory. It is the largest increase in defence spending since World War II, with $10.6bn of that increase over the next four years.
priority projects and shortened their overall time to completion.
That includes our plan to deliver a larger and more lethal surface combatant fleet for the Royal Australian Navy. In August, the Albanese Government announced the selection of the upgraded Japanese Mogami-class stealth frigate as the preferred platform for the future fleet of general-purpose frigates. This decision was months ahead of schedule.
In conjunction with the selection of the generalpurpose frigate design, we announced the execution of the Strategic Shipbuilding Agreement with Australia’s newly established Strategic Shipbuilder, Austal Defence Shipbuilding Australia. With this agreement, the Albanese Government is securing a continuous pipeline of shipbuilding work in WA and creating thousands of jobs.
And we are pushing ahead with the delivery of a conventionally-armed, nuclear-powered submarine capability under our AUKUS partnership. Henderson Shipyard is critical to the delivery of these priorities,
Henderson has been chosen as the location for the construction of at least 36 Defence vessels over the next decade. This includes two additional Evolved Cape-class patrol boats, which are already under construction, plus a further 11 Evolved Cape-class vessels as a Defence-led activity for the ABF, General-Purpose Frigates, 18 Army Landing Craft Medium, and eight Army Landing Craft Heavy.
as well as the ongoing sustainment of the surface fleet and Collins-class submarines, and Defence is working with the WA Government and other stakeholders to progress the consolidation of industry and infrastructure at Henderson.
Henderson has been chosen as the location for the construction of at least 36 Defence vessels over the next decade. This includes two additional Evolved Capeclass patrol boats, which are already under construction, plus a further 11 Evolved Cape-class vessels as a Defence-led activity for the Australian Border Force, GeneralPurpose Frigates, 18 Army Landing Craft Medium, and eight Army Landing Craft Heavy.
Establishing the Shipyard to deliver these capabilities will not only secure the future of shipbuilding in the state, it will also boost industry in the region and diversify the WA economy. This includes up to 1000 construction jobs, 1200 surface fleet shipbuilding jobs and at least 3000 jobs to support depot-level maintenance of conventionally-armed, nuclearpowered submarines.
As part of the establishment of a Defence precinct at Henderson, the Albanese Government has committed to an initial $127m over three years to progress planning studies, stakeholder consultations and preliminary design and feasibility studies, as well as enabling infrastructure works.
In June this year, we sent out an invitation for industry to work with Defence to develop an initial master plan for the precinct – a significant milestone in delivering what will be one of Defence’s largest ever infrastructure projects.
To ensure the local workforce reaps the benefits of this generational investment, the Australian Government is partnering with the WA Government to deliver state-of-the-art training facilities through
the WA Defence TAFE Centre of Excellence. Some $14.6m will be invested through the Centre to deliver the skills training required for jobs in advanced manufacturing.
To ensure the local workforce reaps the benefits of this generational investment, the Australian government is partnering with the WA Government to deliver state-ofthe-art training facilities through the WA Defence TAFE Centre of Excellence. Some $14.6m will be invested through the Centre to deliver the skills training required for jobs in advanced manufacturing.
The Centre will also spearhead a range of new critical programs in defence sector training. The Women in Defence Industry Scholarship Program will be extended and be led by the Centre. The six-month program provides WA women the opportunity to train on electronics and engineering alongside qualified tradespeople. Year 11 school students will be able to take part in the new Defence Industry Pathways Program School-based Traineeship, through which students will learn about the various career options in defence industries and achieve a Certificate III in Defence Industry Pathways.
In addition, the Schools Pathways Program Federation Funding Agreement – a $5.1m partnership with the state governments of South Australia and WA – is promoting Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM) learning in schools across SA and WA, providing practical career awareness activities and creating links between schools and defence industry. Two WA businesses have also been awarded grants totalling $2m for the delivery of the Schools Pathways Program in WA and nationally.
US defence prime Huntington Ingalls Industries, in collaboration with H&B Defence, is implementing a program on behalf of the Australian Government to prequalify Australian companies to enter into the US defence industry supply chain in support of nuclear and conventionally powered naval undersea and surface platforms. In August 2025, Perth-based Hofmann Engineering was issued with a Request For Quote for parts to supply to US maritime industrial base. Seen here, Hofmann Engineering Managing Director, Erich Hofmann; Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Defence, Hon Richard Marles MP; and Minister for Defence Industry, Hon Pat Conroy MP, participate in a guided tour of the company’s Bassendean facility. Source: Hofmann Engineering. Supplied.
The AUKUS export licence-free environment has led to close to $130m in exports from Australia to the United Kingdom and the United States since
its inception
12 months ago. Over 470 Australian businesses have reaped the benefits of these generational reforms.
While there is always more to be done, I am proud of what we have achieved so far to accelerate the delivery of the capabilities the ADF needs in the near term, as well as in the future. The accelerated acquisition of HIMARS, the growth of 10th Brigade in both size and capacity, and the commencement of missile manufacturing are real-life illustrations of this focus and intent.
The AUKUS export licence-free environment has led to close to $130m in exports from Australia to the United Kingdom and the United States since its inception 12 months ago. The implementation in September last year of reciprocal export exemptions between AUKUS nations has allowed industry, higher education and research sectors to export and supply military and dual-use goods, technologies and services
without requiring a permit or licence. Over 470 Australian businesses have reaped the benefits of these generational reforms.
There are more big decisions coming up in the second half of this year. These include a second regiment of long-range fires and the next steps for the MQ-28 Ghost Bat, as well as continued investment in drone and counter-drone capabilities. In fact, on 10 September, we announced a $1.7bn investment to acquire a fleet of Ghost Shark extra-large autonomous submarines for the Royal Australian Navy.
The contract with Anduril Australia will deliver dozens of Ghost Sharks, with the first to be in service in early 2026. This announcement also reinforces the Albanese Government’s commitment to growing the defence industrial base which is key to maintaining Australia’s sovereignty. The contract will support about 120 jobs and create about 150 new positions at just Anduril. It is expected a further 600 jobs will be created in the companies directly supporting the Ghost Shark supply chain.
At a time of great change in the world, the Australian Government has restored much-needed order and continuity of ministerial leadership in Defence. When you combine that continuity with a strong mandate from the Australian people to get on with the job, we’re in a good position to continue to accelerate the delivery of the capabilities our Defence Force needs to protect and defend the nation.
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By Hon Matt Keogh MP, Minister for Defence Personnel, Australian Government
The ADF’s most important capability is its people. As the Defence Strategic Review 2023 identified, access to a growing, highly skilled workforce is critical to the ADF’s ability to respond to the complex strategic challenges our nation faces.
When Labor came to government in 2022, the parlous state of ADF recruitment and retention was a cause for serious concern. Critically low and falling numbers, with no funded, coherent plan to address them from our predecessors, presented an impending crisis that demanded immediate attention. We responded with urgent steps to stabilise the situation.
We initiated the Continuation Bonus and we offered ADF members enhanced access to study benefits and better healthcare for Defence families. They were welcome early moves but we also knew we needed to develop a longer-term plan to match the ambition of the Defence Strategic Review. As the Review identified: “Without creative and flexible responses, the workforce situation in Defence will continue to deteriorate.”
These initiatives are now bearing fruit: recruitment and retention numbers for the 2024-25 year make for encouraging reading. Recruitment is at a 15-year high, while the separation rate for serving members is well below the long-term average. Applications to join the ADF came in at 75,000, an 18% increase on the previous year. Importantly, the ADF is now growing for the first time in years.
We directed Defence to undertake a thorough analysis of its workforce requirements matched with innovative solutions to meet those needs. The result, the Defence Workforce Plan 2024, built on the momentum of our early measures to create the sustainable, comprehensive path forward so urgently needed.
Recruitment pools were widened to include applications from permanent residents from Five Eyes partner countries. A scheme has been introduced under which ADF personnel can receive an incentive payment for referring candidates to join the ADF.
Initial medical entry requirements were reformed to broaden eligibility to properly match the breadth of role types now available in the ADF. We organised a pay rise for targeted jobs that were in most urgent demand to lift retention rates.
The Continuation Bonus was expanded to cover two key decision-points for ADF members early in their careers. Alongside these initiatives was an improved focus from the ADF on the health and wellbeing of members, particularly as it responds to the recommendations of the Royal Commission into Defence and Veteran Suicide.
With a greater focus on skills, wellbeing and remuneration, ADF members have more reasons to stay in service and better prospects after transitioning out of the ADF. These initiatives are now bearing fruit: recruitment and retention numbers for the 2024-25 year make for encouraging reading. Recruitment is at a 15-year high, while the separation rate for serving members is well below the long-term average. Applications to join the ADF came in at 75,000, an 18% increase on the previous year. Importantly, the ADF is now growing for the first time in years.
While encouraging, we acknowledge that there is more to do. The ADF has set itself an ambitious target of 69,000 permanent funded average strength by the early 2030s.
As the Review notes, Australia no longer enjoys the luxury of a 10-year warning for strategic conflict. The increasingly febrile contest of values in our region demands a sharper focus on our national interests and the means by which we uphold them.
But the ADF’s transformation into a more integrated, more capable force will take more than strong alliances and increasingly potent strike ability. A skilled, growing workforce is fundamental to the ADF’s plan to enhance its capabilities.
Those who serve in our military have earned the deepest respect of the government and the people of Australia. Their selfless sacrifice to protect our national values lies at the core of everything the ADF stands for. We owe them a modern workplace that builds their skills and looks after their wellbeing while ensuring a steady pipeline of capabilities coming into the ADF.
The Albanese Government is committed to ensuring that Australians are attracted to serve our nation in our ADF. That they are confident they and their families will be respected and well supported by their leadership, their mates and the broader Defence organisation.
And that they are safe in the knowledge that whatever may befall them during their service, they will be properly looked after, and their service acknowledged, respected and commemorated by a grateful nation.
But the ADF’s transformation into a more integrated, more capable force will take more than strong alliances and increasingly potent strike ability. A skilled, growing workforce is fundamental to the ADF’s plan to enhance its capabilities.
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By Dr Gregor Ferguson, Contributing Defence Analyst
It is looking as if Australia will have the same Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Defence, Hon Richard Marles, and the same Minister for Defence Industry, Hon Pat Conroy, for the better part of two complete Parliamentary terms; both were re-appointed following the general election on 3 May. Such continuity is something we haven’t seen for decades, although there is still much debate, more even than last year, over whether the current Labor government is doing a good job on defence. More on that later.
Vice Chief of the Defence Force Air Marshal Robert Chipman welcomes Indonesian Defence Minister Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin to Canberra for the ninth Australia-Indonesia Foreign and Defence Ministers’ 2+2 Meeting, 28 August 2025. Source: Department of Defence. Photographer: Jay Cronan.
Meanwhile, Australia has signed only its second alliance treaty in more than 70 years: the Papua New Guinea-Australia Mutual Defence Treaty. Signed on 6 October by Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Papua New Guinea’s Prime Minister James Marape, the Treaty builds on both countries’ deep strategic trust and respect to establish mutual defence obligations. Both countries recognise that an armed attack on one would be a danger to the peace and security of the other, so they have undertaken to act together to meet a common danger. It also provides for the expansion and modernisation of the bilateral defence relationship, including the potential future recruitment of each other’s citizens into their respective forces.
In the meantime, Defence has published almost all of its planned headline documents. In December last year, it published the 2024 Naval Shipbuilding and Sustainment Plan. In November, Defence published The Australian Guided Weapons and Explosive Ordnance Plan. And in August, the Defence Digital Strategy and Roadmap 2024 was published. Since then, not much seems to have happened in any of these technology domains.
The only thing missing is a document that revamps the Capability Acquisition and Sustainment Group (CASG), a process that has been promised for some time. That said, May saw the release of Defence Enterprise Planning (ERP) Tranche 1b Main which aims to align all of Defence and CASG’s functions to create a streamlined and more efficient CASG. This is a vital part of the Defence transformation strategy but probably will not be completed, with all three tranches delivered in full, until 2030.
Taken, however, with the repositioning earlier this year of ASCA, the Advanced Strategic Capabilities Accelerator, into the Vice Chief of Defence Force (VCDF) Group, ASCA’s Uncrewed Aerial System (UAS) programs and Defence’s long-range fires program, the
impression, on very close inspection, is that there is actually a lot happening under the surface.
The Australian Defence Force (ADF) is being reshaped, but quietly. It seems to be learning the hard lessons of Ukraine and, more recently, the Israeli and US conflict with Iran.
While the RAAF and RAN will continue to do what they do, except at much longer range (and that still requires both a strategic and tactical re-think), the ADF as a whole is having to grapple with both long-range fires and the sudden ubiquity of UASs, or ‘drones’. As we saw in Ukraine and Iran, nothing that flies, floats or fights on land is safe anymore.
The ability to use UASs of all sizes effectively, in an environment in which the capability cycle is measured in weeks not years, is now paramount. So is the ability to detect, identify and defend against them. The Army gets that and is acquiring both UASs of all types and counter-UAS capabilities as fast as Defence’s sclerotic bureaucracy allows. It is also balancing the reward of being able to manufacture and further develop a range of sovereign UASs quickly, when it needs to, against the risk of having lots of stock on the shelf which may not be needed for two or five years, or at all, and which will be obsolescent and, therefore, pretty much useless when actually needed.
Australia also needs a great deal of sovereign capability today, both to meet the immediate strategic circumstances confronting us and to honour repeated pledges by Ministers Marles and Conroy to create a robust, sustainable defence industry sector. You cannot have a defence industry if the ADF does not actually buy things locally. And Defence cannot buy things if it has no money. Many of its planned capabilities have been axed to free up money for AUKUS and the nuclear-powered submarine program.
The message that some observers are picking up is that Defence is caught between a wartime accounting system where the most pressing need is for equipment that works, and quickly, and a peacetime accounting system that is terrified of risk and so does everything it can to slow down acquisitions and eliminate every possible source of risk. Defence is still grappling with that conundrum.
While we are currently facing the greatest strategic challenges since World War II, according to both the Prime Minister and Minister for Defence, the current government’s much-vaunted increase in the defence budget to about 2.4% of Gross Domestic Product
(GDP), will not happen until 2033-34. At present, we’re still spending about 2%, or about $55.7bn a year.
The good news is that ASCA has selected, and this year Defence will acquire several Australian-designed and -built UASs. This year also, ASCA has a decision on one of its two UAS missions, Mission Talon Strike, which will bring into ADF service an Innovaero OWL-B loitering munition; it plans to announce a decision by year’s end on Mission Syracuse, which seeks counter-UAS (C-UAS) capabilities that can fit in with CASG’s Project LAND156, the aim of which is to acquire a C-UAS command and control system and initial C-UAS capabilities.
Later this year, Defence will name the sites for its planned Australian Weapons Manufacturing Complex, where it will build Guided Multiple Launch Rocket Systems (GMLRS) for the Army, and Solid Rocket Motor Manufacturing Complex where it will manufacture Solid Rocket Motors for those and other missiles. It will also, around the end of this year or early in 2026, make a decision on the future of the MQ-28A Ghost Bat Collaborative Combat Aircraft (CCA).
In September, Defence announced that it would acquire an undisclosed number of Ghost Shark ExtraLarge Autonomous Underwater Vehicles (XL-AUVs) from Sydney-based Anduril Australia under a $1.7bn contract after a very rapid three-year design and development period involving the RAN, ASCA and DSTG. The first production Ghost Shark will be ready by the end of this year. Defence is also evaluating the Melbourne-based C2 Robotics’ Speartooth Large Uncrewed Underwater Vehicle (LUUV), which will also be built in Australia if acquired by Defence.
from Australia’s
Defence. Supplied.
Defence has selected the Japanese Evolved Mogami-class frigate, manufactured by Mitsubishi Heavy Industries, as its new General-Purpose Frigate (GPF). The first three will be built in Japan at MHI’s Nagasaki yard – indeed, Japan has surrendered one of its production slots to enable the first-of-class to be delivered in 2029 and the remainder soon after. The remaining four or eight will be built at the consolidated
“While linking defence budgets to GDP is an arbitrary and unrealistic measure of defence expenditure, it does provide a benchmark for comparing the resources a nation is willing to devote to defence spending. Given the complexity and urgency of its strategic circumstances, its vital location and its geography, Australia is arguably not spending enough.
Henderson naval shipbuilding precinct in WA, by a team led by Defence’s newly formed Strategic Shipbuilder, Austal Defence Shipbuilding Australia.
In September, Defence announced it would spend $12bn (out of a planned $25bn over the next decade) building and consolidating facilities for both continuous naval shipbuilding, sustainment and for AUKUS: the sustainment of US and UK nuclear-powered submarines at Fleet Base West and the preparation for the RAN to operate its own nuclear-powered submarines from about 2032.
So, the second half of 2025 and the first half of 2026 promise to be interesting for Canberra-watchers. Most of these purchases are roughly accounted for in this year’s Portfolio Budget Statement.
But is the defence budget enough? At the Shangri La Dialogue in Singapore earlier this year, Defence Minister Richard Marles was tackled by US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth who virtually demanded an increase in Australian defence expenditure from two to 3.5% of GDP. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese inadvertently
The government does not adequately explain its Defence budgetary and expenditure commitments on procurement. It remains unclear as to why advanced future projects such as Ghost Bat and HIMARS have taken precedence over neglected extant capabilities. If the ADF is to be reshaped, then the Australian Government has a responsibility to justify it to Australian taxpayers.
echoed former Prime Minister John Howard when he retorted that Australia would decide its own defence policy and budget.
We will certainly need nuclear-powered submarines and anti-submarine warfare frigates well out into the 2070s, so there is good sense in investing in them today.
Australia also needs a great deal of sovereign capability today, both to meet the immediate strategic circumstances confronting us and to honour repeated pledges by Ministers Marles and Conroy to create a robust, sustainable defence industry sector. You cannot have a defence industry if the ADF does not actually buy things locally. And Defence cannot buy things if it has no money. Many of its planned capabilities have been axed to free up money for AUKUS and the nuclear-powered submarine program.
We still need: space-based surveillance, autonomous mine counter-measures systems, an integrated undersea surveillance system, a fourth squadron of F-35As, two large naval support ships, all 450 (not just 129) Redback
Infantry Fighting Vehicles, and many other things that were cancelled or severely reduced in scope to pay for the nuclear submarines. Australia’s geography makes all of those procurements necessary, but Defence needs the money to pay for them.
While linking defence budgets to GDP is an arbitrary and unrealistic measure of defence expenditure, it does provide a benchmark for comparing the resources a nation is willing to devote to defence spending. Given the complexity and urgency of its strategic circumstances, its vital location and its geography, Australia is arguably not spending enough.
The government does not adequately explain its Defence budgetary and expenditure commitments on procurement. It remains unclear as to why advanced future projects such as Ghost Bat and HIMARS have taken precedence over neglected extant capabilities. If the ADF is to be reshaped, then the Australian Government has a responsibility to justify it to Australian taxpayers.
In June 2025, US General Anthony J. Cotton, Commander US Strategic Command (USSTRATCOM), reviewed an honour guard conducted by Australia’s Federation Guard during an official welcome with Vice Chief of the Defence Force, Air Marshal Robert Chipman at Russell Offices, Canberra. Source: Department of Defence. Photographer: Nicole Mankowski.
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www.wa.gov.au/defencewest
Amid a turbulent interregnum as Australia’s AUKUS partners undergo changes of governments, progress towards the Optimal Pathway has continued to advance in Western Australia, creating new opportunities to grow in the defence sector. The Commonwealth Government has pledged to establish a consolidated defence precinct in Henderson, while the release of the 2025 WA Defence and Defence Industry Strategy positions the sector to become the State’s second-largest industry. To explain the significance of the year’s developments and share his views on the future direction of Western Australia’s defence sector, WA Minister for Defence Industry, Hon Paul Papalia CSC MLA spoke exclusively to WA DEFENCE REVIEW on 29 July 2025.
Minister, thank you for the opportunity to speak today. Since our interview last year, we would like to revisit developments in the sector. How would you describe the key currents and major developments that have shaped WA’s defence sector over the past year?
Most significantly in Western Australia’s defence sector, Premier Cook and the Deputy Prime Minister signed a cooperation agreement in October to establish a defence precinct at Henderson. This was accompanied by the recognition that WA would be the site of all nuclear submarine sustainment, up to and including depot-level maintenance of future Australian nuclear submarines. That is a significant development.
Since that time, two elections have been held. There was a state election and subsequently a federal election, with both governments returned to office. Importantly for defence, the Defence Minister and the Defence Industry Minister retained their portfolios, ensuring continuity of corporate knowledge and experience. Most recently, the British Secretary of State for Defence, John Healy, visited HMAS Stirling to announce that another Astute-class submarine will visit Western Australia next year. This forms part of the continuing Optimal Pathway for acquiring nuclear submarines. It will contribute to the regular visits by Royal Navy and US Navy submarines prior to the establishment of Submarine Rotational ForceWest (SRF-West) in 2027. That is the most recent development that has occurred since we last spoke.
The Premier is actively engaged in pursuing the opportunities within the defence sector, following its recognition in our strategy that this sector could grow to be the second-biggest in the state and thereby deliver on our ambitions around diversifying the economy. That is a key objective and an important task to which the Premier is deeply committed.
In October last year, the Commonwealth Government announced that it would establish the consolidated Commonwealth-owned Defence Precinct at Henderson. It was billed as bringing billions of dollars in investment for defence capability in WA over the next two decades and supporting around 10,000 jobs. Could you update us on the planning of this new precinct?
On 12 June 2025, the Commonwealth Government completed a market sounding for a funding model for the defence precinct’s creation. On 26 June, they closed the call for a registering of interest in the design of that precinct with the intent to select the designer by the end of the year and then deliver on the design by the end of Q1 next year.
“There is a significant opportunity emerging in Europe. At the end of our very compressed three-day visit to the UK, the Premier, on his return via Europe, met with the Australian ambassador in Paris. The ambassador confirmed that there is a huge interest among European nations, which are confronting the challenge of lifting their defence spending to 5%; that is, by 3.5% directly and 5% overall. This represents a massive increase and no single nation has the capacity to meet it.
In relation to the Premier and his involvement in defence, could you clarify how the Office of Defence Industries is evolving?
The Premier is actively engaged in pursuing the opportunities within the defence sector, following its recognition in our strategy that this sector could grow to be the second-biggest in the state and thereby deliver on our ambitions around diversifying the economy. That is a key objective and an important task to which the Premier is deeply committed. He regularly meets with me, the Deputy Prime Minister, the Minister for Defence Industry and other significant people in the defence sector.
Given that Defence West is already responsible for the implementation of the Defence and Defence Industry Strategy, why has the State Government created the Office for Defence Industries and what is its function?
The recent machinery of government changes have shifted Defence West from the Department of Jobs, Tourism, Science and Innovation to the Department of Premier and Cabinet. As part of that restructure, an Office of Defence Industry has been established there, which is essentially Defence West and some other personnel from Department of Premier and Cabinet, while Defence West continues to exist.
Our view is that there will be a transition from where they are now, having just relocated to be a division within the Department of Premier and Cabinet. It was my ambition that we create a separate body over time. Currently, Defence West’s activity is still conducted by the same team.
As the Deputy Director-General of the Department
Of course, the resources sector dwarfs other industry, generating hundreds of billions each year. Our secondbiggest sector at the moment is agriculture, which delivers around $10bn to $11bn a year. The defence sector is north of $6bn, but we anticipate that it will soon surpass agriculture.
of Jobs, Tourism, Science and Innovation, Linda Dawson was the lead in many defence matters from within the Department; she has moved into Department of Premier and Cabinet and she is the head of Defence matters there. There is going to be more to come regarding Defence West.
In January this year, the WA Government updated the WA Defence and Defence Industry Strategy. How would you describe the fundamental changes that were made to this iteration?
We first launched the Defence and Defence Industry Strategic Plan in 2018. This year, we updated it to reflect the changed geopolitical environment, and also the potential for greater defence opportunities
here in WA. There are enormous opportunities for Western Australia’s defence sector. In the document, we recognise that and the strategy links to other state government strategies focussed on diversifying the economy and recognising that defence has the potential to be the second-largest sector in WA.
The 2024 National Defence Strategy described Australia’s current geostrategic outlook as ‘the most complex and challenging strategic environment since the Second World War.’ In light of that, what is your view of Australia’s vulnerabilities from a defence and security perspective?
It is my observation – not necessarily that of the Commonwealth Government, though – that the assumption of the rules-based international order is no longer valid. We now face an especially challenging environment regionally and globally. In particular, there has been a significant change in the posture of China as it has massively increased its defence spending and now focuses on being able to project power and influence beyond its immediate geographic region.
There are conflicts all over the world. There is a war in Europe and there are wars in the Middle East; we are not immune. While defence and security are primarily matters for the Commonwealth Government, we all acknowledge that we are
confronting a very challenging environment. We need to build sovereign capabilities to be able to defend ourselves and our national interests.
As AUKUS begins to mature and its returns become more tangible, what are some standout capabilities that you think WA might benefit from in the future?
In December 2024, the Commonwealth Government committed to continuous naval shipbuilding in WA, establishing one of only two naval shipbuilding hubs in the country. That is a key element of the Henderson precinct plan, which extends beyond submarines. Both of those combined represent multigenerational certainty for industry and for people seeking employment in the field.
Looking into the future, there will be sustained demand in naval shipbuilding and in conventional, and then nuclear, submarine sustainment. That is significant. Beyond that, there is a lot of potential for our industry to be involved in AUKUS Pillar II activities, which, particularly in the undersea domain, cyber, autonomy, AI and space fields, represent opportunity for our industry to link to the US and UK and potentially get into international supply chains.
Since the start of President Trump’s second term in The White House, there is a lingering and even growing uncertainty as to the future stability of the AUKUS alliance. Given your experience of visiting the United States for important talks in April and again your visit alongside Premier Cook to the United Kingdom for high-level talks there, what messages did you bring to Washington and London?
Recognising that we are a subnational jurisdiction and that AUKUS is led by the Commonwealth Government, we remain committed to supporting the Commonwealth’s efforts in delivering AUKUS and its benefits for the nation. We work with the appropriate level of representation from the UK and US governments.
It is important to note that the US administration has still recently changed, and that the British government changed a little bit earlier; the UK is further down the pathway of the appointment of representatives and engagement with delivery on AUKUS objectives. The US administration is still appointing many people in appropriate levels of government. We will reach out and build relationships mirroring those that we had with the previous administration. Although we are not yet at the same level of engagement, discussions are ongoing.
A key objective for us right now is to integrate our defence industry players into their supply chains. Initially, that is for the British nuclear submarine supply chain, but beyond that into their defence supply chain. There is significant opportunity for our defence industry to assist the British to achieve the objectives in the defence strategy that they had just published when the Premier and I were in the UK.
Further to your visits to the UK and the US, can you brief us on the ongoing plans for US and UK nuclear submarines to begin their rotational presence at Perth’s HMAS Stirling from 2027?
We are building the capacity to assist with the sustainment and maintenance of all nuclear submarines of SRF-West, including British submarines. The optimal pathway for acquiring nuclear-powered submarines initially begins with
Beyond that, the actual activity of continuous naval shipbuilding, such as the landing craft, are about $3bn dollars and the general-purpose frigates are worth about $7bn. Sustainment costs typically make up three-quarters of any expenditure on the cost of naval vessels, so that would be over $300m per nuclear submarine. Most of it could be spent in Western Australia and in an enduring way for sustainment and maintenance, quite apart from the presence of defence personnel, who live, work and spend in the state, which is set to grow.
Australians training and being embarked aboard US and UK submarines. Submarine visits to WA also enable at the same time our non-service personnel to train in submarine sustainment maintenance.
Then, more visits by those submarines in advance of SRF-West are stepping up in 2027, which gives us opportunities for our service personnel and defence industry to begin learning or acquiring skill sets around sustaining more submarines.
From 2027, we will be able to assist in the sustainment of nuclear submarines. Initially, that will have to be low level and not very invasive sustainment activities, but that will progress and grow over time.
This capacity building is essential because, by 2032, the Optimal Pathway has us acquiring our first Virginia-class submarine – one we must be capable of maintaining from the outset. Obviously, we have to be capable of maintaining that submarine when we buy it. By the 2040s, Australia will also begin bringing AUKUS submarines into service. We have to be able to sustain and maintain those, too.
Are you confident that we will stay on the Optimal Pathway?
Yes, I think we can. Although this is not government policy, I believe it would be helpful to engage people who already have knowledge of nuclear submarine sustainment to work with the Australian Submarine Agency and Australian Submarine Corporation (ASC). Those two bodies have been designated as the leads on nuclear submarine sustainment and building our nuclear submarine sustainment capability.
There are not that many potential players, but there are some that are capable of providing valuable support, advice and assistance. In my view, it makes sense, but it may not be what the agency or the government want to do. Unlike the UK and the US, we do not have an established industrial base for this task. Australia is creating it all from scratch with the added complexity that we have never had nuclear
submarines. Both the US and UK operate nuclear submarines; they have got a long-standing, proven capability for sustaining and maintaining them.
To me, it would make sense, rather than just building that skill set, to engage a provider to come and deliver the service and transition it to an Australian organisation or agency over a short period of time.
As NATO states seek to ramp-up defence spending, can WA benefit from the European rearmament plan? And what are the implications of the UK Defence Strategic Review for WA?
There is a significant opportunity emerging in Europe. At the end of our very compressed three- day visit to the UK, the Premier, on his return via Europe, met with the Australian ambassador in Paris. The ambassador confirmed that there is a huge interest among European nations, which are confronting the challenge of lifting their defence spending to 5%; that is, by 3.5% directly and 5% overall. This represents a massive increase and no single nation has the capacity to meet it.
Just as the US and UK are challenged by their targets to build more nuclear submarines and grow their defence spending more broadly, so is Europe. Right now, and definitely in Europe, there is an opportunity among friendly nations to participate in helping them grow their capacity to the benefit of our industry.
The Premier and I were in the UK on the day their Defence Strategic Review was released. It includes things like the increase to 12 AUKUS submarines now, as opposed to a lower number, and all at the same time as the building of Dreadnought-class ballistic missile submarines. That’s a big challenge. It is a significant increase in demand, and their industry, like the Americans’, is a lot smaller than it was during the Cold War. Another important element is that up to 60 munitions factories will be built. That is just an indication of the scale of their undertaking in terms of approach and outlook.
I believe there is a lot of potential for Australian industry, Western Australian industry in particular, to contribute to that, and to meet their demands.
You have been in office as the Minister for Defence Industry for many years now. What is your vision for the remainder of your term until the next state election and what do you hope to be your legacy for defence and Western Australia?
When the government created the portfolio, we appointed the first Defence Advocate, established Defence West, and published the first defence industry strategy. We have now refreshed that strategy, and our ambition is to grow the sector to be the secondbiggest contributor to the state’s economy and to enable that through support from government. That is our ambition for an enduring legacy that Western Australians will benefit from for generations to come,
and that the nation will also benefit from because we did it in the national interest.
Of course, the resources sector dwarfs other industry, generating hundreds of billions each year. Our second-biggest sector at the moment is agriculture, which delivers around $10bn to $11bn a year. The defence sector is north of $6bn, but we anticipate that it will soon surpass agriculture.
The Deputy Prime Minister has indicated that the Commonwealth Government will build two large nuclear-rated dry docks, also capable
Japan shares more in common with Australia than almost any other nation in the region. Our navies already work together – the Japanese Navy will operate 12 Mogami-class frigates, Australia will have 11, and our industrial base will support and maintain both fleets. We will also be able to integrate through shared ports, visits and operational bases. This outcome signals multi-generational jobs, skills and opportunities for Western Australians.
of accommodating our biggest naval ships plus a contingency floating dock in the interim of the same capacity, and all the shore-side activity and work. Combined, the Deputy Prime Minister indicated that it would be in the order of $15bn to $20bn of capital. In addition, we already know that they are investing $8bn in upgrades at HMAS Stirling over the next decade.
Beyond that, the actual activity of continuous naval shipbuilding, such as the landing craft, are about $3bn dollars and the general-purpose frigates are worth about $7bn. Sustainment costs typically make up three-quarters of any expenditure on the cost of naval vessels, so that would be over $300m per nuclear submarine. Most of it could be spent in Western Australia and in an enduring way for sustainment and maintenance, quite apart from the presence of defence personnel, who live, work and spend in the state, which is set to grow.
It is our ambition to continue to pursue a higher defence presence and capability in this state, as well. Beyond that, Henderson is on track to be the biggest naval maintenance hub in the southern hemisphere. It represents an opportunity for allies and friendly navies to potentially use that site for emergency work and, potentially, also for planned maintenance.
These projects represent huge potential revenue generation for the state, not only for our industry. It is hard to quantify exactly when and to what extent the sector will grow, but it is certainly going to grow.
Follow-Up Question: Minister Papalia was asked in early September: “What does the new frigate program with Japan mean for Western Australia in terms of strategic partnerships, industry growth and longterm opportunities?”
This is the right ship for Australia and the best decision for WA. The Mogami-class has greater missile capacity, requires a smaller crew and is already in production. The Japanese have confirmed delivery slots for the first three ships built in Japan and have committed to building Mogami-class frigates here.
Western Australia has a long, deep and enduring relationship with Japan. Our economy was built, diversified and strengthened through that partnership – Japanese cities were built with steel from our iron ore, smelted in factories fuelled by our LNG. Now, we have the opportunity to extend that relationship into defence manufacturing with Mitsubishi Heavy Industries.
Japan shares more in common with Australia than almost any other nation in the region. Our navies already work together – the Japanese Navy will operate 12 of these frigates, Australia will have 11, and our industrial base will support and maintain both fleets. We will also be able to integrate through shared ports, visits and operational bases. This outcome signals multi-generational jobs, skills and opportunities for Western Australians.
Every element of nuclear submarine sustainment will also be conducted in WA, with submarines based at HMAS Stirling. At Henderson, the new defence precinct will support nuclear submarine sustainment, continuous naval shipbuilding, and all other naval activities. A common-user facility will be created to move non-defence work and free up space.
It is imperative in the national interest that these ships are built in WA. Since 2017, our government has fought for continuous naval shipbuilding and it has now been delivered. This is not just about building ships, but building sovereign defence capability in Australia.
We already have facilities in WA capable of beginning production with landing craft and then frigates. Shipbuilding is already occurring at Henderson, and work can continue while new infrastructure such as dry docks, wharf space and the common-user facility are developed.
The Japanese Government has been fully engaged and committed to this project, making it clear that their nation is dedicated to delivering this capability for the first time at such scale.
We already have a skilled workforce in WA: Austal, Civmec, BAE Systems and ASC are building and maintaining naval vessels. Those workers can transition directly into frigate production. Over time, tens of thousands of additional jobs will be created. To support that, more than $30m has been committed to workforce training, in partnership with the federal government.
Thank you, Minister. We appreciate your time.
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Amid rising global tensions and the looming threat of conflict, Australia’s ability to defend its land, sea and airspace has never been more newsworthy or scrutinised. That is rightly so, as 2025 has been one of the most fraught political periods since World War II, with the world transfixed by alarming developments between the US, Israel and Iran, Russia and Ukraine, and the crises in Gaza.
There have been other worrying events in Australia’s neighbourhood too, including an escalation in China’s strategic signalling of its ability to project power into the Indo-Pacific, North Korea’s heightened missile testing around South Korea and Japan, a re-emerged tension between India and Pakistan, and also between Thailand and Cambodia. In our own backyard, three warships circumnavigated Australia in February, as the Chinese conducted a surprise surveillance mission through our maritime approaches.
Despite some criticism, it is clear that AUKUS remains a central development for Australian and regional security. AUKUS has bipartisan support across the three trilateral partners, and will arm Australia with defence capabilities that can support a secure and stable Indo-Pacific. The conventionally armed, nuclear-powered submarines delivered under AUKUS Pillar I will help protect our maritime approaches and trade routes, which our economic prosperity and our quality of life fundamentally hinge upon.
Within the AUKUS partnership, Western Australia is the headlining act, as milestone decisions of the Australian Government over the past year clearly demonstrate.
Western Australians should be feeling a distinct level of pride, as the state has been increasingly favoured to both maintain and deliver some of the most important defence efforts in the country.
The 2024 National Defence Strategy was clear in outlining the Commonwealth’s defence priorities, to ensure sovereign, regional and global security. Shortly following, in October 2024, the Commonwealth and WA Governments signed a Defence Cooperation Agreement which outlined an intent to transfer state-owned land to the Commonwealth, to create a consolidated defence precinct at Henderson.
The move secured WA as the site for depot-level sustainment for nuclear-powered submarines and a critical location for Defence’s continuous naval shipbuilding enterprise. Sustainment and shipbuilding will have transformative effects across important
The $10bn contract represents the biggest capability acquisition decision that the Australian Government has made since announcing the AUKUS optimal pathway back in March of 2023. MHI will build the first three vessels in its own shipyards in Japan, and the remaining eight will be built at Western Australia’s shipyards in Henderson.
AUKUS Pillar II promises enhanced collaboration between Australia, the UK and the US on advanced technologies, but very little detail has flowed down to industry and the university sector. WA companies and universities have much to contribute and look to Defence to better articulate the pathway forward.
economic areas like workforce and jobs, infrastructure development, and training and education.
Submarine Rotational Force-West (SRF-West) is progressing at pace, with WA to host a rotational presence of US and UK nuclear-powered submarines from 2027. HMAS Stirling has been confirmed as the homeport for the Royal Australian Navy’s submarine fleet and SRF-West signals the importance of WA’s geostrategic location for our trilateral partners. The success of SRF-West will hinge on Australia and WA demonstrating the ability to deliver the required infrastructure, support our partners’ integration into our community, grow and upskill our industry, and ultimately show we are ready to safely steward nuclear-powered submarines.
Development of the capability to support nuclearpowered submarines must be done while also continuing the crucial support provided to the Collinsclass conventional submarine capability.
The future of shipbuilding looks bright, with designs for new medium and heavy landing craft for the Army selected late last year.
In August 2025, we were further thrilled to learn that Japan’s Mitsubishi Heavy Industries’ (MHI) Mogami-class frigate has been selected as the preferred platform for Australia’s future General-Purpose Frigate fleet. It followed a rigorous and competitive tender process between shipbuilders in Japan and Germany,
with MHI ultimately assessed as best able to meet the capability requirements and strategic needs of the Australian Defence Force.
The $10bn contract represents the biggest capability acquisition decision that the Australian Government has made since announcing the AUKUS optimal pathway back in March of 2023. MHI will build the first three vessels in its own shipyards in Japan, and the remaining eight will be built at Western Australia’s shipyards in Henderson.
The announcement that the Commonwealth and Austal had reached an agreement on the terms of the Strategic Shipbuilding Agreement was also welcomed, and provides assurance for shipbuilding in WA for many years to come.
While the future looks bright, the last 12-18 months have been tough for many within the defence industry in WA.
Implementation of new initiatives from the 2024 National Defence Strategy saw many existing Defence programs cancelled, reduced in scope, or deferred. Cancellation of the ANZAC-class frigate Transition Capability Assurance Program (TRANSCAP), reduction in construction numbers for Arafura-class Offshore Patrol Vessels, and constraints in naval ship sustainment funding have all combined to reduce work in the short to medium term. The reduction in demand has come while industry is being called on by Defence to increase capability and capacity for the work to come.
New medium and heavy landing craft will eventually be built at Henderson for the Army. Although the preferred designs have been announced and the Strategic Shipbuilding Agreement confirmed, contracts for construction, however, had still not been signed at the time of writing this article. Delays in commencing construction have, and will, continue to affect industry.
The coincidence of state and federal election cycles in the first half of 2025 also introduced uncertainty at a time when industry was seeking clarity and certainty. With both the Albanese and Cook Governments re-elected, industry looks forward to at least shortterm consistency in policy and plans. Ongoing Commonwealth and State Government support will be required if industry is going to be able to meet its future demand and challenges.
On top of electoral uncertainty, industry has had to deal with churn and uncertainty within Defence. The key leaders in the Naval Shipbuilding and Sustainment Group responsible for WA shipbuilding projects and Henderson consolidation have all moved on,
and industry will need to develop new relationships with their replacements. There has also been the Richardson review into the Australian Submarine Agency, and the UK and US Governments have conducted, or are conducting, reviews into the AUKUS program. These all combine to undermine confidence in future plans announced only a short time ago.
AUKUS Pillar II promises enhanced collaboration between Australia, the UK and the US on advanced technologies, but very little detail has flowed down to industry and the university sector. WA companies and universities have much to contribute and look to Defence to better articulate the pathway forward.
Looking forward to 2026, the Commonwealth Government is committed to releasing an updated National Defence Strategy, Integrated Investment Program and Defence Industry Development Strategy. With the global and regional security situation only increasing in complexity and challenge, the importance of WA is expected to be reinforced in the suite of new strategic guidance.
Similarly, the university sector is hungry for more detail on how to better collaborate with the Defence Science and Technology Group. Defence’s Innovation, Science and Technology Strategy was updated in late 2024, titled: “Accelerating Asymmetric Advantage – Delivering More, Together” spoke of an intent to establish a new nationwide Defence Research Centre model and the linking of industry with researchers, Defence scientists, and end users. But no further detail on the Defence Research Centre model has been provided; nor has there been significant development of the Australian Defence Science and Universities Network (ADSUN) that is designed to foster collaboration between the university sector and Defence.
Despite the challenges, it remains an exciting time to be a Western Australian in the defence sector.
By year’s end, we can expect more clarity on the way forward for the consolidated Defence Precinct at Henderson. The medium and heavy landing projects should have moved forward towards construction, and there will be greater certainty on the AUKUS program post the US Government review.
Looking forward to 2026, the Commonwealth Government is committed to releasing an updated National Defence Strategy, Integrated Investment Program and Defence Industry Development Strategy.
With the global and regional security situation only increasing in complexity and challenge, the importance of WA is expected to be reinforced in the suite of new strategic guidance.
Alongside that, WA should hope to see a continued commitment from the Commonwealth to shipbuilding and sustainment in the West, and further investment in other domains, including land, air and cyber.
Western Australia is also well-positioned to contribute to, and benefit from, any increased focus on AUKUS Pillar II technologies, leveraging exceptional capabilities in AI, quantum technologies, cyber and undersea systems. Opportunity is apparent, and it is, indeed, an exciting time for Western Australia.
Parramatta prepares to undock at BAE Systems’ Henderson shipyard, Western Australia. On 20 May 2025, the Anzac-class frigate completed the Anzac Midlife Capability Assurance Program (AMCAP) becoming the final ship to finish the project that began in 2018 representing a key milestone as the RAN prepares to transition to the Hunter-class frigate. Source: Department of Defence Photographer: ABIS Connor Morrison
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By Serge DeSilvaRanasinghe, Principal Editor
DEFENCE REVIEW
By
As 2025 draws to a close, Western Australia remains at the centre of some of the nation’s most strategically and militarily significant defence and infrastructure investment decisions. One of the most pivotal is the positive conclusion of the long-awaited AUKUS review by US Undersecretary of War for Policy, Elbridge Colby. This signals the go-ahead for the Virginia-class submarine acquisition under the $368bn AUKUS deal, allowing Australian defence planners to breathe a collective sigh of relief. A series of transformative developments in the defence industry will soon be underway in Western Australia, cementing the state’s foundational role in AUKUS and other high-profile defence and industry programs, and setting the course for years to come.
In August 2025, the ASA established in Western Australia its first senior executive public service position outside of Canberra. This role will oversee the modernisation and expansion of infrastructure in preparation for Australia’s first nuclear-powered submarine maintenance yard, to be located within the proposed Henderson Defence Precinct.
Although many challenges remain, important recent announcements in WA broadly indicate steady progress towards attainment of the key stated Commonwealth Government defence and industry objectives. These include increasing defence spending to 2.5% of GDP within five years; building a more technologically advanced and innovative defence force; and funding new military purchases, including a new fleet of frigates and amphibious ships.
Australia’s premier operational navy base, HMAS Stirling is undergoing significant transformation, with
a current investment of approximately $2.2bn of a broader $8bn infrastructure enhancement over the coming decade. This transformation is in preparation to accommodate a larger and more modern Royal Australian Navy fleet and to prepare for the increase in submarine activity from the planned Submarine Rotational Force – West (SRF-West). Once fully operational, SRF-West will involve up to four US Virginia-class and one UK Astute-class submarines rotating through HMAS Stirling
In cooperation with Defence and the WA Government, the Australian Submarine Agency (ASA) has been tasked to implement AUKUS Pillar I and remains focused on delivering the required facilities, infrastructure and support capabilities as part of Phase I. These are to be operational in time for the commencement of SRF-West in 2027, less than 100 weeks away.
In August 2025, the ASA established in Western Australia its first senior executive public service position outside of Canberra. This role will oversee the modernisation and expansion of infrastructure in preparation for Australia’s first nuclear-powered submarine maintenance yard, to be located within the proposed Henderson Defence Precinct. This appointment will ensure the precinct is equipped to
While naval and maritime infrastructure and training take precedence at HMAS Stirling, in preparation for SRF-West, another major Defence focus is in providing accommodation for the estimated 1200 US and UK crew and support personnel, and their families, who will be posted to HMAS Stirling between now and 2032. Lodging will be provided on base at HMAS Stirling and in surrounding suburbs, such as Rockingham and Kwinana.
support contingency dockings of nuclear-powered submarines (known as SSNs, according to STANAG 1166, the NATO Standard Ship Designator System) by 2032, when Phase II commences, and depot level maintenance later in the decade.
Practical measures and drills have already been conducted, with further training and practice sessions scheduled. This ongoing commitment to refining processes demonstrates the complexity of the undertaking and highlights Defence’s commitment to meet training targets and timelines. One example of this bilateral cooperation was seen in August and October 2024, when a Virginia-class SSN, USS Hawaii, and submarine tender USS Emory S. Land visited HMAS Stirling.
This deployment enabled dozens of Australian personnel to experience service aboard USS Emory S. Land, participating in knowledge exchange and maintenance training activities. Defence has described this visit as a major milestone, marking the first time Australians have participated in a US SSN-maintenance period in Australia. The exchange offered a unique opportunity for local industry to provide shore services, demonstrating both technical and industry capability to support such a specialised activity.
While naval and maritime infrastructure and training take precedence at HMAS Stirling, in
preparation for SRF-West, another major Defence focus is in providing accommodation for the estimated 1200 US and UK crew and support personnel, and their families, who will be posted to HMAS Stirling between now and 2032. Lodging will be provided on base at HMAS Stirling and in surrounding suburbs, such as Rockingham and Kwinana.
The hive of activity in Western Australia, and Henderson in particular, is attracting growing interest from the defence industry in the AUKUS partner nations. In November 2025, Henderson Alliance, supported by the Office of Defence Industry Support (ODIS), will host a delegation of cuttingedge businesses from the US state of Virginia. Led by the Virgina Economic Development Partnership (VEDP), the delegation will tour the Australian Marine Complex in Henderson and participate in a series of one-on-one business meetings with WA industry representatives.
Much of the focus on AUKUS has been between Australia and the US, however the United Kingdom is taking an increasingly prominent role in WA, particularly following the signing of the ‘Geelong Treaty’, which has heightened the significance of the UK’s role in both SRF-West and the development of the planned nuclear-powered submarine, the SSN AUKUS.
Her Excellency Dame Sarah McIntosh acknowledged to WA DEFENCE REVIEW this new era in bilateral relations: “Western Australia is central to our AUKUS partnership … I have visited Perth three times in the last three months, each time seeing and hearing more about Western Australia’s determination. Australia and Western Australia are well-positioned to contribute to AUKUS’ advanced technology Pillar II, with strengths in cyber, AI, remote operations and advanced capabilities. I have seen the work here in Western Australia and witnessed directly how your industries have driven innovation.”
Another monumental, and arguably even more significant, announcement is the initiative to build the Henderson Defence Precinct. In partnership with the Royal Australian Navy and the ASA, the Naval Shipbuilding and Sustainment Group (NSSG) has been designated as Defence’s nominated lead agency overseeing the Henderson Defence Precinct development, working in conjunction with the WA Government.
In October 2024, the Commonwealth and WA Governments signed a formal cooperation agreement for the initial Henderson Defence Precinct works program, which included an initial $127m commitment to proceed with planning and enabling work.
Subsequently, in September 2025, the Commonwealth Government announced the allocation of $12bn in funding, indicating that total project cost would likely be over $20bn establish and expand the Henderson Defence Precinct.
Affirming to WA DEFENCE REVIEW the vital importance of the Henderson Defence Precinct to WA’s future defence sector ambitions, WA Defence Advocate, RADM Phil Spedding, RAN (Rtd) stated, “The Henderson Defence Precinct will fundamentally transform the Australian Marine Complex. Most industrial shipyard precincts across the world are single purpose - that is for shipbuilding, surface ship
The United Kingdom is taking an increasingly prominent role in WA, particularly following the signing of the ‘Geelong Treaty’, which has heightened the significance of the UK’s role in both SRF-West and the development of the planned nuclear-powered submarine, the SSN AUKUS.
sustainment, conventional submarine sustainment or nuclear-powered submarine sustainment. Henderson is unique in that it already supports three of these activities and will soon expand to undertake a fourth.”
Elaborating on the extent of the new precinct’s capabilities, he added, “New shipbuilding facilities will be required to accommodate larger and more complex surface ships in the future. New docking facilities will be needed to support all Navy vessels, not just frigates and smaller ships as at present. Collins-class conventional submarine sustainment will continue into the 2040s, while a whole new industry will be developed to sustain nuclear-powered submarines - with new infrastructure built to the exacting regulatory and safety requirements associated with that endeavour.”
Referring to the unique opportunities this development offers the WA defence industry, he continued, “Construction of these facilities must occur alongside current shipbuilding and sustainment work. Henderson should support the ongoing commercial maritime, energy and resource sectors that already contribute so much to the state and national economies. So, valuable construction jobs over both the short and long term will be created, with the consolidation and guarantee of existing shipbuilding and sustainment jobs, and new employment and economic opportunities across shipbuilding, sustainment and nuclear-powered submarine sustainment.”
In October 2024, the Commonwealth and WA Governments signed a formal cooperation agreement for the initial Henderson Defence Precinct works program, which included an initial $127m commitment to proceed with planning and enabling work. Subsequently, in September 2025, the Commonwealth Government announced the allocation of $12bn in funding, indicating that total project cost would likely be over $20bn establish and expand the Henderson Defence Precinct.
On 28 June 2025, Offshore Patrol Vessel (OPV) Arafura was commissioned into service in a ceremony at Fremantle. HMAS Arafura is the first of class and will now operate as His Majesty’s Australian Ship (HMAS). A further five OPVs will be brought into service, with the first two built at Osborne Naval Shipyard in South Australia and a further four constructed at Henderson. Source: Department of Defence. Photographer: ABIS Connor Morrison.
With the establishment and development of continuous naval shipbuilding and nuclear-powered submarine sustainment, the defence maritime sector will provide generational employment and training opportunities for Western Australians. A wide range of skills will be required, including advanced manufacturing, welding, electronics, nuclear engineering, AI, robotics and cybersecurity. There will also be scope for personnel trained in implementing and maintaining the robust and stringent safety and environmental standards required when establishing and maintaining shipyards capable of sustaining nuclear submarines.
As the Western Australian defence sector gathers momentum, there are growing indications from local industry as companies prepare or restructure to capitalise on a new era of opportunity and economic growth.
Beyond AUKUS, 2025 has seen another significant Commonwealth Government announcement, one with widespread ramifications for the future of Australia-Japan relations. In August 2025, the Commonwealth Government awarded the SEA 3000 General-Purpose Frigate project to Japanese shipbuilder Mitsubishi Heavy Industries. This project
will replace the ageing ANZAC-class frigates and deliver the upgraded Mogami-class as the preferred platform. The new Royal Australian Navy fleet of frigates will comprise 11 ships, with the first three to be built in Japan, while the remaining eight will be constructed in Western Australia.
Emphasising the importance of the decision to WA DEFENCE REVIEW, Japan’s Ambassador to Australia, His Excellency Kazuhiro Suzuki remarked, “With the fourth vessel onwards to be built in Australia, Japan and Australia will cooperate to commence maintenance on the first vessel in Western Australia. The construction and maintenance of the upgraded Mogami-class frigate in Western Australia may also provide the spark to commence further industrial cooperation with Japanese companies and have a synergistic effect that transcends the defence field”.
Strategically, the General-Purpose Frigate announcement represents a historic opportunity to strengthen cooperation with Japan via their joint membership in the QUAD, the diplomatic partnership between Australia, Japan, India and the US. It has also raised speculation by some as to the future prospect of Japan entering AUKUS, potentially positioning WA in an even more strategic role. As China’s influence as a regional hegemon and global superpower continues to increase, Western Australia’s strategic importance will also become more apparent.
Focusing on national shipbuilding, WAheadquartered shipbuilder, Austal, continued its planned delivery of three Guardian-class patrol boats to Defence and three Evolved Cape-class patrol vessels to the Royal Australian Navy. As of October 2025, following the delivery and launch of the ninth and tenth Evolved Cape-class patrol boats respectively, construction continues on two remaining Guardians (of the 24 contracted) and two Evolved Capes (for the Australian Border Force).
However, the most significant announcement for the company came in August 2025, when the Commonwealth Government formally appointed Austal as the prime contractor under the Strategic Shipbuilding Agreement (SSA) to manufacture both Landing Craft Medium (LC-M) and Landing Craft Heavy (LC-H) vessels for the Australian Army. The SSA enables Austal to proceed with the construction of 18 LC-M and eight LC-H vessels at the Henderson shipyard, securing more employment and business opportunities for Western Australia.
Austal CEO, Paddy Gregg, speaking to WA
DEFENCE REVIEW, underlined the importance of the contract: “Under the new ‘Strategic Shipbuilding Agreement’ (SSA), Austal’s wholly owned subsidiary, Austal Defence Australia, will serve as the Prime Contractor for key elements of the Naval Shipbuilding and Sustainment Plan over the coming decade. This includes delivering Landing Craft Medium and Landing Craft Heavy vessels for the Australian Army, while also establishing the foundation for future programs such as General-Purpose Frigates and optionally crewed platforms for the Royal Australian Navy.”
In a high-profile manoeuvre, Henderson-based Civmec completed the acquisition of Luerssen Australia in July 2025, rebranding the new enterprise as Civmec Defence Industries (CDI), a wholly owned subsidiary of Civmec. The acquisition further consolidates the company’s market position as a key player in Australia’s naval shipbuilding sector. CDI retains full responsibility for executing the build program for the SEA 1180 Arafura-class Offshore Patrol Vessel (OPV).
Commenting on the acquisition, Civmec’s Chairman, James Fitzgerald shared, “Bringing Luerssen Australia into the Civmec Group reinforces our commitment to building sovereign capability and delivering comprehensive shipbuilding solutions. We’re focused on ensuring a smooth transition and continuing momentum on the OPV program.”
October 2025 saw another notable acquisition, with German-British multinational defence technology company, Helsing announcing its acquisition of Perthbased Blue Ocean MTS, an ocean technology company that designs, develops and operates autonomous underwater vehicles. The acquisition will integrate Blue Ocean’s hardware and manufacturing capabilities with Helsing’s artificial-intelligence systems, merging Blue Ocean and Helsing’s teams and providing operations in the UK and Australia. This acquisition demonstrates WA’s proven track record in remote operations and autonomous underwater craft.
Alluding to the purchase of Blue Ocean MTS, Helsing General Manager Maritime, Amelia Gould, explained, “The need for a smart autonomous massapproach is clear, and together with Blue Ocean we can build an autonomous glider that provides a big leap forward in conducting underwater ISR for navies. Blue Ocean has been a key partner over the last 12 months and as we seek to significantly strengthen our maritime offer to Europe and AUKUS, it makes sense for us to join forces. Together, we can offer customers
During a trip to the United Kingdom to participate in the biennial Defence and Security Equipment International (DSEI) exhibition in London, the WA Government signed an MoU with Rolls-Royce, the renowned UK-headquartered multinational company which has powered the Royal Navy’s nuclear submarines for more than six decades. Under the agreement, initiatives to build a highly skilled workforce in Western Australia will be co-designed and implemented, focusing on strengthening STEM pipelines and addressing critical skills gaps for current and future defence projects. Source: WA Government. Supplied.
a unique blend of domain expertise, rapid innovation and advanced technology.”
Other industry milestones are also noteworthy, namely the accreditation of WA businesses under the Defence Industry Vendor Qualification (DIVQ) and the Australian Submarine Supplier Qualification (AUSSQ) programs, both of which are overseen by the Australian Submarine Agency (ASA).
At the start of 2025, the first Defence Industry Vendor Qualification (DIVQ) accreditation for AUKUS was awarded to Australian businesses. Similarly, in March 2025, the Australian Submarine Supplier Qualification (AUSSQ) accreditation, undertaken by H&B Defence on behalf of US defence prime Huntington Ingalls Industries (HII), was launched to fast-track Australian suppliers into established AUKUS submarine supply chains.
Specialist engineering provider, Hofmann Engineering, headquartered in Perth, also announced their successful qualification to respond to a Request
In August 2025, the Commonwealth Government awarded the SEA 3000 General-Purpose Frigate project to Japanese shipbuilder Mitsubishi Heavy Industries. This project will replace the ageing ANZAC-class frigates and deliver the upgraded Mogami-class as the preferred platform. The new Royal Australian Navy fleet of frigates will comprise 11 ships, with the first three to be built in Japan, while the remaining eight will be constructed in Western Australia.
for Quotation (RFQ) to produce parts for US Navy nuclear-powered aircraft carriers.
Similarly, WA engineering company VEEM not only received AUSSQ accreditation, but also clinched a nine-year US$33m manufacturing licence agreement with US defence prime Northrop Grumman to manufacture and supply precision castings for the US Navy’s Virginia-class submarines, the same class of submarine that the Royal Australian Navy is scheduled to acquire from 2032 onwards, under the AUKUS partnership.
Finally, WA-owned foundry, Dobbie, which specialises in the manufacturing of critical castings for Defence and industry, as well as large-diameter valves for civil infrastructure, also obtained AUSSQ accreditation. Referring to this accomplishment, Dobbie Managing Director, Phil Bardon said, “Achieving HII-NNS approved supplier status through the AUSSQ program is a tremendous recognition of Dobbie’s capabilities as a sovereign Australian manufacturer. To be among the first Australian companies qualified to supply Level 1 Material is especially significant - it demonstrates our ability to meet the most stringent defence standards and validates the strength of our foundry team.”
These examples are an early indicator of the capability of reputable Australian companies to successfully participate in US and UK defence industry domestic supply chains to support these nations’ nuclear-powered fleets.
Throughout 2025, the Government of Western Australia, spurred on by the momentum from AUKUS, has actively promoted the state and its industrial capabilities to prominent stakeholders locally, nationally and internationally.
A prime example of this support came with the release in January 2025 of the WA Government’s updated WA Defence & Defence Industry Strategy 2025. This publication aims to develop local capability, jobs and supply-chain activity tied to AUKUS and continuous shipbuilding. “The defence industry is playing a critical role in diversifying Western Australia’s economy and bolstering its position as the ‘engine room’ of the national economy,” declared Hon Roger Cook MLA, Premier of Western Australia, in his optimistic prologue to the 2025 report. With thousands of jobs expected to be created by the defence sector in the years ahead, Western Australian industry will need a diverse range of support to meet future workforce demands.
September 2025 saw another high point, when the WA Government led a trade delegation of more than 20 WA businesses to London to participate in one of the world’s largest defence events, the Defence and Security Equipment International (DSEI).
A significant outcome from the event was the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between Fremantle’s CiTech and global defence firm Babcock. CiTech builds self-deploying communication towers for remote and hostile locations, and will provide its WA-made technology to the Ukraine via the UK-led International Fund for Ukraine and the NATO Support and Procurement Agency. Henderson-based Franmarine was also selected to provide biofouling services for the AUKUS submarines that are set to rotate through WA from 2026.
Other major announcements included the WA Government’s signing of MoUs with both BAE Systems and Rolls Royce. According to the WA Government, the collaboration with BAE Systems, arguably Europe’s largest defence contractor, will support workforce training and development, while also enhancing WA’s defence industry by helping to integrate local businesses into international supply chains.
Similarly, the WA Government is convinced that its new MoU partnership with Rolls Royce, a company which has powered the Royal Navy’s nuclear-powered submarines for more than six decades, will ensure the WA workforce is fully prepared to seize upcoming
It is evident that over time, the workload will shift from the existing development projects and evolve into genuine continuous shipbuilding and sustainment work. This will provide the catalyst for workforce demands in Western Australia to grow sharply, with the prospect of an additional 10,000 skilled jobs expected to be created, spanning shipbuilding, submarine sustainment and support services.
AUKUS opportunities and will provide training programs to upskill WA workers.
Capping off the year, October 2025 added another milestone for the WA Government, when it announced its intention to transition Defence West to become an independent statutory body. Acknowledging the significance of the announcement, WA Premier Roger Cook confirmed, “Transforming Defence West into a statutory body will be a game changer for Western Australia, creating a single, powerful voice to champion our state’s defence industries at the highest levels. This new independent agency will unlock opportunities for local businesses and help position WA as the destination of choice for defence manufacturing.”
Given the nature and scale of developments in the defence sector since 2024, it is clear that WA’s defence and security industry is strategically positioned to be a major economic driver for Western Australia. In an exclusive interview with WA DEFENCE REVIEW, WA Minister for Defence Industries, Hon Paul Papalia, acknowledged this favourable position: “Of course, the resources sector dwarfs other industries, generating hundreds of billions each year. Our second-biggest sector at the moment is agriculture, which delivers around $10bn to $11bn annually. The defence sector is north of $6bn, but we anticipate that it [defence] will soon surpass agriculture.”
The Minister also discussed the plethora of defence sector opportunities to be found in Western Australia: “The Deputy Prime Minister has indicated that the Commonwealth Government will build two nuclearrated dry docks and a contingency floating dockfacilities capable of accommodating our biggest naval ships - along with all the associated shore-side activity and work. Combined, this would be in the order of $15bn to $20bn of capital. In addition, we already know that $8bn will be invested to upgrade HMAS Stirling over the next decade.”
The Minister also emphasised the abundant economic opportunities which will flow from the
While in the UK to participate in London’s Defence and Security Equipment International (DSEI) exhibition, the Cook Government signed an MoU with BAE Systems. This collaboration will support workforce training and development for WA’s burgeoning defence industry, focusing on integrating local businesses into international supply chains. The MoU sets the stage for the development of a whole generation of highly skilled workers in fields such as advanced manufacturing, welding, electronics, nuclear engineering, AI, robotics and cybersecurity. Source: WA Government. Supplied.
AUKUS developments. “Continuous naval shipbuilding projects, such as landing craft, are worth about $3bn and the general-purpose frigates about $7bn. Sustainment and maintenance costs typically make up three-quarters of expenditure on a vessel - more than $300m per nuclear submarine. This is an ongoing requirement and most of this cost will be spent in Western Australia. Finally, beyond direct investment, there is also the presence of defence personnel, who will live, work and spend in the state…”
It is evident that over time, the workload will shift from the existing development projects and evolve into genuine continuous shipbuilding and sustainment work. This will provide the catalyst for workforce demands in Western Australia to grow sharply, with the prospect of an additional 10,000 skilled jobs expected to be created, spanning shipbuilding, submarine sustainment and support services.
Arguably, Western Australia has not experienced such substantial investment in its defence sector since the advent of the Two Ocean Navy policy of 1987. The cumulative impact of the recent announcements is that they position Western Australia as a national manufacturing and sustainment hub for surface combatants and the centre of submarine sustainment, with key focal points including HMAS Stirling, the Henderson Defence Precinct, Austal under the SSA and the SEA 3000 General Purpose Frigate project. Western Australia stands at a defining moment in its development, poised to become the major player in Australia’s defence sector, and in a position to shape the future prospects of the state for decades ahead. The convergence of AUKUS, vital Commonwealth Government initiatives and infrastructure commitments, regional contracts and agreements, as well as unprecedented industry collaboration has elevated Western Australia to become a strategic cornerstone of Australia’s defence future.
WA DEFENCE REVIEW 6TH EDITION LAUNCH @ THE POINT ROOFTOP BAR 23 OCTOBER 2024
WA DEFENCE REVIEW 6TH EDITION LAUNCH @ THE POINT ROOFTOP BAR 23 OCTOBER 2024
WA DEFENCE INDUSTRY 2024 GALA DINNER @ OPTUS STADIUM
WA DEFENCE INDUSTRY 2024 GALA DINNER @ OPTUS STADIUM
The Australian Industry and Defence Network (AIDN) Young Achiever Awards recognise talented individuals who have demonstrated outstanding innovation, leadership and ingenuity in Australia’s Defence sector. On 5 December 2024, Alen Chen and Cody Parson (L-R), both from defence engineering company, Babcock, were honoured as AIDN WA’s 2024 Young Achievers.
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By Dr Peter Layton, Senior Correspondent WA DEFENCE REVIEW
Australia’s northern half is increasingly geo-strategically significant. This top half borders Papua New Guinea and is nearest to South-East Asia. That proximity means that any military threats to Australia would most likely come through this area.
By Thomas Hage, Editorial Coordinator & Defence Writer WA DEFENCE REVIEW &
Northern Australia is often defined as being north of latitude 26° south, running from near Carnarvon in Western Australia, across the border between the Northern Territory and South Australia, and onto Bundaberg in Queensland. It is mostly tropical in climate and generally arid. In broad terms, the towns in this vast area are effectively islands, isolated from each other and the rest of Australia, especially when it floods.
Northern Australia looms large in the 2024 National Defence Strategy, which envisages a strategy of denial, deterring potential adversaries attempting to
project power against Australia through its northern approaches. Accordingly, one of the strategy’s immediate priorities is improving Australia’s northern military bases. The intent is to develop a base network that is resilient if attacked and which can support power projection into the immediate region, if necessary, in a conflict.
That ambition most affects the Army. Darwin’s 1st Brigade is becoming a light combat brigade that is agile and able to quickly deploy in the littoral environment. In contrast, Townsville’s 3rd Brigade is now converting into an armoured brigade specifically designed to undertake amphibious operations to secure decisive terrain in wartime. In both Townsville and Darwin, new Littoral Lift Groups will be established, able to deploy heavy combat vehicles throughout South-East Asia and the Pacific on the new medium and heavy landing craft being built in Western Australia.
Those changes further mean that the 1st Aviation Regiment is leaving Darwin. Townsville will now become the home base for Apache attack helicopters, Chinook heavy-lift helicopters and the Army’s armoured vehicles.
HMAS Hobart sails the Arafura Sea, an Indian Ocean waterway, at dawn, during Exercise Kakadu 2022, the RAN’s flagship biennial regional Maritime International Engagement exercise conducted in Darwin and the Northern Australian Exercise area (NAXA) in September 2022. Since its inception in 1993, Exercise Kakadu has grown in size and complexity and provides an opportunity for regional partners to undertake multinational maritime activities ranging from constabulary operations to high-end maritime warfare in a combined environment. Source: Department of Defence. Photographer: LSIS Tara Morrison.
The National Defence Strategy also sets out defence contributions to the collective security of the IndoPacific. This involves further strengthening defence engagement with the US, including through joint exercises, force rotations and joint-user infrastructure development.
For Americans, some of the rationale for infrastructure investment hinges on a perceived future threat from China. In late May 2025, US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth warned that China posed an “imminent” threat to Taiwan, with conflict possibly starting in 2027. This put into perspective comments made last year by the Commander of the US Pacific Air Forces, who noted bases in northern Australia were beyond the range of Chinese missiles. Consequently, in a crisis, the US could potentially shift its forces southwards, out of harm’s way. Given that, the General noted the US Air Force was seeking to undertake more air training exercises using those bases, but also that using Australia’s northern bases for periodic training was different to permanently basing combat aircraft there.
The National Defence Strategy is affecting military bases across Northern Australia, including the arrival of new combat capabilities, improvements to infrastructure and in the scale and complexity of the major exercises being undertaken from them. Queensland, the Northern Territory and WA are all involved to varying degrees.
In Queensland, major changes are underway in Townsville and, to a lesser extent, Cairns. Almost all of Army’s armoured vehicles will be assigned to 3rd Brigade in Townsville, making it the most powerful land formation in the region. Over time, there will be some 300 vehicles including the new M1A2 SEPv3 Abrams tanks, AS21 Redback infantry fighting vehicles, Boxer Combat Reconnaissance Vehicles and AS9 selfpropelled howitzers.
This year, the Army’s 29 new AH-64E Apache attack helicopters will start arriving in Townsville, replacing the ARH Tigers previously based in Darwin. Some $700m is being invested in upgrading RAAF Base Townsville to support the new Apaches. Construction is underway on new aircraft hangars and tarmac upgrades. The Apache fleet’s maintenance, engineering, training and logistics will be provided by Boeing Defence Australia under a seven-year, $306m support contract.
Most of the Army’s 14 CH-47F Chinooks are also based in Townsville. Boeing recently won the $184m Chinook integrated support services contract running until August 2028. Of interest, the Army’s 40-strong new Blackhawk medium-lift helicopter fleet will be based at Oakey, outside Toowoomba, not, as previously, in Townsville.
The expanded Army presence in Townsville means that some 400 homes need to be built. This is being managed by Defence Housing Australia, with the new homes available from early 2026.
North of Townsville, HMAS Cairns is being upgraded to better support and maintain the Navy’s and Pacific Island nations’ patrol boats. Navy Capability Infrastructure Sub-Program 8A will both modify the base to support the new Arafura-class Offshore Patrol Vessels and refurbish the base’s logistics, maintenance and cadet facilities; the completion date is late 2026. As part of that, the existing Navy wharf will be removed and a new wharf and explosive ordnance storage facility built. While four Arafura-class vessels were originally slated for HMAS Cairns, the recent cuts in vessel numbers means the class’s home ports are being reconsidered.
HMAS Cairns has long been the home port for the Navy’s hydrographic survey ships. The Navy is, however, now transitioning to using commercial hydrographic services under the HydroScheme Industry Partnership Program (HIPP). Accordingly, the Navy’s hydrographic vessels are being steadily decommissioned, with the last being HMAS Leeuwin HIPP is currently funded until 2034.
Beyond new capabilities and basing upgrades, there are many regular exercises held in Queensland. They include Australia’s largest biennial military exercise, Exercise Talisman Sabre. This year was the eleventh iteration and, for the first time, was conducted partly outside Australia, in Papua New Guinea. Within Australia, the exercise spread across Queensland, the Northern Territory, Western Australia, New South Wales and Victoria.
Some 30,000 military personnel from 19 countries participated in Talisman Sabre 2025, which focused on multi-domain warfighting. Key training activities included amphibious and airborne lodgements, firepower demonstrations and operations across land, air, sea, space and cyber domains. A noteworthy event was the Australian Army’s firing of both the High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS) and the National Advanced Surface-to-Air Missile System. HIMARS was fired by US forces as part of Talisman Sabre 2023 but the 2025 event was Australia’s first firing of Australian-owned equipment.
“Northern Australia is often defined as being north of latitude 26° south, running from near Carnarvon in Western Australia, across the border between the Northern Territory and South Australia, and onto Bundaberg in Queensland. It is mostly tropical in climate and generally arid. In broad terms, the towns in this vast area are effectively islands, isolated from each other and the rest of Australia, especially when it floods.
In contrast to Queensland, developments in the Northern Territory involve the US. While there is considerable Australian investment, most of that is coordinated with the US so as to develop Darwin and Tindal to meet both countries’ needs.
The most obvious need is that of the US Marine Rotational Forces–Darwin (MRF-D). It involves some 2500 US Marine Corps ground and aviation personnel deploying for more than six months to undertake diverse training activities across the Indo-Pacific.
From this year, some 600 Japanese personnel trained in amphibious force operations are now joining the US deployments. Beyond the Marines, the Northern Territory also hosts many other regular international military exercises, including with India (AUSINDEX21), Indonesia (Exercise Wirra Jaya), Papua New Guinea (Exercise Paradise) and UK and Philippine forces (Exercise Predator’s Run).
These many activities require suitable support facilities. At RAAF Base Darwin, considerable facilities work designed to support the MRF-D’s Air Combat Element is beginning. There are three US-funded projects.
Project P-923 is currently constructing an aircraft parking apron, aircraft rinse facility, aircraft wash rack, helicopter landing pads and supporting facilities. After that, P-941 will build Aviation Logistics Squadron and Wing Support Squadron facilities, and P-949 will construct a C-130 Hercules-sized aircraft maintenance hangar and a telecommunications distribution facility.
The first project to be started is P-923, for which a $370m contract was awarded in April 2025 to Sullivan Land Services, with works expected to be completed by December 2027. The budgets for P-941 and P-949 are about $300m each.
Australia is funding further work at RAAF Base Darwin. Under the $160m Mid-Term Refresh project, various infrastructure improvements will be made, including a new high-capacity vehicle entrance, heavy vehicle access upgrades, and better water and sewer systems.
The upgrades will improve the base’s ability to support the significant number of personnel, aircraft and support elements that now operate from RAAF Base Darwin during major activities and exercises. In December 2024, Defence appointed Laing O’Rourke as the managing contractor for the delivery of the project. Construction will be completed around mid-2027.
The Refresh project will additionally make some infrastructure improvements at the nearby Robertson Barracks, including a new combined ranks’ mess, officers’ mess upgrades, and outdoor gymnasiums.
Some 120km from Darwin, Mount Bundey Training Area airfield is also being upgraded to support ADF and US Marine Corps training. This work involves refurbishment of the main runway, the taxiways and the parking apron. Phase two is now underway and includes work on the secondary runway and military-only areas.
While not a defence facility, the port of Darwin is a contentious issue. The port was leased to the Chinese firm Landbridge by the Northern Territory Government for 99 years in 2015. That has led to many reviews and acrimonious debates, culminating in this year’s federal election, when both major parties promised to return the lease to Australian hands within the next three years.
New defence facilities are also being jointly built by the US and Australia at RAAF Base Tindal, about 300km south-east of Darwin.
The US is funding four projects. First, a $200m contract has been awarded to Nova-Nacap for the construction of a large parking apron suitable for six B-52-sized aircraft, for installing ground fuel infrastructure and six refuelling points, and for fitting apron floodlighting.
Second, a $25m contract has been won by CC Pines to build squadron operations facilities that allow aircrew mission planning, crew briefings and safety equipment maintenance appropriate to an eightaircraft bomber deployment of about two weeks. Third, a $24m contact has been awarded to Acciona CMS to construct an aircraft maintenance support facility. Lastly, and still being considered, is the construction of an aircraft maintenance hangar of a size that could accommodate a single B-2 bomber.
An RAAF F-35A Lightning II during pre-flight checks at RAAF Base Curtin, WA, during Exercise Talisman Sabre 2023. Occurring every two years, Talisman Sabre is the largest Australia-US bilaterally planned, multilaterally conducted exercise and a key opportunity to work with likeminded partners from across the region and around the world. Source: Department of Defence. Photographer: LACW Annika Smit.
Australia is funding a single large project titled RAAF Base Tindal Redevelopment Stage 6 and US Force Posture Initiatives Airfield Works. This $1.07bn project has two distinct elements. Component 1 provides base infrastructure improvements, including additional accommodation and upgrades to power, water and sewerage services. Component 2 improves the base’s ability to support KC-30A tanker operations and enhances access to the base by USAF aircraft. Both components will be finished by 2027.
Outside of those jointly coordinated projects, there are additional facilities works at Tindal to support the RAAF’s new MQ-4C Triton uncrewed maritime surveillance aircraft. Three Tritons are now at Tindal with a fourth expected in 2028. The works underway include the construction of maintenance hangars, a support and maintenance building, pavements and aircraft wash facilities.
The activity in Western Australia is mixed. On the plus side, a large upgrade to RAAF Base Learmonth associated with KC-30A tanker operations is now starting. A contract was recently awarded to ATCO Australia to build a temporary workers’ camp.
Moreover, offshore work has also started on the Cocos Island Airfield Upgrade Project that will improve P-8 maritime surveillance aircraft operations; these works will be completed by 2028. On the negative side, the long-mooted refurbishment of RAAF Base Curtin has recently been further delayed; work will now not start until 2026.
There is much happening across Northern Australia. Even so, there are challenges. In terms of the new combat capabilities being introduced, their deeper
Accepting the enduring challenges inherent in Northern Australia, the pace of developments is striking. The combination of Australian and US funding is rapidly changing what had seemed a rather stagnant Northern Australian defence posture. It all reflects Northern Australia becoming increasingly geo-strategically significant to both countries.
maintenance and logistic support are all distant, being located in southern Australia.
Such separation can be a problem as the all-weather transportation routes are few and are often cut in the wet season by floods. These factors also affect efforts to make improvements to Northern Australia’s infrastructure. Further constraints are imposed by the limited construction workforce resident in Northern Australia.
Lastly, major exercises are always hard to undertake as each location has limitations on power supplies, fuel storage, water availability and sewage services. Exercises need to be planned well in advance to ensure local supplies have been built up sufficiently for the exercise period.
Accepting the enduring challenges inherent in Northern Australia, the pace of developments is striking. The combination of Australian and US funding is rapidly changing what had seemed a rather stagnant Northern Australian defence posture. It all reflects Northern Australia becoming increasingly geostrategically significant to both countries.
Defence must take a more proactive role in supporting the business cases put forward by industry to develop and upgrade the major freight routes of Northern Australia, given Defence would benefit from such initiatives.
We are the peak road transport industry bodies for WA and the NT representing 8000 companies, with over 74,000 heavy vehicles.
GGMC is a fundamental input to capability for regional stability and national security.
Gascoyne Gateway is a sovereign, privately funded deep-water port development in Exmouth, designed to support Defence’s strategic priorities through enhanced logistics, sustainment, and operational flexibility across all domains.
This strategic asset will strengthen Australia’s Defence posture by supporting northern sustainment, operational reach, and logistics resilience in the Indian Ocean.
With over five years of approvals, planning and feasibility studies complete, it paves the way for a vital hub between Perth and Darwin, unlocking a diversity of regional economic opportunities.
Enhancing Defence integration, security, and flexibility.
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Adding Berth Capacity to our Navy: Doubling of the Navy’s fleet, offers surge capacity
RAAF Learmonth: By proximity and functionality, GGMC is a strategic Force Posture initiative
Undersea Warfare Support: Sustaining operational deterrence in the area of focus, reduce transit times and congestion
Northwest Defence Presence: Supporting deterrence and protection of critical infrastructure
Supply-Chain & Maintenance
Resilience: Complementing Henderson, AMC and WA shipbuilding initiatives
As Western Australia’s north-west continues to evolve into a strategic hub for defence and resource development, Exmouth Freight and Logistics (EFL) is at the forefront, delivering comprehensive logistics solutions that meet the region’s expanding demands. With over two decades of experience and a reputation built upon reliability, safety and innovation, EFL is uniquely positioned to support the growing presence of the Australian Defence Force and the US military in Exmouth and surrounding areas.
The growing defence activity in Exmouth, particularly around the Harold E. Holt Naval Communication Station and RAAF Base Learmonth, has driven demand for highly specialised logistics services. EFL has responded with tailored solutions that ensure the seamless provision of equipment, management and personnel, aligning perfectly with the complex requirements of defence operations.
EFL’s proven track record includes logistics coordination for high-profile Defence projects, such as C-Band Radar and the Space Surveillance Telescope installations, NASA’s North-West Shelf Subsea Research program and, most recently, Northrop Grumman’s Deepspace Advanced Radar Capability (DARC) project.
As the main contractor, Northrop Grumman is building the DARC system, which will use multiple ground-based, radar-equipped antennas working together to provide high-precision global coverage to detect, track and identify space objects and debris.
The DARC project was transformative for EFL, providing the opportunity to work closely with Fisica Inc. over the 18-month construction period. Fisica is a leading defence product manufacturer designing airborne and ground-based antennas and electromagnetic systems. “Northrop Grumman and Fisica placed a lot of trust in our local capability throughout this project, giving us the opportunity to provide custom logistics solutions to support their project, resulting in an exemplary project outcome,” says EFL Managing Director, Shane Coote. The successful delivery of these
projects demonstrates EFL’s ability to manage sensitive, large-scale operations with precision and discretion – qualities essential for defence logistics. Indeed, EFL’s service offerings go far beyond basic transport, offering a full spectrum of logistics solutions, including:
• Transport and heavy haulage: mobilising oversized and heavy equipment to meet specific client requirements.
• Storage and warehousing: secure, scalable facilities for short- and longterm storage.
• Plant, machinery and site assets: specialised access and lifting equipment, as well as site buildings, fuel tanks and generators to support onsite operations.
• Waste management: an accredited controlled waste carrier, EFL offers skip hire, remote waste collection and controlled waste tracking.
That breadth of services makes EFL a one-stop solution for project logistics, particularly in remote and challenging environments like the North-West Cape.
EFL’s operations are not only vital to defence, they also support the region’s oil and gas industry. With offshore mining and energy projects proliferating across the Carnarvon Basin and North-West Shelf, EFL is looking to play a key role in the industry’s decommissioning activities over the next decade.
EFL has been contracted by technology provider Technip FMC to deliver onshore logistics for the decommissioning of Woodside Energy’s subsea assets across the Griffin, Stybarrow and Echo Yodel fields. With 18 months of proven performance, EFL looks forward to continuing its
support of Technip for another 12 months, driving efficiency and reliability within the decommissioning space.
The company’s commitment to quality service standards and safe working practices has earned it the trust of major industry players and government agencies alike. EFL invests heavily in staff development and infrastructure, ensuring that its team and facilities are equipped to handle the evolving needs of the region.
As Exmouth and the north-west continue to grow in strategic importance, EFL is committed to being a proactive partner in that transformation. The company’s vision is clear: to deliver the most comprehensive logistics service to and from the North-West Cape by staying receptive to the individual and changing needs of its clients.
Whether supporting defence operations, resources projects or regional development initiatives, Exmouth Freight and Logistics is more than a service provider – it’s a strategic enabler of progress in Western Australia’s north-west.
exmouthfreight.com.au
By Louise Bilato, Executive Officer, NT Road Transport Association
As Australia hosted the largest iteration of Exercise Talisman Sabre to date in 2025, with over 43,000 personnel, 297 aircraft and 32 ships, including two carrier strike groups, one fact stood out starkly among the high-tech firepower and strategic posturing: the ADF has a major dependency on civilian logistics and road transport to function, and yet the industry remains largely excluded from planning.
The ADF must shift its mindset from assuming logistics will happen, to ensuring it happens well and with the right partners in the room from day one. Excluding the road transport and logistics industry from exercises denies Defence the opportunity to have a voice of logistical realism in their operational planning.
During Talisman Sabre 2025, industry representatives were invited to an Industry Tabletop Exercise exploring how the Northern Territory could better support Defence. Key voices, including the NT Road Transport Association (NTRTA), were not, however, in the room.
Despite 32,000t of military cargo being moved across Australia during the exercise, including remote area operations, there was no seat at the table for peak road transport industry representatives. This oversight is no small omission; it reflects a growing concern over the ADF’s disconnection.
The NTRTA and its WA counterpart, Western Roads Federation, have committed to ensuring that the road transport and logistics lessons from Talisman Sabre are not lost. Both organisations have already widely discussed their concerns with prominent figures across the civilian, academic, political and defence sectors. The feedback from these discussions is now shaping how a more structured collaborative industry and defence engagement can be implemented.
In times past, civilian operators have played a key role in logistics and identified major gaps in the ADF’s operational logistics knowledge during northern Australian operations. These shortcomings are based on decades of hard-won knowledge of an industry that undertakes supply tasks every day, not just for an exercise in the dry season. Industry knowledge extends to equipment design, maintenance processes and loading requirements for the harsh road conditions to ensure sustained and efficient supply.
This exclusion of a key logistics partner can lead to risky operational assumptions. Defence appears to take for granted the availability of reliable civilian infrastructure, fleets and drivers, without any longterm plan to ensure access or collaboration. It assumes logistics will just happen.
That assumption is flawed, as senior executives from the Western Australian, SA and NT governments, road and rail industry, and emergency services recently recognised at a major transnational freight resilience workshop in Adelaide. Defence was invited but did not attend.
Integrating national road and rail freight planning with Defence strategy is no longer optional; it is an urgent national security imperative. The civilian industry recognises it, Defence strategy mentions it, but its actions speak otherwise.
The ADF must shift its mindset from assuming logistics will happen, to ensuring it happens well and with the right partners in the room from day one. Excluding the road transport and logistics industry from exercises denies Defence the opportunity to have a voice of logistical realism in their operational planning.
The NTRTA and its WA counterpart, Western Roads Federation, have committed to ensuring that the road transport and logistics lessons from Talisman Sabre are not lost. Both organisations have already widely discussed their concerns with prominent figures across the civilian, academic, political and defence sectors. The feedback from these discussions is now shaping how a more structured collaborative industry and defence engagement can be implemented.
By Dr Gregor Ferguson, Contributing Defence Analyst
The second half of 2025 promises to be eventful for Australian Defence and industry. As well as Uncrewed Aerial Systems (UAS), major announcements are expected on General-Purpose Frigates, uncrewed submarines and Air Force Collaborative Combat Aircraft (CCA). One of the most eagerly anticipated announcements will be the sites where the ADF’s long-range weapons and rocket motors are manufactured. This year’s test of Australia’s new GMLRS munitions, assembled locally from imported components, is expected to take place at Defence’s Orchard Hills weapons facility in NSW, under a $37m Risk Reduction Contract. The Australian Weapons Manufacturing Complex (AWMC) will be designed to produce 4000 rocket munitions annually. Likewise, the Rocket Motor Manufacturing Complex (RMMC) is expected to be built on a similar scale.
Canberra-based CEA Technologies has won a $272m contract from Defence to manufacture 14 more vehicle-mounted CEAFAR phased array radars for the Army’s new 14 Regiment. This new unit of the Royal Australian Artillery will be equipped with the GMLRS, fired from 36 High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS) launch vehicles; the CEAFAR radars will be used to spot targets and detect incoming aircraft and UASs.
Lockheed Martin Australia delivered on time at the end of 2024 the first ‘drop’ – Materiel Release 1 – of the Joint Air Battle Management System (JABMS) under Project AIR6500 Phase 2A. JABMS will be delivered as a succession of drops at nine-month intervals,
culminating in the delivery of a completed Phase 2A in mid-2026.
The company also disclosed to Australian media that it had conducted a successful firing of the SM-2 surface-to-air missile in 2023 using a Virtualised Aegis system aboard the US Navy destroyer USS Winston S. Churchill. Virtualised Aegis, says the company, has a scalable radar and Combat Management System (CMS) and can integrate multiple sensors and effectors. It can go on any maritime platform or land installation, so do not be surprised if it pops up in later phases of Project AIR6500.
The second half of 2025 promises to be eventful for Australian Defence and industry. As well as Uncrewed Aerial Systems (UASs), major announcements are expected on General-Purpose Frigates, uncrewed submarines and Air Force Collaborative Combat Aircraft (CCA). One of the most eagerly anticipated announcements will be the sites where the ADF’s long-range weapons and rocket motors are manufactured.
Defence’s Advanced Strategic Capabilities Accelerator, ASCA, was shifted in early 2025 from being a sibling of Defence’s Science and Technology Group (DSTG) to the Vice Chief of the Defence Force (VCDF) Group. There, it will sit alongside Defence’s two-star Heads of Force Design, Force Integration and Strategic Plans. At the same time as its move, MAJGEN Hugh Meggitt AM, CSC, succeeded ASCA’s first Head, Professor Emily Hilder, who had set up the organisation and steered it to its first successes.
The move to VCDF’s Group is about making ASCA more responsive to the ADF’s emerging (and probably fast-changing) capability needs at a time of strategic uncertainty, when both threats and (as Ukraine and the Middle East both show) technologies are evolving with increasing pace.
Canberra-based Electro Optic Systems is a contender for ASCA’s Mission Syracuse, which aims to develop a range of counter-UAS ‘effectors’ that can be integrated with the C-UAS Command and Control (C2) system being developed by the Army under Project LAND156.
EOS cut its teeth doing space debris mapping and therefore manufactures extremely accurate and quick
An Air Force F-35A
laser trackers. Those are at the heart of the Slinger C-UAS system, which is based on its R400 Remote Weapon Station. Slinger can incorporate a range of weapons, depending on the threat faced by the customer, including 7.62mm machine guns, 30mm cannon, 40mm automatic grenade launchers, 70mm rockets, and 50–150 kW lasers. EOS has made several Slinger sales, and in May, announced it had sold the first maritime Slinger system to an undisclosed Western European country.
The MQ-28A Ghost Bat Collaborative Combat Aircraft (CCA), developed by Brisbane-based Boeing Defence Australia and the RAAF, has passed several important milestones. The Ghost Bat was the world’s first CCA and remains the most advanced, in terms of flight and operational capability testing, says Boeing.
from
In June 2025, Defence announced that two Block 1 Ghost Bats had been flown with an E-7A Wedgetail AEW&C aircraft (also manufactured by Boeing) under the control of a single Mission Execution Custodian following some 20,000 ‘flight’ hours of ground testing using the aircraft’s Digital Twin. A few days later, Defence also announced that the Ghost Bat had flown from RAAF Base Tindal, the first time it had flown at a base outside the Woomera Instrumented Range.
The Ghost Bat’s Vehicle Management System (VMS), manufactured by BAE Systems Australia, is key to its autonomy and is programmed in advance of each mission. A Launch and Recovery operator in a Ground Control Station (GCS) taxis and flies the aircraft for take-off and landing, while the MCS, who could be in the GCS or aboard a large, crewed aircraft such as the E-7A or P-8A Poseidon, monitors the execution of the Ghost Bat’s mission.
The Head of Air Force Capability, AVM Nick Hogan, said the Ghost Bat had performed very well so far in a trials program that will run for most of 2025, and he expected the aircraft to be an important part of the recommendations that he will give to government at the end of the year.
The RAAF said its focus is on Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR) payloads, at least to begin with, but Boeing Defence Australia plans to conduct its own Ghost Bat trials this year with air-to-air missiles. It is also possible the US Navy could become a customer for Ghost Bat as both RAAF and US Navy pilots have now been trained to ‘fly’ it.
Melbourne company C4i has delivered its first drop of secure voice communications as part of Lockheed Martin Australia’s supply chain for JABMS. C4i’s secure communications technology focusses on a homegrown secure voice communication system that connects into JABMS C2 networks in support of the RAAF’s Integrated Air and Missile Defence (IAMD) mission.
To sustain this critical system, C4i has developed an intuitive Human Machine Interface (HMI), VOICE C2, that will connect operators while integrating a range of disparate communications channels and systems – data, radio, telephony, facility control and recording – anywhere, at any time. C4i’s scalable and rapidly deployable communication system provides a robust communication infrastructure for coordinated responses in complex scenarios, says Lockheed Martin Australia.
The export market for a JABMS-like capability could be as much as $83bn over coming years, says Lockheed Martin Australia.
Following ASCA’s Sovereign UAS Trial at Woomera last year, Melbourne-based Sypaq has been awarded a contract under Project DEF129 (formerly Land 129 Phase 3 and 4). It will supply its lightweight CorvoX tiltrotor UAS design to the Army as a replacement for the older Wasp AE UAS to conduct ISR missions.
The CorvoX UAS, along with its CODAN Sentry 6161 mesh radio system, will be available to selected export customers in 2026.
Sydney-based DroneShield is another contender for Mission Syracuse and also for Project Land156. It manufactures both ‘jammers’, that neutralise Radio Frequency (RF) control, navigation and swarming signals used by hostile UASs, and C2 and Situational Awareness (SA) systems for export customers, making DroneShield well-placed to provide a Counter-UAS C2 system for Defence.
DroneShield announced its biggest-ever order in June for hand-held detection and C-UAS systems for an undisclosed European military customer. The order, worth some $61.6m, is bigger than the company’s entire revenue for 2024, and DroneShield is now building a European manufacturing and assembly facility to support growing demand from the region, including from Ukraine, where the company has more than 1000 such systems in service.
Sydney-based Anduril Australia faces an interesting year, too. It is currently operating a counter-intrusion and C-UAS system at RAAF Base Darwin under a three-year trial. It includes both effectors, sensors and a C2 system in a combination that has already been sold to the United States Special Operations Command.
At this year’s Avalon Airshow it displayed a fullscale model of its Fury CCA, which it is developing for the US Air Force as the YFQ-44A. The Fury is 6.1m long, can pull 9G and flies at up to Mach 0.95. This and its rival, the General Atomics YFQ-42A, will be trialled with air-air weapons later this year and the USAF is expected to make a choice between them (or select both) by year’s end. The CCA program is intended to support both existing fifth-generation aircraft and the USAF’s future sixth-generation Next Generation Air Dominance (NGAD) F-47 aircraft.
Anduril Australia is, however, also pitching this aircraft to the RAAF as a competitor to the MQ-28A Ghost Bat; if the RAAF eventually selects the F-47 itself as a replacement for its Super Hornets and Growlers, commonality with the USAF may be important.
All of these capabilities are a step towards the transformation of Australia’s defence capabilities and force structure, and delivering them will be a genuinely whole-of-nation endeavour. The government’s funding, however, still does not match its rhetoric about Australia’s rapidly deteriorating strategic circumstances. Australia’s defence needs more money now, not in ten years’ time, maintain the critics.
The RAN, with ASCA and Anduril Australia, is developing the Ghost Shark Extra Large Autonomous Underwater Vehicle (XL-AUV) on Sydney Harbour and is expected to make a decision on acquisition and series production this calendar year. Anduril is already building a manufacturing centre in Australia, and the first production Ghost Shark could arrive as early as this calendar year.
The government has chosen not to acquire a fourth squadron of F-35A Lightning IIs, which would have brought the RAAF fleet up to 100, most of them located at RAAF Base Williamtown, near Newcastle. The RAAF took delivery of the final nine aircraft of its 72-strong fleet late in 2024. The aircraft come with Technology Refresh 3 avionics; earlier aircraft will be brought to that standard before they all undergo an upgrade to Block 4 avionics standard, which enables
the retrofit of a new radar and internal carriage of six AMRAAM air-to-air missiles, among other things.
The RAAF’s newly reformed 9 Squadron, which commands, controls and produces the intelligence product of the service’s new MQ-4C Triton UAS, is based at RAAF Base Edinburgh, near Adelaide. A detachment works with the Tritons themselves, which are located at RAAF Base Tindal in the Northern Territory. The Triton UAS is 14.5m long with a wingspan of 39.9m and a maximum weight of 14,600kg. Powered by a single 9,000lb-thrust RollsRoyce AE3007 turbofan it is a High Altitude, Long Endurance UAV with a mission endurance of up to 30 hours, a maximum altitude of more than 55,000ft and, according to its manufacturer, Northrop Grumman, the ability to surveil up to four million nm2 of sea in 24 hours. From 55,000ft, it could easily have kept a discreet watch on the two Chinese naval task groups in Australian waters earlier in 2025, but was still under testing at the time.
Triton will also be able to identify threats and designate specific targets for the ADF’s long-range weapons by geo-locating them, sharing their location coordinates with a long-range missile (or its controlling HQ) and updating at least some of those missiles in mid-course before the weapons’ own sensors and seeker heads take over in the terminal stages of an attack.
The MQ-4C’s suite of RF and electro-optic sensors promises to revolutionise both situational awareness and targeting. The ADF is getting long-range weapons with ranges of more than 350km, up to 1600km in the case of Tomahawk, and it needs to be able to both detect and engage targets at those ranges.
At the time of writing, two Tritons had been delivered with the third close to being delivered while the fourth is reportedly coming to the end of its construction.
This year, RAAF Base Edinburgh is expected to become the home of the RAAF’s four new highly classified Gulfstream G550-based MC-55A Peregrine ISR and electronic warfare platforms. The jets, which have been developed by L3Harris in the USA, are the first business aircraft to carry both the volume of sensors and such sheer capability, says the company.
All of these capabilities are a step towards the transformation of Australia’s defence capabilities and force structure, and delivering them will be a genuinely whole-of-nation endeavour. The government’s funding, however, still does not match its rhetoric about Australia’s rapidly deteriorating strategic circumstances. Australia’s defence needs more money now, not in ten years’ time, maintain the critics.
By H.E. Ambassador
As confirmed at the Japan-Australia Foreign and Defence Ministerial Consultations (2+2) in September this year, Japan and Australia have both the shared will and capability to play a leading role in realising a ‘Free and Open Indo-Pacific’, with security cooperation between the two countries broadened and strengthened to unprecedented levels and forming the central pillar of coordination with like-minded countries.
With next year marking the 50th anniversary of the signing of the landmark ‘Basic Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation’, both sides have affirmed our intention to elevate and strengthen our Special Strategic Partnership. In this context, the selection of the upgraded Mogamiclass frigate for Australia’s future general-purpose frigate will serve as a significant step toward realising that commitment, boosting Japan-Australia defence cooperation to an even higher level.
With next year marking the 50th anniversary of the signing of the landmark ‘Basic Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation’, both sides have affirmed our intention to elevate and strengthen our Special Strategic Partnership. In this context, the selection of the upgraded Mogami-class frigate for Australia’s future general-purpose frigate will serve as a significant step towards realising that commitment, boosting Japan-Australia defence cooperation to an even higher level.
Without doubt, the decision stands as one of the most consequential made by the Australian Government in cementing the Japan-Australia relationship in recent years. The selection of the upgraded Mogami-class frigate signifies real industrial cooperation that transcends the simple procurement of defence equipment.
Without doubt, the decision stands as one of the most consequential made by the Australian Government in cementing the Japan-Australia relationship in recent years. The selection of the upgraded Mogami-class frigate signifies real industrial cooperation that transcends the simple procurement of defence equipment.
The upgraded Mogami-class frigate possesses superior stealth, highly reliable weapons systems and full interoperability with the US Navy. Moreover, with the advance of automation and labour-saving technology, it can be operated by a crew of about 90, far fewer than other conventional vessels, and can operate for 40-plus years, again far longer than other conventional vessels.
The Royal Australian Navy’s operation of the upgraded Mogami-class frigate, equipped with all of those high-tech capabilities, will greatly enhance both interoperability and compatibility between Japan and
Australia. Furthermore, as the Mogami-class frigate was designed from the outset to be interoperable with US forces, it features capabilities that will contribute to enhancing overall interoperability between Japan, Australia and the US.
In addition, the joint development and production of the future general-purpose frigate in Australia will further solidify ship construction, maintenance and sustainability in the Indo-Pacific region. It will also add value by improving Japan’s own future ship capabilities.
With the fourth vessel onwards to be built in Australia, Japan and Australia will cooperate to commence maintenance on the first vessel in Western Australia. The construction and maintenance of the upgraded Mogami-class frigate in Western Australia may also provide the spark to commence further industrial cooperation with Japanese companies and have a synergistic effect that transcends the defence field.
Along with deepening ties between Japanese and Australian supply chains, strengthening Australia’s industrial base will enhance regional resilience from a security perspective.
With the fourth vessel onwards to be built in Australia, Japan and Australia will cooperate to commence maintenance on the first vessel in Western Australia. The construction and maintenance of the upgraded Mogami-class frigate in Western Australia may also provide the spark to commence further industrial cooperation with Japanese companies and have a synergistic effect that transcends the defence field.
The selection of the upgraded Mogami-class frigate for Australia’s future general-purpose frigate will not only deepen relations between Japan and Australia, it is of the utmost significance for our nations’ security and will contribute to the peace and stability of the IndoPacific region and the global community.
This project, being the largest-ever defence industrial collaboration between Japan and Australia, is expected to provide further impetus for more of such cooperation in the future. The first co-development project on cutting-edge laser technology between the Japanese and Australian defence industries has already commenced, and joint research by our two
This project, being the largest-ever defence industrial collaboration between Japan and Australia, is expected to provide further impetus for more of such cooperation in the future. The first co-development project on cutting-edge laser technology between the Japanese and Australian defence industries has already commenced, and joint research by our two governments and, cooperation on measures involving AUKUS Pillar II, are also underway.
governments and cooperation on measures involving AUKUS Pillar II are also underway. These cooperation will further advance defence equipment and technology cooperation between our countries.
The success of the project on the upgraded Mogamiclass frigate, further deepening cooperation between the Japanese and Australian Governments, will thus go a long way to building even greater trust between our two countries.
The increased number of visits to Australia by Japanese naval vessels has been notable in recent years as bilateral cooperation further expands. The JS Shirase is a Japanese icebreaker operated by the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force and Japan's fourth icebreaker for Antarctic expeditions. Seen here in early April 2025, the JS Shirase makes a port call at Fremantle while undertaking the 66th Japanese Antarctic Research Expedition. Source: WA DEFENCE REVIEW. Photographer: Serge DeSilva-Ranasinghe.
By Jimin Kim, Chargé d’affaires a.i., Embassy of the Republic of Korea in Australia
On 16 June, a brief yet meaningful meeting took place between the Republic of Korea’s (ROK) newly inaugurated President Lee Jae-myung and Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese. Marking their first bilateral engagement, the meeting provided a timely opportunity to chart a future-oriented trajectory, while reaffirming the strategic trust underpinning the Korea-Australia relationship, a partnership forged in war, matured through peace, and now poised for deeper alignment.
In particular, the meeting offered a poignant moment to reflect on the enduring trust cemented during the Korean War, especially through the Battle of Kapyong in 1951, which remains one of Australia’s most celebrated military victories. Australia’s deployment of over 17,000 troops was not merely a contribution to security, but a profound demonstration of national commitment. Built on that legacy, the two countries elevated their relationship to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership in 2021, marking a new phase in cooperation.
Today’s increasingly complex global and regional threats highlight the need for Korea and Australia to expand cooperation beyond traditional areas, encompassing critical domains like defence, defence industry, supply chain resilience, clean energy and critical technologies.
Today’s increasingly complex global and regional threats highlight the need for Korea and Australia to expand cooperation beyond traditional areas, encompassing critical domains like defence, defence industry, supply chain resilience, clean energy and critical technologies.
Additionally, as like-minded middle powers committed to common values such as democracy and a rules-based international order, the two countries have helped shape a free and open regional architecture. A defining example of this shared vision was Korea’s early support for Australia’s initiative to establish APEC. Drawing on this multi-layered cooperation, Korea and Australia have been strengthening
their strategic alignment across a range of shared priority areas.
At the third Korea-Australia Foreign and Defence Ministers’ (2+2) Meeting held in Melbourne on 1 May 2024, ministers from both countries reaffirmed their determination to deepen strategic cooperation. The commitment to advance strategic cooperation between the two countries was again emphasised during the foreign ministers’ phone call held in early August.
A notable recent demonstration of this shared intent was Korea’s largest-ever participation in Exercise Talisman Sabre 2025. For the first time, Korea assumed the role of maritime commander in
At the third Korea-Australia Foreign and Defence Ministers’ (2+2) Meeting held in Melbourne on 1 May 2024, ministers from both countries reaffirmed their determination to deepen strategic cooperation. The commitment to advance strategic cooperation between the two countries was again emphasised during the foreign ministers’ phone call held in early August.
the combined amphibious operation and participated in combined space and special operations exercises, marking a significant expansion in both scope and scale compared with previous exercises.
As key allies of the United States and other likeminded partners, Korea and Australia have increasingly broadened their combined and multinational engagement across land, sea and air. Another notable milestone is the ROK Army’s first-ever participation in the 2025 Southern Jackaroo ground exercise alongside Australia, the United States and Japan.
Korea has regularly taken part in the HaedoriWallaby combined maritime exercise since 2012, and the Pitch Black aerial exercise led by the Royal Australian Air Force, thereby boosting combined operational readiness.
As outlined in Australia’s National Defence Strategy, the Indo-Pacific now faces its most challenging security environment since World War II. In this context, Korea and Australia are also reinforcing their strategic alignment in the defence industry sector.
This growing collaboration is well illustrated by Hanwha Defense Australia’s completion of the H-ACE facility in Geelong in August 2024, established for the production of Redback Infantry Fighting Vehicles and AS9 Huntsman self-propelled howitzers. The project is widely regarded as a model for defence industry cooperation, going beyond equipment export to foster a local industrial ecosystem involving around 100 Australian companies.
Looking ahead, Hanwha Defense Australia aims to move beyond ground systems supply to become a long-term partner in capability development across all domains, supporting Australia’s sovereign capability in key areas aligned with its defence strategy.
To ensure that Korea-Australia strategic cooperation remains resilient and forward-oriented, it is essential to maintain regular channels of dialogue that facilitate shared understanding of rapidly evolving challenges in an increasingly volatile international environment.
Korea stands ready to be one of Australia’s most trusted partners in advancing defence capability development and regional engagement under the National Defence Strategy and Integrated Investment Program. With its integrated defence industry ecosystem, Korea has significantly advanced its ability to independently manage most phases of the weapons systems life cycle.
In that spirit, a series of visits by senior officials from Korea’s Ministry of National Defense and experts from the Institute of Foreign Affairs and National Security (IFANS) is scheduled in the coming months. These engagements will contribute to building a deeper strategic consensus, together with expanded people-topeople exchanges.
Recent progress includes visiting fellowships for Australian experts at Korean institutions, the participation of Korean military officers in educational programs at the Australian Defence College, and youth forums, all designed to nurture the next generation’s networks. Ultimately, human connection remains the strongest basis for trust and the most effective catalyst for long-term strategic alignment.
Crucially, Korea stands ready to be one of Australia’s most trusted partners in advancing defence capability development and regional engagement under the National Defence Strategy and Integrated Investment Program. With its integrated defence industry ecosystem, Korea has significantly advanced its ability to independently manage most phases of the weapons systems life cycle. This offers a compelling proposition for a country like Australia, which places strong emphasis on operational autonomy, domestic production and enduring partnerships.
In particular, areas identified by Australian experts as critical, including autonomous systems, guided weapons, next-generation tactical C4I (Command, Control, Communications, Computers, and Intelligence) systems and satellite development, represent concrete opportunities for Korea and Australia to align their respective strengths. These areas could also be meaningfully linked to Korea’s interest in participating in AUKUS Pillar II. Leveraging Korea’s advanced technological and manufacturing capabilities, the two countries could further explore joint R&D, prototyping, testing and evaluation, and local coproduction in Australia.
This expanding strategic collaboration also holds significant potential at the regional level, particularly in Western Australia. As a key hub for Australia’s naval and defence industry, the region offers promising opportunities for joint initiatives, notably through the Henderson Naval Shipyard and its surrounding industrial cluster. Building on the well-established Korea-Australia partnerships in energy and resources in
the region, deeper engagement with WA in areas such as shipbuilding and maritime security could establish a new pillar of bilateral cooperation, one anchored in mutual trust and long-term, sustainable growth.
Consolidating our partnership is not a task bound by a single agreement or event. It is a collaborative and continuing trajectory. By sustaining trust, investing in human connections, deepening strategic alignment and harnessing the imagination required to navigate a rapidly evolving landscape, Korea and Australia are charting a course that will help shape a more resilient and inclusive Indo-Pacific. The path we shape today will guide the arc of our shared future.
This expanding strategic collaboration also holds significant potential at the regional level, particularly in Western Australia. As a key hub for Australia’s naval and defence industry, the region offers promising opportunities for joint initiatives, notably through the Henderson Naval Shipyard and its surrounding industrial cluster. Building on the well-established Korea-Australia partnerships in energy and resources in the region, deeper engagement with Western Australia in areas such as shipbuilding and maritime security could establish a new pillar of bilateral cooperation, one anchored in mutual trust and long-term, sustainable growth.
direct fire and
By Hon Judith Collins, KC, New Zealand Minister of Defence
For decades, we have enjoyed a world underpinned by a rules-based international order that reflected our values, protected our interests and supported our ambitions. We now face a very different world.
It is a world in which conflict is becoming more widespread, the existing international rules-based order is being deliberately challenged, strategic competition is intensifying and natural disasters are increasing in frequency and impact. Our region is more contested than we have seen in decades. Recent events in the Indo-Pacific region reinforce that global challenges and tensions are having direct impacts on our security.
In that context, New Zealand has no closer friend and ally than Australia. We may be fierce rivals on the sports field, but off it we share a strong bond
forged over many years, tested in times of conflict and strengthened by our shared values and commitment to the prosperity of our people.
Our soldiers today stand side by side on a wide range of operations, exercises and training opportunities. That includes the recent Exercise Talisman Sabre in Australia, alongside more than 30,000 military personnel and platforms from 19 countries.
Together, we are working to develop a more integrated ‘Anzac’ force. This means we will be better prepared, exercised and equipped to combine our Defence Forces to defend our shared interests. We recognise that we are stronger together, and I am committed to New Zealand pulling our weight.
There are currently about 100 New Zealand Defence Force (NZDF) personnel in Australia undertaking education, training, formal exchanges and exploring capability development opportunities, such as for the P-8A Poseidon maritime surveillance aircraft. Together, we are working to develop a more integrated ‘Anzac’ force. This means we will be better prepared, exercised and equipped to combine our Defence Forces to defend our shared interests. We recognise that we are stronger together, and I am committed to New Zealand pulling our weight.
That is why, in April, the New Zealand Government launched a comprehensive and very necessary Defence Capability Plan. The plan sets out NZ$12bn (A$11bn) of planned commitments over the next four years towards the equipment and tools that our defence personnel need to do their jobs.
provide defensive cyber, electronic and information warfare effects.
We have committed to increasing our defence spending to 2% of GDP by 2032. Put simply, this is the floor, not the ceiling of our ambition, and we will do more as our fiscal situation allows.
The plan will equip the NZDF to be increasingly combat capable, interoperable with our partners, able to act as a force multiplier with Australia, and make the most of opportunities for innovation. Over the next 15 years, New Zealand plans to invest in:
• A focused and combat-capable Navy with a mixture of combat, patrol and multirole ships.
• An Army that can operate independently, integrate with Australia, has improved strike capabilities and is fully networked.
• An Air Force that can operate globally, with select combat capability, and which provides situational awareness and intelligence.
• Strengthened cyber and information capabilities to protect the NZDF’s networks and systems, and
• A workforce with the physical and digital infrastructure that is fit-for-purpose for a modern defence force.
To do that, we have committed to increasing our defence spending to 2% of GDP by 2032. Put simply, this is the floor, not the ceiling of our ambition, and we will do more as our fiscal situation allows.
Plans to strengthen our national and economic security must involve not just our Defence Forces, but also the businesses that support them. That is why our New Zealand and Australian Prime Ministers have agreed to prioritise combined defence procurement to better enable interoperability. We know that mutual recognition of our defence industrial bases will support this cooperation and enable broader integration and technological advancement.
Late last year, Australian Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Defence Richard Marles and I reaffirmed our commitment to modernising our alliance and further strengthening our bilateral defence relationship. Among the five shared objectives we agreed on in our Australia-New Zealand Joint Statement on Closer Defence Relations
is a commitment to effective defence industry collaboration.
We are also both actively engaged in the Partnership for Indo-Pacific Industrial Resilience initiative with 12 other countries. This regionally-led initiative, which includes the United States, aims to mitigate defence supply chain challenges and strengthen industrial resilience in the Indo-Pacific region.
We are already seeing the benefits of this industry collaboration. Take, for example, Tasmanian-based company Sentinel Boats, which delivered a new Littoral Manoeuvre Craft capability for the Royal New Zealand Navy. Not only did Sentinel offer an innovative hull design and construction that will lower whole-of-life costs, it also partnered with Christchurch-based Hamilton Jet for the propulsion system, and Auckland-based General Marine Services to provide through-life support.
Another example is Marops, a New Zealand company working with an Australian partner to
New Zealand’s plan is not just one for militaries. It requires working alongside those who share our vision, such as the people in our defence industry who can help us to implement it. It is about lifting our ability to deter and defend, and it is about making smart decisions for our future.
provide an electronic warfare test and verification capability for New Zealand’s aircraft, ships and vehicles. Both are excellent examples of mutually beneficial trans-Tasman collaboration.
Both defence and industry must, however, do more. The current strategic environment requires us to be more resilient, agile and innovative, while continuing to deliver value for money. Implementing New Zealand’s own capability plan requires a partnership with industry to deliver capability faster and with resilience.
To drive that innovation and increase interoperability, defence officials in New Zealand will address several questions when preparing business cases. What is the Australian approach, and is there any reason for us to take a different one? Can we partner with industry to deliver the capability differently? What is the minimum capability needed
Source:
Royal New Zealand Air Force NH-90 aircraft land on the flight deck of HMAS Canberra during the Combined Task Ground 628.1 (CTG 628.1) combined joint forcible entry operation off the coast of Queensland, during Exercise Talisman Sabre 2025. Source: Department of Defence. Photographer: LSA Kurt Davidson.
and the most cost-effective and durable solution to deliver it?
We will also consider opportunities for joint procurement and joint industry integration as we move at pace to implement our plans. So, my challenge for you is to pick up the phone. Talk to your counterparts and potential partners about what you can do for defence, and how you can do it smarter. New Zealand’s plan is not just one for militaries. It requires working alongside those who share our vision, such as the people in our defence industry who can help us to implement it. It is about lifting our ability to deter and defend, and it is about making smart decisions for our future.
When the world around us is changing at such a pace, we also need to change our thinking and our approach. Not to do so would be irresponsible.
By H.E. Dr Julie Sunday, High Commissioner for Canada to Australia
In my time as High Commissioner for Canada in Australia, having arrived here about a year ago, I have been struck by the impressive growth in our bilateral defence relationship. I knew, of course, that our military ties were already strong and enduring; after all, Canada and Australia have fought in many wars side by side. We continue to defend an international order that is based on the rule of law and we are longstanding members of the Five Eyes partnership.
Despite fundamentally different geographic locations, our two countries are often described as ‘strategic siblings’. But Canada’s increased presence in the region since the release of Canada’s Indo-Pacific Strategy in 2022 provides us with an opportunity to do even more together.
Despite fundamentally different geographic locations, our two countries are often described as ‘strategic siblings’. But Canada’s increased presence in the region since the release of Canada’s Indo-Pacific Strategy in 2022 provides us with an opportunity to do even more together.
Take, for example, our recent participation in Exercise Talisman Sabre in July, where Canada sent approximately 600 Canadian Armed Forces personnel and a range of military assets to participate in what is our largest contribution to this exercise to date, and one of our largest military deployments in the region.
Australia and Canada have agreed to build on Prime Minister Carney’s March 2025 announcement to partner with Australia to develop an Over-the-Horizon Radar (OTHR) capability, based on Australia’s world-leading Jindalee Operational Radar Network (JORN), by signing a Project Arrangement. Seen here, AVM David Scheul, Air Defence and Space Systems Division, Capability Acquisition and Sustainment Group, and Ross Ermel, Assistant Deputy Minister and Defence Chief Digital Officer, Digital Services, National Defence Canada, shake hands after signing a Project Arrangement between Australia and Canada. Source: Department of Defence. Photographer: Nicholas Haggarty.
Canada and Australia are uniquely positioned to meet today’s global challenges head-on. As trading nations on the opposite sides of the Pacific, we bring our own perspectives, networks of influence and complementary strengths to the table. All of that is underpinned by a deep foundation of trust. And, increasingly, we are seizing the moment to further reinforce our partnership.
During the exercise, His Majesty’s Canadian Ship (HMCS) Ville-de-Quebec participated in a live-fire missile shoot, after which it rearmed in the Port of Darwin. The rearmament of a Canadian frigate in Australia – the second one in 12 months – is a demonstration of the growing interoperability between our military forces and significantly increases Canada’s ability to operate far from Canadian shores. I had the immense pleasure to witness some elements of Exercise Talisman Sabre this year, and I am incredibly proud of what we can achieve when we join forces.
In today’s unpredictable world, with rising global tensions, supply chain shocks and fast-changing technologies, one thing is clear: we are stronger when we work together. That is why our two countries are deepening our partnership to better protect our people, support our economies and promote peace and stability.
We face many of the same challenges. Global trade routes are under pressure. The security landscape in the Indo-Pacific is becoming more complex, and countries like ours, open, democratic, and deeply connected to the global economy, are feeling the impact. However, these shared challenges also bring opportunities, and a shared responsibility to act.
Canada and Australia are uniquely positioned to meet today’s global challenges head-on. As trading nations on the opposite sides of the Pacific, we bring our own perspectives, networks of influence and complementary strengths to the table. All of that is underpinned by a deep foundation of trust. And, increasingly, we are seizing the moment to further reinforce our partnership.
In August 2024, our two countries released a joint statement on strengthening our defence relationship
The OTHR partnership is a model for how we can build advanced military capabilities together, faster and smarter. It shows what is possible when like-minded, capable democracies invest in each other and their shared future.
that laid the groundwork for a new phase in CanadaAustralia defence collaboration, one rooted in urgency, innovation and action. As both countries invest in rebuilding and modernising our forces, there is a strong desire and mutual commitment to deepen industrial collaboration, enhance interoperability and build more resilient supply chains.
Since then, progress has been swift. In November 2024, we launched a new agreement for research collaboration on emerging missile threats. As potential adversaries continue to develop more advanced missiles, including hypersonic weapons, new solutions are required to defeat those threats. Through this collaboration, Canada and Australia are each contributing C$237m (A$264m) over five years to better detect, monitor and counter those threats.
More recently, we kicked off a landmark partnership on Over-the-Horizon Radar (OTHR) technology, a project that will leverage Australia’s world-class JORN system to boost Canada’s surveillance capability and its ability to detect and respond to threats in the Arctic. Furthermore, we are exploring how we can collaborate under AUKUS Pillar II, focused on jointly developing cutting-edge defence technologies.
These efforts are more than projects; they are proof of what is possible. The OTHR partnership is a model for how we can build advanced military capabilities together, faster and smarter. It shows what is possible when like-minded, capable democracies invest in each other and their shared future.
Recognising the ‘need for speed’ in responding to today’s threats, Canada has stepped up. Our government is making historic investments in the Canadian Armed Forces and in boosting our military capabilities and defence production capacity. These investments not only bolster Canada’s national security, they also position us to be a stronger partner to our close friends like Australia. Strengthening our defence industrial base also means we can help secure global supply chains, which is a great mutual benefit.
The good news is that Canada and Australia already have a high degree of military compatibility. We will be
operating many of the same platforms, such as the P-8A maritime patrol aircraft and the future Type-26 frigates. That gives us a strong foundation for combined operations and future collaboration. But now is the time to do even more. In a world in which no country can do it alone, trusted partnerships matter more than ever. That is why Canada is prioritising deeper collaboration with reliable partners like Australia.
This moment demands action. We must capitalise on the progress we’ve made, harness our complementary strengths, and do more together in defence, in industry and in innovation. Let us build on this momentum. Let us keep investing in each other. Let us make sure that Canada and Australia are better equipped to meet any challenge, and shape a more secure, resilient future for both our nations.
The good news is that Canada and Australia already have a high degree of military compatibility. We will be operating many of the same platforms, such as the P-8A maritime patrol aircraft and the future Type-26 frigates. That gives us a strong foundation for combined operations and future collaboration. But now is the time to do even more. In a world in which no country can do it alone, trusted partnerships matter more than ever. That is why Canada is prioritising deeper collaboration with reliable partners like Australia.
In March 2025, Australia announced a deal with Canada in what is touted as the single biggest defence industry export in the country’s history. The Jindalee Operational Radar Network (JORN) is a strategic asset used in the defence of Australia, which consists of a network of three over-the-horizon radars that can detect aircraft and ships between 1000km and 3000km from the northern coastline of mainland Australia. Seen here, the Defence Science and Technology Organisation’s experimental ‘Grail’ antenna array supports research into improving JORN performance by avoiding propagation via disturbed ionospheric paths. Source: Department of Defence. Photographer: Peter Hoare.
Visiting Australia in July, former UK Foreign Secretary David Lammy said, “The UK-Australia partnership is an anchor in a volatile world … a relationship that holds steady whichever way the geopolitical winds are blowing.” Former Secretary Lammy and Defence Secretary John Healey visited five cities, meeting with Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, Deputy Prime Minister Richard Marles, Foreign Minister Penny Wong, Governors and Commonwealth and State Ministers.
At our Australia-UK Ministerial Meeting (AUKMIN), our Foreign and Defence Ministers discussed priorities from countering terrorism to climate change, from industrial strategy to international security. Our Defence Ministers signed the historic ‘Geelong Treaty’, setting out the arrangements for 50 years of joint development, construction, operation and sustainment of SSNAUKUS submarines.
Our shared values, views and interests shone through these meetings. In today’s interconnected world, where Indo-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic security
are indivisible, partnerships with like-minded allies are critical.
Defence is at the heart of our partnership. This year, over 3500 UK armed forces personnel joined Exercise Talisman Sabre 2025, Australia’s biggest military exercise, involving more than 35,000 personnel from 19 nations. Our Carrier Strike Group, led by HMS Prince of Wales, the Fleet Flagship of the Royal Navy, exercised in Australian waters and docked at Darwin. Moreover, we are jointly training Ukraine’s armed forces to support Ukraine’s national selfdefence, and the Royal Air Force and Royal Australian Air Force will jointly crew RAAF E-7A Wedgetail aircraft to help protect supplies of assistance.
We are working together with the US in our historic AUKUS partnership. For the UK, AUKUS is part of a new era for defence. We have committed to invest 3.5% of our GDP into defence and 1.5% into our wider security by 2035. We are reforming, investing and acting to increase our defence readiness and our deterrence. We are creating a more integrated military force and strengthening our international partnerships. We are strengthening our defence
industrial base and making our supply chains more resilient. We will stay secure at home and strong overseas.
From the Indo-Pacific to the Euro-Atlantic, we share an unwavering commitment to stand together for openness, stability and freedom from coercion. Our partnership increases our resilience, strengthens our defence industrial bases, creates jobs for generations, and makes us safer. It is an anchor in a volatile world.
To support AUKUS, we are investing another $12bn into our submarine industrial base to enable continuous submarine production, allowing the production of a submarine every 18 months. RollsRoyce Submarines have started manufacturing components for SSN-AUKUS. Skills Academies at Barrow and Derby are training generations of advanced technology and advanced manufacturing workers and leaders. We have trained hundreds of Royal Australian Navy and Australian Submarine Agency personnel. RAN personnel are serving aboard UK Astute-class submarines. Skills exchanges are underway between shipyards. Work is underway to bring more Australian suppliers into UK supply chains. In addition to the most powerful submarines and collaboration on advanced technologies, AUKUS offers huge economic opportunities. Tens of thousands of high-skilled, enduring jobs will see generations of workers with a shared mission. Communities will be invigorated. More Australian companies will join British supply chains, and British companies will join
Western Australia is central to our AUKUS partnership. Submarines are already visiting WA as part of the AUKUS Optimal Pathway. Infrastructure at HMAS Stirling, Henderson shipyard and surrounding areas is being upgraded to support Submarine Rotational Force - West.
Australian supply chains, increasing our national and shared resilience. A robust trilateral supply chain, long-term assurance and wider markets will follow.
Western Australia is central to our AUKUS partnership. Submarines are already visiting WA as
part of the AUKUS Optimal Pathway. Infrastructure at HMAS Stirling, Henderson shipyard and surrounding areas is being upgraded to support Submarine Rotational Force - West.
Australia and WA are well-positioned to contribute to AUKUS’ advanced technology Pillar, with strengths in cyber, AI, remote operations and advanced capabilities. I have seen work here in WA and had the opportunity to hear directly how your industries have driven innovation.
Australian governments are working hard to deliver Australia’s contributions to, and to secure benefits from, AUKUS. WA’s Defence and Defence Industry Strategy, and Made in WA plan, reflect your commitment to realise the full benefits of AUKUS. I have visited Perth three times in the last three months, each time seeing and hearing more about WA’s determination.
Your British Consul General, Maria Rennie, has also brought high-level visitors from the UK to WA. Defence Secretary John Healey met Defence Industries
The UK and Australia are the closest of friends and partners. We share a $50bn trade relationship, underpinned by our Free Trade Agreement. We invest in each other. We create growth opportunities together.
Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Defence Richard Marles and Minister for Foreign Affairs Penny Wong welcomed former UK Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs Rt Hon David Lammy MP and Secretary of State for Defence Rt Hon John Healey MP to Australia for the Australia-United Kingdom Ministerial. Source: Department of Defence. Photographer: PO Phot Rory Arnold.
Minister Paul Papalia, saw work underway at HMAS Stirling, and met with unions. Minister for Defence Procurement and Industry Maria Eagle discussed progress, shared ideas, and looked at opportunities for joint ventures between defence and technology businesses. Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s Special Representative on AUKUS, Stephen Lovegrove, highlighted AUKUS’ ability to develop new and deep ties and cutting-edge defence capabilities.
Your WA leadership and industry are highlighting WA’s strengths and seeking out opportunities for WA business, industry, investors and workers. In July, WA companies joined a Supply Chain conference in the UK. In September, many travelled to the UK’s big defence expo, Defence and Security Equipment International and a ‘Defence Catalyst’ organised by the Australian British Chamber of Commerce. UK suppliers want to partner with Australian firms, developing innovative products, reducing costs and expanding markets.
The UK and Australia are the closest of friends and partners. We share a $50bn trade relationship, underpinned by our Free Trade Agreement. We invest in each other. We create growth opportunities together.
From the Indo-Pacific to the Euro-Atlantic, we share an unwavering commitment to stand together for openness, stability and freedom from coercion. Our partnership increases our resilience, strengthens our defence industrial bases, creates jobs for generations, and makes us safer. It is an anchor in a volatile world.
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By Ticky Fullerton, CEO, Australian British Chamber of Commerce
This year, we witnessed a remarkable step up in Britain’s focus on Western Australia as a critical economy for building defence and regional security. Most recently, the Carrier Strike Group led by HMS Prince of Wales took part in the successful Talisman Sabre exercises in the north. While the carrier was at port in Darwin, and AUKMIN meetings were held in Sydney, United Kingdom Secretary of State for Defence John Healey made a very deliberate point of visiting Perth, including a full tour of Henderson.
At AUKMIN, a new 50-year bilateral AUKUS agreement (the Geelong Treaty) was signed between Australia and the UK. While British prime BAE Systems, together with ASC, is charged with building new SSN-AUKUS submarines at Osborne, long before that, Western Australia must be sovereign-ready and demonstrating the capability to service US Virginiaclass submarines as part of Submarine Rotational Force-West (SRF-West) and the future acquisition of Virginia-class boats by the Royal Australian Navy.
It is here that Britain’s deep nuclear expertise, from primes BAE, Babcock and Rolls Royce to the many other UK firms in Australia equipped to work in regulated environments across construction, engineering and maintenance, will play a vital part in supporting delivery of the AUKUS Pillar I ambition.
Of note, we have seen numerous high-level visits to Perth this year from UK Minister for Defence Procurement and Industry Maria Eagle, the UK Government’s AUKUS advisor and former National Security Adviser Sir Stephen Lovegrove, the UK’s
Britain’s deep nuclear expertise, from primes BAE, Babcock and Rolls Royce to the many other UK firms in Australia equipped to work in regulated environments across construction, engineering and maintenance, will play a vital part in supporting delivery of the AUKUS Pillar I ambition.
trade envoy to Australia Lord Spellar, and the new UK National Armaments Director Andy Start.
In March, the UK Government appointed Dame Sarah MacIntosh as its new High Commissioner to Australia. She is not only a former Deputy National Security Advisor but also the former UK Ambassador and permanent representative to NATO.
All these VIPs have met with the WA Government and Defence West leadership. In September, WA’s Minister for Defence Industry, Paul Papalia, is scheduled to head to the UK’s biennial defence meet, DSEI, and will also speak at the Chamber’s Australian
British Defence Catalyst in London. In London, of course, we have the honour of having Stephen Smith, a West Australian, former defence minister and Defence Strategic Review co-author, serve as Australian High Commissioner to the UK.
The heft behind these names matters and reflects a show of intent to support AUKUS and lift momentum. The sheer size of the defence infrastructure built in WA is eye-watering, especially when combined with Fremantle. For the AUKUS build, timing is critical.
Defence industry voices get louder around the need for top-level decisions to green light development, and around skilled and nuclear-skilled labour, supply chains and local business. There is still a feeling we are on the cusp of it all, a shift in the industry landscape that will offer high-paying jobs without fly-in, fly-out.
Western Australia has another resource increasingly core to our national security with great opportunity for UK trade and investment: critical minerals, WA’s battery in the ground.
Understand how much light and heavy rare earth elements go into an F-35, and one begins to understand the importance of trusted partners. WA’s lithium sector is now developing well, but there is still
Western Australia has another resource increasingly core to our national security with great opportunity for UK trade and investment: critical minerals, Western Australia’s battery in the ground.
an investment challenge for many fledgling critical minerals miners, including in rare earths, looking to develop.
Britain’s need for security around critical minerals led to
the creation of the UK Critical Minerals Intelligence Centre in 2023, based in Nottingham, which has built up valuable data and analytics.
In this sector, WA and Britain bring complementary resources, with Britain, the traditional manufacturer, now developing its own impressive reset in greening industrial hubs like Teesside, and building stateof-the-art battery plants. At the business level, new relationships through investment in trusted capital and contracting in critical minerals will add a very important layer of security between great friends, both defence and economic.
We are delighted as a Chamber to be supporting our members to secure the many opportunities that are developing in this fast-moving defence and national security sector.
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By Hon Tim Watts MP, Special Envoy for Indian Ocean Affairs, Australian Government
The Indian Ocean is a key security and economic domain for Australia. It is bustling with more than one-third of the world’s bulk cargo traffic and twothirds of global oil shipments. It is also where half of our naval fleet is based, and where half of Australia’s sea-bound exports depart. The region shares a history through thousands of years of sea-based trade, but it also shares a future in which significant and intersecting pressures threaten the peaceful, stable and prosperous region our government is working to build.
Geostrategic competition, conflict, climate change, piracy and maritime crime threaten our shared peace in the Indian Ocean region.
Australia faces the most challenging strategic environment since World War II. Our strategic circumstances continue to deteriorate, as we see an
unprecedented conventional and non-conventional military build-up in our region. In the Indian Ocean, there is increasing competition for access and influence, including efforts to secure dominance over sea lanes and strategic ports without the transparency the region expects from great powers.
With 95% of India’s volumetric trade moving through the Indian Ocean, our two countries share an
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Fostering a stable region with our partners helps us make our own choices and pursue our own prosperity. To achieve that, we are increasing defence cooperation in areas like maritime domain awareness, defence industry engagement, and education and training cooperation.
interest in maintaining maritime peace and stability. Defence has become an important pillar of our bilateral Comprehensive Strategic Partnership.
In the north-east Indian Ocean, Myanmar’s protracted, eight-year conflict has displaced more than 1.1 million Rohingya and other minorities who have been forced to flee secular violence. With the displaced Rohingya now living with stretched resources in Bangladesh’s refugee camps, many are making desperate and dangerous voyages at sea, raising security concerns for our neighbours in South and South-East Asia.
Indian Ocean countries like Sri Lanka and the Maldives are facing intersecting pressures from climate change and illegal fishing. Further, along the eastern coast of Africa and in the Middle East, maritime crime, including piracy and terrorism, is destabilising human security, hindering development and disrupting key trade routes.
For the Indian Ocean region to be peaceful, stable and prosperous, we need to build resilience against
the pressures created by those challenges. Building resilience will look different from one country to another and from one challenge to another, but there are a few common themes to our actions.
First, we will support regional institutions like the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) to enable Indian Ocean countries to collaborate to resolve shared challenges. We will support multilateral humanitarian initiatives to help prevent regional crises from spilling over and, where requested, we will take targeted actions to help lift the sovereign capabilities of Indian Ocean partners, supporting them to meet these challenges within their borders in the ways they best see fit.
As Foreign Minister Penny Wong has said, “By building resilience, we also help keep Australians safe.” Australia is walking the talk in the Indo-Pacific and lifting our engagement to our west across both defence and diplomacy.
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We are deepening our defence cooperation across South Asia, with partners including the Maldives, Bangladesh, India and Sri Lanka. India is a top-tier security partner, and we have never been more strategically aligned; we remain close partners through the Quad and are celebrating five years of the Australia-India Comprehensive Strategic Partnership.
Fostering a stable region with our partners helps us make our own choices and pursue our own prosperity. To achieve that, we are increasing defence cooperation in areas like maritime domain awareness, defence industry engagement, and education and training cooperation.
That includes regularising the ADF’s presence in the north-east Indian Ocean, an area identified in the 2023 Defence Strategic Review as crucial to Australia’s security.
We are deepening our defence cooperation across South Asia, with partners including the Maldives, Bangladesh, India and Sri Lanka. India is a top-tier security partner, and we have never been more strategically aligned; we remain close partners through the Quad and are celebrating five years of the Australia-India Comprehensive Strategic Partnership.
We are supporting small island states to enhance their capacity to protect their sovereignty, with Deputy Prime Minister and Defence Minister Hon Richard Marles announcing in June the gift of a Guardian-class patrol boat to the Maldives.
We are supporting small island states to enhance their capacity to protect their sovereignty, with Deputy Prime Minister and Defence Minister Richard Marles announcing in June the gift of a Guardian-class patrol boat to the Maldives.
Our bilateral relationship with Indonesia has strengthened, with the signing of the 2024 AustraliaIndonesia Defence Cooperation Agreement. It means enhanced interoperability between our defence forces on maritime security, counter-terrorism, humanitarian and disaster relief, logistics support, education and training, and across the defence industry in our immediate region.
Australia is lifting our diplomatic engagement in the Indian Ocean to increase dialogue and identify opportunities for cooperation. We’ve been
expanding our diplomatic footprint with a new High Commission in Malé and new consulates in Bengaluru and Kolkata. We hosted the 2024 Indian Ocean Conference in our Indian Ocean capital, Perth, hosting 400 delegates.
We are also supporting the protection of our blue economies and funding conservation, and integrating climate resilience and development assistance across the Indian Ocean rim. We are supporting climate action across the Indo-Pacific through a $355m package over four years to help countries withstand climate-related shocks.
To protect our blue economies, we are teaming up with partner Indo-Pacific navies to set norms and expectations to safeguard global food and energy security, laying the foundations for a maritime industry engagement strategy.
These efforts and others help Australia shape a region with our partners which is resilient and fair, where we can cooperate and trade within the bounds of agreed rules and norms. Our shared stability is our shared prosperity.
It means we can see the full benefits of trade through agreements like the Australia-India Economic Cooperation and Trade Agreement and the IndonesiaAustralia Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement
The future promises difficult and diverse challenges in the Indian Ocean, but Australia will remain an engaged and reliable partner to build a peaceful, stable and prosperous future. While Indian Ocean shipping vessels have changed and sailors no longer rely on the monsoon winds which swept them seasonally between East Africa and the Indian subcontinent and back again hundreds of years ago, the need for secure shipping routes, human security and respect for sovereignty have not.
Australia is lifting our diplomatic engagement in the Indian Ocean to increase dialogue and identify opportunities for cooperation. We’ve been expanding our diplomatic footprint with a new High Commission in Malé and new consulates in Bengaluru and Kolkata. We hosted the 2024 Indian Ocean Conference in our Indian Ocean capital, Perth, hosting 400 delegates.
INDIAN OCEAN
INDIAN OCEAN: Australian Hydrographic Office (AHO)
INDIAN OCEAN: Australian Hydrographic Office (AHO)
•56% of Australia’s mainland coastline abuts the Indian Ocean. INDIAN OCEAN
•56% of Australia’s mainland coastline abuts the Indian Ocean.
PACIFIC OCEAN
PACIFIC OCEAN: Australian Hydrographic Office (AHO) Limits.
PACIFIC OCEAN: Australian Hydrographic Office (AHO) Limits.
•27% of Australia’s mainland coastline abuts the Pacific Ocean.
•27% of Australia’s mainland coastline abuts the Pacific Ocean.
SOUTHERN OCEAN
SOUTHERN OCEAN
SOUTHERN OCEAN: Australian Hydrographic Office (AHO) Limits.
SOUTHERN OCEAN: Australian Hydrographic Office (AHO) Limits.
•17% of Australia’s mainland coastline abuts the Southern Ocean.
•17% of Australia’s mainland coastline abuts the Southern Ocean.
OCEAN LIMITS of the International Hydrographic Organisation (IHO).
OCEAN LIMITS of the International Hydrographic Organisation (IHO).
OCEAN LIMITS of the Australian Hydrographic Office (AHO).
OCEAN LIMITS of the Australian Hydrographic Office (AHO).
(IHO LIMITS)
(IHO
(IHO
By Associate
Academic diplomacy remains an underutilised tool of Australian soft power in the western Indian Ocean and African regions. By academic diplomacy, I refer to a form of intersocial diplomacy in which universities: (a) play an active role in connecting science, research and knowledge to policymaking and diplomacy in the contexts of international cooperation, and (b) build meaningful and longterm people-to-people and institutional connections by forging direct bilateral partnerships and regional networks with other universities.
The western Indian Ocean and African continent sit at the margins of Australia’s foreign policy priorities, and Canberra’s subsequent diplomatic engagement with those parts of the world remains relatively limited. That is despite wider geopolitical trends reinforcing the contemporary and future strategic importance of these regions for other major and middle powers.
The western Indian Ocean and African continent sit at the margins of Australia’s foreign policy priorities, and Canberra’s subsequent diplomatic engagement with those parts of the world remains relatively limited. That is despite wider geopolitical trends reinforcing the contemporary and future strategic importance of these regions for other major and middle powers, which have rapidly built deeper engagement through various tools of statecraft, including supporting academic diplomacy. Interests in the region include access to substantial critical minerals and other vital natural resources, protecting global shipping trade routes, capitalising on regional demographic and economic forces,
countering violent extremism, and forging diplomatic partnerships in a region that represents more than a quarter of the world’s states.
In the absence of a contemporary national Australian (or Western Australian) strategy for engaging Africa and the western Indian Ocean, Australia’s universities have nevertheless been pursuing academic diplomacy in the region. These university activities could be enhanced and their soft power value more effectively leveraged if Australian governments were to develop and more adequately resource national knowledge and policy infrastructure specifically for these regions.
For example, the Australia Africa Universities Network (AAUN), established in 2012, now has 26 university members, including 11 from Australia and 15 from across Africa, and is co-chaired by Curtin University and the University of Mpumalanga, South Africa. The network convenes two annual high-level fora on either side of the Indian Ocean, an annual collaborative research seed grant scheme, supports an Early Career Researchers group and an annual prize, and delivers the ‘Emerging Leaders in AustraliaAfrica Diplomacy Program’ (ELAAD). AAUN, which has supported over 75 collaborative research projects, utilises its unique convening power to engage directly with Australian and African diplomats, multilateral agencies and other industry and community partners through academic diplomacy.
A sister network, the Indian Ocean University Network (UNIOR), was launched by the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) in late 2024 and is co-chaired by Curtin University and the University of Mauritius. Its objectives are: (a) Regional university collaboration for sustainable transformations; (b) Growing regional leaders and education institutions; and (c) Supporting IORA’s region-building. The University of Nairobi will host the inaugural UNIOR high-level university forum in Kenya in November 2025 at the conclusion of the annual UNIOR collaborative regional student short course on ‘International Relations in the Indian Ocean Region’ (IRIOR), which brings together students, academics, diplomats and policy experts.
Furthermore, sitting in Perth, Australia’s front door to the Indian Ocean region, WA universities are leading the way in generating research data, expert knowledge, thought leadership, public engagement and policy recommendations on the wider region to Australia’s north and west. The Centre for AustraliaAfrica Relations at Curtin University, the Indo-Pacific Research Centre at Murdoch University, and the Perth USAsia Centre based at UWA, are academic diplomacy hubs which regularly collaborate with their regional counterpart institutes, think-tanks and policy practitioners in places including Pretoria, Nairobi, Port Louis, New Delhi, Singapore and Jakarta. Beyond those networks and centres, a number of Australian universities undertake academic diplomacy
by operating international campuses across the Indian Ocean region. For example, in addition to its main campuses in Perth, Curtin University has five campuses around the Indian Ocean (Mauritius, Dubai, Sri Lanka, Singapore and Malaysia); Murdoch University three (Singapore, Malaysia, Dubai); and ECU one (Sri Lanka); while UWA has recently announced plans to develop a campus presence in India. Importantly, each international campus serves as a form of academic ‘embassy’, providing deeper Australian knowledge, visibility and connection to the diverse societies of the Indian Ocean rim, which can in turn support long-term understanding, cooperation and mutual benefit between our countries.
Sitting in Perth, Australia’s front door to the Indian Ocean region, WA universities are leading the way in generating research data, expert knowledge, thought leadership, public engagement and policy recommendations on the wider region to Australia’s north and west.
In the context of these existing activities and future opportunities, what we need is an integrated Australian (and Western Australian) government strategy for supporting and leveraging the academic diplomacy conducted by Australian universities in
What we need is an integrated Australian (and Western Australian) government strategy for supporting and leveraging the academic diplomacy conducted by Australian universities in the wider region. For example, we currently lack a national Australia-Africa Council, which would be the best starting point for bringing key stakeholders from the higher education, business and diaspora community sectors into structured conversation with the Commonwealth Government in order to design a national engagement strategy.
the wider region. For example, we currently lack a national Australia-Africa Council, which would be the best starting point for bringing key stakeholders from the higher education, business and diaspora community sectors into structured conversation with the Commonwealth Government in order to design a national engagement strategy.
The New Colombo Plan, which has been a core component in Australia’s highly successful academic diplomacy in Asia, currently does not extend to the western Indian Ocean and Africa, denying Australian students the opportunity to undertake funded study tours and cultural exchanges to that side of the region and, hence, of returning to Australia as knowledgeable and professionally-connected ‘ambassadors’ for those regions. And there’s currently no African Studies degree taught in any Australian university, further limiting opportunities for Australian students to develop greater ‘Africa literacy’.
Enhanced and more coordinated Commonwealth Government support for Australian academic diplomacy in Africa and the western Indian Ocean region would substantially improve our national understanding of critical issues arising from and impacting the wider region, including those that affect national security and defence interests.
By Nick Gan, Chief Executive Officer, PRL Group
The extraordinary natural treasures found on Christmas Island and the Cocos (Keeling) Islands are a spectacular part of Australia. Collectively known as the Indian Ocean Territories (IOTs), the islands also tell human stories of indentured labour, shipwrecks and wartime occupation.
Both communities are culturally diverse, unique and resilient, with a strong sense of community spirit and belonging. They are wonderful examples of respectful, tolerant communities of mainly Chinese, Malays and Europeans who are all proudly Australian.
There are, however, challenges. Remoteness and isolation contribute to a high cost of living because food, goods and services must come from the mainland. The islands are also vulnerable to extreme weather events which can severely impact shipping, air travel and freight. There are accommodation shortages, deteriorating essential infrastructure, and public services are limited. For businesses, accessing land for economic development and attracting investment finance can be difficult.
The islands’ economies, particularly that of Christmas Island, have been subject to cycles of boom and bust. These include the demise of the once successful casinoresort in the mid-’90s and the failed Asia-Pacific Space Centre a few years later. This was followed by the construction of the Immigration Detention Centre (IDC) which opened in 2008 and is now in care and maintenance, supporting the ongoing operations of Australian Border Force in the region.
Phosphate Resources Ltd (PRL) was formed in 1990 when the community and the Union of Christmas Island Workers joined together in a fight to reopen the phosphate mine to create jobs and sustain the families that had lived there for multiple generations.
Today, it is now a core subsidiary of PRL Global Ltd (PRG), a diversified
industrial ASX-listed company, with business interests across Christmas and Cocos (Keeling) Islands, Queensland, Western Australia, Malaysia, Singapore and Europe. The company has remained a reliable employer and a major economic driver of the Christmas Island economy, delivering half of the island’s gross regional product of $90m per annum and providing, directly and indirectly, half of the island’s jobs.
Over the years, PRL has grown into an integrated and diversified business, with global interests in mining, fertiliser, logistics, agri-business, energy, property, and facilities management. Recently, we acquired ownership of the Ardmore phosphate mine in north-west Queensland, supplementing our mining business on Christmas Island. We are also heavily invested in the economic and social future of the IOTs.
Our diversification and investment strategy promises a new phase of development, including eco-tourism, renewable energy and agribusiness through Green Space Tech, providing fresh food to the Christmas Island community. This strategy is informed by various Commonwealth Government policies, which reaffirm the strategic importance of the IOTs to the nation and the need to maintain viable economies, capable of sustaining our communities.
PRL and local businesses cannot do these things alone and need a strong and mutually beneficial partnership with the Commonwealth Government. Together, we can help transition the IOT economies from their 120-year reliance on mining and government services to one that is
more diverse and sustainable, capitalising on their strategic location, proximity to South-East Asia and unique environments, cultures and communities.
There are positive signs. The IOTs are now recognised as part of Northern Australia, providing access to investment finance via the Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility (NAIF), and there are plans to extend the Cocos Island runway. Access to land for economic development continues to be difficult, however, and climate change impacts are front of mind for our communities.
Despite these challenges, PRL looks forward to working with all levels of government to help build a sustainable economic future for the IOTs that preserves not only the national interest, but also the lives and wellbeing of those who live there.
prlgroup.com.au
Founded by the British as the first settlement on Christmas Island in 1888, Flying Fish Cove is still the main settlement on the island. Of the territory’s total population of 1600 people, around one-third reside in Flying Fish Cove, which lies near the north-eastern tip of the island. Seen here, The jetty at Flying Fish Cove provides essential maritime access for the community and visiting vessels. Source: Wikimedia Commons/ DIAC images, CC By 2.0.
Phosphate Resources Limited (PRL Group) is an industrial company with business interests across Australia, including Christmas Island and Queensland, Malaysia, Singapore and Europe.
Since 1990 we have grown to become diversified and integrated ASX listed company with interests in mining, logistics, fertilisers, agri-business, energy, maintenance services, and asset management.
PRL Group is also heavily invested in the economic and social future of the Indian Ocean Territories. Our investment strategy in the region promises are new phase of development that includes eco-tourism, renewable energy and agri-tech and food selfsufficiency projects particularly in remote areas like where fresh food is imported (like in the Indian Ocean Territories).
Our focus on diversifying and growing our business in Australia and across our global value chain, has already delivered results and will continue to position us to deliver sustainably for our shareholders and key stakeholders into the future.
www.prlgroup.com.au
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As a proven and reliable supplier to the defence sector, we are dedicated to supporting our clients through every stage of the project lifecycle. Our focus is on delivering successful outcomes while enhancing the long-term operational capability of Defence programs.
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The Royal Australian Navy (RAN) enters the second half of the 2020s challenged in many areas, but making notable strides nonetheless. As a result of some unfortunate capability decisions, the RAN has not experienced a steady drumbeat of new ships entering service to replace the old. The last major surface combatant to enter service was the destroyer HMAS Sydney in 2020 and the next one will be, in the best case, the lead ship of the Japanese-built Upgrade Mogami-class general-purpose frigate in 2029, while the first Type 26, HMAS Hunter, will not be commissioned until around 2032.
In the context of meeting undersea warfare demands, the decision to acquire a small number of locally produced Anduril-designed Ghost Sharks is notable. These extra-large autonomous undersea vehicles (XL-AUV) will provide the Navy with a complementary long-range undersea capability. In 2024, a prototype Ghost Shark was airlifted in a C-17 to Hawaii for trials. When operational, they will be able to conduct persistent and disruptive intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance and, possibly, strike.
No other advanced navy has to contend with that situation. The circumstances of now having two frigate programs underway from different countries of origin are indeed unchartered waters for the RAN. It is unsurprising, therefore, that the Navy has been greatly challenged in getting to sea surface combatants in sufficient numbers to meet operational requirements.
Although there has been bi-partisan support for a continuous build program, successive governments have overseen an unsatisfactory implementation of it. In part, that is because some of the key features of the concept, as first proposed by the Navy back in 2000, were not borne in mind. Chief among those was building common and evolved designs in sufficient runs to allow efficiencies in production, sub-system commonality and growth in local supply chains.
The five-fold benefits of this approach were to encourage cost-effective construction and sustainment, reduce schedule risk, improve operational efficiency and build in cross-class
At the outset of the Albanese Government, a major course alteration was set in train with the Force Structure Review and the follow-on studies and policy decisions. Those determinations are now being seen both at sea and ashore. Impressively, the Fleet is now fielding the SM-6 long range air defence missile, the Tomahawk land attack missile and the Naval Strike Missile for antiship operations. This significant lethality improvement has been the result of much hard work across various parts of the Navy, and Defence more broadly.
engagements with regional navies. Source: Department of Defence. Photographer: LSIS David Cox.
employability for the uniformed workforce. Instead of that, project selections have led to the major surface combatant force having Spanish-, British- and, now, Japanese-designed warships with their own design, supply chain and system requirements.
No other advanced navy has to contend with that situation. The circumstances of now having two frigate programs underway from different countries of origin are indeed unchartered waters for the RAN. It is unsurprising, therefore, that the Navy has been greatly challenged in getting to sea surface combatants in sufficient numbers to meet operational requirements.
It is a similar picture in the submarine arm. While great effort had been made in improving Collins- class sustainment, age catches up. Once again, successive governments prevaricated on their replacement. So now much rides on the ambitious and complex
AUKUS Pillar I nuclear-powered attack submarine (SSN) program.
Leaving aside the operational merits of a mixed Virginia and AUKUS SSN fleet, what is clear is that the early fiscal and personnel demands of the program are having an adverse effect on the current Fleet and, indeed, the current ADF. To its credit, Defence is working steadily to meet the ambitious AUKUS timeline to be able to accept the first RAN SSN.
In the context of meeting undersea warfare demands, the decision to acquire a small number of locally produced Anduril-designed Ghost Sharks is notable. These extra-large autonomous undersea vehicles (XL-AUV) will provide the Navy with a complementary long-range undersea capability. In 2024, a prototype Ghost Shark was airlifted in a C-17 to Hawaii for trials. When operational, they will be able to conduct persistent and disruptive intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance and, possibly, strike.
At the outset of the Albanese Government, a major course alteration was set in train with the Force Structure Review and the follow-on studies and policy decisions. Those determinations are now being seen both at sea and ashore. Impressively, the Fleet is now fielding the SM-6 long range air defence missile, the Tomahawk land attack missile and the Naval Strike Missile for antiship operations. This significant lethality improvement has been the result of much hard work across various parts of the Navy, and Defence more broadly.
Virginia-class fast-attack submarine USS Hawaii (SSN 776) and Submarine Tender USS Emory S. Land (AS 39), alongside at HMAS Stirling, Western Australia. Since January 2024, more than 30 Australian personnel have been aboard Emory S. Land participating in a knowledge exchange period and maintenance training. The Emory S. Land will execute several maintenance training activities with the Royal Australian Navy and support the upcoming Submarine Tendered Maintenance Period, which will mark the first time Australians have participated in a US SSN maintenance period in Australia. Source: Department of Defence. Photographer: CPOIS Nina Fogliani.
Another important milestone was the commissioning of the first Arafura-class offshore patrol vessel at the end of June this year. The utility of an Offshore Patrol Vessel (OPV) to operate across Australia’s extensive exclusive economic zone (EEZ) has been discussed for a number of decades. There have been sporadic debates about whether a smaller number of OPVs were better than more smaller patrol boats.
But now, following the Force Structure Review and then finessed by the subsequent surface combatant lethality review, the Navy will have a mixed fleet of both. This may provide operational flexibility, but may also further compound the Fleet’s logistic and training support challenge. Only time will tell how effective the OPVs, which can embark uncrewed aerial vehicles (UAVs), will be in service.
Perhaps the area of most uncertainty is the role and mix of UAVs. Recent budget constraints have curtailed some programs but, hopefully, not the ambition. It is clear a range of UAVs must be an integral part of the RAN’s force mix and the FAA must be allowed the funding and scope to experiment and field UAVs in numbers to have an operational effect.
In contrasts the amphibious force of Adelaide, Canberra (LHDs) and Choules (LSD), has enjoyed some stability and improved availability. This is the third time the Navy has had a trio of substantial amphibious ships and the present day ‘three musketeers’ continue to prove their worth. For its part, the RAN is keen to share experiences more closely with the Spanish and Turkish navies on their employment of the larger LHDs.
Of particular note are the Turkish trials of fixedwing UAVs off the deck of TCG Anadolu. One would think it inevitable for Adelaide and Canberra to follow suit at some point in their service. The other developmental aspect of the amphibious capability is how the smaller, but still substantial, Army amphibious vessels will marry up with the Navy’s trio.
Like the surface fleet, the Fleet Air Arm has enjoyed a capability boost with the introduction of the Seahawk Romeo. Perhaps the area of most uncertainty is the role and mix of UAVs. Recent budget constraints have curtailed some programs but, hopefully, not the ambition. It is clear that a range of UAVs must be an integral part of the RAN’s force mix and the FAA must be allowed the funding and scope to experiment and field UAVs in numbers to have an operational effect.
A less happy situation surrounds the two Supplyclass afloat support ships HMA Ships Stalwart and Supply. Since the late 1960s, the RAN has had a desire for two ‘one-stop shop’ replenishment ships of the same class able to supply the fleet with fuel, stores and
ammunition. It was, therefore, a cruel irony when the vision was finally realised, after some failed attempts, that mechanical issues would dramatically reduce their availability in the first years of their service life. It can only be hoped that, in the near future, both ships will earn a fine reputation for service and reliability.
Also suffering from resource constraints is the RAN’s mine warfare capability. The mainstay of this capability had been six Huon-class mine countermeasures (MCM) vessels. In 2018, a pair were decommissioned and, as of December 2024, only the last pair, Yarra and Diamantina, remains in service.
Various projects have been projected to address the issue with a general vision of longish-ranged remotely controlled MCM systems supported by a parent ship not requiring the sophisticated demagnetised measures. Proven technical solutions have, however, remained just over the horizon. In the meantime, Yarra and Diamantina, and deployable MCM kits, supported by clearance divers, are the solution in the interregnum. It is suggested that a more robust capability will be required once USN attack submarines are operating out of Fleet Base West on a regular basis.
An issue not mentioned, but omnipresent in all of the above, is the shortfall of personnel. There has been some suggestion in the media that the young people of today are less interested in service life. This has been
a periodic talking point since Nelson was a boy. What is different from those days of sail is the incredibly protracted process involved in joining the Navy. It is no wonder many young people give up and seek their fortune elsewhere. In short, for quite some years, the ADF has suffered from a cumbersome and not fit for purpose recruiting system. The Navy has suffered most. This year, however, there was a marked reduction in the time taken to process a recruit and a commensurate improvement in intake numbers. Hopefully, that is a harbinger of better numbers to come. Finally, turning to one’s gaze to the horizon. If the Trump Administration gives its blessing to AUKUS Pillar I, then the challenge is really on. It is quite likely that AUKUS fiscal demands on the Defence purse will only continue to grow beyond the current budget estimates. With little apparent appetite for macroeconomic reform of the national economy, Defence will have to look at further efficiencies and trade-offs.
For the Navy, the challenge requires a longterm plan. It is suggested that it has to convince Government and Defence of the need to put in train measures to refine and standardise ship designs, subsystems and supply chains for the remainder of the fleet. For example, the successor to the Hobart-class should ideally be an Australian-Japanese co-design. Only over time can the inefficiencies and cost penalties of operating the most heterogeneous fleet of any advanced navy in the world be overcome.
On 28 June 2025, Offshore Patrol Vessel (OPV) Arafura was commissioned into service in a ceremony at Fremantle. A traditional naval ceremony, commissioning marks a warship’s formal entry into service by hoisting its colours (the Australian White Ensign) for the first time. HMAS Arafura is the first of class, and now operates as His Majesty’s Australian Ship (HMAS). A further five OPVs will be brought into service, with the next, like Arafura, being built at Osborne Naval Shipyard, South Australia, and the remaining four constructed at Henderson, Western Australia. Source: Department of Defence. Photographer: LSIS Rikki-Lea Phillips.
Be part of a world-class facility where research, technology and industry converge to help turn your idea into a commercial success.
The Henderson Research and Innovation Hub (HRIH) facility is where innovators, researchers, training organisations and investors in the ocean sustainability and defence industries come together to research, collaborate and commercialise their ideas, products and services.
If your research or project aligns with the Australian Government’s Defence Industry Development Strategy, contributes to the growing blue economy or promotes ocean sustainability, HRIH offers the ideal environment to grow your work. Based in an Sovereign Defence Industrial Priorities (SDIP) aligned facility, HRIH provides access to industry expertise – helping you navigate the defence supply chain or advance innovation in marine and sustainable ocean industries.
www.cockburn.wa.gov.au/HRIH
Capacity for 40+ businesses, entrepreneurs and innovators
Major research centre participation by Curtin University, The UWA Oceans Institute and others
A new permanent home for the Henderson Alliance
Sovereign Defence Industrial Priorities (SDIP) 2, 5 and 7 compliant
A training hub for defence and maritime industry upskilling.
Give yourself the best possible chance of success at HRIH:
Upskill: Access specialised skills, development initiatives and multidisciplinary educational programs through not-forprofits, Business Station and Business Foundations.
Attract investment: Access vital final funding from equity investor groups, university research funds or the Department of Defence, among other local, national and international sources.
Collaborate: Work with numerous scale-ups, educational institutions, and established businesses to develop and commercialise your idea or product.
Access markets: Align, streamline and accelerate your integration into the defence supply chain including through the Defence Industry Vendor Qualification Program, with the potential to access US and UK defence markets.
Scale: Grow your business, increase the local defence supply chain, boost Australia’s sovereign manufacturing capabilities, satisfy export opportunities and achieve your business goals.
At AusCam Engineering Pty Ltd, we bring decades of high-precision CNC machining and fabrication expertise from the mining, oil and gas, sub-sea and aerospace industries to the military defence sector. Based in Western Australia, we’re now expanding our lean manufacturing capabilities to support Australia’s defence needs – delivering critical components with unmatched reliability for high-stakes applications.
• Precision Engineering: Advanced CNC technology achieving micron-level tolerances, ideal for defence hardware, aerospace systems, and tactical equipment.
• Lean Manufacturing: Efficient processes that reduce waste, speed up production, and ensure cost-effective solutions without sacrificing quality.
• Proven Track Record: Trusted partner in mining, oil & gas and aerospace sectors; now leveraging that experience for defence innovations.
• Defence Applications: Specialised in machining and fabricating parts, tailored for Western Australia’s growing defence industry.
• Quality Commitment: Actively pursuing ISO Triple certification to meet the highest standards of excellence.
As a local Western Australian business, AusCam Engineering is committed to strengthening Australia’s defence capabilities with innovative, reliable machining solutions.
MM Electrical Mining & Industrial is a trusted electrical wholesaler serving the Defence, Mining, Oil & Gas, Utilities, and Marine sectors. We specialise in global sourcing, obsolescence management, and tender coordination, delivering tailored solutions to meet the unique requirements of high performance industries. With over 25 years of experience, our expertise is built on reliability, precision, and deep industry knowledge.
Partnering with us gives clients access to thousands of leading electrical brands. Through strong relationships with both local and global suppliers, we ensure rapid response times and exceptional service. Our proven sales and technical support capabilities make us a dependable partner our clients can truly rely on.
Strong global and local partnerships enable us to source hard to find equipment and components.
Reliable performance gives our clients confidence that we’ll meet and exceed their expectations.
We deliver all required specifications and certifications to meet strict defence industry standards.
Our success is built on collaborative relationships and a deep understanding of our clients’ operations
By Paddy Gregg, Chief Executive Officer, Austal
The Commonwealth Government’s appointment of Austal as the Strategic Shipbuilder in Henderson, Western Australia, is more than an endorsement of a single company – it is a clear recognition of the vital role that sovereign capability plays in an increasingly complex and uncertain world.
Under the new ‘Strategic Shipbuilding Agreement’ (SSA), Austal’s wholly owned subsidiary, Austal Defence Australia, will serve as the Prime Contractor for key elements of the Naval Shipbuilding and Sustainment Plan over the coming decade. This includes delivering Landing Craft Medium and Landing Craft Heavy vessels for the Australian Army, while also establishing the foundations for future programs such as GeneralPurpose Frigates and optionally crewed platforms for the Royal Australian Navy.
Under the new ‘Strategic Shipbuilding Agreement’ (SSA), Austal’s wholly owned subsidiary, Austal Defence Australia, will serve as the Prime Contractor for key elements of the Naval Shipbuilding and Sustainment Plan over the coming decade. This includes delivering Landing Craft Medium and Landing Craft Heavy vessels for the Australian Army, while also establishing the foundations for future programs such as GeneralPurpose Frigates and optionally crewed platforms for the Royal Australian Navy.
These ships are more than military hardware. They are enablers of innovation, mobility and self-reliance. Their construction in Western Australia will reinforce the industrial foundations needed to deliver the next generation of naval capability, while providing the Australian Defence Force with the maritime infrastructure essential to defending our nation.
For Austal, the SSA represents continuity – not just for our team, but for the broader Western Australian
“For Austal, the SSA represents continuity – not just for our team, but for the broader Western Australian defence industry. Henderson has long been a hub for naval and border protection capability, and Austal has delivered 110 defence and government vessels from our WA shipyard since 1999.
defence industry. Henderson has long been a hub for naval and border protection capability, and Austal has delivered 110 defence and government vessels from our WA shipyard since 1999, alone. That has been achieved through a resilient sovereign supply chain, engaging partners from major contractors to local SMEs.
Sovereign capacity cannot be built overnight; it takes decades of investment in infrastructure, systems and, most importantly, people. Ships are built by shipbuilders, not sheds, and our 37 years of experience ensure that the skills, supply chains and intellectual capital developed here in Western Australia are retained and grown, not lost to stop-start investment cycles.
Our proven track record, including 20 Cape-class patrol boats and 22 Guardian-class Pacific patrol boats, highlights what can be achieved when a continuous build strategy is supported by an experienced Australian partner.
Recent years have made one lesson clear: Australia cannot afford to be reliant on foreign ownership or
production for critical assets. Whether
through pandemics, geopolitical tensions or supply chain disruptions, we have seen the risks firsthand. In defence shipbuilding, sovereign control over design, build and sustainment is essential. It ensures we can respond rapidly to strategic changes, without being constrained by overseas approvals or production schedules. Strategic assets must remain in sovereign hands – it is that simple.
“Our proven track record, including 20 Cape-class patrol boats and 22 Guardian-class Pacific patrol boats, highlights what can be achieved when a continuous build strategy is supported by an experienced Australian partner.
Recent years have made one lesson clear: Australia cannot afford to be reliant on foreign ownership or offshore production for critical assets. Whether through pandemics, geopolitical tensions, or supply chain disruptions, we have seen the risks firsthand. In defence shipbuilding, sovereign control over design, build and sustainment is essential. It ensures we can respond rapidly to strategic changes, without being constrained by overseas approvals or production schedules. Strategic assets must remain in sovereign hands – it is that simple.
Austal is the only Australian shipbuilder operating at scale, both domestically and internationally. In the United States, we have delivered 19 Littoral Combat Ships and 15 Expeditionary Fast Transport ships to the US Navy, and we are currently producing modules for Virginia-class and Columbia-class nuclear-powered submarines under AUKUS, a testament to the trust our allies place in our engineering and program delivery. That is in addition to towing and salvage vessels, ocean surveillance vessels and offshore patrol cutters also under construction.
That global expertise directly strengthens our local capability. Few companies worldwide can match our interoperability, quality and proven delivery track record: strengths we bring directly back here to Henderson.
The 2024 Naval Shipbuilding and Sustainment Plan outlines a $159bn program to deliver 55 new vessels and sustain them for decades. Delivering that vision
Austal’s workforce is trained, security-cleared and experienced, with 350 ships delivered globally since 1988. The SSA secures a decade of naval construction grounded in sovereign control, operational certainty and industrial continuity while setting the stage for the future: from optionally crewed vessels to modular upgrades and integrated sustainment. At Austal, we are ready to meet that future head-on, building not just ships, but Australia’s sovereign capability for generations to come.
will take more than facilities and steel – it requires thousands of skilled people across the nation.
Austal’s workforce is trained, security-cleared and experienced, with more than 350 ships delivered globally since 1988. The SSA secures a decade of naval construction grounded in sovereign control,
operational certainty and industrial continuity while setting the stage for the future: from optionally crewed vessels to modular upgrades and integrated sustainment. At Austal, we are ready to meet that future head-on, building not just ships, but Australia’s sovereign capability for generations to come.
austal.com
By Serge DeSilvaRanasinghe, Principle Editor
WA DEFENCE REVIEW
By
Editor,
Born from the union of Griffin Marine Services and Westurn Engineering, Griffin Industrial has become a versatile, multi-disciplinary enterprise servicing the naval, commercial maritime and industrial engineering sectors. On 4 September, WA DEFENCE REVIEW spoke with Chris Stoll, General Manager of Griffin Industrial, in an exclusive conversation about the company’s growth, operations and commercial ambitions.
Your company remains a longstanding operator in Western Australia. Tell us about how that came to be.
Griffin Industrial was formed in April 2025 to bring Griffin Marine Services and Westurn Engineering together under a single structure. The goal wasn’t just to create a parent company; it was about making it easier to share resources, align systems and build something that could grow without losing focus. We wanted to keep the strengths of each business intact while giving them access to shared services like finance, HR, IT, HSEQ and marketing.
Griffin Marine had already established a strong reputation in marine maintenance and fabrication, particularly in the defence sector, whereas Westurn brought deep capability in machining and reverse engineering, especially for mining and industrial clients. Both businesses were doing well, and we saw an opportunity to leverage those strengths to be able to offer more to clients. Griffin Industrial has become the platform to make that possible.
The creation of Griffin Industrial has not slowed down our momentum. We have continued to grow our teams to support both new and existing clients; we’ve also continued to invest in systems and processes that
help us work smarter and respond faster. But we’ve kept things lean. We’re not trying to be a big corporate, we’re focused on delivery, culture and making sure our teams have what they need to succeed.
We’ve also invested in building a shared identity.
“Trusted to Make It Happen” isn’t just a tagline, it’s how we operate. Whether it’s mobilising a team on short notice or solving a complex engineering problem, we’re known for getting the job done. That mindset is what unites the group and drives everything we do.
Griffin Marine had already established a strong reputation in marine maintenance and fabrication, particularly in the defence sector, whereas Westurn brought deep capability in machining and reverse engineering, especially for mining and industrial clients. Both businesses were doing well, and we saw an opportunity to leverage those strengths to be able to offer more to clients. Griffin Industrial has become the platform to make that possible.
Leadership, culture and capability are often cited as key ingredients for commercial success. What has underpinned Griffin Industrial’s methodology for continued growth?
What makes us different is how we work. We’re very conscious of the potential for system and process bloat, or, to put it another way, doing things for the sake of it or because they have always been done that way. We understand that there are compliance requirements, and our broad swathe of certifications demonstrates our commitment to that, but we’re equally focused on being responsive, reliable and easy to deal with. Our structure allows Griffin Marine and Westurn to stay focused on their core work, while Griffin Industrial handles the shared services and strategic direction.
We’ve built a strong team culture. People here care about the work and each other. We back our people to grow, whether that’s through formal training, mentoring, or just giving them opportunities to step up. We’ve had apprentices move into leadership roles, and we’ve supported trades personnel through recognition and sponsorship. That kind of progression is real here.
We’ve also made a strong commitment and success with programs like the Defence Industry Pathways Program (DIPP) and Defence Industry Internship and Graduate Scholarship Program (DIIGS). We’re proud to have welcomed over 25 trainees from those programs, and even happier that five have stayed on to start their careers with us in permanent roles. Our commitment to growing our own talent is at the core of how we operate; we believe that by nurturing skills and providing opportunities for advancement internally, we not only strengthen the business but also create fulfilling career paths for our people.
Griffin Industrial is beginning to establish a presence internationally. Our services, especially in marine systems, advanced manufacturing and field support are exportable. We’ve begun exploring Original Equipment Manufacturer (OEM) partnerships and international service opportunities – including support for allied naval platforms, such as our recent support to visiting Spanish, Canadian and UK vessels in Darwin during Talisman Sabre, as well as patrol boat support in the Pacific.
Technically, we’ve got depth and versatility. We offer a full suite of industrial capabilities in all our locations whilst each workshop tends to carry a unique speciality that services their local market.
For example, our Sydney team has advanced manufacturing capability, and our Northern Territory and Queensland teams specialise in rapid turnaround of custom lagging and insulation. Westurn’s reverse engineering capability is a key offering, especially when clients are dealing with obsolete parts or unsupported systems. Griffin Marine is known for its ability to mobilise quickly and adapt under pressure. Together, we cover a lot of ground.
Griffin Industrial operates across three main sectors: naval, commercial maritime and industrial engineering. Defence is our key focus. Griffin Marine has supported naval platforms for over a decade, and we’ve built trust by consistently delivering on tight timelines and complex scopes. We’ve worked on some of the most advanced technologies in the world, and we’ve done it reliably. We’re proud to claim that we actively work, throughout a year, on every Royal Australian Navy vessel in the surface fleet, and nearly every vessel in the Australian Border Force fleet.
Ultimately, what sets us apart is our ability to deliver a product to the highest standard on time. Clients trust us because we say what we’ll do and then do it. We don’t overcomplicate things. We focus on solving problems and keeping projects moving. That earned trust is what keeps clients coming back.
The defence sector is clearly a cornerstone of Griffin Industrial’s commercial interests. Can you walk us through your company’s defence footprint?
Griffin Industrial operates across three main sectors: naval, commercial maritime and industrial engineering. Defence is our key focus. Griffin Marine has supported naval platforms for over a decade, and we’ve built trust by consistently delivering on tight
timelines and complex scopes. We’ve worked on some of the most advanced technologies in the world, and we’ve done it reliably. We’re proud to claim that we actively work, throughout a year, on every Royal Australian Navy vessel in the surface fleet, and nearly every vessel in the Australian Border Force fleet. Westurn’s reverse engineering capability also plays a role in defence sustainment. When parts are no longer supported or available, we can scan, model and manufacture replacements, often in as little as five days from start to finish. That’s important for keeping legacy systems running and avoiding downtime. We are also proud to contribute to the ongoing development of Australian sovereign capability. By
We’re also looking at supporting future programs through contributions to the build programs and through exploration of in-country agencies and OEM representation. While our foundation is in Australia, we’re now exploring strategic opportunities to grow internationally, building on the core strengths we’re known for. We’re not chasing scale for the sake of it; we’re looking for the right opportunities where we can add value and build long-term relationships.
The company is evidently in a strong position, being poised for further expansion. With that in mind, how would you describe Griffin Industrial’s objectives into the foreseeable future?
investing in local talent, expanding our capability and capacity, and reducing reliance on overseas supply chains through local partnerships, we help build national resilience.
Beyond defence, we work with clients in mining, infrastructure and energy. Our ability to adapt and respond quickly makes us a trusted partner in sectors where reliability and speed are critical.
The export sector offers potentially lucrative markets for established Australian firms. Does Griffin Industrial look to capitalise on opportunities in overseas markets?
Griffin Industrial is beginning to establish a presence internationally. Our services, especially in marine systems, advanced manufacturing and field support are exportable. We’ve begun exploring Original Equipment Manufacturer (OEM) partnerships and international service opportunities – including support for allied naval platforms, such as our recent support to visiting Spanish, Canadian and UK vessels in Darwin during Talisman Sabre, as well as patrol boat support in the Pacific.
Griffin Industrial has three key priorities for the coming year. First, we want to grow strategically. That means deepening our work in defence, expanding into adjacent industries like infrastructure and energy, and pursuing OEM and in-country agency roles. We’re particularly focused on supporting future programs, building capability around advanced mechanical systems, and continuing to grow our advanced manufacturing capacity.
Second, we’re investing in our people. We’ll continue to support apprenticeships, mentoring and leadership development. We’ve seen real success with programs like DIPP and DIIGS, and we want to keep building capability from within.
Third, we’re improving how we work. We’re continuing to roll out new systems and refining processes to make things more efficient across the group. That includes digital platforms, branding and centralised service models. The goal is to make it easier for our teams to do their jobs and for clients to work with us.
Overall, we want to grow without losing our edge – to remain agile, maintain a strong culture, and continue to be known for getting the job done.
griffinmarineservices.com.au
We want to grow strategically. That means deepening our work in defence, expanding into adjacent industries like infrastructure and energy, and pursuing OEM and incountry agency roles. We’re particularly focused on supporting future programs, building capability around advanced mechanical systems, and continuing to grow our advanced manufacturing capacity.
The traditional idea of local government as a service provider focused solely on roads, rates and rubbish is no longer sufficient. Forward-thinking councils have evolved into strategic economic development partners, working directly with major industries to help build the critical capacities and capabilities required for attracting the sustained investment and growth our communities need to thrive.
At the City of Cockburn, one of our primary focuses is on enabling the growth of the defence industry. Our shift from regulator to facilitator represents a fundamental change in how local government can support national defence priorities. Today, we are active agents of change, collaborating with defence primes, researchers, training organisations and investors to ensure Cockburn remains the beating heart of Australia’s shipbuilding defence industrial base on the west coast.
Henderson is located 30km south-west of Perth and is home to a $15bn cluster of marine infrastructure. Anchored by the world-class Australian Marine Complex is one of only two naval shipbuilding locations in Australia. With Henderson serving
as a critical sustainment hub for HMAS Stirling, the Commonwealth Government spending $8bn to transform Henderson into the home port and sustainment location for Australia’s nuclearpowered submarine fleet, and the establishment of a consolidated Commonwealth-owned Defence Precinct, it is projected that an additional 4500 defence shipbuilding-industry jobs will be created over the next decade.
Defence is investing in Cockburn, and the City of Cockburn is investing in our small business sector to support the uplift on the defence supply chain. We are delivering on our promise to be capacity and capability builders. We’re already helping to develop the talent pipeline, including:
“Henderson is located 30km south-west of Perth and is home to a $15bn cluster of marine infrastructure. Anchored by the world-class Australian Marine Complex is one of only two naval shipbuilding locations in Australia. With Henderson serving as a critical sustainment hub for HMAS Stirling, the Commonwealth Government spending $8bn to transform Henderson into the home port and sustainment location for Australia’s nuclear-powered submarine fleet, and the establishment of a consolidated Commonwealthowned Defence Precinct, it is projected that an additional 4500 defence shipbuilding industry jobs will be created over the next decade.
• Sponsoring a new Defence Industry Careers Zone at Perth’s biggest careers expo and helping our small-to-medium enterprises (SMEs) gain visibility.
• Acting as a conduit between high schools and industry, co-designing a hackathon challenge to engage year 10 and 11 students in real-world problem-solving using AI and mentored by the defence industry.
• Delivering events such as the Defence Supplier Yarn, aimed at linking First Nations suppliers to the defence industry with training, networking and mentoring.
• Supporting veterans to connect with the local defence industry with showcase events that bring together TAFE, training organisations and local businesses to highlight careers in everything from shipbuilding to robotics, and subsea remote operating vehicles to artificial intelligence.
There is an immediate need for up to 500 SMEs to enter the defence supply chain. That requirement will grow as the sector grows. The City has been actively working with our community of nearly 10,000 local businesses to get them supply chain ready, holding educational sessions and helping reduce barriers to entry.
The test and evaluation (T&E) sector highlights both the challenges and opportunities in the defence industry. The Defence Industry Development Strategy identified an immediate shortage of 400 qualified T&E professionals, with demand projected to reach 1,000 by 2030.
That shortage represents a critical vulnerability in Australia’s defence capability development. Test and evaluation underpin the safety, reliability and effectiveness of every defence system deployed. Without adequate T&E capacity, Australia cannot validate critical defence technologies or ensure the safety of service personnel. Solutions are required. So, the
City of Cockburn is stepping up.
The Henderson Research and Innovation Hub (HRIH) is a cuttingedge research and innovation facility that will house more than 40 businesses, entrepreneurs and innovators in the defence and maritime sectors. Participants include defence primes, researchers from Curtin University and the UWA Oceans Institute, registered training organisations, investors and Henderson Alliance members.
The HRIH is designed to build partnerships, drive research and innovation, develop a highly skilled workforce, and commercialise technologies, products and services. It is targeting Sovereign Defence Industry Priorities (SDIPS) two (naval shipbuilding), five (autonomous systems) and seven (T&E). In short, it is ideally placed to tackle and help resolve the challenges of the T&E sector.
By co-locating local SMEs with established defence industry players, the HRIH will create unprecedented opportunities for knowledge transfer, collaboration and capability development.
That collaboration may reduce traditional barriers for SMEs wanting to service the defence industry by providing transparency around expectations, deliverables, accreditation requirements and performance standards. It is also somewhere to train those 400 new T&E professionals.
If the City of Cockburn can facilitate that outcome, everyone benefits – from residents gaining meaningful employment, to businesses joining the supply chain, to service personnel who want to get home safely, and the defence industry itself.
Local government has the power to shape economic growth. When we act decisively, the benefits ripple through the entire community. cockburn.wa.gov.au
The Henderson Research and Innovation Hub (HRIH) is a cutting-edge research and innovation facility that will house more than 40 businesses, entrepreneurs and innovators in the defence and maritime sectors. Participants include defence primes, researchers from Curtin University and the UWA Oceans Institute, registered training organisations, investors and Henderson Alliance members.
Partner with ASC to build Australia’s submarine future.
ASC is expanding its supply chain to deliver Australia’s most complex defence programs with partners who share our deeper purpose to national security, now and into the future.
Together, we can build capability that will protect Australia for generations.
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HDS Hoses is an Australian owned, market leading specialist in hose assembly manufacture and testing. Founded in 2006, and with manufacturing locations in Perth and Brisbane, HDS provides a national footprint for certified assembly supply.
HDS Hoses is an Australian owned, market leading specialist in hose assembly manufacture and testing. Founded in 2006, and with manufacturing locations in Perth and Brisbane, HDS provides a national footprint for certified assembly supply.
Accredited to ISO 9001:2015, ISO 17025:2017 (NATA) for pressure testing, and Authorised by DNV and Lloyds Register of shipping to supply certified assemblies. HDS provide hoses into Defence, Oil and Gas, and the heavy-duty OEM mining markets.
By Emma Kelly, Associate Editor; Senior Correspondent
DEFENCE REVIEW
For a small Western Australia-based engineering company, Hofmann Engineering is punching above its weight in terms of global aerospace and defence business. The Bassendean-based company is gearing up to grow its defence activities further, particularly maritime opportunities, following its recent expansion in the United States.
In a major milestone in its maritime defence activities, the company has secured approval from the US Navy to supply WA-produced components for US Navy nuclear-powered aircraft carriers, becoming the first Australian company to do so.
Aerospace and defence currently account for 15% of the family-owned company’s business, with mining, oil and gas, rail, automotive, power stations and clean energy sectors making up the rest.
The company has more than 40 years of experience in the aerospace industry and is a globally recognised provider of engineering tooling solutions for the sector. The precision engineering company has established wide-ranging capabilities to support aerospace and defence programs, including gear manufacture, precision and heavy machining, fabrication, design and site services.
Hofmann has produced specialised components and sub-assemblies for the Australian Air Force, Navy and Army, as well as major defence primes as part of their global supply chains. In the air, projects have included horizontal stabiliser skins and weapons pylons for the BAE Systems Hawk; Lockheed C-130 Hercules inboard flap assembly jigs; horizontal stabiliser tooling for the McDonnell Douglas F/A-18 Hornet; tooling validation for the Airbus A330 Multi Role Tanker Transport; weapons pylon assembly jigs
for the Nimrod; nacelles, replacement floor panels and tooling for the Lockheed P3 Orion; and Boeing 737 Wedgetail wing tip radome tools.
Land vehicle projects include the M113 Armoured Personnel Carrier and armoured hull upgrades for BAE Systems and work on the Bushmaster for Thales. Naval projects have included machined components for ANZAC frigates; machined components, propeller shafts and generator re-builds for the Collins-class submarines; jig refurbishments for Jindivik target drones; machined components for mine hunter vessels; decoy system components for Nulka missiles; and gearbox repairs for amphibious and afloat support.
“In the United States, the United Kingdom and other partner nations, Hofmann Engineering sits as one of the beacons of precision machined manufacturing for propulsion systems, valves, pumps, nuclear-grade components for ships and submarines, along with aerospace componentry,” says Karl Hofmann, Director of Operations and Critical Infrastructure. “For over 30 years, Hofmann Engineering has developed innovative solutions that increase the life of products, makes them cost effective to manufacture, and reduce the life cost of the assets,” he adds.
Hofmann has called Bassendean home since 1969 when brothers John and Erich Hofmann established a small toolmaking shop. Today, Hofmann employs
a global workforce of around 721, with 479 of those based at its 26 acres site in Bassendean. “Perth is where the Hofmann family settled [from Germany] and started the business. Being close to the mining industry players working in the Pilbara has enabled the business to grow at a steady 10-15% year-on-year,” says Hofmann.
In addition to its Perth base, Hofmann has facilities in Melbourne, Bendigo, Newcastle and Queensland. The growing company has also expanded internationally, to Canada, Chile, China, India and Peru. Manufacturing facilities are located in Canada, Chile and Peru, while China and India are key sourcing hubs for the company’s mining business, supporting raw material purchasing, quality assurance and export control.
Hofmann is also looking to growth in North America. In April, it established its US subsidiary, Hofmann Engineering Defense LLC, in Hampton Roads, Virginia, as its first formal presence in the US and a strategic step towards expanding its global footprint, particularly in defence and industrial markets. The move is intended to position Hofmann to support the US maritime industrial base, contributing to commercial and defence programs through advanced manufacturing, engineering and supply chain collaboration.
“We have a factory in Canada that supports our US ambitions. Recently we established Hofmann Engineering US, with separate mining and defence subsidiaries to enable our expansion plans and to directly support US-based clients,” Hofmann explains. “We already have a pool of established customers in the North American mining sector, but we feel that the US Department of Defense has a clear manufacturing shortfall of qualified suppliers with the skills and capabilities that Hofmann Engineering is known for,” he adds.
Hofmann currently has 31 employees in Canada. “They, and a dedicated team from the Australian operation, are supplementing the entry into the US DoD market, with hopes that as we grow, we can develop a locally based set of staff that supports the US,” Hofmann explains.
In a boost to its US ambitions, in April, Hofmann was one of five Australian firms to receive certificates recognising their successful participation in supplier development initiatives led by US military shipbuilder HII, receiving a Newport News Shipbuilding (NNS) supplier identification number. The supplier identification number signifies that, upon full certification through the new Australian Submarine Supplier Qualification (AUSSQ) process, executed by H&B Defence, these companies are qualified to participate in the NNS supply chain in support of nuclear-powered submarine construction. HII is the largest US shipbuilder, supplying nuclear-powered aircraft carriers and nuclear-powered submarines to the US Navy.
Following the approval, Hofmann said: “We are
working with several organisations in the US and the UK to obtain certification for manufacture of SUBSAFE [US Submarine Safety Program] Level One components that can be used in Virginia-class submarines, Columbia-class submarines and nuclear aircraft carriers.” Such approvals, including from NNS, General Dynamics Electric Boat/Australian Submarine Corporation and BAE Systems, are a key validation of Hofmann’s capability to manufacture to the required standards.
“Propulsion systems, including naval-grade transmission/reduction gears, shaft systems, propellers, machined valves, additive manufactured components, moulds and aviation components are part of the suite of products we intend to provide to our defence/aerospace clients,” says Hofmann.
Just four months later, in August, Hofmann cemented its position in US naval production further, receiving a request for quotation (RfQ) from HII’s NNS. Hofmann has been invited to submit costings for several components, marking a significant step towards integration into HII’s nuclear shipbuilding program. Hofmann could begin supplying components as early as 2026.
“Securing the first RfQ through AUSSQ so quickly is a testament to Hofmann’s hard work and the success of the program being delivered by H&B Defence,” says H&B Defence Managing Director, Tim Brown.
“AUSSQ’s mission is to identify and qualify businesses capable of supporting the early stages of the AUKUS endeavour by manufacturing components currently in short supply in the US. This not only supports the timely delivery of Virginia-class nuclearpowered submarines but also builds the expertise needed for future in-country submarine construction in Australia,” he adds.
“This opportunity highlights the confidence being placed in Australian precision manufacturing and reinforces Hofmann Engineering’s commitment to delivering world-class precision machining solutions in support of both the US Navy and the Royal Australian Navy,” says Hofmann Engineering Managing Director, Erich Hofmann.
Meanwhile, research and development has always been a key part of the company’s activities and will continue to be so. “We always look for ways to design and manufacture products that are safer, last longer and exceed client expectations. It is the DNA of Hofmann Engineering to improve products and produce better results for our clients,” says Karl Hofmann.
For example, the company is currently working with BAE Systems, Austal and Curtin University to develop innovative solutions under the Additive Manufacturing Cooperative Research Centre. It is also developing relationships with the US DoD Maritime Industrial Base, Blue Forge Alliance and others to support the creation of products that meet US Naval Sea Systems Command (NAVSEA) standards at a faster and more cost-effective way.
hofmannengineering.com
By Emma Kelly, Associate Editor; Senior Correspondent WA DEFENCE REVIEW &
Dante Barrett , Editorial Assistant; Defence Writer WA DEFENCE REVIEW
Already home to the country’s largest naval base, HMAS Stirling on Garden Island, the City of Rockingham is looking to further exploit its geographic location and seize future opportunities to expand its defence footprint.
HMAS Stirling exercising its Freedom of Entry through the City of Rockingham on 9 September 2023 by marching through the streets in a tradition that dates back to medieval times. Freedom of Entry was granted to HMAS Stirling by the City of Rockingham on 12 November 1988, in conjunction with the conferral of official city status on the former Shire of Rockingham. The 2023 event celebrated 35 years since that milestone, 45 years since the commissioning of HMAS Stirling and 112 years since Garden Island was first selected as a naval base. Source: Department of Defence. Photographer: ABIS Rikki-Lea Phillips.
Located 45km south of Perth, Rockingham is home to HMAS Stirling on Garden Island and is in close proximity to the Australian Marine Complex (AMC) at Henderson. The City believes that the Rockingham Industry Zone, which is part of the Western Trade Coast industrial region and adjacent to the future Westport, offers an optimal location for advanced manufacturing and defence industries.
The future is one of growth in naval defence in the region. HMAS Stirling is currently home to 12 fleet units, including Anzac-class frigates and Collinsclass submarines, in addition to training facilities, communications and logistics support.
Some $8bn is set to be spent at HMAS Stirling over the next 15 years to support new vessels and personnel as part of the AUKUS security partnership, potentially creating 3000 jobs over the next decade. Work includes wharf upgrades, along with maintenance, logistics and training facilities. Under the planned Navy Capability Infrastructure Sub-Program, HMAS Stirling will become home to Hunter-class frigates, Arafura-class offshore patrol vessels and Supply-class auxiliary oiler replenishment ships.
From 2027, AUKUS partners are expected to have a rotational presence at HMAS Stirling, comprising one British and up to four American conventionally-armed, nuclear-powered submarines under the Submarine Rotational Force-West (SRF-West) arrangement. As a result, the City of Rockingham is positioning itself for further expansion of the local defence sector and working with local supplier companies to ensure they can support the growing sector.
At the latest City of Rockingham Naval and Defence Industry Conference, which took place in May 2025, more than 170 local business owners and officials heard that Rockingham is ‘defence ready’, with upcoming opportunities in jobs, infrastructure development, training, local business engagement and economic growth.
The region is on the cusp of very exciting developments, with the economic impact presenting a once-in-a-century transformation, delegates heard.
Rockingham is perfectly positioned to be a magnet for economic growth under AUKUS. With its proximity to HMAS Stirling and the Henderson Marine Complex, growing industrial capacity, and strong ties to Defence, the City is committed to support thousands of new jobs, attract major investment, and help shape Western Australia’s future as a leader in national security and innovation.
Rockingham Kwinana Chamber of Commerce CEO Sue Hasey told delegates the opportunities are endless. “Rockingham is one of Australia’s fastest-growing areas, and with the AUKUS agreement in play, we are poised for even greater economic growth, boosting both established industries and emerging local industries,” said Hasey.
Rockingham has numerous benefits it can offer defence companies, not just its location. It has a growing population – approximately 144,000 now but expected to reach 186,000 by 2036 – along with available land for housing, industry and education, as well as boasting an enviable lifestyle with its coastal position and amenities.
In addition to supporting developments at HMAS Stirling and AMC Henderson, Rockingham has the potential to support defence industry specialisations, including AUKUS Pillar II focus areas such as artificial intelligence, subsea technology, cyber, robotic and autonomous systems, as well as nuclear training, product research and development, testing and commercialisation.
The future goes well beyond AUKUS, however. The City has developed and maintained a strong relationship with HMAS Stirling long before AUKUS and anticipates continuing to nurture the relationship and helping to shape WA’s future as a leader in defence innovation. The City of Rockingham is strategically well-positioned to play a significant role in WA’s defence industry and has identified a potential avenue of involvement in hosting a training, research and innovation precinct.
The new Rockingham Strategic Centre Precinct Structure Plan identifies several sub-precincts to support sustainable development. These include an education precinct suitable for defence and defence-related research, training and workforce development, and a sub-precinct for mixed-use development, such as defence housing, an innovation centre and office space.
The City is working with key stakeholders to activate Murdoch University’s currently under-utilised Rockingham Campus to establish a Defence Industry Hub and Advanced Defence and Maritime Training Institute.
It is working with government agencies, training providers and industry bodies to explore the potential of setting up a modern Defence Industry Hub and plans to continue to work with key stakeholders from both the public and private sectors to explore further opportunities for economic growth.
A number of defence companies are already established in Rockingham supporting maritime
programs, including BAE Systems Australia, Thales Australia, Leonardo and Saab Systems. The city is also home to smaller defence and engineering companies, such as ASP Ship Management/ASP Defence Support Services, ALARP Solutions and Jenkins Engineering Defence Systems. A further tier of local construction and engineering companies is supporting the related infrastructure development for Defence and defencerelated industries.
The City is working to attract more defence companies and provide ongoing support. To enable that, the City has established strong stakeholder relationships with the Royal Australian Navy at HMAS Stirling, the Australian Submarine Agency, the Office of Defence Industry Support (ODIS), Defence West, the Australian Industry and Defence Network, Submarine Institute of Australia and the AUKUS Workforce Alliance.
Its ‘Rockingham is Defence Ready’ videos, prospectus and flyers highlight the opportunities the City presents. The City organises the Rockingham Jobs Fair to support workforce development and recruitment, with a strong focus on the defence sector, as well as an annual City of Rockingham Naval and Defence Industry Conference and the Rockingham Investment Forum targeting key industries, including defence.
To help local companies tap into the defence industry supply chain, the City works closely with relevant stakeholders, including ODIS. This is a major focus of the annual City of Rockingham Naval and Defence Industry Conference run by the Rockingham Kwinana Chamber of Commerce (RKCC) on behalf of the City. In addition, the RKCC runs workshops to provide local companies with advice on how they can participate in the defence industry supply chain, with a large pool of local businesses keen to engage.
The City plans to continue to work with key stakeholders from the public and private sectors to explore opportunities for the growth of the defence and defence-related industries. It is also advocating for more support, both State and Commonwealth, for critical infrastructure and community facilities to cater for both its growing population and to support preparations for the SRF-West program from 2027. rockingham.wa.gov.au
By Sue Hasey, CEO, Rockingham Kwinana Chamber of Commerce
The Rockingham Kwinana Chamber of Commerce (RKCC) has been a voice for business in the region since its early days in the mid-1970s. Over the decades, the Chamber has evolved into a powerful connector, linking small business, industry, education and government. Today, we proudly position Rockingham and Kwinana as a gateway for investment, innovation and opportunity, with the aim of increasing ties to the maritime and defence sectors that call our region home.
The past 12 months have seen RKCC shift gears to deliver a more ambitious program of events, advocacy and industry engagement. Key highlights include:
• Two defence industry forums: bringing together key defence contractors, SMEs and government representatives to discuss current and future opportunities in the WA defence sector.
• Rockingham Jobs Fair: connecting local businesses, educators, RTOs and apprenticeship providers to open doors, spark career pathways and build the region’s future workforce.
• Mineral Resources Regional Business Awards: our flagship celebration of local enterprise, innovation and leadership.
• Buy Local, Grow Local Campaign: driving community support for local business and increasing regional economic resilience.
• Membership growth: a 63% increase in membership, including more defence-aligned businesses, expanding our relationships and reach.
Positioned on the doorstep of HMAS Stirling, RKCC is strategically located to connect local business with
“
Today, we proudly position Rockingham and Kwinana as a gateway for investment, innovation and opportunity, with the aim of increasing ties to the maritime and defence sectors that call our region home.
the nation’s defence sector. We’re not just talking about supporting local business, we’re creating the introductions, the relationships and the pathways to assist defence families.
As the RKCC President, Rob McGavin, affirmed: “Rockingham and Kwinana have the talent, capability, and strategic location to assist the evolving needs of Australia’s defence sector. RKCC is here to ensure our local businesses have every opportunity to be part of that story.”
With federal announcements on naval capability expansion and sustainment investment, Rockingham and Kwinana are poised to play an even bigger role in Australia’s defence future. RKCC will continue to advocate for fair procurement opportunities, and promote our local expertise for defence families settling into our region.
Our region’s proximity to HMAS Stirling on Garden Island, Australia’s largest naval base, is not just a geographic advantage, it’s an economic and strategic one. For 2026, RKCC has much in store, with initiatives such as:
• Hosting targeted networking events with primes and defence contractors.
• Facilitating introductions for local suppliers entering defence supply chains.
• Supporting STEM education to build a skilled workforce for the future.
For more than half a century, RKCC has been about building the next generation of business success. The past year has proved that our region has the talent and determination to meet the challenges, and seize the opportunities, that lie ahead.
www.wa.gov.au/veterans-issues
veteransoffice@dpc.wa.gov.au
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By Dr Gregor Ferguson, Contributing Defence Analyst
By Thomas Hage, Editorial Coordinator & Defence Writer
By Dante Barrett, Editorial Assistant & Defence Writer
This year promises to be significant for the Australian Army, and the Australian defence industry stands to benefit markedly as a result. The Army is extending its combat reach by adopting, and building domestically, long-range fires and acquiring a new generation of Australian-made Uncrewed Aerial Systems (UAS). The two programs will have a major effect on the Army.
The Australian Army intends to fight at much longer range and to use autonomous systems to both protect its own troops and intimidate and destroy its adversaries. It will leap from having a maximum strike range of about 39km to ranges of up to 500km, with targeting systems to match. Furthermore, learning lessons from the ongoing war in Ukraine, it will also acquire several families of UASs and a counter-UAS capability.
The Army will be getting 30 Hanwha Defence Australia AS-9 self-propelled guns and 12 AS-10 ammunition resupply vehicles. They have a maximum range of 39km with conventional munitions and a 155mm, 52-calibre gun barrel.
It will also be getting two regiments of High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS) vehicles. They will be firing six Guided Multiple Launch Rocket Systems (GMLRS) munitions each: the standard version, with a 75km range, and in due course, possibly
a
and rapidly
the Extended Range version; and every planned version of the US Army’s Precision Strike Missile (PrSM), starting with the 500km range Increment 1, right through to the 1000km-range Increment 4. HIMARS carries two of those weapons.
This extended reach is significant, both tactically and strategically: it enables engagement of land-based targets at extended range; it enables the engagement of targets across the sea area between islands – most of the islands to our north are less than 200km apart; and it enables engagement of hostile surface ships at a useful distance offshore.
In the near future, Defence’s Guided Weapons and Explosive Ordnance (GWEO) Enterprise plans to announce where the GMLRS and PrSM missiles will be built. At around the same time, GWEO, headed by Air Marshal Leon Phillips and which was accorded significant priority in the National Defence Strategy (NDS), will announce where Australia’s new generation of Solid Rocket Motors (SRM) for these and other missiles will be manufactured. The new $316m missile plant, known as the Australian Weapons Manufacturing Complex (AWMC), will manufacture Lockheed Martin’s GMLRS.
The Army will test fire the first Australianassembled GMLRS rocket this year. This first all-up round, with a unitary warhead, will be assembled from largely imported components, but Lockheed Martin’s aim is to manufacture the entire weapon at the AWMC.
The AWMC will be sized to manufacture 4000 rockets a year, more than the current demand from the Army, but US and export markets are expected to soak up the excess. At present, Lockheed Martin’s East Camden plant in Arkansas, which is the home of the GMLRS and other missiles, is ramping up to produce 14,000 GMLRS a year. The company and the US Army are testing the 150km-range GMLRS-ER later in 2025 – this will arm the US Army and could eventually be built at the AWMC.
Learning from events in Ukraine and the Middle East, the Australian Army is also embracing drones, or Uncrewed Aerial Systems (UASs). It wants to create a sovereign, Australian UAS manufacturing base so that it can field UASs quickly and upgrade them without relying on lengthy, and possibly non-existent, overseas supply chains.
Army has ordered 42 HIMARS launch vehicles from Lockheed Martin. These launchers will equip its 14 Regiment, Royal Australian Artillery, part of the newly formed, Adelaide-based 10th ‘Fires’ Brigade. A C-130 Hercules can carry a single HIMARS; a C-17 can carry 3, so increasing the potential for a rapid move of troops and materiel.
Next cab off the rank is Lockheed Martin’s PrSM, which will also be manufactured at the AWMC and equip 10th Brigade. The Australian Army intends to use Increment 1 for static targets – this version has entered US Army service and should achieve Initial Operational Capability (IOC) later this year; it will equip the Army’s 14 Regiment. It also plans to use Increment 2, which is currently in technical development. This will have a moving target seeker head and is a contender to equip the Army’s planned second long-range fires force, 15 Regiment, which will conduct (among other things) shore-based maritime strike.
The Army intends to acquire Increment 3 (which has a still-classified extended range and a new warhead), but first it will buy Increment 4, which is still the subject of competition between Lockheed Martin and a Raytheon/Northrop Grumman team, but will have a range of 1000km.
Powering Increments 1 to 3 of these missiles will be SRMs built at a still-to-be-selected Rocket Motor Manufacturing Complex (RMMC), while Increment 4 will be scramjet-powered. While Queensland firm NIOA (teamed with L3Harris Australia), Northrop Grumman Australia, Anduril Australia and another Queensland company, Black Sky Aerospace, are all contenders, Lockheed Martin has also signed a teaming agreement with Thales Australia, which operates Defence’s explosive manufacturing and filling sites at Mulwala and Benalla, to advance the development and production of SRMs in Australia. Defence says it will consider sites proposed by industry, as well as the opportunity to co-locate the RMMC with its Mulwala and Benalla facilities.
As mentioned earlier, PrSM Increment 2, also known as the Land Based Anti-Ship Missile (LBASM), is one contender to carry out land-based maritime
“
Taken together, these two capabilities alone – long-range fires and UASs – could see a considerable change to the Australian Army. If Army can strike maritime targets using rockets that can be moved rapidly by C-130s and C-17s, it needs to work out how those capabilities are commanded and protected and how those weapons are targeted. The Army is suddenly a joint player. It is both an effector on behalf of, and a receiver of targeting data from, the RAN and RAAF. Not many people understand how fundamental these changes are and how they will affect Army’s force structure.
strike under Project LAND8113 Phase 2. The other is the Strikemaster, Kongsberg’s 250km-range Naval Strike Missile (NSM) which is also fired from a tworound launcher, mounted on a Thales Bushmaster vehicle. The US Marines use identical missiles and launchers in the shore-based maritime strike role. Defence is due to announce a decision later this year. This project will see the raising of Army’s 15 Regiment and the acquisition of either the Strikemaster or more HIMARS and PrSM Increment 2.
Kongsberg will manufacture both NSM and the smaller Joint Strike Missile (which can be carried internally on the RAAF’s F-35A) at a new facility adjacent to RAAF Base Williamtown under an $850m GWEO contract. The first deliveries will be in 2027.
The 10th ‘Fires’ Brigade was raised in January 2024 and will eventually encompass 14 and 15 Regiments (Long-Range Fires), 16 Regiment (short-range, ground-based air defence), 9 Regiment (Intelligence, Surveillance, Target Acquisition and Reconnaissance – ISTAR) and, eventually, 7 Signals Regiment, which specialises in electromagnetic warfare.
Defence hasn’t explained how it intends to guide weapons with a 1000km range to their targets, but its Integrated Investment Plan (IIP) devotes an entire paragraph and up to $7.6bn to what it calls the Defence Targeting Enterprise (DTE).
Project
Source:
Essentially, the DTE is designed to create a ‘kill web’, in which any sensor that can detect a target can pass it across to any other sensor in the network that can guide an appropriate weapon. Sometimes they are the same sensor, which is why suddenly platforms such as the MQ-4C Triton, P-8A Poseidon, E-7A Wedgetail, F-35A Lightning II and F/A-18F Super Hornet are so important, not to mention Aegis and CEAFAR-equipped surface combatants, 10th Brigade’s land-based CEAFAR radars, and even satellites.
‘Any sensor, any weapon’ might be an oversimplification, but it’s the kind of joint, cross-domain effect Defence is seeking.
Learning from events in Ukraine and the Middle East, the Australian Army is also embracing drones, or Uncrewed Aerial Systems (UASs). It wants to create a sovereign, Australian UAS manufacturing base so that it can field UASs quickly and upgrade them without relying on lengthy, and possibly non-existent, overseas supply chains.
In July 2024 Defence’s Advanced Strategic Capabilities Accelerator (ASCA) announced that Sypaq and Quantum Systems had won $106m-worth of contracts to build 110 Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR) UASs each – the Sypaq CorvoX and QS Vector – and deliver them this year.
In August, ASCA announced that AMSL Aero, Boresight and Grabba Technologies had won $6.6m-worth of contracts between them to build 100 lightweight general-purpose UAS each. Among other things, they will replace the near-ubiquitous Chinesemade DJI drones which used to be in widespread service right across the Australian public service until they were banned in 2023. Interestingly, they will be acquired this year using a new Defence Capability Acquisition and Sustainment Group (CASG) standing offer panel to simplify and accelerate acquisition.
Why so few? Defence has not said, but it appears to be balancing the risk between being able to manufacture them at scale when necessary and having lots of increasingly obsolescent UASs in stock. For their effect, UASs depend on guidance, seeker heads, resistance to jamming and payloads. As we have seen in Ukraine, there is a constant battle between UASs and counter-UAS measures – the cycle is measured in weeks. So, Defence does not want to be caught with a bunch of out-of-date assets.
CASG’s Project LAND156 this year named Melbourne-based Leidos Australia as its Systems Integration Partner (SIP) to deliver a basic Command and Control (C2) system, based on an Acacia Research C2 system, to detect, identify and engage hostile UASs. Leidos Australia will integrate future sensors and effectors with its C2 system to maintain the system’s relevance.
In May, ASCA made two more significant market approaches: the first was Mission Talon Strike which
aims to deliver a loitering munition; the second was Mission Syracuse, which aims to deliver a CounterUAS capability – a range of effectors that can integrate with the LAND156 C2 system.
Mission Talon Strike seeks loitering munitions with a range of at least 100km and an explosives payload of up to 6kg. Responses were due in May with the first deliverables (not necessarily complete UASs) in June. At the time of writing, CASG has not declared a winner; neither have any of the contenders claimed victory.
Perth-based Innovaero (now part-owned by BAE Systems Australia), is one sovereign UAS manufacturer whose OWL-B (One Way Loitering) is designed with a similar requirement in mind. The OWL-B uses Melbourne-based Corvus Technology’s new electric rail launcher, unveiled at last year’s Indian Ocean Defence and Security (IODS) expo. But OWL is also integrated with the pneumatic launcher and Ground Control System (GCS) used by the Boeing Insitu RQ-21 Integrator UAS, which is also used by the Australian Army.
Mission Syracuse is a more complex beast: ‘effectors’ could include direct-fire machine guns and cannon, electronic jammers, APKWS 70mm rocket pods, automatic 40mm grenade launchers, physical interceptors (another UAS) and High Energy Lasers (HEL). The final solution will probably employ all of these systems to cope with multiple threats from adversaries with different access to technology. Canberra-based Electro Optic Systems (EOS) announced the world’s first sale of a 100kW HEL in August to an undisclosed European country.
Ukraine and Russia are sending up to 10,000 UASs a month into the combat zone. The economics driving innovation are compelling: a burst of HEL energy can cost just US$1; a 30mm cannon round can cost US$200, but that is still miniscule compared with the cost of using a missile, whether shoulder-launched or fired from a warship’s magazine.
Two United States Marine Corps, four Australian Army, and two Singapore Armed Forces High Mobility Artillery Rocket Systems (HIMARS) launch a barrage of missiles at Shoalwater Bay Training Area during Exercise Talisman Sabre 2025. Source: Department of Defence.
Photographer: CPL Nicole Dorrett.
Under Project DEF129 (formerly LAND129 Phases 3 and 4 and SEA129 Phase 5), Army has replaced its ageing Textron Shadow 200 UASs with Boeing Insitu RQ-21 Integrators. And it is replacing its General Atomics RQ-12 Wasp AE hand-launched UAS with the sovereign, lightweight CorvoX and Vector, which are both designed to operate from confined areas and even boats.
Taken together, these two capabilities alone – longrange fires and UASs – could see a considerable change to the Australian Army. If Army can strike maritime targets using rockets that can be moved rapidly by C-130s and C-17s, it needs to work out how those capabilities are commanded and protected and how those weapons are targeted. The Army is suddenly a joint player. It is both an effector on behalf of, and a receiver of targeting data from, the RAN and RAAF. Not many people understand how fundamental these changes are and how they will affect Army’s force structure.
The lesson from Ukraine and Iran is that anything is a potential target. The closer you are to the frontline, the greater the danger, although distance increasingly offers little to no protection.
The projects concerned will also likely see a significant change in local industry’s prospects: building missiles, UASs and counter-UAS systems that are state-of-the-art and exportable, and therefore have the potential to be manufactured in economic numbers, could represent a new departure for Australian industry.
“
The projects concerned will also likely see a significant change in local industry’s prospects: building missiles, UASs and counter-UAS systems that are state-of-the-art and exportable, and therefore have the potential to be manufactured in economic numbers, could represent a new departure for Australian industry.
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By AIRMSHL Geoff Brown AO (Rtd), Chief of Air Force (2011-15); Deputy Chair, Williams Foundation
The Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) is a technologically advanced and globally respected air force, central to Australia’s national defence and regional influence. Its capabilities in combat aircraft, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR), strategic mobility, and integrated air and missile defence are crucial in countering threats across the IndoPacific. Australia’s geography, growing regional competition, and constrained defence budgets are, however, exposing critical vulnerabilities, particularly in the sustainment of those capabilities.
With Defence’s priority on AUKUS Pillar I funding, the most pressing concern is the erosion of the RAAF’s stamina and hardiness due to reduced sustainment funding. Without sufficient investment in logistics, maintenance, refuelling, personnel and base infrastructure, the RAAF’s technological edge could become a hollow force, one that is impressive on paper but fragile in real operations.
With Defence’s priority on AUKUS Pillar I funding, the most pressing concern is the erosion of the RAAF’s stamina and hardiness due to reduced sustainment funding. Without sufficient investment in logistics, maintenance, refuelling, personnel and base infrastructure, the RAAF’s technological edge could become a hollow force, one that is impressive on paper but fragile in real operations.
At the heart of the RAAF’s strength lies a modern fleet that includes F-35A Lightning II stealth fighters, F/A-18F Super Hornets, EA-18G Growlers, and the autonomous MQ-28A Ghost Bat. These platforms offer multi-role combat capabilities and advanced electronic warfare. Their effectiveness, however, hinges on continuous and costly sustainment. Spare parts, specialist maintenance, fuel supplies and qualified personnel are essential to keep these aircraft flying and mission-ready.
Sustainment costs are rising. Platforms like the F-35A and E-7A Wedgetail are complex and expensive to maintain. Reduced sustainment funding forces difficult trade-offs such as less flying hours, deferred maintenance and fewer parts on hand. That hollows out capability; a fighter that cannot fly is not a deterrent. With a small fleet, even minor availability issues can drastically reduce combat mass at a critical time.
Australia’s strategy of denial requires the ability to strike at distance. Yet the RAAF lacks a long-range bomber, a critical capability lost with the retirement of the F-111 in 2010. A bomber provides persistent, sovereign, deep-strike power from Australian soil, complementing shortrange fighters and submarines.
That absence limits Australia’s ability to deter and respond quickly and decisively. Without bombers, strike missions are more dependent on vulnerable forward bases and extensive refuelling. Sustainment funding cuts to existing mobility and tanker fleets only make matters worse. A bomber fleet would demand upfront investment but offer strategic and operational
sustainability, including reduced reliance on external supply chains and partner permissions.
ISR assets like the Jindalee Operational Radar Network, MQ-4C Triton, E-7A Wedgetail and MC-55A Peregrine provide the RAAF with vast surveillance capabilities. These systems are vital to early warning, strike planning and decision superiority. ISR is, however, sustainment-intensive, as systems must be continually maintained, upgraded and protected from evolving cyber threats.
As the Indo-Pacific becomes more contested, missile threats – conventional, ballistic and hypersonic – are rising. The RAAF’s contribution to integrated air and missile defence (IAMD) includes short-range systems like NASAMS and fighter-based defences. Australia lacks, however, a layered, long-range missile defence network.
Reduced sustainment funding puts ISR coverage and resilience at risk. Gaps in surveillance, even temporarily, can blind a force at a crucial moment. This is worsened by over-reliance on allied systems. If partners’ networks are disrupted or unavailable, Australia could find itself operating in the dark. Persistent ISR requires robust funding, not just for hardware, but for software, personnel and cybersecurity.
The RAAF’s airlift fleet of C-17s, C-130Js and C-27Js, enables rapid airmobile deployment, while KC-30A tankers extend reach. That said, the fleet is small, ageing, and highly dependent on consistent funding for upkeep. Reduced sustainment investment leads to lower aircraft availability and reduced sortie rates,
weakening Australia’s ability to respond quickly across its vast region.
In particular, limited refuelling capacity hampers strike operations. Modern air campaigns demand robust and sustained aerial refuelling. Without it, even the most advanced fighters cannot reach or persist over distant targets. With current tanker numbers and sustainment constraints, Australia cannot project force reliably over long distances.
As the Indo-Pacific becomes more contested, missile threats – conventional, ballistic and hypersonic – are rising. The RAAF’s contribution to integrated air and missile defence (IAMD) includes short-range systems like NASAMS and fighter-based defences. Australia lacks, however, a layered, long-range missile defence network.
Reduced investment in this area poses a grave risk. Without long-range interceptors, early warning radars, and resilient command and control networks, the RAAF is vulnerable to missile strikes that could degrade runways, fuel depots or ISR nodes. Sustainment shortfalls in radar systems and imported technologies increase that exposure.
The true test of an air force is not just its flying platforms, but its ability to operate under sustained pressure. Maintenance crews, spare parts warehouses, fuel logistics and secure bases are what keep the RAAF flying. All of those depend on consistent sustainment funding.
Australia’s remote geography magnifies that challenge. Spare parts and fuel are not close to hand. Any disruption, supply chain breakdowns, cyberattacks or adversary strikes can quickly reduce availability and halt operations. Budget cuts in these areas delay maintenance, limit inventories and weaken forward operating capabilities. In wartime, that means fewer jets in the sky when they are needed most.
Human capital is equally critical. Pilot and technician shortages are growing. Training pipelines are expensive and time-consuming. Sustainment cuts reduce simulator hours, instructor availability and flying opportunities for proficiency. The long-term effects are reduced readiness and burnout.
The RAAF increasingly operates in the cyber and space domains, integrating satellite communications, navigation and digital networks into every mission. But those are also points of failure. Cyberattacks can disable systems silently. Satellites can be jammed or destroyed.
These capabilities are not one-time acquisitions; they require constant upgrading, testing and cybersecurity hardening. Cuts to sustainment funding for IT, personnel and network defences are as dangerous as reducing jet fuel stocks. The entire system is only as strong as its weakest digital link.
The RAAF’s current force structure is a highly interdependent system: fighters need ISR, strike requires refuelling, bases need protection and pilots need training. Sustainment is the glue that holds this complex network together.
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The RAAF remains a pillar of Australian security, but its continued effectiveness is far from guaranteed. Inadequate sustainment funding is the single greatest threat to its operational stamina and strategic credibility. From maintenance shortfalls and tanker shortages to ISR fragility and cyber vulnerabilities, the risks are growing.
A bomber could catalyse this system, demanding and justifying better logistics, expanded tanking, and deeper integration across domains. Yet even the most capable aircraft is worthless without the ability to support, arm, fuel and maintain it.
Ultimately, reduced sustainment funding does not just limit the number of flying hours or spare parts – it erodes deterrence. Potential adversaries are watching. They understand that a force unable to sustain operations will not hold the initiative in a crisis.
The RAAF remains a pillar of Australian security,
Restoring and reinforcing sustainment is not optional, it is foundational. Without it, Australia’s air power risks becoming a fragile force; one that is highly advanced, but unable to endure the demands of modern conflict. A shift in strategic thinking, accompanied by realistic and sustained investment, is urgently needed to preserve the RAAF’s role as a credible, independent and resilient defender of Australia’s interests.
but its continued effectiveness is far from guaranteed. Inadequate sustainment funding is the single greatest threat to its operational stamina and strategic credibility. From maintenance shortfalls and tanker shortages to ISR fragility and cyber vulnerabilities, the risks are growing.
Restoring and reinforcing sustainment is not optional, it is foundational. Without it, Australia’s air power risks becoming a fragile force; one that is highly advanced, but unable to endure the demands of modern conflict. A shift in strategic thinking, accompanied by realistic and sustained investment, is urgently needed to preserve the RAAF’s role as a credible, independent and resilient defender of Australia’s interests.
By AVM Glen Braz AM, CSC, DSM Air Commander
Australia’s defence posture is shifting deliberately and with strategic urgency. The 2024 National Defence Strategy sets a clear direction: we must build a military capable of deterrence through a ‘strategy of denial’, ready to respond to the most difficult strategic circumstances since World War II. That posture begins with geography – and few regions are more strategically significant than Western Australia.
This strategy of denial represents a clear strategic reorientation. Australia must be able to defend itself independently while working closely with regional allies and partners. Western Australia, given its geographic exposure to the Indian Ocean and proximity to South-East Asia, plays a frontline role in this strategy.
In this context, our network of air bases across Western Australia that are anchored by RAAF Base Pearce and supported by our forward operating bases at Learmonth and Curtin form a vital constellation.
These are not legacy facilities. They are living strategic assets: flexible, integrated, and indispensable to our national security.
History tells us this region has always mattered. During World War II, Western Australia’s bases were rapidly transformed from training outposts into operational hubs. RAAF Base Pearce became the cornerstone of the Western Area Command, launching patrol and reconnaissance missions across the Indian Ocean. Learmonth, then Potshot Airfield, supported US submarine activity and long-range bombing. Curtin stood ready for dispersal and forward operations.
A United States Air Force F-22 Raptor taxis past Royal Australian Air Force F-35A Lightning II aircraft at RAAF Base Curtin during Exercise Talisman Sabre 2023. Source: Department of Defence. Photographer: CPL Janet Pan.
These bases were critical then and they are critical now. The lesson is enduring: posture supports national power, and geography matters.
RAAF Base Pearce has long been at the heart of our pilot training system. Commissioned in 1939, RAAF Base Pearce was home to No. 5 Initial Training School as part of the Empire Air Training Scheme, which trained thousands of aircrews for Allied operations.
Today, RAAF Base Pearce hosts No. 2 Flying Training School, utilising the Pilatus PC-21 to deliver intermediate flight training, and No. 79 Squadron, which trains pilots on the BAE Hawk 127 before they move on to front-line fighters like the F-35A Lightning II, F/A-18F Super Hornet or EA-18G Growler. Importantly, RAAF Base Pearce also hosts a Republic of Singapore Air Force flying training detachment under a bilateral agreement, reinforcing defence ties and interoperability.
RAAF Base Pearce is not just a training airfield, though; it is a forward-operating node, essential to
the delivery of an integrated, agile and potent force posture in the Indo-Pacific. RAAF Base Pearce’s long runways and access to nearby training ranges allow it to scale quickly for operations, making it an indispensable asset in emergency response, regional deterrence and force projection. It serves as a critical logistics and staging hub for rapid deployments and military exercises.
During World War II, Pearce held a critical role for Australia’s air domain posture. It housed No. 14 Squadron, which conducted maritime patrols using Lockheed Hudson bombers and was a key part of Australia’s early-war air defence effort. No. 25 Squadron transitioned from Avro Ansons to B-24 Liberators later in the war, extending Australia’s air reach into the East Indies. Today, No. 25 Squadron is now responsible for providing airbase operations support, enabling all training and operations conducted from and through the base.
As a launch point for operations, a hub for allied engagement, and a training centre for future aircrew, Pearce embodies the multi-domain integration now
Today, RAAF Base Pearce hosts No. 2 Flying Training School, utilising the Pilatus PC-21 to deliver intermediate flight training, and No. 79 Squadron, which trains pilots on the BAE Hawk 127 before they move on to front-line fighters like the F-35A Lightning II, F/A-18F Super Hornet or EA-18G Growler. Importantly, RAAF Base Pearce also hosts a Republic of Singapore Air Force flying training detachment under a bilateral agreement, reinforcing defence ties and interoperability.
As a launch point for operations, a hub for allied engagement, and a training centre for future aircrew, Pearce embodies the multi-domain integration now central to national defence. It is a forward-operating node, critical to air power in the Indo-Pacific.
central to national defence. It is a forward-operating node, critical to air power in the Indo-Pacific.
The 2024 National Defence Strategy reinforces one of the Government’s priorities for improving the ADF’s ability to operate from Australia’s northern bases. The strategic rationale for developing northern airbases is not new. During World War II, the vulnerability of Australia’s north and west catalysed the establishment of key RAAF facilities across Western Australia.
Western Australia’s northern air bases are set to receive substantial upgrades, including runway, fuel systems and storage facilities enhancements to support high-tempo operations. Expansion of base
infrastructure at Curtin and Learmonth will enable immediate activation to support operations critical to national defence, and investment in communications and logistics integration will be critical to supporting operations.
These investments echo the wartime infrastructure expansion seen during World War II, ensuring that, in times of uncertainty, Australia’s western defences are ready to support national and coalition forces at scale.
We cannot do this alone. Western Australia’s defence industry is already a vital contributor to sovereign capability. Its track record in remote operations, robotics and logistics support developed through the mining and space industries offers a unique foundation for dual-use innovation that supports air operations.
As Defence consolidates its footprint in the west, we will work shoulder-to-shoulder with industry, local government and community. Together, we will grow the workforce, build supply chains and create the infrastructure needed to support sustained operations in the region. Our shared purpose is clear: national security for every Australian, underwritten by jobs and industry in Western Australia.
Phase 2 Australian Defence Force Intermediate Pilots’ Course No. 279 graduate Pilot Officer Cooper McClymont was awarded the S.J. Goble Memorial Trophy as most proficient pilot, before being announced as course dux. Pilot Officer McClymont has been posted to Pre-Introductory Fighter Course to fly the PC21 aircraft at RAAF Base Pearce. Fifteen student pilots from No. 279 Phase 2 ADF Intermediate Pilots’ Course received their wings and graduated from No. 2 Flying Training School at RAAF Base Pearce on 4 April 2025. The course, which includes pilots from the RAAF and the RAN, produces junior ADF officers capable of flying training aircraft with the skill and confidence necessary to transition to operational aircraft. Source: Department of Defence. Photographer: FLGOFF Michael Thomas.
Western Australia’s Air Force bases, especially RAAF Base Pearce, are more than legacy installations, they are living strategic assets aligned with Australia’s most current defence thinking. Their evolution from World War II airfields to modern multi-role facilities underscores their enduring value.
In the face of emerging regional challenges, the Australian Government has made clear that preparedness begins with posture. That posture depends heavily on the ability to train, deploy and sustain air power from the west. RAAF Base Pearce,
with its legacy of operational versatility and training excellence, and RAAF Bases Learmonth and Curtin with their strategic locations, sit at the very centre of that mission, ensuring that Australia can deter, and respond and defend, if we must. Today, and into the future.
Preparedness begins with our shared purpose and posture. Our purpose and posture rely on the west. Geography still matters, and so, I extend my thanks to all Western Australians for supporting your Air Force and for your contribution to national defence.
Western Australia’s northern air bases are set to receive substantial upgrades, including runway, fuel systems and storage facilities enhancements to support high-tempo operations. Expansion of base infrastructure at Curtin and Learmonth will enable immediate activation to support operations critical to national defence, and investment in communications and logistics integration will be critical to supporting operations.
Western Australia’s Air Force bases, especially RAAF Base Pearce, are more than legacy installations, they are living strategic assets aligned with Australia’s most current defence thinking. Their evolution from World War II airfields to modern multirole facilities underscores their enduring value.
A Republic of Singapore Air Force (RSAF) pilot climbs out of an F-16D at RAAF Base Pearce. On 10 September 2024, RSAF F-16C/D aircraft arrived for the third rotation of the Extended Fighter Detachment at Pearce. The rotation ran through September and October, and included up to four Singaporean F-16C/D aircraft and approximately 120 personnel. The RSAF Extended Fighter Detachment involved three rotations in total, hosted at Pearce from June to October 2024. Singapore has conducted military training in Australia for more than three decades. Source: Department of Defence. Photographer: FLGOFF Michael Thomas.
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By Emma Kelly, Associate Editor, Senior Correspondent
DEFENCE REVIEW
By Stephen Bunce, Contributing Editor, Security Analyst,
Writer
Australia and Singapore have a long history of military cooperation, from Australian soldiers defending Malaya and Singapore during World War II to more recent joint deployments in East Timor, Afghanistan and Iraq. For decades, both countries have been strengthening their defence collaboration, with a strong partnership being mutually beneficial in the Indo-Pacific region.
Training has long been a particularly crucial part of the Australia-Singapore defence relationship, with the Singapore Armed Forces having conducted military training in Australia for more than 30 years, benefitting from vast training areas that have allowed complex and high-end training, which would not be possible in Singapore, as a small island nation.
Military training is a key part of the AustraliaSingapore Comprehensive Strategic Partnership (CSP). First signed in 2015, it covers more than 110 initiatives across the six pillars of economics and trade, defence and foreign affairs, people-to-people, science and innovation, digital economy and green economy.
The Australia-Singapore Military Training Initiative (ASMTI) is a key part of the CSP. When ASMTI reaches
maturity in 2028, up to 14,000 Singapore Armed Forces personnel will conduct unilateral training in Australia for up to 18 weeks a year for 25 years. The partners’ training relationship was further solidified in December 2020, with the two countries signing a treaty concerning ‘Military Training and Training Area Development in Australia’.
“The close partnership between Australia and Singapore is underpinned by a long history of defence cooperation and shared strategic interests,” says the Australian Department of Defence. It points out that 2025 marks the 60th anniversary of diplomatic relations between Australia and Singapore and the tenth anniversary of the CSP.
“Australian Defence Force personnel are proud to have hosted rotational training of Singaporean personnel for more than three decades.”
While training areas in Queensland, including the Shoalwater Bay facility 100km north of Rockhampton and the Greenvale Training Area, 215km north-west
While training areas in Queensland, including the Shoalwater Bay facility 100km north of Rockhampton and the Greenvale Training Area, 215km north-west of Townsville, host the bulk of training, facilities in Western Australia also play an important role, most notably RAAF Base Pearce, where Republic of Singapore Air Force (RSAF) pilots undertake initial pilot training.
Australia and Singapore have a long history of military cooperation, from Australian soldiers defending Malaya and Singapore during World War II to more recent joint deployments in East Timor, Afghanistan and Iraq. For decades, both countries have been strengthening their defence collaboration, with a strong partnership being mutually beneficial in the Indo-Pacific region.
of Townsville, host the bulk of training, facilities in Western Australia also play an important role, most notably RAAF Base Pearce, where Republic of Singapore Air Force (RSAF) pilots undertake initial pilot training.
“This is enabled under the agreement between the Government of Australia and the Government of the Republic of Singapore concerning the Republic of Singapore Air Force Flying Training Institute Detachment at RAAF Base Pearce, which will remain in force until 2043,” says Defence.
The partners’ initial agreement for flight training at Pearce dates back to a memorandum of understanding in 1993. The MoU was due to expire in 2018 before a new, legally-binding treaty was signed in August 2017 at the Singapore-Australia Joint Ministerial Committee meeting. The agreement enables the RSAF to continue to operate its Flying Training Institute at Pearce for another 25 years, through to 2043. At the time, Australia said the agreement contributes to the national interest by continuing to strengthen the bilateral defence relationship with Singapore, “our most advanced defence partner in South-East Asia”.
Under the terms of the agreement, the Australian Department of Defence has the right to suspend the flight training activities if they adversely affect RAAF training, operations or operational readiness. The flying program is coordinated by the RAAF and RSAF at weekly meetings, with up to 30 aircraft permitted to be used for basic flying training.
No. 130 Squadron (RSAF) conducts a nine-month Basic Wings Course for trainee pilots and Weapons Systems Officers (Fighter), flying Pilatus PC-21 advanced tandem-seat turboprop trainers, building a strong foundation in flying fundamentals. The RSAF Standards Squadron also conducts courses for the RSAF’s flying instructors at Pearce.
Initial pilot training at RAAF Pearce is not the only flying training conducted by Singapore in Australia. The RSAF also conducts training at the Air Grading
Senior Minister of State for Defence,
as part of the 30th anniversary celebrations of the training partnership
Supplied.
Centre at Jandakot airport in suburban Perth, while a Boeing CH-47 Chinook helicopter detachment trains at the Australian Army Aviation Centre in Oakey, Queensland.
These overseas training opportunities enable the RSAF to overcome land and airspace constraints in Singapore. At the 30th anniversary celebrations of the training at Pearce in October 2023, Singapore’s Senior Minister of State for Defence, Zaqy Mohamad, highlighted the importance of the relationship and training. “The 30th anniversary milestone is a strong symbol of the deep and long-standing friendship between Australia and Singapore, and our armed forces,” he said.
“The flying training we conduct in Australia is very important to the RSAF because Singapore is a small country with limited airspace. We require much more space than what we have in Singapore to conduct the realistic training that is needed to hone and sharpen
the RSAF’s operational skillsets. With access to training airspace here amounting to 14 times of what we have back home, the opportunities we have for training here in Pearce are invaluable.”
By the time of the 30th anniversary in 2023, more than 2,000 pilots, Weapons Systems Officers and flying instructors had trained at Pearce. Together with Standards Squadron, No. 130 Squadron had clocked up 200,000 operational flying hours, comprising 100,000 hours on SIAI-Marchetti S-211s and 100,000 hours on PC-21s, according to the Senior Minister.
In addition to training, the arrangement has boosted relations between the two forces, with the Minister acknowledging the strong professional relationships and friendships between the RAAF’s No. 2 Flying Training School and the RSAF’s No. 130 Squadron. “These professional exchanges have also extended to the RAAF’s Central Flying School and the RSAF’s Standards Squadron, who have achieved
The partners’ initial agreement for flight training at Pearce dates back to a memorandum of understanding in 1993. The MoU was due to expire in 2018 before a new, legally-binding treaty was signed in August 2017 at the Singapore-Australia Joint Ministerial Committee meeting. The agreement enables the RSAF to continue to operate its Flying Training Institute at Pearce for another 25 years, through to 2043. At the time, Australia said the agreement contributes to the national interest by continuing to strengthen the bilateral defence relationship with Singapore, “our most advanced defence partner in South-East Asia”.
By the time of the 30th anniversary in 2023, more than 2,000 pilots, Weapons Systems Officers and flying instructors had trained at Pearce. Together with Standards Squadron, No. 130 Squadron had clocked up 200,000 operational flying hours, comprising 100,000 hours on SIAI-Marchetti S-211s and 100,000 hours on PC-21s, according to the Senior Minister.
a deeper mutual understanding of instructional techniques in flying training through regular professional interactions,” said Minister Mohamad, adding that an instructor exchange program between the RAAF and RSAF continues to benefit both countries.
In 2024, from June to October, Pearce also hosted an extended RSAF fighter aircraft detachment, including Boeing F-15SG and General Dynamics F-16C/D/D+ fighter aircraft, with multiple training sorties flown each day.
In December 2024, following a Singapore-Australia Joint Ministerial Committee Meeting, Australia’s Minister for Defence, Richard Marles, said the partners were keen to look at more opportunities for Singapore to have access to, and operate from, RAAF Base Pearce.
The arrangement continues to be beneficial to both countries, with Defence remarking that, “Australia’s defence cooperation with Singapore contributes to Singapore’s aviation capability in support of its force generation activities and enhances both of our nations’ ability to work together in the future. Australia appreciates Singapore’s support for our people, ships and aircraft operating in the region.”
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By Professor Steven Tingay, Executive Director, ICRAR-Curtin
Radio astronomy is a curiosity-led, fundamental science that seeks to understand our universe and its constitution over its 13.8 billion-year history. It is a challenge that requires radio telescopes of massive scale and high performance to be realised with modest budgets that, in turn, drive innovation and efficiency. At the Curtin University node of the International Centre for Radio Astronomy Research (ICRAR-Curtin), we translate the technologies and techniques of radio astronomy to harness these innovation benefits for immediate practical impact in other sectors.
In partnership with Australian company Nova Systems, ICRARCurtin has established a multi-function Space Situational Awareness (SSA) facility at Nova’s Space Precinct near Peterborough in South Australia. An array of passive radar nodes creates a 24/7, all-sky system to measure transmissions from Resident Space Objects, as well as space weather. Source: ICRARCurtin. Supplied.
One such sector is Defence, a sector heavily reliant on radio frequency technologies, including communications and surveillance, and the emergence of space as an important new contested domain. The ICRAR-Curtin team has translated its experience in transforming low-cost, commercial off-the-shelf technologies into high-performance systems for a range of defence applications of relevance to the space domain.
The transition between the Earth’s atmosphere and space is the ionosphere, the uppermost layer of the Earth’s atmosphere that is bombarded by radiation from the Sun. The ionosphere experiences space weather, which impacts radio frequency communications and GPS measurements, and can drag satellites out of orbit.
One such sector is Defence, a sector heavily reliant on radio frequency technologies, including communications and surveillance, and the emergence of space as an important new contested domain. The ICRAR-Curtin team has translated its experience in transforming lowcost, commercial off-the-shelf technologies into highperformance systems for a range of defence applications of relevance to the space domain.
ICRAR-Curtin, supported by two rounds of US Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) funding, has developed and demonstrated an integrated ionospheric sounding and characterisation system, based on a commercial-off-the-shelf Software Defined Radio platform and ICRAR-Curtin’s deep experience in the design of low-cost performant antennas and signal processing algorithms.
Our approach to this program of work aims to lower the price point of such systems by up to a factor of 100, allowing cost-effective, at-scale, wide-area deployments of hundreds or thousands of devices to characterise the ionosphere in support of Over-TheHorizon-Radar(OTHR) facilities, such as the Jindalee Operational Radar Network (JORN). The development of this system continues, with scaled production scheduled to commence this year.
Beyond the ionosphere, the orbital domain is rapidly becoming congested and contested, with tracking and pattern-of-life characterisation of Resident Space Objects (RSOs) increasingly important. ICRAR-Curtin, in a commercially focused partnership with Australian company Nova Systems, has established a dedicated multi-function Space Situational Awareness (SSA) facility at Nova’s Space Precinct near Peterborough, in South Australia.
Inspired by Curtin’s leadership of the Murchison Widefield Array (MWA) project, the SSA facility adapts MWA technologies and radio astronomy data processing techniques to realise a 24/7, all- weather, all-sky system capable of passive radar measurements
Beyond the ionosphere, the orbital domain is rapidly becoming congested and contested, with tracking and pattern-of-life characterisation of Resident Space Objects (RSOs) increasingly important. ICRAR-Curtin, in a commercially focused partnership with Australian company Nova Systems, has established a dedicated multi-function Space Situational Awareness (SSA) facility at Nova’s Space Precinct near Peterborough, in South Australia.
of RSOs, passive radio frequency measurements (measurements of direct transmissions from RSOs), and space weather measurements for both the ionosphere and the huge volume between the Earth and the Sun.
The ICRAR-Curtin team, also drawing on its leadership of the Desert Fireball Network(which uses optical cameras to detect objects entering the Earth’s atmosphere from space), is bringing together optical and radio sensors and data-fusion techniques at the Nova Space Precinct.
The synthesis and joint analysis of data from optical and radio sensors offer new dimensions for SSA, in particular to support the detection and characterisation of re-entry events. With ever more objects in space, the frequency of objects falling back to Earth and potentially threatening populated areas is also rising. Large-area, passive surveys like ours are, therefore, also ideal for capturing uncontrolled and unplanned events.
In all cases, the capabilities described here generate massive volumes of information-rich data, requiring secure and reliable large-scale, high-performance computing and advanced data processing algorithms; again drawing upon parallels from radio astronomy techniques. Our Western Australian industry partners, such as DUG Technology, play an important role in this regard.
These three brief examples illustrate the rich crossover between the pursuit of fundamental science and translation into high-value
practical applications. Western Australia is at the unique intersection of radio astronomy, with the multi-billion-dollar Square Kilometre Array under construction, and several areas of translatable defence capability, including space. The long-standing WA Government support of ICRAR has fostered this multidimensional work.
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By Aliesha Aden, Outreach Officer, TeraNet
As space becomes more crowded and communications more critical, TeraNet is strengthening Western Australia’s position with a three-node optical ground station (OGS) network. Strategically spanning multiple sites across the state, the TeraNet OGS network has been developed in collaboration between research institutions, industry and international partners.
TeraNet is an Australian-led research initiative within the International Centre for Radio Astronomy Research (ICRAR) at the University of Western Australia (UWA). Through collaboration with leading organisations and research teams, TeraNet is bridging the gap between Earth and space, and shaping the future of exploration and connectivity.
TeraNet is an Australian-led research initiative within the International Centre for Radio Astronomy Research (ICRAR) at the University of Western Australia (UWA). Through collaboration with leading organisations and research teams, TeraNet is bridging the gap between Earth and space, and shaping the future of exploration and connectivity.
Located in Western Australia, TeraNet’s innovative three-node optical ground station network, developed by UWA, supports secure and advanced communications for international space missions operating between low Earth orbit and the Moon. The network will be fully implemented in 2026 and is radically enhancing the ability to communicate in space.
Traditionally, radio frequency systems have been used to send communications into space. However, they use broad signals that are more susceptible to interference. TeraNet’s cutting-edge free-space optical laser technologies offer an entirely different communication channel – delivering secure, internetlike data rates from low Earth orbit – thousands of times faster than radio technologies and delivering greater bandwidth and stronger protection because of the directional nature of laser-based links. The TeraNet system also enables quantum-secured communication and ultra-precise spacecraft positioning and navigation.
As the need for more resilient and flexible defence capability grows, TeraNet’s system offers an ideal solution: secure, high-speed optical data communications, high-precision optical positioning and timing of satellites, drones, aircraft and high-
The TeraNet communication system is also designed to meet the growing demand for reliable, high-speed satellite connectivity, supporting applications across defence and research. Its advanced optical architecture adds a critical layer to Australia’s defence communications capability, delivering the performance, security and resilience needed for mission-critical and dataintensive operations.
altitude aerial platforms operating across increasingly contested domains, where traditional communications are more easily disrupted or compromised.
The TeraNet communication system is also designed to meet the growing demand for reliable, high-speed satellite connectivity, supporting applications across defence and research. Its advanced optical architecture adds a critical layer to Australia’s defence communications capability, delivering the performance, security and resilience needed for mission-critical and data-intensive operations.
Optical communications transmit data via tightly focused laser beams, making them faster, more efficient and far harder to detect or jam. By sidestepping congested radio frequencies, these links offer faster, more secure data transfer, ideal for
missions that rely on real-time imagery, targeting or coordination. As demand for satellite data grows rapidly across defence, research and commercial sectors, TeraNet positions Western Australia as a key enabler of free-space optical communications from the ground up.
One of TeraNet’s defining features is its flexibility. In addition to two fixed stations, TN-1 located at UWA and TN-2 at the Yarragadee Geodetic Observatory, TeraNet includes a fully mobile ground station called TN-3 that can be rapidly deployed to temporary or remote locations. This mobility adds resilience to the network, ensuring continuity of service even when weather conditions or mission needs change. It also enables temporary support for launches, exercises or disaster response operations. All three nodes are capable of bi-directional optical data transfer, allowing uplink and downlink to and from low Earth orbit satellites and future advanced communications missions.
TeraNet is built on a foundation of advanced optical technologies and is able to support multiple
For defence and government stakeholders, TeraNet offers more than just infrastructure. It represents a shift in how Australia communicates with space. It enhances data resilience, strengthens operational security and is ensuring Western Australia plays a leading role in the future of space-ground communication.
As demand for satellite data grows rapidly across defence, research and commercial sectors, TeraNet positions Western Australia as a key enabler of free-space optical communications from the ground up.
communication modes, including direct detection for standard satellite links, high-photon-efficiency systems for lunar missions and coherent optical links that enable ultra-high-speed data transfer.
The network is also being developed to support quantum-secured communications and optical timing and positioning. These emerging capabilities offer stronger encryption, precise synchronisation and even greater resistance to jamming. Such applications will be vital for the defence sector, where secure, highthroughput and globally coordinated operations are essential.
International compatibility is another key feature. TeraNet’s systems are communications standard agnostic and are fully compatible with a wide range of current and planned satellites. This ensures Australia can connect to global and federated ground networks while still maintaining full control of its own infrastructure. Combined with its location in the Southern Hemisphere and longitudinal position, this makes TeraNet a valuable partner for missions that require high data throughput and round-the-clock global coverage.
Supported by the Australian Space Agency’s Moon to Mars initiative, TeraNet also contributes to local skills development, commercial opportunities and STEM outreach. With advanced infrastructure already in place and a growing team of researchers and engineers behind it, the project is moving steadily towards operational maturity.
For defence and government stakeholders, TeraNet offers more than just infrastructure. It represents a shift in how Australia communicates with space. It enhances data resilience, strengthens operational security and is ensuring WA plays a leading role in the future of space-ground communication.
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‘Shape the future, one layer at a time’ is a motto for the Photon Forge Additive Manufacturing (PFAM) facility, which specialises in developing the Advanced Manufacturing (AM) capability and supporting industry’ interest through collaborative research and education.
Developed from rapid prototyping research systems in the 1980s, additive manufacturing, industrial 3D printing is defined as the process of manufacturing parts by joining material layer-by-layer from 3D computer design data. This offers considerable advantages over traditional manufacturing methods (casting, machining and forging) with the ability to create lighter, stronger parts with fewer geometrical constraints and less waste.
Recent advances in AM have been focused on streamlining the integration of machines into
factories, complemented by custom industry-driven materials, larger print volumes and faster printing, with a greater understanding of part manufacturability and verification. This has led to a greater uptake of the technology across a wider industry base, given its lead time reduction, distributed manufacturing and supply chain resilience advantages.
The PFAM facility is situated to drive adoption and manufacturing readiness for sovereign industry. Strategically situated under Curtin University’s core research hub, the John de Laeter Centre, the PFAM
The defence sector is one area that has considerable interest in AM, given its advantages in on-demand printing and near-net shape production, with lesser post-processing requirements. Use case examples include the on-demand manufacture of projectiles, which can increase functionality when combined with advanced manufacturing machines operating from shipping containers on supporting naval vessels during action in the manufacture of mission-critical parts.
facility is built to support the industry demand-driven AM research and contribute to the training and upskilling of the workforce in machine operation and design for AM.
The PFAM facility also leverages the John de Laeter Centre’s more than $60m worth of cuttingedge materials characterisation and testing facilities, collaborating closely with other university units, including the Curtin Corrosion Centre, to ensure efficient project delivery and part quality adhering to industry standards.
Equipped with large-format directed energy deposition systems using metal feedstock in the form of a wire or powder applied from a head attached to a six-axis robotic arm, the PFAM facility enables greater design freedom than traditional manufacturing.
This is reflected in an up to 65% reduction in manufacturing time, 26% reduction in material wastage and cost savings as great as 70% over the same machined part. Furthermore, the versatility of these systems opens additional opportunities in part repair or wear-resistant coatings and in the development and evaluation of custom alloys.
Support for sovereign manufacturing capability is reflected in the machine suppliers, with Australian manufacturers AML3D and LaserBond supplying the wire and powder AM systems employed at the PFAM facility. Furthermore, the support of local equipment manufacturers facilitates three-party relationships between AM equipment manufacturers, the PFAM facility and industry partners, de-risking industry’s uptake of AM.
The Austal-Curtin-AML3D relationship is one such example, whereby Curtin and AML3D assisted Austal Shipbuilding to obtain DNV verification for manufacturing aluminium parts using AML3D’s wire arc AM system. Similar relationships have been formed with global enterprises such as Woodside and SMEs such as Seanezzi Aeronautical in areas including AM part design, printing strategies, analysis and testing.
The defence sector is one area that has considerable interest in AM, given its advantages in on-demand
printing and near-net shape production, with lesser post-processing requirements. Use case examples include the on-demand manufacture of projectiles, which can increase functionality when combined with AM machines operating from shipping containers on supporting naval vessels during action in the manufacture of mission-critical parts.
Aerospace is another growing area with strike drones manufactured faster at a lower cost through AM with complex parts such as the micro turbine engines manufactured within Western Australia by Aurora Labs.
Overseas, the US government has backed AM in defence with US$800m ($1.2bn) allocated in 2024, with a projected market growth to more than US$2.6bn ($4bn) in 2030. This commitment to AM has been reflected in Australia with a $271m investment into the Additive Manufacturing Cooperative Research Centre (AMCRC), which will connect industry to universities and government research institutes, building an AM ecosystem transforming Australian industrial sectors, including defence.
With Curtin University representing Western Australia in the AMCRC, the future is looking bright for additive manufacturing at the PFAM facility, with Defence leading the way in applying the sustainable and efficient process across a range of parts, supporting collaborative projects between industry and academia.
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LanoWrap is an eco-friendly corrosion protection system — If it’s not green, it’s not clean — designed to shield critical infrastructure in some of the toughest conditions on Earth.
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By Bryce Solomon, Managing Director, Caerus Strategic Group
Supercomputers are helping to drive innovation throughout the world, and Defence is no exception. Some of the world’s greenest, most powerful, and most densely packed supercomputers are located in Western Australia, and the state is truly leading the way forward for supercomputing down under.
and Edith Cowan University (founding associate member). The Centre is supported by the Western Australian and Commonwealth Governments. Supplied.
Supercomputing is a subset of High-Performance Computing (HPC) and involves a highly integrated, complex, massively powerful system. A supercomputer features computational resources that work in parallel and are so concentrated that they can handle extremely difficult, highly complicated problems which would be unsolvable at any smaller scale. HPC can be anything from a very powerful desktop with multiple cores to gigantic, interconnected racks.
Just how capable are these supercomputers? In supercomputing, the term Floating Point Operations Per Second (FLOPS) is the number of mathematical calculations that can be performed every second. FLOPS are so large that they are measured with binary prefixes such as tera- (1012), peta- (1015) and exa- (1018) and these explain the performance of HPC systems.
According to the 65th TOP500 list, a project that ranks the 500 top supercomputers, the most powerful supercomputer in the world achieved 1.742 exaFLOPS or 1,742,000,000,000,000,000 (1.742 quintillion)
calculations per second, every second. To put that number in perspective, the width of the Milky Way Galaxy is estimated to be around one quintillion metres, so if you imagine going metre by metre from one side of the galaxy to the other and three-quarters of the way back, you’d be close to the number of calculations performed every second by the most powerful supercomputer on that list.
It all sounds very impressive but even when a supercomputer can work at ultra-fast speeds, accessing your required data may encounter problems, as its operating software stack may not be optimised for a particular system or process, or memory access may not be optimised.
Just because a system holds a high rank in the TOP500 doesn’t mean it can be readily applied to solve all problems, and tailored expertise is essential to success. For all its might, without being optimised by highly skilled personnel, a supercomputer may struggle to assist local shipbuilder Austal in designing their latest craft or submarine supplier H&B Defence in supporting the development of SSN AUKUS.
Several companies lead the world in HPC hardware and systems: NVIDIA, Hewlett-Packard Enterprises, AMD, Intel, IBM, Microsoft, Google and Amazon Web Services are all jostling to develop ever more powerful innovations.
According to the TOP500 list, the Western world’s supercomputers outnumber its rivals significantly. Only three in the top 100 belong to such countries (Chinese supercomputers are ranked 21st and 31st, while Russia is in 75th place). Western Australia has also staked its claim in the race: our ‘Setonix’, ranked 59th, is one of only four Australian systems in the TOP500.
The Setonix supercomputer is a hybrid system of Central Processing Units (CPU) and Graphics
Processing Units (GPU) that are engineered to solve massively complex scientific problems. It is the most powerful research computer in the southern hemisphere and is located at the Pawsey Supercomputing Centre, a purpose-built 1000m2 facility at Technology Park in Bentley, WA. The system is built on the same architecture used in world-leading exascale supercomputer projects, including Frontier at the US Oak Ridge National Laboratory and Lumi at CSC Finland.
However informative the TOP500 list is, not all supercomputers can be found there. Security concerns may prevent Defence and government from revealing their supercomputers’ true capabilities and commercial considerations can mean that corporations may not wish to curtail profit-making activities to run the TOP500’s benchmarking tests. Western Australia’s computing innovator, DUG Technology, which designs, builds and runs some of the world’s greenest supercomputers is a case in point.
For Defence, the primary role of supercomputers is much the same as for the civilian sector – to advance technology and understand problems faster than would otherwise be possible. Many areas of focus for Defence are specialised subsets of civilian areas of interest, such as meteorology, fluid dynamics and interactions, cryptography, cybersecurity, design and testing, simulations, enhanced decision-making and support, and autonomous operations. Here, supercomputers can provide a vital edge in defence.
The US Department of Defense’s High-Performance Computing Modernization Program (HPCMP) funds and oversees the operation of five supercomputing centres, called DoD Supercomputing Resource Centers (DSRCs).
The HPCMP’s public website outlines their system locations and software capabilities. In the
Australian context, however, little is known about the ‘Taingiwilta’ supercomputer from the Defence Science and Technology Group. Chief Defence Scientist, Professor Tanya Monro AC, has said that the supercomputer’s “… critical, secure and sovereign capability enables Australia’s best minds to tackle some of Defence’s most challenging problems at pace”. Taingiwilta means ‘powerful’ in the language of the Indigenous Kaurna people, but its true capabilities are not publicly known.
The future of HPC no doubt lies in developing cutting-edge capabilities that are able to operate in a denied or contested environment when under heavy threat, and in all weather and environments, while continually changing position. These challenges also provide unique problem-solving opportunities for Pawsey, DUG, WA’s resources sector and, no doubt, the WA and Commonwealth Governments, along with the Australian Defence Force.
Western Australia is well-positioned to use its cross-industry experience and flourishing expertise in supercomputing to be at the forefront of innovation and advance the sovereign capabilities required to protect the highly dispersed and increasingly volatile Indo-Pacific region.
Some of the greenest, most powerful and most densely-packed supercomputers in the world are located in Western Australia, and the state is truly leading the way forward in supercomputing.
By Professor David Parry, Dean, School of Information Technology, Murdoch University
Risks from cyberattacks are increasing exponentially in seriousness and volume, and recent discussion around attempted attacks on organisations involved with AUKUS serves to highlight this growing threat. Cyberattacks can be designed to extract information or cause harm and disruption. Motives range from simple mischievousness to financial extortion and terrorism or hostile state action. Every organisation and person in the defence sector needs to be aware of the potential risks they face and how to protect themselves.
Cyberattacks and their fallout now cost Australian businesses and individuals at least $30m every year, according to the Australian Signals Directorate (ASD), Australia’s statutory intelligence and cybersecurity agency. Apart from this enormous financial damage, such attacks cause untold frustration in day-to-day life and have become an effective weapon in more conventional conflicts.
The ASD figure is almost certainly an underestimate and does not include the price of preventive measures, totalling many hundreds of millions of dollars in Australia and hundreds of billions of dollars worldwide. The expense is vast but well justified. Any system connected to the Internet is continually probed for weaknesses, and preventive measures detect and prevent potential attacks thousands of times a day.
Most governments and investigators do not reveal all they know about the extent of cyberwarfare. However, along with official state intelligence agencies, many criminal organisations are heavily involved in cyberattacks. These groups often develop ransomware, malicious software designed to block access to a computer system until a ‘ransom’ is paid. This software is then either sold or licenced to other groups for extortion or information collection purposes.
Many attacks are very simple, merely scanning for open databases or access to run malicious scripts on systems. Social engineering attacks, on the other hand, can be highly sophisticated, making use of convincing messages that encourage the victim to click on a link or otherwise grant access to the attacker.
The threat from cyberattacks is real but we are not powerless. The ASD offers excellent advice for protecting computer systems and information against cyberwarfare, with guidelines that are practical and powerful.
“Effective training and creating a supportive work culture are just as important as building an impenetrable system. While a security breach is unfortunate, not knowing about it because users are too afraid to report it is far worse. Organisations should encourage honest reporting of internal vulnerabilities and mistakes to limit and mitigate damage.
With offensive cyberwarfare, computer code introduced via an innocuous route, such as a link in an email, is used to attack computer systems or even hardware. One of the most famous of those attacks was ‘Stuxnet’, a malicious computer worm, used to disable Iranian nuclear centrifuges in 2007. Supplied.
Cybersecurity is no longer a niche technical concern but a fundamental element of national security, business continuity and personal protection. Every person and every organisation connected to the Internet is a potential target, whether for profit, disruption or espionage. From scam phishing emails to state-sponsored cyber weapons, the spectrum of threat is wide, evolving and relentless.
Where possible, the amount and type of sensitive information collected and stored should be limited. This concerns not only obviously sensitive information, such as bank details but also information that could be used to build a convincing social engineering attack.
Information that might appear harmless on its own but that could be combined with open-source data to expose high-risk intelligence should be minimised. For example, the time of a medical appointment may seem trivial, but if it is paired with publicly available data about clinic timetables, a cyberattacker could discover sensitive information about a specific type of treatment being received.
That knowledge could then be used to craft highly targeted phishing emails, such as a fraudulent invoice or a fake notification from an insurer. It then only takes an instant for a targeted victim to click on a malicious link or provide login details. An attacker may then be able to compromise a victim’s credentials, gaining unauthorised access to systems or sensitive files.
If sensitive information needs to be stored, it should be encrypted and access controlled. Critical information must be securely backed up and a disaster recovery system established. Then, even if a cyberattacker succeeds in de-encrypting data – a particularly popular form of attack against health and corporate systems – there is still the potential to
Murdoch University students from the Law and IT schools recently joined forces to combat one of Australia’s most costly crimes: online scams. During a two-day hackathon, students designed and prototyped ethical solutions to help protect Australians from digital deception, which costs billions annually. (L-R): C. Forde, Cyber Safety Expert; D. Breakell & T. Cheetham, Slipstream Cyber; P. Blake, Consumer Protection at WA Department of Mines, Industry Regulation and Safety; E. O’Neil, CyberWest Hub; SJ Price, Murdoch Law Academic; J. Chiew & M. Kawitzki, ACS. Source: Murdoch University. Supplied.
rebuild systems without having to pay a ransom.
Keeping anti-virus and other software up to date is vital, along with enforcing robust security measures such as two-factor authentication. Imposing an overly complicated login process can backfire, however, as users may try to circumvent it out of frustration.
Effective training and creating a supportive work culture are just as important as building an impenetrable system. While a security breach is unfortunate, not knowing about it because users are too afraid to report it is far worse. Organisations should encourage honest reporting of internal vulnerabilities and mistakes to limit and mitigate damage.
To reduce cybersecurity risks, almost every organisation needs a dedicated security team with clear responsibilities, sufficient resources and the authority to implement protective measures. This team should be empowered to communicate risks to leadership and be supported in establishing appropriate mitigating controls.
AI is also the cause and solution to many problems. AI-based cyber security systems can detect complex patterns of activity that may be suspicious or hostile. AI tools speed up the development of patches for at-risk systems and identify vulnerabilities before they are exploited. AI is, however, also a valuable resource for attackers, allowing them to create more sophisticated malicious code and support advanced social engineering attacks, such the use of as deepfake voices or images, to then gain access to systems.
Cybersecurity is no longer a niche technical concern but a fundamental element of national security, business continuity and personal protection. Every person and every organisation connected to the Internet is a potential target, whether for profit, disruption or espionage. From scam phishing emails to state-sponsored cyber weapons, the spectrum of threat is wide, evolving and relentless.
Yet, the defensive measures are clear: limit the data you hold, protect what must be stored, maintain strong but user-friendly security practices and foster a culture where reporting mistakes is encouraged rather than punished. Above all, cybersecurity requires both vigilance and resilience. Attacks will continue and mistakes will happen, but preparation can mean the difference between minor disruption and catastrophic loss. All in all, the message is simple: you may not be interested in cybersecurity, but cybersecurity is most certainly interested in you.
Penetration Testing and Cyber Posture Assessments Tailored for Defence
By Professor Christian Bueger, University of Copenhagen
The digital arteries of the modern world lie not in the cloud, but deep beneath the ocean’s surface. Subsea cables carry over 97% of international data traffic, making them indispensable infrastructure for global communications, financial transactions and military operations. For Australia and the broader Indo-Pacific region, those cables represent both connectivity opportunities and critical vulnerabilities that demand strategic attention.
The threats to subsea cable infrastructure have evolved dramatically, moving beyond routine accidents to deliberate state-sponsored interference. While submarine cables break frequently – on average, two to four break somewhere in the world every week, with fishing and anchoring incidents accounting for 86% of cable faults – recent incidents suggest more sinister patterns.
In February 2025, Chinese vessels cut the Matsu Island internet cables which forced Taiwan’s peripheral island into anxious isolation for about six weeks. Similarly, the 2024 attack on the MV Rubymar by Houthi forces in the Red Sea demonstrated how armed conflict can threaten digital infrastructure when the drifting vessel’s anchor cut crucial cables connecting Europe, Africa and Asia. These incidents exemplify how cable disruption can originate in hybrid warfare –
The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue has emerged as a key mechanism for addressing subsea cable vulnerabilities. The Quad Partnership for Cable Connectivity and Resilience demonstrates how middle powers can combine resources to counter Chinese influence while enhancing regional connectivity through practical cooperation.
strategic intimidation without conventional military action – or armed conflict.
Chinese influence in the subsea cable industry has grown substantially, creating new security challenges for the region. More than 20 cables connected to Chinese companies have either gone live or are planned to become operational in the Indo-Pacific region between 2021 and 2026. While companies such as SubCom LLC and Japan’s NEC are the top two subsea cable manufacturers, Chinese firm HMN Tech
“Chinese influence in the subsea cable industry has grown substantially, creating new security challenges for the region. More than 20 cables connected to Chinese companies have either gone live or are planned to become operational in the Indo-Pacific region between 2021 and 2026. While companies such as SubCom LLC and Japan’s NEC are the top two subsea cable manufacturers, Chinese firm HMN Tech now commands approximately 10% of global market share.
now commands approximately 10% of global market share.
Beijing’s territorial claims in the South China Sea have already disrupted cable infrastructure projects, affecting the SJC2 timeline and prompting the rerouting of cables – Apricot and Echo – around Indonesia instead. This demonstrates how geopolitical tensions can force costly route diversifications and delay critical infrastructure development.
The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue has emerged as a key mechanism for addressing subsea cable vulnerabilities. The Quad Partnership for Cable Connectivity and Resilience demonstrates how middle powers can combine resources to counter Chinese influence while enhancing regional connectivity through practical cooperation.
Other regional frameworks are also emerging. The Indian Ocean Commission established a joint framework for the western Indian Ocean in 2021, while ASEAN is developing its own cable protection framework. The Information Fusion Centre in Singapore now tracks suspicious activities and provides regional coordination.
Australia’s position as a regional hub makes it both strategically valuable and vulnerable. Sydney and Perth
The primary role of ADV Guidance will be to support undersea surveillance systems trials, including the ability to deploy undersea crewed and uncrewed vehicles, and robotic and autonomous systems. At 107m long, 22m wide and displacing 7400 tonnes, ADV Guidance will be able to sustain a range of Defence activities due to its modular mission systems, allowing specialist Defence teams and load-outs to be embarked to meet various system trial requirements. Seen here, Undersea Support Vessel ADV Guidance at Eden, NSW, as part of Exercise Dugong 24.
are the primary points where cables land in Australia, with recent diversification including the DarwinJakarta-Singapore cable completed last year.
Despite that significance, Australia has yet to adequately grapple with the unique challenges that critical seabed infrastructure protection poses to national security. Australia has made some progress through targeted initiatives, however. The country established an Indo-Pacific Cable Connectivity and Resilience Centre and partners with the US and Japan to fund the East Micronesia cable connecting Pacific Island nations.
Yet, critical gaps remain. Little has been done to address possible damage caused by hostile nations or proxies. When potentially hostile seabed incidents occur, investigations are complicated by remoteness, coordination with private industry, jurisdictional issues and geopolitical tensions.
Australia must adopt a comprehensive approach addressing both immediate vulnerabilities and longterm strategic challenges. Critical measures include:
1. Operational Coordination: Establishing clear communication lines between state agencies and industries involved in laying, operating and maintaining cables, with common informationsharing protocols to identify suspicious activities.
2. Enhanced Maritime Surveillance: Investing in surveillance surface, underwater and space capabilities and deploying naval assets, drones and maritime patrol aircraft to monitor both accidental and deliberate threats.
3. Expanded Infrastructure Protection: Extending critical infrastructure protection policies to include underwater fibre-optic cables, electricity cables and
Australia has yet to adequately grapple with the unique challenges that critical seabed infrastructure protection poses to national security. Australia has made some progress through targeted initiatives, however. The country established an IndoPacific Cable Connectivity and Resilience Centre and partners with the US and Japan to fund the East Micronesia cable connecting Pacific Island nations.
“
The protection of subsea cables and other critical maritime infrastructure requires sustained attention and resources. As the digital backbone of the Indo-Pacific economy and the future of green energy, these underwater networks will only grow in strategic importance. Australia’s response will help to determine whether the region can maintain secure, resilient communications and energy infrastructure in an era of intensifying great power competition.
offshore wind farms, which have hardly featured in existing policies, despite their growing strategic importance.
4. Incident Response Capability: Establishing dedicated coordination mechanisms within the navy or Department of Home Affairs to manage seabed incidents, with protocols for the swift investigation and repair of damaged infrastructure.
5. Industry-Government Coordination and Partnerships: Since most critical seabed infrastructure is privately owned and operated, enhanced coordination between navy, government and industry stakeholders is essential, including hyperscalers like Google, Amazon and Microsoft.
The protection of subsea cables and other critical maritime infrastructure requires sustained attention and resources. As the digital backbone of the Indo-Pacific economy and the future of green energy, these underwater networks will only grow in strategic importance. Australia’s response will help to determine whether the region can maintain secure, resilient communications and energy infrastructure in an era of intensifying great power competition.
Since 2014, Omni has steadily built its presence in Western Australia, supporting the state’s vital role in Australia’s defence, national security and critical infrastructure sectors. Beginning with professional services, the local team now delivers capability across aerospace, assurance, technology and professional services.
Today, more than 70 people work in Omni’s WA operations, supporting government and private sector clients. In 2018, Omni opened a city office in Perth to provide closer support for national security and critical infrastructure work. This local base has strengthened relationships with Commonwealth and State Government stakeholders, enabling the development of responsive and practical solutions.
A key part of Omni’s WA capability is its significant aviation presence at Jandakot Airport. Omni operates two dedicated hangars – the second of which was established in 2025 – to meet growing demand. The Western Australia Police (WAPOL) is a major partner, with Omni supporting all aspects of WAPOL’s fixedwing capability. The site is also home to the Pilatus Service Centre, where Omni services Pilatus aircraft for private and charter operators, keeping those assets ready for mission-critical tasks.
Omni’s WA expertise extends beyond the state’s borders. An example is the work Omni completed in support of the Future Submarine Program. Omni designed, delivered and managed the Program’s secure facility in Cherbourg, France –using their WA-based project management and security teams. This experience positions Omni strongly to support Australia’s contribution to AUKUS, with WA set to play a crucial role in the nation’s future nuclear-powered submarine capability.
Omni has earned a reputation as a trusted and sovereign partner for the Australian and Western Australian Governments. Local jobs, local investment and proven delivery are at the heart of that trust. The WA team’s work reflects Omni’s commitment to growing local capability
“Today, more than 70 people work in Omni’s WA operations, supporting government and private sector clients. In 2018, Omni opened a city office in Perth to provide closer support for national security and critical infrastructure work. This local base has strengthened relationships with Commonwealth and State Government stakeholders, enabling the development of responsive and practical solutions.
and supporting Australia’s national interests.
Steven Thorpe, Omni’s Senior Executive in WA led that growth. In 2026, Steven and his family will relocate to Canberra to take up the role of Omni’s Chief Executive Officer, ensuring that the experience, relationships and insight built in WA continue to shape Omni’s national and international endeavours.
Looking ahead, Omni will continue to invest in local people, facilities and partnerships in Western Australia. From maintaining vital law enforcement capabilities to supporting complex international projects and future AUKUS requirements, Omni’s people in WA will continue to deliver trusted capabilities for the state and the country.
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Omni is an Australian-owned business focused on delivering innovative defence, national security, intelligence and critical infrastructure solutions to further our national interest.
Our locally based, expert teams deliver cutting-edge technology and pioneering solutions in support of Australia’s sovereign capability.
By Deborah Evans, Senior Correspondent, WA DEFENCE REVIEW
Uninhabited systems such as Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs), Unmanned Ground Vehicles (UGVs) and Unmanned Surface Vessels (USVs) have undergone considerable development in recent years. Such development has been both transformed and intensified by ongoing international conflicts, but it is also being driven in response to rising global tensions and the anticipation of unmanned and autonomous system use in future warfare.
In particular, Unmanned Aerial System (UAS) development in Russia and Ukraine has seen significant innovation – what started as small, remotely operated UAVs fitted with ad-hoc explosive payloads has developed into an unprecedented enterprise on both sides of the conflict.
UAS adaptation on the battlefield has included the use of First-Person-View (FPV) UAVs, fibre-optic cables for resistance to Electronic Warfare (EW), thermal imaging and camouflage, 3D-printed munitions,
waypoint navigation and the reported use of AI for detection and classification of military objects. In addition to technical innovation and adaptation, the deployment and use of UAS has, however, also been embedded into strategic military operations, as evident in the Ukrainian ‘Spider Web’ operation. UAVs were launched from hidden compartments inside cargo trucks and struck approximately 40 high-value aircraft across four Russian military air bases, which reportedly damaged or destroyed up to 20 of Russia’s strategic bomber fleet.
In 2025, the growth of containerised weapon systems as seen by both Israel and Ukraine, which employed UAVs launched from shipping containers and trucks as a tactic in their respective conflicts, demonstrated a shift towards covert and asymmetric unmanned warfare. Since August 2025, concerns have been articulated publicly about the projected increase to maritime traffic in Cockburn Sound with the advent of Westport and the attendant national security risks that it could imply for the sensitive naval facilities at HMAS Stirling. Seen here, Virginia-class fast-attack submarine USS Hawaii (SSN 776) arrives alongside at Fleet Base West, HMAS Stirling, Western Australia. Source: Department of Defence. Photographer: CPOIS Nina
The extent and outcomes of the operation against Russian defence assets raised serious questions about the potential for aerial attacks not just on military targets, but on critical infrastructure around the world.
UASs and swarms of UAVs or other unmanned systems have the potential to be used for targeted strikes, for intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance operations, or for other activity with malicious intent. The vulnerability of critical infrastructure to UASs or other unmanned systems is, however, not a phenomenon borne out of the RussiaUkraine conflict; rather, it has been an emerging threat for at least the last ten years.
The vulnerability of critical infrastructure to UASs or other unmanned systems is not a phenomenon borne out of the Russia-Ukraine conflict; rather, it has been an emerging threat for at least the last ten years.
As early as 2015, UAVs were flown over the UK Parliament and Buckingham Palace, and in the US, a small quadcopter UAV breached the White House perimeter and crashed onto the grounds, causing a brief lockdown.
In 2018, operations at London’s Gatwick Airport were severely disrupted, with the runway closed following a number of UAV sightings. Police deemed 115 out of some 170 UAV sightings as credible, and the airport was closed for approximately 36 hours, affecting more than 1000 flights and more than 140,000 passengers.
UAVs have been implicated in a number of attacks on critical infrastructure, including on a Saudi Aramco oil refining facility in Saudi Arabia in September 2019, which disrupted crude production and exports by approximately five million barrels per day.
More recently in Sudan, there have been a number of attacks on critical infrastructure, including against hospitals, electricity, fuel, gas and water facilities. The United Nations has warned that repeated UAV strikes targeting critical civilian infrastructure in Port Sudan
Insurgents, militia, domestic terrorists and other nonstate actors may find significant utility in the low cost, availability, adaptability and high manoeuvrability of such systems to facilitate crime, target individuals or organisations, and damage or destroy national assets. Consequently, while the threat of UAVs has been evident for the last decade, the increasing use of UAS and other unmanned systems has accelerated and highlighted the risks to critical infrastructure.
have disrupted humanitarian operations, endangered civilian lives and jeopardised access to basic services.
The potential for a broad range of actors to use unmanned systems for organised crime and other illegal activity has also become apparent, with law enforcement agencies recording a sharp increase in incidents of UAVs being used to smuggle contraband into prisons, and drug cartels using unmanned systems – including ‘narco-drones’ or ‘narco-subs’ (both manned and unmanned submersibles) – for drugsmuggling operations.
Insurgents, militia, domestic terrorists and other non-state actors may find significant utility in the low cost, availability, adaptability and high
manoeuvrability of such systems to facilitate crime, target individuals or organisations, and damage or destroy national assets. Consequently, while the threat of UAVs has been evident for the last decade, the increasing use of UAS and other unmanned systems has accelerated and highlighted the risks to critical infrastructure.
The Australian Government considers critical infrastructure to be infrastructure providing services that are essential for everyday life. In Australia, critical infrastructure includes the energy sector, communications, transport, water, food and grocery, health care and medical, and cyber infrastructure such as data storage and processing. While this encompasses a significant number of businesses and assets, the Australian Government approaches the protection of critical infrastructure with extensive mechanisms.
These mechanisms include legislative instruments such as the ‘Security of Critical Infrastructure and Other Legislation Amendment (Enhanced Response and Prevention) Act 2024 (Cth)’, and the ‘Security of Critical Infrastructure Act 2018 (Cth)’, which ensure that responsible entities develop and maintain a Critical Infrastructure Risk Management Program among other requirements, including cyber and physical security measures to mitigate risks.
In addition to legislative instruments, the mitigation of threats to critical infrastructure, including from threat vectors such as UAVs, can be achieved through a layered approach. For example, this includes, at federal and state levels, police and
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Stakeholders in government, defence, industry and academia need to closely monitor the development of unmanned systems to keep pace with adversaries. It is a fast-moving space, and the potential for threats to both defence and civilian infrastructure should be prioritised as a matter of urgency.
national security agencies; from intelligence and threat assessments, cyber and physical security policy, procedures, frameworks and guidelines such as the Defence Security Principles Framework, the Protective Security Policy Framework for government entities; and through the regulation of UAVs and other UAS by the Civil Aviation Safety Authority.
While significant legislative and policy frameworks exist for the protection of critical infrastructure, a coordinated and collaborative approach to mitigating threats from unmanned systems is still required from government, defence, academia and industry.
Initiatives may include novel tools and technologies which have drawn inspiration from conflict zones, EW technologies, kinetic counter-UAS (C-UAS) solutions, early detection and warning systems, and physical barriers – particularly for urban areas, where kinetic options may not be feasible.
Efforts to protect critical infrastructure may also benefit from revisiting security and crime prevention theories such as Defence-in-Depth, Protection-inDepth and Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design to adapt critical infrastructure and facilities in anticipation of unmanned threat vectors.
Above all, stakeholders in government, defence, industry and academia need to closely monitor the development of unmanned systems to keep pace with adversaries. It is a fast-moving space, and the potential for threats to both defence and civilian infrastructure should be prioritised as a matter of urgency.
Parabellum International announced its new dedicated defence division, STAR, formerly STAR International, which was purchased as a wholly owned subsidiary of Parabellum on 1 July 2025. As a respected provider of defence and maritime emergency response capability, the acquisition of STAR International brings specialist expertise, DISP membership and a long-standing reputation for excellence in high-compliance environments. Through STAR, Parabellum provides another unique layer of depth of capability tailored to the operational demands of naval, maritime and defence industry clients.
Continually recognised for well over a decade as a trusted partner to Australia’s defence sector, Parabellum continues to deliver highly responsive and flexible, specialist, emergency response, medical, risk management and training services to many of the most complex and high-risk environments in the region.
Operating across Australia’s strategically significant defence hubs, STAR is known for its rapid deployment capability and high-calibre personnel. That end-to-end capability ensures missionready support, all backed by nationally recognised training (RTO No: 51786). STAR’s services extend across:
• Emergency response and critical risk management
• Shipwatch, subwatch and port security
• Specialist training programs designed for defence applications
• Design, build, sale, hire and maintenance of emergency response vehicles and equipment
• Defence-aligned medical and security services
• Asset management, custom buildings, and Health, Safety, Environment and Quality (HSEQ) & risk consultancy. This comprehensive offering is underpinned by highly tailored and robust systems, ISO-certified safety, risk and quality frameworks, and a
culture of precision and reliability that aligns seamlessly with defence industry standards.
STAR has earned enduring trust from tier one defence contractors and major resource operators by consistently delivering measurable value. Whether safeguarding critical shipyard operations, supporting naval exercises, or providing stand-by response capability for maritime assets, STAR is relied upon to ensure operations are completed safely, on time, and without compromise.
Ongoing investment in advanced technology and training keeps STAR at the forefront of defence preparedness. This includes the introduction of electric emergency response vehicles, firefighting robots, and the development of Parabellum’s new purpose-built Naval Base
Training Centre in Western Australia. The facility delivers scenario-based, defencespecific programs that build operational readiness and workforce resilience.
By embedding STAR within the broader Parabellum framework, clients benefit from integrated service delivery, streamlined logistics and a unified safety culture. This combination of defencespecialist capability and multi-sector expertise positions Parabellum as a force multiplier for defence industry partners.
As the defence sector continues to expand to meet national strategic objectives, STAR remains ready to provide the specialised capability, trusted experience and rapid response essential to safeguarding Australia’s people, assets and operational readiness.
parabellum.com.au
By Dario Bongiovanni, Managing Director, Capricornio International; President, ArCham Australia
Australia’s heavy reliance on imported oil, declining oil refining capacity and insufficient fuel reserves pose a significant threat to our energy security, economic stability and national defence.
In Australia, public discourse often focuses on the most obvious form of energy: electricity – yet the majority of our energy consumption is from oilderived fuels, particularly for transport.
Given Australia’s vast distances, limited rail infrastructure and dependence on international trade, any disruption to our current oil-based fuel supplies, especially amid global instability, would have a devastating impact. This highlights a critical need for a pragmatic liquid fuels security strategy that prioritises sovereign fuel production, increases onshore storage, supports domestic refining and explores viable technology alternatives while prudently investing in future technologies, such as liquid hydrogen.
Oil is both a security and economic issue: it enables our standard of living and national prosperity, and it is essential for extracting Australia’s mineral resources and supporting our domestic economy with cost-
“Oil is both a security and economic issue: it enables our standard of living and national prosperity, and it is essential for extracting Australia’s mineral resources and supporting our domestic economy with costeffective and reliable energy.
Since the early 2000s, however, multiple reports have identified Australia’s reliance on imported crude oil, declining domestic refining capabilities and insufficient reserves as critical vulnerabilities.
effective and reliable energy. Since the early 2000s, however, multiple reports have identified Australia’s reliance on imported crude oil, declining domestic refining capabilities and insufficient reserves as critical vulnerabilities.
Liquid fuels such as petrol, diesel and aviation fuel remain critical for transport, logistics, defence mobility and supply chains. While electric vehicles do offer limited personal transport solutions (1.16% of 22-million registered vehicles, as reported by the Bureau of Infrastructure and Transport Research Economics in September 2025), practical electrical alternatives for heavy haulage, shipping or aviation are still either very limited or non-existent.
Australia’s fuel supply remains heavily dependent on the international oil trade and this puts us in a vulnerable position, given today’s volatile and uncertain international environment. While International Energy Agency (IEA) rules require 90
A strategic approach to broaden Australia’s liquid fuels portfolio involves targeted investment in proven liquid fuel alternatives for applications where they offer viable, timely solutions.
days of fuel reserves, the country has only 49 days’ worth of net import coverage. Currently in-country stocks will only cover 28 days of petrol consumption, 24 days of diesel and 20 days of jet fuel consumption, according to latest Australian Petroleum Statistics released each month by the Department of Climate Change, Energy, the Environment and Water.
To prevent that dicey situation, sovereign fuel production and onshore reserves must be part of Australia’s comprehensive energy security strategy.
Following the disruptive effects of the global pandemic, the Commonwealth Government began addressing storage. Some early reactions were only window-dressing, such as the 1.5-million barrels of sweet crude that have been held in the US Strategic Petroleum Reserve since 2020 and recorded by the US Department of Energy. This volume is equivalent to less than two days of Australian oil needs and would first need to be shipped to this country for refining and use.
Most recently, the government established more effective policies to increase domestic reserves: raising minimum stock-holding obligations for fuel importers from 24 to 27 days and adding 780 megalitres of onshore storage via $200m in grants.
Oil refining is another area of concern. According to energy.gov.au, Australia consumes approximately 2,432 petajoules of oil per year, equivalent to an average of 173-million litres daily, but only one-fifth of that is refined locally.
While demand for oil has constantly risen, refining capacity has drastically declined, with only two operational refineries remaining, compared to eight in 2003. This leaves Australia producing only 20% of its oil consumption, a stark contrast to the 95% of domestic supply produced two decades ago.
It’s been reported that refined fuels made in India from Russian crude are reaching BP’s Kwinana fuel storage facilities, exposing a sanctions loophole and laying bare Australia’s uneasy dependence on foreign refineries. Years of neglect in domestic refining now constrain both our energy security and foreign policy choices. As Resources Minister Madeleine King admitted in a recent ABC Perth interview: “We are an island continent with fewer options for fuel. If we introduce sanctions, we need to be careful we don’t limit our own supply.”
The Commonwealth Government has established programs to modernise Australia’s fuel legislation, including supporting major infrastructure upgrades to meet new standards and establishing emergency stockpiles for crude oil and Diesel Exhaust Fluid (DEF), a critical product for long-haul road trucks.
Despite government and industry initiatives, the refining industry is almost at a standstill because importing refined products for just-in-time consumption is more economical than producing them locally.
There is a critical need for a pragmatic liquid fuels security strategy that prioritises sovereign fuel production, increases onshore storage, supports domestic refining and explores viable technology alternatives while prudently investing in future technologies, such as liquid hydrogen.
Australia’s current fuel production and reserves leave the nation vulnerable to global supply chain disruptions and geopolitical conflict, and pose a direct threat to economic stability and national security.
National oil production peaked in 2000 and has since declined by half. Australia holds significant untapped oil resources, but their development is hampered by environmental opposition, regulatory hurdles and shifting investment priorities. Western Australia’s Canning Basin is one of the most promising regions for oil development but progress has been stalled due to environmental approvals and regulatory frameworks. The offshore exploration of the Great Australian Bight in South Australia was also abandoned by international energy giant Equinor, citing commercial reasons and strong environmental opposition.
While environmental protections are critical to protect ecosystems and align with community expectations around climate change, excessive red tape and activist campaigns have deterred foreign investment and made project timelines unviable.
A strategic approach to broaden Australia’s liquid fuels portfolio involves targeted investment in proven liquid fuel alternatives for applications where they offer viable, timely solutions.
Biofuels, derived from sustainable sources, can directly integrate into existing infrastructure and transport sectors. A trailblazer in this area is BP’s Kwinana Refinery, once Australia’s largest oil refinery, currently undergoing a significant transformation into a renewable energy hub, aimed at producing renewable diesel and sustainable aviation fuel (SAF) from biobased feedstocks.
Liquified natural gas (LNG) is already a mature technology that can be used as marine fuel and for heavy transport and industrial applications, capitalising on Australia’s significant gas reserves. As reported by Lloyds List in January 2025, the global fleet of LNG-powered vessels is experiencing significant growth, with 632 LNG-powered ships in operation, a figure set to double by the end of the decade.
Liquid hydrogen holds great long-term potential to replace fossil fuels for transportation, but enabling its widespread adoption would require significant technological advancements in the entire supply chain. Matching supply and demand while scaling-up remains a key challenge and there are missing links in the hydrogen ecosystem: issues such as the energyefficiency and economics of liquefaction plants and decentralised production, the need for new shipping
“It is not too late. Australia can transform its energy security position from vulnerability to resilience and self-reliance. Taking a proactive approach to Australia’s relationship and need for liquid fuel will not only shield our country, but also unlock new opportunities for domestic industry, job creation and technological innovation.
terminals, the problem of long-term storage, and boil-off management in long-distance transportation, as well as the substantial requirement for fresh water, must be addressed before liquid hydrogen is a real alternative.
Australia’s current fuel production and reserves leave the nation vulnerable to global supply chain disruptions and geopolitical conflict, and pose a direct threat to economic stability and national security. This critical strategic blind spot requires a comprehensive and pragmatic energy security strategy that prioritises:
• Sovereign Oil Production: Accelerate the responsible development of Australia’s domestic oil resources, enabling new oil exploration.
• Increased Onshore Storage: Continue to stimulate investment in national in-country fuel reserves.
• Support for Domestic Refining: Implement policies that ensure the viability and expansion of Australia’s refining capabilities.
• Smart Investment in New Tech: Invest in proven liquid fuel alternatives such as biofuels or LNG as marine fuel, while setting up realistic expectations for future technologies, such as liquid hydrogen. It is not too late. Australia can transform its energy security position from vulnerability to resilience and self-reliance. Taking a proactive approach to Australia’s relationship and need for liquid fuel will not only shield our country, but also unlock new opportunities for domestic industry, job creation and technological innovation.
When PARC Engineering commenced operations from an aircraft hangar at Jandakot Airport in 2018, few could have predicted the trajectory that would unfold. What began as a two-person engineering and labour-hire outfit has evolved into one of Western Australia’s most formidable and diversified engineering contractors, now employing over 500 full-time staff and contractors across the state.
From humble beginnings, PARC systematically expanded its capabilities and market presence, establishing itself as a trusted partner across the resources, new energy and infrastructure sectors to become a leading player in construction services.
PARC’s founders saw huge opportunity to provide agile solutions to complex client problems. “Our journey has never been about simply growing a business,” reflects Daniel Debattista, Managing Director of PARC Engineering. “That’s the by-product. It’s been about creating a meaningful impact – for our people, clients and the communities in which we operate.”
Today, that impact is evident in every facet of PARC’s evolution. From expanding their plant and equipment assets to over 400 pieces of equipment to diversifying into new markets and commodities, the company has tactically and methodically built out its core capabilities to greater service the needs of heavy industry.
Building on that foundation of becoming a diversified construction player, PARC has now set its sights on one of Australia’s most critical sectors: defence infrastructure. This strategic expansion into defence represents a natural evolution for PARC’s comprehensive capability suite. Their vertically integrated approach
aligns perfectly with the complex, multidisciplinary nature of defence projects.
PARC’s financial strength and operational maturity support ambitious growth aspirations across all sectors, including their emerging defence portfolio. With extensive experience delivering on some of WA’s most iconic projects, from complex mining installations, to enabling new forms of energy, to critical infrastructure, PARC brings battle-tested construction expertise.
As Australia’s defence capabilities continue expanding, PARC Engineering stands ready to support the nation’s security infrastructure requirements with the same excellence that has driven their remarkable growth journey.
The company’s resilience is equally compelling. PARC has transformed challenges into strategic advantages, hence the company mantra: ‘Built for the Challenge’. When confronted with project management complexities, they didn’t just adapt – they revolutionised.
Investing in cutting-edge project management software, they created real-time reporting systems that ensure transparency and efficiency. That also enabled the business to achieve both federal Building and Construction Safety accreditations as well as ISO 9001, ISO 14001 and ISO 45001 accreditation, which has proven a crucial factor in their ability to scale rapidly.
PARC’s strength lies in its ability to offer
PARC Engineering stands ready to support Australia’s security infrastructure requirements with the same levels of excellence, teamwork and communication that have truly made PARC ‘Built for the Challenge’. Supplied.
clients value across the full project lifecycle with services including engineering, design and project management; civil earthworks and site preparation; inground services and trenching; concrete works; structural mechanical piping; Electrical & Instrumentation (E&I); plant, equipment and labour hire; solar and renewable energy installations; shutdowns and maintenance services; commissioning and decommissioning.
Their capabilities span three core sectors:
• Minerals and Resources: supporting mining clients as they transition to decarbonised operations, PARC enables responsible extraction of critical materials for a sustainable future.
• New Energy: from lithium to hydrogen, PARC helps energy companies embrace cleaner alternatives through innovative project delivery.
• Infrastructure: delivering roads, rail, energy and defence infrastructure with a holistic, cross-sector approach that sees the full picture – not just the parts.
With a reputation built on project delivery and a culture of adaptability, PARC Engineering is ready to take on the next wave of construction challenges. Whether it’s powering the energy transition, building tomorrow’s infrastructure or supporting Australia’s defence readiness, PARC brings the experience, capability and vision to deliver.
parcengineering.com
INFRASTRUCTURE & DEFENCE
When Australia’s national security demands unwavering precision, there’s zero room for compromise. What started in 2018 as two visionaries in an aircraft hangar has today forged into a 500+ strong team of mission-critical construction professionals who turn the ‘challenging’ into the ‘predictable’. PARC has earned a reputation of project delivery through vertically integrated capabilities – from initial earthworks right through to construction and commissioning services – PARC are a trusted industry partner to deliver across the full lifecycle of defence projects.
So when your defence project is ready to go, we’re built for the challenge.
By Emma Kelly, Associate Editor,
Sustainable aviation fuel (SAF) has a huge role to play in the aviation industry’s ambitions of net zero carbon emissions by 2050. Australia is seeking to participate in SAF production, not just for decarbonisation, but also for fuel security, with the country currently reliant on imported liquid fuel (LF).
With CO2 emissions from SAF up to 80% lower than fossil-based jet fuel, SAF has the potential to account for 65% of the aviation industry’s net zero efforts, according to the International Air Transport Association (IATA). SAF is being produced from a variety of feedstock and processes, including Hydrotreated Esters and Fatty Acids (HEFA) technology using vegetable oils and animal fats; alcohol-to-jet (AtJ) SAF from plant-based alcohol; and e-fuels from green hydrogen and captured carbon dioxide.
Progress in widescale SAF production has been slow, however, since the first test flight using biojet fuel conducted by Virgin Atlantic in 2008. In 2025, IATA expects SAF production to reach two million tonnes – just 0.7% of global jet fuel use.
It is vital for Australia to create a domestic lowcarbon LF supply, including SAF, to ensure fuel security, with the country having the feedstock to do so. “With 91% of LF imported, limited domestic stockholdings, and vulnerable supply chains reliant on geopolitical stability, the nation faces growing risks to its energy resilience,” says national organisation GrainGrowers. “In times of crisis or conflict, securing a reliable, sovereign fuel supply is not just an economic necessity, it is a matter of national security,” it adds.
Australia’s LF primarily comes from North- and South-East Asia. “This dependence on imported fuel, paired with the geographic concentration of supply routes and sources, underscores a critical vulnerability in Australia’s national defence framework,” says GrainGrowers.
Australia has an abundance of crops suitable for biofuel production, including canola and sorghum, but 70% is exported, with GrainGrowers calling for a National Feedstock Strategy.
Bioenergy Australia’s Securing our Fuel Future report also warned that Australia’s heavy reliance on imported fuel and shrinking domestic refining capacity left the nation increasingly exposed to global supply shocks and rising costs. Some 65% of the fuel Australia imports comes from just three countries, while domestic refining capacity has shrunk to 14bn litres, it says.
The Clean Energy Finance Corporation estimates an Australian low-carbon LF industry could be worth $36bn by 2050, while the CSIRO SAF Roadmap, published in 2023 in collaboration with Boeing, estimated that Australia has sufficient biomass feedstocks to supply more than half of domestic jet fuel demand.
Despite considerable talk of Australia’s potential over decades, progress has been slow. Numerous SAF projects are under way, however, propelled by funding and industry support.
Commonwealth Government commitment is set to accelerate developments, with the Albanese Government in September announcing a $1.1bn investment in a new ten-year Cleaner Fuels Program designed to stimulate private investment in Australian onshore production of low- carbon LF, including SAF.
“Low-carbon fuels have the potential to be a $36bn industry here in Australia, and we have the opportunity to lead the way on the production of these new fuels,” says Acting Minister for Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development and Local Government, Murray Watt. “We have the renewable feedstocks, access to clean energy and a strong agriculture base, all of which will allow us to develop this new industry, create new jobs and power how Australians move for decades to come,” he adds.
Australia already has two billion litres’ worth of clean fuel projects in the pipeline, many of which are ready to scale up production, says Minister for Climate Change and Energy, Chris Bowen, with the government anticipating production of ‘drop-in’ cleaner fuels by 2029.
The funding package details will be established through public consultation and design work this financial year, with grants to be awarded through a competitive process.
Bioenergy Australia, the national industry association committed to accelerating Australia’s
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Australia has an abundance of crops suitable for biofuel production, including canola and sorghum, but 70% is exported, with GrainGrowers calling for a National Feedstock Strategy.
Australian airlines are involved in numerous projects to establish local feedstocks and production. Seen here, the Virgin Australia-Qatar Airways involvement in the Charters Towers project trial farm located 140km inland from Townsville, is a fully integrated production site, using bioethanol extracted from locally grown sugarcane, and recycling waste from the SAF production process, to generate renewable power.
Source: Virgin Australia.
bio economy, and the Low Carbon Fuels Alliance of Australia and New Zealand (LCFAANZ), which represents more than 300 stakeholders across the fuel value chain, welcomed the investment package.
“This investment changes the game for Australia’s homegrown low-carbon fuel industry and our energy security. It sets the foundation for a cleaner, more resilient economy – supporting jobs, sparking innovation and providing hard-to-abate sectors with the affordable, sustainable fuels they need to reach net zero,” says Shahana McKenzie, LCFAANZ founder and CEO of Bioenergy Australia. The move is a clear sign to global investors that Australia is committed to lowcarbon fuels, while it is a turning point for industry. “It gives companies the confidence to invest, innovate and build here in Australia, using our enormous feedstock potential to build a clean energy future,” says McKenzie.
A number of projects have already progressed, thanks to the Australian Renewable Energy Agency (ARENA)’s SAF Funding Initiative, which has awarded $33.5m to five projects to support domestic SAF production since the initiative was established in 2023. Licella and Viva Energy are the latest beneficiaries, receiving $8m and $2.4m, respectively.
Licella’s Project Swift is aiming to develop a refinery in Bundaberg, Queensland, for the production of SAF from sugarcane residue. Project Swift will use Licella’s
The Clean Energy Finance Corporation estimates an Australian low- carbon LF industry could be worth $36bn by 2050, while the CSIRO SAF Roadmap, published in 2023 in collaboration with Boeing, estimated that Australia has sufficient biomass feedstocks to supply more than half of domestic jet fuel demand.
Local airlines are backing projects, keen to secure supply. Jet Zero is one of numerous initiatives Qantas has invested in as it aims for 10% SAF use by 2030 and 60% by 2050.
proprietary Cat-HTR hydrothermal liquefaction (HTL) technology to convert sugarcane residues into lowcarbon LF. The facility is expected to produce up to 60m litres annually, including around 40m litres of SAF. Engineering and feasibility studies are under way, with Final Investment Design targeted for the second half of 2026.
Viva’s SAF Infrastructure Solutions for the Future project is aiming to recondition an existing fuel tank at its Pinkenba Terminal in Queensland for the supply of SAF blended fuel to Brisbane Airport for commercial use.
The most advanced SAF initiative in the country, Jet Zero Australia’s Project Ulysses is aiming to establish a bio-ethanol SAF facility in Townsville to produce 102m litres of SAF annually by 2028 using LanzaJet’s AtJ technology. Industry partners include Qantas and Airbus.
Jet Zero has also partnered Aperion Bioenergy in Project Mandala, which is sourcing feedstocks to produce SAF via the HEFA method. Jet Zero acknowledges that large amounts of agriculture-based feedstock will be required to build a domestic biofuels industry and is investing in crop varieties most suited to Australia. Among those are pongamia, a droughttolerant oilseed native tree, with Jet Zero establishing a trial plantation in Central North Queensland.
Local airlines are backing projects, keen to secure supply. Jet Zero is one of numerous initiatives Qantas has invested in as it aims for ten per cent SAF use by 2030 and 60% by 2050.
Virgin Australia’s SAF initiatives include Renewable Developments Australia’s North Queensland-based project to develop an ethanol-to-jet facility that converts bioethanol from sugarcane, aiming to produce up to 96m litres per annum from early 2029.
With all Australian Defence Force aircraft certified to run on SAF, the ADF is also keen to secure local supply. A 12-month pilot programme using SAF is currently under way at RAAF Base East Sale. “Domestic SAF production will bolster resilience in Australia’s LF sector and play a crucial role in the feasibility of incorporating SAF into Defence supply chains,” says Commander Joint Logistics, MAJGEN Carla Watts.
“Australia has a compelling competitive advantage in infrastructure, technical expertise and the availability of raw materials necessary to develop a renewable fuels capability,” says Matt Halliday, Managing Director and CEO of petroleum company
With all Australian Defence Force aircraft certified to run on SAF, the ADF is also keen to secure local supply. A 12-month pilot programme using SAF is currently under way at RAAF Base East Sale. “Domestic SAF production will bolster resilience in Australia’s LF sector and play a crucial role in the feasibility of incorporating SAF into Defence supply chains,” says Commander Joint Logistics, MAJGEN Carla Watts.
Ampol, which has partnered with GrainCorp and global fund manager IFM Investors to establish a renewable fuels industry in Australia, focused at Ampol’s Lytton Refinery in Queensland using GrainCorp feedstocks. The partners are targeting 2030 to produce 450m litres of renewable fuels annually using HEFA and biogenic fats and oils feedstocks such as tallow and used cooking and vegetable oil from crops such as canola.
HAMR Energy is seeking funding for a large-scale methanol-to-jet fuel production facility in South Australia or Victoria. Methanol would be produced from forestry residues and hydrogen, with the aim of producing 125m litres of SAF annually.
Much of Australia’s SAF activity is based in Queensland, which is seeking to capitalise on the availability of feedstock, backed by considerable State Government support.
To accelerate developments in WA, in October the Cook Government announced a $1.2m investment to develop an Advanced Biofuels Strategy. The move is designed to ensure WA can secure biofuel opportunities and attract investment in biofuel projects. Western Australia has ready supplies of feedstock, including oat, wheat and barley stubble, as well as canola and woody biomass from mallees and blue gums.
Churchill Capital Consulting (trading as SIA) will deliver the Advanced Biofuels Strategy, supported by a comprehensive economic analysis of WA’s biomass feedstocks, supply chains and technology pathways, to
be provided by GHD.
“Alongside the Australian Government’s investments to accelerate the use and supply of low carbon LF, the Advanced Biofuel Strategy will establish Western Australia as a leader in the biofuels industry –delivering economic, environmental and community benefits in the regions,” says Agriculture and Food Minister Jackie Jarvis.
In Western Australia, late last year, the State Government approved BP’s plans to establish a renewable fuels facility at its Kwinana refinery. The Kwinana Renewable Fuels project planned to produce SAF from 2027, but in early 2025, BP decided to “rephase” the project. “BP is continuing work on its vision for the Kwinana Energy Hub, which includes the H2 Kwinana renewable hydrogen project and the rephased development of its Kwinana Renewable Fuels project at a pace aligned with customer demand and government policy,” the company says. The Kwinana Energy Hub continues to operate as a fuel import terminal.
Renewable.bio, meanwhile, had proposed a biofuels facility in Esperance, using biomass feedstock derived from existing and future forestry residues and the AtJ process.
The multitude of pieces are finally falling into place to allow Australia to establish a domestic low-carbon LF industry, reducing its existing vulnerability and ensuring it can play a part in a clean energy future.
By Serge DeSilvaRanasinghe, Principle Editor WA DEFENCE REVIEW
From its modest beginnings in 2010 as a local electrical contractor, EIG Australia has grown into a leading provider of critical infrastructure solutions for the resources and defence sectors across Western Australia. On 28 August, WA DEFENCE REVIEW had the opportunity to interview Daniel Johnson, Managing Director of EIG Australia, for an exclusive conversation about the company’s remarkable journey. The interview explores the story of EIG’s evolution and the company’s unique culture that sets it apart in a demanding industry, before looking to the future, including the recent acquisition by ASX-listed Duratec Limited, and what that means for EIG’s ongoing mission to deliver excellence, resilience and trusted service to Defence.
To start, please tell us about the background of EIG and how it came to be such a prominent player in its area of expertise.
EIG’s journey began in 2010 as an electrical contractor delivering commercial and industrial projects across WA. From those humble beginnings, the company evolved to specialise in complex electrical fluid transfer systems, supporting critical infrastructure in both the resources and defence sectors.
By 2012, EIG had extended its capabilities into hydrocarbons, delivering electrical and fuel infrastructure projects for major miners through prime contractors. With that technical depth, EIG secured its first Defence contract in 2014, an electrical and hazardous area upgrade at a naval fuel facility. That project marked the start of a long-standing commitment to Defence. Over the past decade, EIG has forged strong relationships with key Defence agencies and established a reputation as a trusted contractor.
Today, EIG can proudly say it has been directly involved in building or upgrading over 90% of the Defence fuel infrastructure in Western Australia. From naval bases to air force facilities, EIG has consistently delivered the upgrades, expansions and compliance works that underpin the nation’s operational readiness.
A turning point came in 2015, when changes in the fuel construction market opened an opportunity for EIG to employ specialist mechanical staff. This move transformed the business into a turnkey designand-construct contractor, capable of handling the full life cycle of Defence fuel and electrical projects. That capability was further reinforced in 2017-18 with the successful delivery of a major bulk fuel and lube facility for a leading miner, which further
showcased the company’s hydrocarbon expertise and its scalability.
From 2019 to 2024, EIG expanded its Defence footprint significantly. Major upgrades across naval and air bases, combined with ISO triple certification (ISO 9001, ISO 45001, ISO 14001), have underlined the company’s maturity in quality, safety and environmental performance.
EIG today is firmly established as a multidisciplined Defence partner, with proven experience across naval, air force and army facilities. With a highly skilled team of engineers, project managers and trades personnel, the company continues to evolve into one of WA’s most trusted sovereign contractors for Defence fuel and energy infrastructure.
Today, EIG can proudly say it has been directly involved in building or upgrading over 90% of the Defence fuel infrastructure in Western Australia. From naval bases to air force facilities, EIG has consistently delivered the upgrades, expansions and compliance works that underpin the nation’s operational readiness.
That is impressive! What sets apart EIG in the defence sector in Western Australia? What facts would you like WA industry more broadly to be aware of?
Many small-to-medium enterprises (SMEs) claim to have a point of difference, some special edge that sets them apart from their competitors. In reality, a lot of those claims sound remarkably similar.
For EIG Australia, what makes us unique goes beyond our specialist services in fuel and electrical infrastructure. Our real difference is our people, our culture and our resilience. We’ve built a team defined by honesty, kindness and work ethic. The management at EIG doesn’t just hire for skill, they foster a certain pedigree of person: those who are principled, dependable and driven by a never-say-die attitude.
Our culture is one of support and confidence. Every team member knows they’re backed by their peers and leaders and that belief translates directly into how we deliver for Defence and industry. In hazardous fuel infrastructure projects or working on critical Defence facilities, technical expertise is essential, but it’s that unshakable confidence in the team beside you that makes the difference between good and exceptional outcomes.
That’s what truly sets EIG apart. It’s not just the infrastructure we build, the pipelines we deliver, or the power systems we commission, it’s the people behind it all and the culture that drives them to keep showing up, solving problems and delivering, no matter the challenge.
The defence sector can be a challenging industry to enter, operate and thrive within. What has been EIG’s experience?
Over the past decade, working in the defence sector has taught us a great deal, lessons that go well beyond project delivery.
The first is patience and persistence. As an SME, entering and sustaining a presence in Defence isn’t easy. The pathways can be complex, the compliance requirements intense, and the stakes incredibly high; resilience and consistency matter. By showing up, delivering what we promised, and building trust project by project, EIG has earned its place as a reliable partner.
The second is to understand the system you’re working in. Defence is a federal organisation and by nature it is cautious and reluctant to take risks by engaging directly with SMEs. The reality is that you need to adapt your approach: align with prime contractors, grow your brand through delivery and build your capability step by step alongside trusted partners. For us, that alignment has been key to sustaining our defence journey.
Relationships matter, so always be fair and reasonable; the defence industry is smaller than it looks. A competitor today may be a collaborator tomorrow and burning bridges only limits your own opportunities.
Another critical lesson is that ‘business is people’. Behind every project, every compliance requirement and every contract negotiation are individuals navigating the same challenges you are. We’ve learnt that treating people well and respecting the pressures they face makes all the difference in building long-term, productive relationships.
Finally, adaptability and honesty have carried us through. Defence projects demand flexibility, but they also demand integrity. Owning up when challenges arise, being transparent in delivery, and sticking by our commitments have been the foundation of the trust we’ve built over the last decade.
Those lessons of patience, trust, alignment with primes, respect for competitors, adaptability and, above all, the ability to treat people well, have shaped who we are today. They’re not just a business strategy, they’re values that continue to guide EIG in its defence journey today.
EIG has established a dominant market position in Western Australia’s defence sector and is strongly positioned for future growth. Seen in that light, the sale of EIG to Duratec heralds a new era in the company’s fortunes. What does that mean for the company’s outlook?
The past 15 years have led us to a pivotal moment: the full acquisition of EIG Australia by Duratec Limited, a defence prime contractor and ASX-listed company.
It wasn’t a transaction born of chance; it was the natural progression of a relationship forged in the field. Over the last ten years, EIG worked alongside Duratec on dozens of critical Defence projects. Together, we built not just a record of delivery, but a foundation of trust, reliability and respect. Aligning formally was simply the next logical step.
The next 12 months will be about continuity and growth. Continuity, in the sense that the same people, values and culture Defence has trusted for more than a decade remain at the heart of EIG. Growth, in the sense that our partnership with Duratec gives us the platform to do even more: bigger projects, broader support and deeper engagement with Defence.
Integration will strengthen our systems and scale our delivery, while retaining the culture and resilience that define us. Together with Duratec, we can now offer Defence a stronger sovereign capability, combining specialised expertise with broader Defence infrastructure delivery. The acquisition is not the end of EIG’s story. eigaustralia.com.au
By Jason McFarlane, Director, WA GreenTech Hub
Western Australia’s energy future is inseparable from its broader economic and strategic security. As the state accelerates towards net zero targets, navigates global supply chain shifts and strengthens sovereign capabilities, innovation in energy systems will be key to sustaining economic competitiveness and national resilience.
The WA GreenTech Innovation Hub was established to catalyse this innovation. Hosted by Curtin University, and supported by the WA Government and the Gorgon Joint Venture, the Hub is advancing innovation, commercialisation and technology development to help build a sustainable, low-carbon future. As a whole-of-state initiative, it brings together communities, enterprises and investors from across the public and private sectors, fostering collaboration through a systems-based approach.
The Hub delivers targeted Innovation Challenges that match pressing industry and community
needs with new technologies, business models and ideas. It builds capacity by developing the skills, capabilities and pathways that enable WA’s workforce and enterprises to thrive in the emerging green economy. It also strengthens the wider ecosystem by enhancing networks, infrastructure and institutional relationships, creating the conditions for scalable solutions that drive long-term impact.
These areas are interconnected. Early-stage challenge activity can build capabilities and partnerships that, over time, enable WA to realise more complex, strategic opportunities. In turn, a stronger ecosystem supports more rapid adoption and deployment of proven solutions.
In early August 2025, the WA GreenTech Hub was formally launched with the mission to strengthen local capability and capacity in green technologies and services. As a stand-alone facility, the Hub, operated by Curtin University, is set to leverage expertise and oversee collaborations between government, industry, academia, and the community by hosting innovation challenges and Curtin’s Accelerate Program. Supplied.
The Hub’s inaugural innovation challenge, The Long Game Challenge, is underway. It focuses on Long Duration Energy Storage (LDES) technologies that are capable of storing energy for ten hours or more, which are critical to enabling a stable, reliable and decarbonised power system.
While short-duration battery systems help smooth brief supply-demand fluctuations, they aren’t sufficient for longer gaps when renewable output drops. In WA’s unique energy landscape, marked by vast distances, isolated grids and heavy industrial loads, LDES enables greater renewable penetration, lower system costs and enhanced resilience for remote and defence-relevant operations.
The Challenge is designed to surface and accelerate solutions that match identified Western Australian use cases, such as: energy-intensive industries including industrial clusters and digital infrastructure, remote
“Energy resilience is an increasing strategic priority for defence and national security. Reliable power generation, storage and distribution – even in contested or disrupted conditions – underpins operational capability. In WA, as a logistics and operations hub for northern and Indian Ocean deployments, strengthening civilian and defence energy systems is clearly aligned.
and regional microgrids, grid flexibility, and digital enablers of battery business models that can unlock real-world deployment.
Shortlisted solutions will be invited to present to a cross-section of industry, investors, government agencies and researchers. High-potential technologies will then enter a tailored “Deployment Phase” program, where the Hub will work alongside solution providers to map WA-specific leverage points and advance pathways to market.
Energy resilience is an increasing strategic priority for defence and national security. Reliable power generation, storage and distribution – even in contested or disrupted conditions – underpins operational capability. In WA, as a logistics and operations hub for northern and Indian Ocean deployments, strengthening civilian and defence energy systems is clearly aligned.
By fostering local capability in LDES and related systems, the Hub’s work can help ensure that future energy solutions are technically robust in extreme environments, adaptable to Western Australian remote, off-grid and hybrid energy systems, and sovereign in supply chain and IP ownership, reducing reliance on vulnerable imports.
If you have an innovative LDES solution that aligns with WA’s use cases, challenge submissions open on 1 September 2025. The Long Game Challenge welcomes startups, established companies, researchers and consortia from Australia and internationally.
Visit www.greentechwa.com to learn more about the Challenge, submit your solution and connect with the Hub!
By Ross Louthean,
Sector
Rare earths were overlooked for decades by Australian explorers and politicians, and possibly defence strategists, after we and other allied nations woke up to the fact that China virtually controlled these specialist metal markets. Right now, we need an ambassador to promote our enormous scope to provide the Western world with rare earths and specialty metals, and leading that charge should be someone of a renowned calibre.
With the stock market now sagging for junior explorers on the Australian Securities Exchange, with the exception of gold seekers and other cost-efficient miners, it is now time for the industry to set up a public body, with a significant figurehead. In addition, as Australia aims to transform into a major producer of rare earths, it will be increasingly important to see greater networking with defence officials and allies to help facilitate the way forward.
Hon Kim Beazley is widely regarded as having been one of the most impactful defence ministers Australia has produced and, at the 2024 Diggers & Dealers conference in Kalgoorlie, he delivered a keynote speech that revved up the industry in a climate in which rare-earth explorers were already mushrooming. In his address at this leading mining convention, he noted that the global rare-earths industry was only worth about $1.5bn, although it was vital to more than $7tn $7-trillion worth of other industries.
Beazley emphasised the particular importance
of heavy rare-earth elements like dysprosium and terbium, which are essential for the magnets used in electric vehicle motors and defence technologies. With China dominating the market, he made it clear that Australia may be the only real potential competitor, highlighting both the scale of the challenge and the unique opportunity.
Only months after that presentation, however, some rare-earth juniors left the investor list and, by mid-2025, many were penny dreadfuls and, like other juniors, including new lithium floats, had now a begging bowl or an eye out for a merger. This decline came at a particularly concerning time, as the world was waking up to just how strategically important rare-earth minerals have become.
In March this year, Beazley featured in a documentary on rare earths by Channel Nine’s 60 Minutes when he pointed out that rare earths were in 3400 pieces of US weaponry and that Russia and Ukraine were regularly using rare-earth-reliant weapons against each other in the ongoing conflict. Beazley’s comments in the program further underscore the problem that China’s now monopoly on rare-earth production is seeing countries source rare metals from a country we do not trust.
The surge of Australians moving into rare-earth prospecting at home and in areas of South America and Africa highlights the ambition Australia has. Some seasoned analysts warn, however, that commerciality is being impeded by rising costs in Australia, with higher power costs and groceries also taking a toll.
While China is still well ahead of Australia on rare earths, it must be cursing our progress and enormous potential. Indeed, China has undermined our pitch in recent years within the nickel sector by financing pig nickel projects around Weda Bay in Indonesia that benefit from low running costs and minimal environmental and safety legislation. The lax standards, combined with cheap wages, could turn parts of Indonesia into a chemical quagmire and kill off regional fisheries, while towns in Western Australia – like the former nickel capital Kambalda – are left to gather dust. The influx of cheap, low-quality nickel has effectively killed off Australia’s quality underground sulphide nickel mines.
With the stock market now sagging for junior explorers on the Australian Securities Exchange, with the exception of gold seekers and other cost-efficient miners, it is now time for the industry to set up a public body, with a significant figurehead. In addition, as Australia aims to transform into a major producer of rare earths, it will be increasingly important to see greater networking with defence officials and allies to help facilitate the way forward.
Despite the tough time for juniors, our newly established rare-earth miners are putting Australia on the map and have attracted the US defence sector and other allies.
The Albanese Government is encouraging rareearth developments with incentives. For example, late last year Canberra increased a loan for Iluka Resources to $1.65bn. The funding will help build a refinery at Eneabba to process feedstocks both from Iluka’s
own mines and third-party suppliers, and to focus on critical elements such as neodymium, praseodymium, dysprosium and terbium. Iluka, which already dominates the mineral sands sector, has exceptional skills in mineral separation – skills that it will now apply to rare earths. With its deposits in WA, SA and Victoria – Iluka is positioned to become a major player in securing Australia’s place in global supply chains.
Then there is Lynas Rare Earths, another leader, which has the big Mt Weld deposit, a large processing plant in Kalgoorlie, new operations in the US and a new Malaysian plant. Its chief executive, Amanda Lacaze, says it could provide the industrial chemistry requirements for other Australian producers.
Other notable companies in the sector include: Hastings Technology which holds the large Yangibaba Range neodymium-praseodymium deposit and will supply carbonates to China’s Baotou Sky Rock for at least seven years; Lindian Resources, which has the Kangankunde project in Malawi and also a bauxite deposit in Guinea; Lanthanein Resources, which has projects in WA and SA; while Northern Minerals has long held the Brown Range deposit, south-east of Halls Creek and Boulder Ridge in the NT’s Tanami Desert.
For struggling junior rare-earth explorers, it might be a good time for allies linked to our defence industry to provide support and investment, because poorly defended mining assets could invite unwanted visitors.
By Tony Tang FAusIMM (CP-Met), MAICD, Chair, AusIMM Perth Branch
The Australasian Institute of Mining and Metallurgy (AusIMM) was founded in 1893 to advance professional practice in the resources industry for the benefit of the community. People are at the centre of AusIMM, working across geoscience, metallurgy, engineering, environmental management and community engagement. Our diverse and inclusive networks are focused on emerging, new and experienced professionals. These groups are supporting communities and assisting industry professionals to expand their networks and build their careers.
AusIMM members, who are considered leaders in their field, represent their colleagues by advising AusIMM on how to create a stronger community and professional development opportunities specific to a mining discipline or area of expertise.
With over 20 branches located around the world, these groups support members by creating fantastic networking opportunities and sharing knowledge at their face-to-face and online events. Our communities-of-interest groups host regular local events as well as online webinars to up-skill mining professionals and provide networking opportunities with like-minded professionals. The industry experts in each society plan and run relevant events and projects, and develop products for professionals in the mining industry.
Our university student chapters are part of our global community, with students from around the world working together to interact with peers, to network, and gain access to mentors in the mining industry to broaden their career opportunities. Moreover, our Education Endowment Fund scholarship, mentoring program and Young Professional Leaders’ Summit engagements provide strong relationships and career development opportunities for our bright future workforce.
We welcome inclusive organisations, and support our members in around 100 countries as they build professional careers in the sector and work to improve environmental, social and economic outcomes – now and for generations to come. Together we connect, celebrate, elevate and make tomorrow better.
Australia is one of a few countries endowed with rich mineral deposits that are in demand for the global energy transition to reduce climate impacts and emerging challenges. Both Commonwealth and state governments have been supportive of the Australian future economy, with further downstream processing and manufacturing taking place nationally. Australia is in a great position to be a global partner, by applying these services to climate challenges, and leading the way for direct decarbonisation and the supply of green energy.
One of the key projects was very successful and created a commercial path for future processing and manufacturing industries for lithium batteries. Key examples include the Future Battery Industries Cooperative Research Centre and leadership of one of the key flagship projects in stages two and three ($15m and $1.5m respectively) of the Cathode Precursor Production Pilot Project.
The future of vertical integration of downstream processing, recycling, circularity of resources and smart manufacturing in Australia has become increasingly critical for the development of a strong national economy and solutions for climate challenges and a green energy transition. For Australia, it is in many ways a matter of strengthening national resilience and security.
The program uses feed materials from local refineries of battery feed chemical materials such as nickel, cobalt and manganese to produce lithium cathode precursor active materials (pCAM), nickel, cobalt and manganese chemistries such as 622 and 811, and nickel content for lithium batteries for electric vehicle and energy storage batteries.
The stage two campaign had continuous 24-hour operations for 15 months and an operational team of 40 members, including a number of postgraduate students. The team processed local materials and produced over 1,500kg of pCAM products that were comparable to commercial products and had excellent electrochemical performance.
The future of vertical integration of downstream processing, recycling, circularity of resources and smart manufacturing in Australia has become increasingly critical for the development of a strong national economy and solutions for climate challenges and a green energy transition. For Australia, it is in many ways a matter of strengthening national resilience and security.
To accomplish this requires strong and committed collaboration and cooperation from all community sectors: government, education and industry. The future is in our hands, and the right decisions and actions must be enacted now, together, to make our future better.
By Kyle De Souza, President, WA School of Mines Alumni
Australia’s capacity to discover, develop and operate its mineral resources is a strategic capability underpinning both economic strength (demand for Australian dollars), resilience (diversified commodities acting to counter cyclicality), and national security.
The sustained production of mining professionals through universities – geologists, mining engineers, metallurgists, surveyors – is essential to maintaining this capability, particularly as we stare down a commodities boom that is larger than the last super cycle.
The decline of mining-related enrolments in the United States and United Kingdom has directly contributed to the erosion of their domestic mining industries. Australia faces similar pressures and must act decisively to preserve its talent pipeline and reputation as a resources powerhouse.
To understand critical minerals, you have to understand the strategic leverage they have from an Australian context. Economically, mining exports are a core driver of Australia’s balance of trade, particularly iron ore, gold, coal, bauxite, lithium and rare earths. Geopolitically, critical minerals are essential to allied defence systems, renewable energy technologies and advanced manufacturing supply chains.
We’ve seen China use rare earths as a pinch point in China-USA tariff negotiations – and look at where that has ended up. Further, there is the Workforce Sovereignty perspective. Control over mineral resources depends on domestic technical expertise. Reliance on foreign professionals (academic and industrial) risks ceding operational control, intellectual property and economic value.
With the Australian context now framed, let’s look globally. Over the past 30 years, enrolments in mining engineering programs have dropped sharply. Several universities have closed mining departments entirely. Consequences include skilled labour shortages, project delays and reliance on overseas expertise – particularly acute in critical minerals supply chains.
The USA mining train smash is in motion. Across the pond, in the United Kingdom, once a global leader in mining education, the UK has seen the near-total collapse of its mining faculties. It coincided with the decline of its hard-rock mining industry, resulting in dependence on imports and foreign operators for resource development. The Camborne School of Mines (at the University of Exeter) reinstated its Mining Engineering program in 2024 after industry backlash. Both cases show that when mining education capacity is lost, industry capability follows. Rebuilding after collapse is slow, costly and, if left to rot, hard to reverse.
Zooming back into Australia – what does this mean from an education perspective? First, mining courses attract fewer students relative to other STEM disciplines, in part due to competition from the technology and finance sectors and negative perceptions of the industry.
Our sovereignty depends on the resources sector. Skills erosion will reduce the value proposition of investing in Australia. We will lose our economic independence and a core pillar of our nation. Our value to allies will reduce to geography only – and that is where we are most vulnerable. For those reasons, our national defence strategy cannot ignore the resources sector and the critical institutions and programs that keep it strong.
Metallurgical Engineering is the critical bottleneck in the system few are talking about, with fewer than 20 graduates a year Australia-wide. Further, only two universities offer Metallurgical Engineering in Australia. Metallurgy is not Chemical Engineering. It is not Process Engineering. It is a unique subset of the extraction process and needs to be treated as such and funded accordingly.
Now, let’s overlay the chronically underfunded education system. Universities are forced to rationalise ‘low-demand’ specialist programs, particularly in regional areas where industry linkages are strongest. The WA School of Mines is the last remaining regional mining education hub in Australia. Australia should follow the USA’s lead in introducing a ‘Mining Schools Act’ to protect the allocation of funding for institutions like this into perpetuity.
Without intervention, Australia could face skills shortages just as demand for critical minerals peaks, limiting our ability to secure supply chains in partnership with allies. Equity capital markets are not going to take on the risk of the exotic processing solutions required for some critical metals – the government needs to step in. No one makes money investing at the top of the cycle – we need to invest before the boom.
Which leads us to the solutions to the problem. First, we need to recognise mining education as a critical national capability within defence and economic security planning. Embed workforce targets for mining professionals and invest in the leadership capability of the sector. Just over 40% of metallurgists in Australia will be at retirement age in the next ten years. Just imagine the knowledge we are about to lose.
There are other ways to incentivise students. Offer scholarships and cadetships for students in miningrelated disciplines, linked to service in domestic industry. If it’s critical, should it be free? Support secondary school outreach to improve industry perception and STEM uptake through organisations like the WA School of Mines Alumni, CoRE Foundation and Get into Resources.
Third, we need to provide base funding to maintain and expand mining faculties (particularly
accommodation, which is now full in Kalgoorlie), keeping in mind the 3Bs: ‘Build it Before the Boom’. Incentivise practical research aligned with critical minerals (something done incredibly well by Curtin University’s WASM), automation and environmentally responsible mining methods. And that all has to be done within a business context: we need to remain competitive with industry and so need to increase base salaries (or offer tax incentives) to research professionals.
Last, we need to establish structured pathways (without reducing the quality thresholds) between study and employment to reduce attrition. We can support that by creating structures (including tax breaks) that support private donations to tertiary institutions to build Australian university endowments. As an example, Harvard University has US$52bn and Stanford University has US$38bn and each generate billions for the respective universities.
Our sovereignty depends on the resources sector. If we fail to act, we will see Australia’s security deteriorate and become vulnerable to those who seek to undermine the very spirit of our nation without firing a single shot. Skills erosion will reduce the value proposition of investing in Australia. Cost up, value down. We will lose our economic independence and a core pillar of our nation. Our value to allies will reduce to geography only – and that is where we are most vulnerable. For those reasons, our national defence strategy cannot ignore the resources sector and the critical institutions and programs that keep it strong.
The WA School of Mines Alumni is an independent body run by graduates of Curtin University’s WASM. All views and opinions are independent of Curtin University.
Australia’s defence industry capability depends on the strength and adaptability of its workforce. As global security challenges shift and national priorities evolve, there is a growing need for a workforce equipped with the right skills, available at the right time. South Metropolitan TAFE (SM TAFE) is at the forefront of meeting that need, partnering closely with defence industry employers to deliver tailored workforce solutions that align with industry requirements.
SM TAFE works in partnership with leading employers, including ASC, Austal, BAE Systems Australia, Civmec, Franmarine and IKAD Engineering, to develop training programs that reflect current and future workforce needs. Through ongoing strategic dialogue with our partners, SM TAFE ensures graduates are equipped with up-to-date, job-ready skills across key sectors such as shipbuilding, cybersecurity, advanced manufacturing, systems integration, underwater sustainment and logistics and supply chain management.
Partnerships are strengthened through the establishment of strategic roundtables and advisory committees through regular consultation, joint planning sessions and input into curriculum development, ensuring training is not only technically relevant but reflective of working environments and the standards expected by employers.
With the support of government, SM TAFE continues to invest in state-of-theart facilities and training equipment to provide students with practical, hands-on experience using technologies that align with industry standards.
“We don’t just train for today’s jobs, we collaborate with industry to anticipate and respond to emerging skills needs,
making sure the workforce is ready when opportunities arise,” says Andrew Widdis, Executive Director, Defence Industry Skills Centre of Excellence.
In 2024, SM TAFE was selected to lead the Defence Industry Skills Centre of Excellence, a joint initiative between the Australian and Western Australian Governments under the National Skills Agreement. The Centre is committed to working hand-in-hand with industry, TAFEs across the country, universities and government to ensure training delivery remains aligned with sector demands, while fostering collaboration and sharing best practice across jurisdictions.
At its core, the Centre supports the defence industry by facilitating relevant training and building a pipeline of skilled workers ready to step into critical roles as they emerge. Continued investment in SM TAFE’s infrastructure underpins that commitment, ensuring students gain experience in training environments that reflect real-world defence settings.
The Centre contributes strategically to national workforce planning, supporting policy dialogue and helping shape the future direction of skills development in the defence industry sector. Its work supports a more coordinated approach to meeting workforce demand across Australia’s growing defence capability.
“As a partner to the defence industry, SM TAFE adapts to changing sector
SM TAFE works in partnership with leading employers, including ASC, Austal, BAE Systems Australia, Civmec, Franmarine and IKAD Engineering, to grow the skills and develop training programs that reflect Australia’s current and future defence industry workforce needs. Supplied.
requirements and helps employers access the right skills, at the right time. We are proud to lead efforts to ensure industry has access to a highly skilled and adaptable workforce that meets their business needs,” said Darshi Ganeson, Managing Director, SM TAFE.
SM TAFE is committed to creating inclusive and accessible entry points into defence industry careers. By collaborating with secondary schools, Jobs and Skills Centres, and community organisations, SM TAFE raises awareness of training opportunities and makes pathways into the defence industry more visible and supported.
These partnerships encourage greater participation from women, First Nations people and career-changers, building a workforce that reflects the diversity of the Australian community.
Employers and students can turn to SM TAFE as a responsive, collaborative partner, delivering industry- aligned skills and supporting the professional pipelines needed to meet Australia’s evolving defence industry capability.
southmetrotafe.wa.edu.au
Through the Defence Industry Skills Centre of Excellence, South Metropolitan TAFE is leading the way in developing a skilled, job-ready workforce to support Australia’s sovereign defence capability.
In partnership with government and industry, we deliver innovative, nationally recognised training tailored to the defence industry’s current and emerging needs — including shipbuilding, cyber security, advanced welding, composites, maritime logistics, drone technology, automation, CNC operations and more.
Whether you’re recruiting skilled workers or upskilling your team, partner with South Metropolitan TAFE to drive innovation and strengthen Australia’s sovereign defence workforce.
The Defence Industry Skills Centre of Excellence is a joint initiative between the Australian and WA Governments.
By Gary Hale, Director of the National Resilience and Security Program Office, Curtin University
Western Australia has always been a place where industrial scale breeds innovation. The state that built the world’s largest LNG projects and iron ore mines, and pioneered driverless mining trucks, is now turning its attention to defence – where a once-in-a-century opportunity is unfolding.
With the redevelopment of the Henderson shipyard and the timeline to deliver nuclear submarine sustainment capability by the early 2030s, plus Austal being named as a second Australian Sovereign Shipbuilder, WA is fast emerging as the heart of Australia’s Continuous Naval Shipbuilding and Sustainment (CNSS) programs. The question is no longer if the state will play a central role, but how quickly it can scale the skills, technology, partnerships and, importantly, infrastructure, required to deliver on those programs.
During the resources boom from 2003 to 2013, WA attracted tens of billions of dollars in investment
Delivering on that ambition requires partnership. Curtin University is working closely with the WA Government, Defence and industry to accelerate the research, talent, infrastructure and training that will underpin Henderson becoming an internationally distinctive capability on the global shipbuilding and sustainment map.
to projects like Gorgon LNG and major iron ore expansions. Western Australia’s population grew by 15%, airport traffic tripled and, when the construction wave passed, the state didn’t slow down – it reinvented itself. Mining giants turned to robotics and automation, creating the world’s first industrial-scale autonomous haulage systems in the Pilbara region. That same capacity for construction and adaptation is now being applied to new frontiers. The billiondollar Square Kilometre Array (SKA) telescope in the Murchison region, for example, is advancing breakthroughs in antennas, signal processing and exascale computing. These are not just scientific pursuits aimed at understanding the beginnings of the universe – they are dual-use capabilities directly relevant to defence in sensing and tracking space objects, space weather, signals intelligence and electronic warfare.
At the centre of Western Australia’s defence transformation is the Henderson Precinct. As part of the Western Trade Coast, WA’s industrial powerhouse is focused on resources processing, energy, heavy industry, defence shipbuilding and sustainment, and emerging clean energy technologies – all strategically located with direct export access via Kwinana’s deepwater port facilities.
A study is now underway to establish a dedicated Defence precinct in Henderson, relocating and replicating the key features of the existing precinct. It will be expanded to handle more conventionally powered naval vessels by the late 2020s and, by the early 2030s, Henderson is scheduled to support both large-scale shipbuilding and conventionally armed nuclear-powered submarine sustainment capability, placing it among a handful of shipyards globally with that expertise.
The timeline sharpens the stakes. We have less than a decade to build the sovereign infrastructure and workforce that will underpin Australia’s role in AUKUS submarine sustainment and shipbuilding for generations to come.
Delivering on that ambition requires partnership. Curtin University is working closely with the WA Government, Defence and industry to accelerate the
research, talent, infrastructure and training that will underpin Henderson becoming an internationally distinctive capability on the global shipbuilding and sustainment map. It includes joint efforts on ship sustainment technologies, additive and advanced manufacturing, condition monitoring and nuclear skilling programs, along with enhanced robotics and automation integration that can drive digital shipyards of the future.
The model is clear: strategic investment that drives long-term collaboration in which universities feed innovation directly into industry and government priorities. It mirrors international exemplars, such as:
The University of Strathclyde’s National Manufacturing Institute (NMIS), in Scotland, which acts as a bridge between research and industry, helping to future-proof advanced manufacturing and sustainment capability for the UK.
MIT’s Lincoln Laboratory, a US innovation powerhouse where government-funded missions drive cutting-edge advances in sensing, AI and cybersecurity – technologies that later diffuse into industry and allied defence partners, and create new spin-outs and industry in the USA.
AUKUS and the wider CNSS program is not only about platforms – it is about people. More than 20,000 jobs will be created nationally over the next three decades, with at least 6000 in WA. Nuclear science, systems engineering, cyber and advanced manufacturing are just some of the skills in demand.
Curtin University is at the forefront of WA’s defence innovation, leading programs in advanced shipbuilding, digital shipyards, condition monitoring, autonomous systems and AI-driven decision optimisation platforms.
Local industry is already responding. H&B Defence has launched nuclear training micro-credentials, accredited through Curtin, while student pathways are being reshaped to deliver more engineers and technologists. Austal, ASC, Babcock and BAE are also generating their own programs, along with key players such as Henderson Alliance and AIDN-WA representing the key SMEs, with the aim of meeting both immediate workforce needs and the generational skills pipeline required for the submarine and wider CNSS programs.
It will, however, only work with an aligned set of initiatives covering blue-, grey- and white-collar workforce needs, with the innovation infrastructure also key to delivering this training.
But opportunity comes with urgency. The Henderson sustainment timeline is fixed, and the Indo-Pacific strategic environment will not wait. With the right investment and collaboration, Western Australia can once again do what it has always done best: deliver big, complex projects that change the game. The resources boom showed the world what Western Australia could achieve. The defence boom may yet prove to be its most consequential chapter.
Curtin University is at the forefront of WA’s defence innovation, leading programs in advanced shipbuilding, digital shipyards, condition monitoring, autonomous systems and AI-driven decision optimisation platforms. Our research in quantum sensing, hybrid communications and dual-use technologies, combined with nuclear training programs in partnership with H&B Defence and other aligned defence primes, is creating the next generation of engineers, project managers and logisticians to support the CNSS programs, including AUKUS sustainment.
Through integrated hubs linking industry, government and Defence, Curtin translates research into deployable solutions, while providing the infrastructure to support upskilling of the workforce. Leading initiatives like ‘Exercise Western Dawn’, in partnership with the Australian Army’s 13 Brigade, further showcases applied innovation, where students, researchers and industry rapidly develop prototypes
and solutions for real operational challenges facing the ADF.
Western Australia now finds itself at a pivotal moment. Its industrial heritage, strategic geography and innovation culture position it to be more than a regional contributor – it can become a global hub for naval and wider shipbuilding and sustainment, along with disruptive defence technologies.
But opportunity comes with urgency. The Henderson sustainment timeline is fixed, and the Indo-Pacific strategic environment will not wait. With the right investment and collaboration, Western Australia can once again do what it has always done best: deliver big, complex projects that change the game. The resources boom showed the world what Western Australia could achieve. The defence boom may yet prove to be its most consequential chapter. research.curtin.edu.au/research-areas/nationalresilience-and-security
Curtin University is an innovative, global university known for its high-impact research, strong industry partnerships and commitment to preparing job ready graduates for the future. The National Resilience and Security (NRAS) Program Office aims to consolidate Curtin’s defence and space collaborations, creating a centralised hub responsive to Australia’s defence challenges, including technological innovation and workforce development. Through NRAS, Curtin leverages its interdisciplinary expertise and strategic partnerships to actively help shape the narratives of defence, national security and space within Australia, while also contributing to the nation’s economic prosperity. To explore new ideas and learn more about partnering with Curtin University contact us at NRAS@curtin.edu.au.
Western Australia’s defence sector is growing — and so is the demand for skilled, passionate talent.
At Programmed, we have hundreds of motivated university and vocational students ready to contribute to your workplace through our Defence Industry Internship and Graduate Scholarship (DIIGS) program — and we’re looking for host employers in Western Australia to help them get started.
Whether you’re a large defence prime or an innovative SME, hosting a student provides your business with early access to future talent while making a lasting contribution to Australia’s sovereign defence capability.
Work Integrated Learning (WIL) ‘Taster’ Scholarship: Short-term placements for 1st and 2nd-year university and VET students, lasting 6 to 12 weeks.
Internship Program: Tailored placements of 10 to 26 weeks for students in their final years of study.
Graduate Program:
A 12-month, full-time program for recent graduates with defencerelated qualifications.
“I fully recommend the DIIGS program to other employers. It’s a great way to get new talent into your business.”
Matt Crighton Human Resources Manager, Bend-tech
Our candidates come from a wide range of in-demand fields — ready to contribute and grow with your business. Core areas include:
• Engineering
• Cyber Security & Information Technology
• Project Management
• Business
• Commerce
• Marketing & Communications
• HR
• Finance
• Logistics
Need support in another area? We’re happy to help source talent tailored to your needs.
• Up to $8500 in government incentives
• Flexible placements to suit your capacity and focus
• Pre-screened candidates aligned with Defence industry needs
• Motivated candidates and dedicated support from Programmed
• Boost workforce diversity with additional student incentives offered
After earning a double major in Genetics and Biomedical Science from Murdoch University, Raihan found limited opportunities in his field. So, he made a bold move — pivoting into tech.
He enrolled at South Metro TAFE to study IT programming, progressing from a Certificate IV to a Diploma, determined to break into the fast-paced world of technology.
That’s when a classmate introduced him to DIIGs — and a new pathway emerged.
“The opportunity to connect with a defence contractor through DIIGs was invaluable,” Raihan says.
In March 2024, Raihan began an internship with Griffin Marine Services, impressing his team and quickly transitioning into a graduate placement. Now, he’s contributing to critical data initiatives across Griffin’s operations, making a real impact in defence.
From science to software — Raihan’s story shows what’s possible with the right skills and the right opportunity.
We make hosting simple. You provide the opportunity — we handle the rest.
Contact us today to find out how your organisation can get involved.
Email DIIGS@programmed.com.au
By Michele Clement, Director, Defence Engagement, Edith Cowan University
Having been part of Western Australia’s defence ecosystem for many years, I joined Edith Cowan University (ECU) early in 2025. I came in with curiosity and a sense of direction, and what I found is a university confidently stepping into the role of national enabler. With its strengths in engineering, cybersecurity and applied research, ECU is producing workforce-ready graduates, cutting-edge innovation and strategic partnerships that directly support national defence and security objectives.
ECU is leaning forward in support of the continuous naval shipbuilding and sustainment effort. Through its engineering and project management program, ECU is producing graduates with the technical and leadership skills needed to build and sustain Australia’s maritime defence capability. These programs are designed in close collaboration with industry, ensuring alignment with real-world requirements and future workforce needs.
The university is playing a critical role in supporting Australia’s expanding submarine program. ECU’s curriculum is evolving to meet the demands of nuclear readiness, autonomous systems and multi-domain operations, ensuring graduates are equipped to support complex defence missions across land, sea, air and cyber domains.
Widely recognised as a national leader in cybersecurity education, ECU’s cybersecurity research and education team are ranked among the top in Australia and within the global top 10.
Widely recognised as a national leader in cybersecurity education, ECU’s cybersecurity research and education team are ranked among the top in Australia and within the global top ten. The University’s bespoke cyber warfare training for Army personnel is a standout example of how ECU is directly enhancing national defence capability.
In what will be one of the biggest moves yet, ECU City Campus is opening in 2026 and will redefine higher education in Western Australia. This bold new home for tech, creativity and industry will bring together over 10,000 students and staff, energising the
Perth CBD and shaping the future of learning, culture and innovation.
ECU researchers are tackling some of defence’s most complex problems. The ParaVerse project, for example, is a virtual environment that enables immersive training, operational modelling and scenario testing. It allows defence personnel to rehearse missions and test strategies in a safe, highfidelity digital twin of real-world environments.
In the underwater domain, ECU is advancing communication technologies that overcome the limitations of traditional signal propagation in saline, high-pressure environments. These innovations are vital for submarine coordination and safety, areas of growing strategic importance.
In a landmark collaboration, ECU has partnered with Fraunhofer IKTS, Europe’s leading institute for ceramic technologies, to establish Western Australia’s
In what will be one of the biggest moves yet, ECU City Campus is opening in 2026 and will redefine higher education in Western Australia. This bold new home for tech, creativity and industry will bring together over 10,000 students and staff, energising the Perth CBD and shaping the future of learning, culture and innovation.
first research and innovation lab focused on ceramics, hydrogen and non-destructive testing (NDT).
The NDT capabilities being developed are particularly relevant to defence, enabling efficient inspection of submarine, ship and aerospace components without damaging them; critical for maintaining the integrity and safety of defence assets.
The lab will serve as a training ground for students, offering hands-on experience with advanced technologies and strengthening the pipeline of skilled professionals entering the defence and energy sectors.
ECU is also making waves in the space domain through its leadership in the IGNIS mission,
a collaborative project with NASA and several Australian universities. The mission explores how lightning can trigger bushfires, an issue of growing concern in Australia’s changing climate.
The mission includes airborne lightning tracking using advanced sensors and satellite deployment to low Earth orbit. It will ultimately contribute to a deep-space mission to Jupiter and its moon, Io.
Beyond the science, IGNIS is inspiring the next generation of engineers, through a student intern program that gets high schoolers involved in real space projects.
ECU’s alignment with defence isn’t only academic, it is cultural. With many veterans in academic and professional roles, the university reflects a genuine commitment to supporting the defence sector through lived experience and deep sector understanding.
At ECU we are delivering on the promise to be “world ready” and “where inspiration begins”. Our partnerships with industry, government and global research leaders are creating a powerful ecosystem of innovation and capability.
For stakeholders seeking a forward-thinking, solutions-driven partner in defence and space, Edith Cowan University is ready to collaborate and deliver. ecu.edu.au
By David Johnston, Chair, UWA Defence & Security Institute &
Wargaming, although alarming-sounding in a civilian context, is increasingly becoming a highly regarded approach to strategic planning and decisionmaking, especially in times of great uncertainty. Essentially, wargaming is a structured analytical method that simulates both international and domestic scenarios, competitive environments or complex decision-making situations. Its process allows participants to explore potential outcomes, test strategies and improve understanding of dynamic systems. Far from being solely a military exercise, wargaming has evolved into a powerful tool used across diverse fields, including business strategy, policy analysis, emergency management and academic research.
In Western Australia, our resources sector is hugely important to Australia’s economy. Furthermore, our state comprises a vast coastline and landmass and we are the state nearest to South-East Asia, a region of great geostrategic challenge. This means that in immediate and long-term planning, WA business, government and community stakeholders must actively address
the implications of grey-zone activities (cyberattacks, economic coercion, disinformation campaigns and militarisation of disputed areas), if not outright conflict, on or near our shores and shipping lanes.
At the University of Western Australia, our Defence and Security Institute (DSI) has a vision to lead in developing impactful and credible perspectives and relationships for WA’s defence and security ecosystem. We have embarked on a new phase of this vision with the launch in 2024 of our annual Wargaming Series, an innovative strategic simulation designed to enhance decision-making, crisis response and security readiness.
Run in collaboration with the Army’s 13th Brigade, our UWA DSI Wargame Series invites a diverse group of civilian and military experts to engage in high-level strategic, logistical and operational problem solving within a controlled realistic and collaborative environment. This authentic experience generates innovative but grounded outcomes and recommendations.
Each scenario is carefully crafted to reflect highly relevant challenges, with a particular focus on WA. Topics are selected based on research into the most pressing threats facing our state, with an emphasis on the identified priorities of Defence and government in responding to Australia’s current and emerging national security issues.
Key concerns include the continuity and security of fuel and energy supplies, the resilience of supply chains and communication and data management, especially undersea cables and satellite security. These issues are considered against the background context of diminishing social cohesion and the rise of mis- and disinformation by state and non-state actors.
The logic behind our version of wargaming is that complex systems involving multiple actors, competing interests and uncertain variables cannot be adequately understood through static analysis alone. Traditional planning methods often assume linear cause-andeffect relationships and predictable responses from other actors. Wargaming, however, acknowledges that real-world scenarios involve adaptive adversaries, unexpected developments and cascading effects that emerge from the interaction of multiple variables.
By creating a controlled environment where these dynamics can play out, wargaming provides insights that would be impossible to achieve through theoretical analysis or historical understanding alone.
The educational value of wargaming extends beyond specific scenario outcomes to the overall development of strategic thinking skills. Participants learn to think several moves ahead, considering not
just their immediate actions but how opponents might respond and counter-respond. This develops what military strategists call ‘strategic empathy’: the ability to understand and anticipate the reasoning of adversaries or competitors. Such skills prove valuable in any competitive environment, from corporate negotiations to international diplomacy.
Furthermore, when multiple agencies or departments participate in the same exercise, they develop a shared understanding of challenges and trade-offs. The immersive nature of wargaming helps participants appreciate perspectives beyond their own organisational boundaries, fostering cooperation and reducing bureaucratic friction when the time comes to implement solutions in the real world.
This decade has seen increasing global strategic competition and destabilising grey-zone warfare, with significantly reduced threat timelines. UWA DSI’s multi-dimensional wargaming program addresses those threats by harnessing our extensive networks and our research, academic and policy leadership to serve WA’s business and government sectors. Our wargaming aims to empower all stakeholders in WA’s future to sharpen and inform policy, find innovative solutions and prepare for any and all outcomes. defenceuwa.com.au
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This
decade has seen increasing global strategic competition and destabilising grey-zone warfare, with significantly reduced threat timelines. UWA DSI’s multi-dimensional wargaming program addresses those threats by harnessing our extensive networks and our research, academic and policy leadership to serve WA’s business and government sectors.
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By Samuel Sheppard LCDR, RAN (Rtd), Executive Director, Zagul Biri; Advocate
Defence
Western Australia is entering a new era, one that calls for bold partnerships between Defence, Industry and First Nations communities. As the AUKUS agreement continues to reshape Australia’s strategic posture, opportunities for engagement are expanding, but those opportunities require more than just readiness. They require real relationships, shared purpose and long-term thinking. For First Nations businesses, particularly those in WA, now is the time to step forward and engage. But what makes defence industry different from other major sectors like mining or oil and gas? How do we build a seat at the table?
For decades, the resources sector has offered clearer pathways for Indigenous procurement projects on Country, local content obligations, and longstanding community engagement models. While far from perfect, these frameworks at least acknowledge Traditional Owners as genuine stakeholders. The defence sector, however, is different.
Most Defence and defence industry activity is not tied to Country. Much of it is capability-focused in fields such as logistics, cyber, systems engineering, sustainment and defence exports. It is a tightly networked space, often layered with acronyms, regulation and unfamiliar systems, even for established suppliers. That is why stepping into the defence sector requires more than just capability. It requires strategic clarity and culturally informed navigation.
It is about legacy over tokenism. First Nations businesses are not here to tick boxes; instead, they must look to contribute to building capability and a legacy in support of Defence. If you are a First Nations business-owner working in logistics, supply chain, technology or services, your skills are not just relevant, they are essential. Our communities bring depth, resilience and strategic understanding of place.
First Nations businesses entering Defence need to understand their value in the ecosystem. Are you delivering construction, facilities management, warehousing, ICT or training? Do you bring cultural, regional or environmental intelligence that strengthens Defence’s readiness?
There are entry points, but they are often buried beneath compliance, contracts and complexity. The Indigenous Procurement Policy (IPP) and Supply Nation certification open doors, but they are not the whole answer. First Nations businesses need to be Defence-ready. That means having the right certifications, understanding the language of capability, and articulating your value clearly to primes and government stakeholders.
When I first stepped into the defence sector as a business owner, parts of it felt familiar: missionfocused and structured, but in other ways, it was a whole new world. What I found consistent, though, was the value placed on trust and building relationships.
In our communities, we know that trust is earned. It takes time, presence and integrity. Defence is no different. It is not a space where contracts are handed out after one meeting. Like our own cultural protocols, Defence values reliability, patience and the ability to deliver consistently. It is about showing up, listening and investing in long-term relationships, not just short-term wins.
Western Australia is home to one of Australia’s fastest-growing Defence ecosystems. From HMAS Stirling to Henderson’s maritime precinct, from Defence
By Hon Peter Tinley AM, Distinguished
Western Australia has always been defined by its distance, remote from the east coast, and the sole representative of the Commonwealth in the Indian Ocean. But in an era shaped by strategic competition, industrial transition and the AUKUS alliance, our role as a state is critical to the national defence task.
With the global centre of gravity shifting to our region, WA is poised to play a far more prominent role in Australia’s defence and strategic industrial future. We are not starting from scratch. We are building on a solid base of defence infrastructure, heavy industry, world-class research and an increasingly coordinated state policy agenda.
Recent changes in the WA Government’s machinery show just how serious the state is about this mission. The Department of Jobs, Tourism, Science and Innovation has evolved into the new Department of Energy, Environment and Development, an intentional shift that reflects the state’s focus on clean industry, decarbonisation and the next wave of economic opportunity.
At the same time, Defence West has been moved into the Department of the Premier and Cabinet (DPC), placing defence coordination directly under
With the global centre of gravity shifting to our region, Western Australia is poised to play a far more prominent role in Australia’s defence and strategic industrial future. We are not starting from scratch. We are building on a solid base of defence infrastructure, heavy industry, worldclass research and an increasingly coordinated state policy agenda. “
the Premier’s watch. That’s not just a reshuffle; it’s a strategic elevation. It positions WA’s defence agenda where it belongs: at the centre of whole-ofgovernment policy and national engagement.
Nowhere is this focus more evident than in the Western Trade Coast, a globally significant industrial zone encompassing Kwinana, Henderson, Rockingham and Latitude 32. Already home to HMAS Stirling and the Henderson maritime precinct, this region is emerging as the engine room of WA’s transition, where defence capability, clean energy and advanced manufacturing converge.
It is no surprise that the Economics and Industry Committee’s 2024 discussion paper, released shortly before I retired from Parliament, pointed squarely to the Western Trade Coast as the key to unlocking WA’s role in the AUKUS era. That paper highlighted WA’s strategic advantage, but it didn’t sugar-coat the challenges. We face significant hurdles: skills shortages, infrastructure gaps, regulatory complexity and the need for far stronger coordination between state and federal levels.
That is why AUKUS, especially Pillar II, which focuses on advanced capabilities like cyber, quantum and autonomous systems, represents such a critical opportunity for WA. These are the technologies where our dual-use potential shines. With deep mining, remote operations and digital infrastructure, WA isn’t just aligned with future defence capability, we can help shape it.
To do that, we must act with urgency and clarity of purpose. The Committee’s paper recommended the establishment of a dedicated statutory authority to coordinate WA’s defence industry development, recognising that strategic drift, without bold structure and accountability, is a real risk. Moving Defence West to the centre of government is a good start.
That is why AUKUS, especially Pillar II, which focuses on advanced capabilities like cyber, quantum and autonomous systems, represents such a critical opportunity for WA.
These are the technologies where our dual-use potential shines. With deep mining, remote operations and digital infrastructure, WA isn’t just
future defence capability, we can
We also need to face up to our workforce reality. Highly skilled, security-cleared talent doesn’t grow on trees. Building the right pipeline through education, migration and targeted training will require all sectors working together.
And we must move faster on infrastructure, particularly across the Western Trade Coast. Power, water, roads and data networks are not just enablers, they are essentials. If we want to attract defence primes, global supply chains and sovereign industrial capability, the groundwork must be laid now.
Still, we should not underestimate what we have. WA has the industrial heft, the geographic advantage and the political momentum. By embedding defence capability within a broader diversification strategy, and matching ambition with execution, we can do more than participate in AUKUS. We can lead it.
I believe WA stands at the threshold of a once-ina-generation opportunity to build new industries, to enhance national security, and to redefine what’s possible for our state in the global arena. Western Australia is ready. Now we have to prove it.
RDA Perth works with all stakeholders in supporting businesses that underpin the defence industries and energy metals sector across the state. We encourage collaboration, upskilling and innovation that make our defence industries sector world class and look forward to the continued growth of these industries across all WA regions.
RDA Perth works with all stakeholders in supporting businesses that underpin the defence industries and energy metals sector across the state. We encourage collaboration, upskilling and innovation that make our defence industries sector world class and look forward to the continued growth of these industries across all WA regions.
RDA Perth works with all stakeholders in supporting businesses that underpin the defence industries and energy metals sector across the state. We encourage collaboration, upskilling and innovation that make our defence industries sector world class and look forward to the continued growth of these industries across all WA regions.
Contact RDA Perth for more information. rdaperth.org
Contact RDA Perth for more information. rdaperth.org
Contact RDA Perth for more information. rdaperth.org
By Rohan Green, Chair, Henderson Alliance
It has been a long time since the issue of defence spending was so topical, having been spurred by global debates over NATO funding and geopolitical tensions playing out in the Middle East and Eastern Europe. Naturally, the potential value of alliances like AUKUS has also been thrown into the mix.
In Australia, that has generated questions not only about defence budgets, but also about what platforms we need, and who should build them and where. At the same time, there have been keen discussions over new capability needs to meet emerging priorities.
On matters of such high strategic importance, there will always be wide-ranging opinions and, given there is a lot to consider, one should not expect clarity to be provided overnight. Nevertheless, from the perspective of the Henderson Alliance, we feel we have an important contribution to make to the broader dialogue. The first thing is that regardless of what is going to be built, or where, or at what cost, Small- and Medium-sized Enterprises (SMEs) have a lot to offer.
It is clear that the acquisition and sustainment systems of the past have rarely met the nation’s needs, timeframes and budgets. All too often, programs have been undone by lack of competition, poor schedule control and low cost-effectiveness.
The delivery model has historically been founded upon overseas primes, which have only sparingly employed local SMEs. In so doing, they have fiercely protected their intellectual property for the higher value works, favouring their existing supply chains under the cover of the exclusive original equipment manufacturer regime.
The current argument is whether Australia should dramatically increase its defence budget. Our view is that, regardless of the budget figure, Australia’s defence industry should first dramatically increase its cost-efficiency and productivity, and we believe local SMEs are a key part of that solution.
We already have extraordinary technical capacities that have been fully proven in developing our worldclass mining, energy, oil and gas sectors. Those skills are easily transferable to defence industry, but the government must first recognise this exciting potential and be prepared to vigorously drive the transition. This opportunity not only exists for the construction of Australian defence equipment; it is quite clear that our AUKUS partners also have critically needed specialist supply chain requirements that they simply cannot meet.
Furthermore, we now see NATO countries committing to significant funding increases that will substantially stimulate global defence industry demand. If Australia can catch just a fraction of that activity, our nation will soon have another major economic pillar, as well as valuable sovereign capability.
It is important to get our national priorities right and reform defence industry construction methodology to have a greater emphasis on the utilisation of SMEs. It is more efficient, ensures more money is spent at home, retains intellectual property, grows unique skills, creates a platform for innovation and develops a resilient supply chain for our Defence Forces.
Here in WA, we have a lot to offer, but we must be patient for the new opportunities. In the meantime, we remain committed to AUKUS as the optimal pathway, and we are ready to support delivery as it continues to ramp up. Our objective is to maximise local industry capability and capacity in emerging maritime programs, such as the medium and heavy landing craft.
It is important to get our national priorities right and reform defence industry construction methodology to have a greater emphasis on the utilisation of SMEs. It is more efficient, ensures more money is spent at home, retains intellectual property, grows unique skills, creates a platform for innovation and develops a resilient supply chain for our Defence Forces.
The Continuous Naval Shipbuilding and Sustainment plan is not only a means of providing the Royal Australian Navy with the capabilities it needs, it is also a direct investment in the future of sovereign Australian shipbuilding programs.
These programs will provide WA the opportunity to grow its existing industrial skills base and confidence for the SME ecosystem to invest in their existing businesses and to advance manufacturing, the latter establishing a sustainable Australian defence industrial base. Additionally, there is the exciting generalpurpose frigate program that will undoubtedly draw upon significant local participation in the Henderson precinct.
Over the past 12 months, the Henderson Alliance has continued to stalwartly advocate for the SME sector and we are pleased with our positive
government relationships. We acknowledge the work of the Minister for Defence Industry, Hon Paul Papalia, for his longstanding personal support and we look forward to working collaboratively with the State Government to realign programs with WA’s emerging opportunities and needs.
Additionally, we are engaged with the Commonwealth Minister for Defence Industry, Hon Pat Conroy, to strive for better outcomes for the small business sector, especially given the global opportunities now unfolding to export our homegrown innovative and technical capabilities.
It has been another huge year for the Henderson Alliance. We have gone from strength to strength, and our ever-increasing membership numbers, which is now in excess of 300 businesses, is a testament to our efforts to do whatever possible to generate small business opportunities.
By Jillian Formentin GAICD
FIEAust CPEng
EngExec NER Head of Engineering (APAC West), Wood; Australian Professional Engineer of the Year 2024
In the dynamic world of industrial operations, one discipline quietly drives performance, safety and profitability: Brownfield engineering. Often overshadowed by the allure of new builds, this field is the cornerstone of sustainable industrial success.
Brownfield engineering focuses on modifying, upgrading or extending existing infrastructure. Unlike new, greenfield projects that begin with a blank canvas, brownfield requires deep insight into legacy systems, operational constraints and the delicate balance between innovation and preservation. It is about revitalising ageing assets while ensuring they remain safe, efficient and compliant.
Brownfield engineers are uniquely equipped with a blend of technical expertise, problem-solving agility and operational awareness. They navigate across disciplines: mechanical, electrical, civil and systems engineering, often within the same project. Such versatility is essential when working within the tight physical and operational constraints of existing facilities.
Their approach is grounded in fit-for-purpose engineering. Rather than chasing theoretical perfection, they deliver practical, tailored solutions that align with the asset’s condition, the
Brownfield engineering is the strategic enabler of industrial continuity and growth. It is where innovation meets pragmatism and where engineering excellence directly translates into operational success. For professionals across all sectors, this field offers a powerful avenue to make a lasting impact. In the grand pursuit of industrial transformation, Brownfield engineering is not just important, it is the engine driving sustainable progress.
environment and client goals. The result? Solutions that are technically sound, economically viable and operationally sustainable. Integrity, discipline and operational excellence: the keys to success.
Successful Brownfield engineering projects hinge on values like integrity discipline, and a commitment to excellence in maintenance and operations. Engineers in this field make high-stakes decisions that prioritise safety, compliance and long-term asset health, often under pressure and with incomplete data. Meticulous documentation, rigorous change management and clear stakeholder communication are non-negotiable. A single oversight can lead to safety risks or costly downtime. Brownfield engineers must maintain a laser focus on detail while keeping the broader operational picture in view.
In today’s capital-intensive environment, organisations are focused on maximising the value of existing assets. Greenfield builds are costly and time-consuming; the real opportunity lies in asset life extension. Brownfield engineers are the architects of that strategy. Through smart upgrades, targeted maintenance and innovative retrofits, they extend the life of critical infrastructure, often by decades.
That approach not only reduces capital expenditure, but it also minimises environmental impact and enhances system resilience. In an era when sustainability and cost-efficiency are paramount, brownfield engineering is not just relevant, it is indispensable. A strong example of this capability in action is our work on major Western Australian assets such as Shell Prelude and Woodside-operated facilities, where our teams are delivering complex brownfields modifications in live environments. These projects require precision, discipline and deep technical expertise enabling continued safe and efficient production while adapting infrastructure to meet evolving operational needs.
No two Brownfield projects are alike. Engineers must adapt to legacy systems, undocumented modifications and evolving operational needs. This demands flexibility, creativity and composure under pressure. Whether integrating new technology into a decades-old plant or rerouting systems around live operations, Brownfield engineers excel where others hesitate.
Brownfield engineering is the strategic enabler of industrial continuity and growth. It is where innovation meets pragmatism and where engineering excellence directly translates into operational success. For professionals across all sectors, this field offers
a powerful avenue to make a lasting impact. In the grand pursuit of industrial transformation, Brownfield engineering is not just important, it is the engine driving sustainable progress.
The technical depth and delivery discipline within our engineering teams, particularly in integration, compliance and performance under pressure, align closely with the needs of the defence industry. As we continue to raise the bar in Brownfields execution, those capabilities offer meaningful potential in supporting complex, high-stakes environments that contribute to the security and resilience of Australia.
Global demand for liquefied natural gas (LNG) is forecast to rise by around 60% by 2040, according to the Shell LNG Outlook 2025. Seen here, Floating liquefied Natural Gas (FLNG) Prelude is the world’s largest floating facility located offshore Australia at Browse region. Natural gas is produced from underwater fields then processed and chilled to -162° C (-260° F). This shrinks its volume by 600 times to create LNG. The advanced design of an FLNG facility packs a typical land-based LNG plant into a fraction of its normal size. Supplied.
By Mike Johnson, CEO, Australian Industry & Defence Network (AIDN)
Exporting defence goods from Australia is not just about building innovative technology, it requires navigating a complex matrix of legal, strategic and ethical considerations. While the sector holds significant economic and strategic potential, particularly as global defence budgets grow, success depends on a nuanced understanding of both the domestic regulatory environment and the international political landscape.
To thrive, Australian exporters need to build strong compliance capabilities, deepen government-industry collaboration, and develop a long-term strategy that aligns commercial ambitions with national interests. Only then can the industry unlock its full export potential while maintaining Australia’s reputation as a responsible global actor.
Australia’s defence industry has grown significantly over the past decade, with the government actively promoting defence-related exports as part of its strategy to build a sovereign industrial base and strengthen international alliances. Exporting those goods from Australia is, however, a complex and highly regulated process that presents a range of strategic, legal, logistical and geopolitical challenges. These challenges can slow growth, limit market access, and create uncertainty for businesses seeking to compete in the global arms and defence technology markets.
One of the most significant challenges is navigating Australia’s rigorous export control framework. Defence exports are governed primarily by the Defence Trade Controls Amendment Act 2024 (Cth). These laws aim to prevent the proliferation of sensitive technologies and ensure compliance with Australia’s international obligations, such as the Wassenaar Arrangement and the Arms Trade Treaty
While these safeguards are crucial, they can be a major hurdle for exporters. The process of obtaining export permits is often lengthy and complex, requiring detailed documentation, risk assessments, and, in some cases, security clearances. Start-ups and small-to-medium enterprises (SMEs) may struggle to dedicate the legal and administrative resources needed to comply, putting them at a disadvantage compared to primes.
The Australian Government must constantly strike a balance between promoting domestic defence industry capabilities and protecting national security. That tension can make approvals unpredictable. For example, exports involving dual-use technologies, those that can be used for both civilian and military purposes, are particularly sensitive and may be subject to additional scrutiny or denied altogether.
Moreover, geopolitical considerations play a major role. Export approvals can be influenced by foreign policy priorities, regional security dynamics and diplomatic relationships. Even if a product meets technical requirements, a deal may be blocked or delayed due to shifting international relations or concerns about end-use and end-user risk.
Australia’s defence exports are closely linked to its strategic alliances, especially with the United States and the United Kingdom. Agreements like AUKUS offer opportunities for collaboration and market access, but they also bind Australia to certain political and strategic obligations. Any changes in US foreign policy or global security conditions can directly affect Australia’s defence-trade environment.
Australia’s defence exports are closely linked to its strategic alliances, especially with the United States and the United Kingdom. Agreements like AUKUS offer opportunities for collaboration and market access, but they also bind Australia to certain political and strategic obligations. Any changes in US foreign policy or global security conditions can directly affect Australia’s defence-trade environment. Additionally, exporting to countries outside traditional alliances, particularly in the Indo-Pacific, may raise eyebrows in Canberra or Washington. Companies must navigate a narrow path between commercial opportunity and strategic alignment, often requiring behind-the-scenes coordination with multiple government agencies.
Exporting defence goods is not like shipping commercial products. These goods are often highly complex, classified, and subject to strict security protocols. Logistics are further complicated by Australia’s geographic location, which increases time and cost for overseas delivery, maintenance and support. Customs requirements, packaging standards and International Traffic in Arms Regulations compliance, especially when dealing with USmanufactured or -patented components, all add layers of difficulty. In many cases, exporters must also provide long-term sustainment, training and systems integration, which can be cost-prohibitive for smaller players.
Defence exports are subject to growing public and political scrutiny. There is increasing pressure to ensure that Australian-made weapons and technologies are not used in human rights abuses or in conflicts that contradict Australia’s stated values. Negative publicity or activist campaigns can damage a company’s reputation, discourage investors, or even lead to legislative backlash.
Indeed, proposed exports to countries involved in contentious conflicts or with poor human rights records often attract criticism. Companies must therefore consider not only the legal and financial aspects of a deal but also the reputational risks and ethical implications.
In sum, Australia’s defence export ambitions must be grounded in more than technological capability. Success requires the careful navigation of a regulatory landscape shaped by shifting geopolitics, alliance obligations and growing public scrutiny. As global demand for advanced systems rises, Australia has an opportunity to expand its role as a trusted supplier, but only by aligning commercial objectives with national interests, ethical standards and international responsibilities. Long-term success will depend not just on what is built, but on how, and for whom, it is exported.
VALUE RELIABILITYAND DISCIPLINE
Veterans,theirfamilies, andemergency respondersconsistently showup,take responsibility,and deliver
BELIEVEIN PURPOSEDRIVENHIRING
Thisisnotabout charity.Itissmart recruitment.These candidatesofferrealworldexperience, loyaltyandresilience.
NEEDTEAM PLAYERSWHO CANLEAD
Service-trained candidatesbring leadership,teamwork, andcomposureto everychallenge.
STRENGTHENA STRONGER EMPLOYERBRAND
Supportingveterans, theirfamiliestellsthe worldyourbusiness standsforsomething greaterthanprofit.
STRUGGLINGTO FILLSKILLED ROLES
Fromlogisticsand operationstoproject supportandtechnical trades,manyare alreadytrainedand readytostepinnow.
TheTransitionEmploymentPortal(TEP)givesyoudirectaccesstojob-readycandidatesfromtheservice communitywitheveryplacementsupportingaregisteredAustraliancharity.
Driving the next generation of Defence capabilities, we aim to advance Defence innovation, science, and technology within Western Australia - developing breakthrough ideas to move rapidly from concept to capability.
We build partnerships between universities, government and industry (including SMEs). Through collaborative approaches, we eliminate capability gaps via cutting-edge defence research. As part of the wider Australian Defence Science and Universities Network, we connect Defence priorities to Australia’s best research and development capabilities.
Impactful Partnerships – Accelerated Innovation – Sovereign Capabilities
Learn more about the Defence Science Centre
wa.gov.au/defence-science-centre
dsc@dpc.wa.gov.au
By Hon Matt Keogh MP, Minister for Veterans’ Affairs, Australian Government
The harrowing accounts of despair and loss detailed in the Royal Commission into Defence and Veteran Suicide laid bare the need for urgent change. Addressing significant cultural problems within the ADF and the Department of Defence, along with deep deficiencies in the administration of support schemes for veterans, is difficult and very important.
It is fair to ask, as some have, what is different about the current circumstances that will produce such a change? The emphatic answer is that the Albanese Government recognises the need for urgent action and has already begun putting in place reforms that will deliver change.
It requires reform that is real, meaningful and enduring for our Defence and veteran community. The sacrifice they make to protect our values and uphold our freedoms must be respected and reflected in the support they receive. That means breaking with the cycle of endless inquiries and reports that have accumulated over the last decade without producing meaningful change.
It is fair to ask, as some have, what is different about the current circumstances that will produce such a change? The emphatic answer is that the Albanese Government recognises the need for urgent action and has already begun putting in place reforms that will deliver change.
In our first term, we actioned all 13 recommendations of the Royal Commission’s interim report, delivered in 2022. That included clearing the
At the beginning of 2025, we moved quickly to pass legislation to establish that body, named the Defence and Veterans Service Commission. That allowed us to get on with the job of standing up this vital cog in the process of delivering meaningful change by providing independent oversight of reform, coupled with evidence-based policy advice. “
disgraceful backlog of claims (ahead of schedule) that the previous government had allowed to balloon and properly resourcing the Department of Veterans’ Affairs.
Taking urgent action on the recommendations of the Royal Commission’s Final Report is the focus of our second term. The Final Report describes its final recommendation as the most important: The establishment of an independent statutory body to drive reform that will make a difference.
At the beginning of 2025, we moved quickly to pass legislation to establish that body, named the Defence and Veterans Service Commission. That allowed us to get on with the job of standing up this vital cog in the process of delivering meaningful change by providing independent oversight of reform, coupled with evidence-based policy advice.
But it is not the only front on which we are pushing hard ahead. Another important Royal Commission
recommendation was the establishment of a new agency specifically focused on improving the wellbeing of veterans and their families. The recommendation was clear that such an agency had to be shaped by veterans, for the veteran community.
That is why we have undertaken an extensive consultation and co-design process with veterans and families about the form and function of the new agency. In keeping with the co-design principle
recommended by the Royal Commission, we will continue to work closely with them as the new wellbeing agency comes online to ensure it is meeting its goals.
A Taskforce within the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet has been formed to coordinate a whole-of-government approach to delivering
A Taskforce within the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet has been formed to coordinate a whole-of-government approach to delivering on the implementation of Royal Commission Recommendations. “
on the implementation of Royal Commission Recommendations.
The Taskforce is working to sequence further reforms according to a realistic and logical timeline, as well as assessing resources that will be needed to achieve results. While these are tangible achievements and important steps, we are under no illusion that we are in the very early stages of what will be a huge program of work.
We will need to maintain the vigour with which we have approached our early steps if we are to achieve the goals set forth in the Royal Commission. And we will need to continue our deep focus on urgently improving outcomes for veterans and their families if we are to deliver the support they deserve.
Yoga with Karney provides trauma-sensitive yoga classes and programs, founded by Australian Navy veteran Karney Armstrong, to support veterans, first responders, and their families in Perth and Rockingham, WA. The classes focus on body awareness and breathwork in a safe, judgement-free environment, with options for different levels and abilities, including chair yoga and restorative practice. To inquire about classes or book a spot, you can contact Yoga with Karney via their LinkedIn page, Facebook group, or Instagram page.
As Australia’s veteran community continues to grapple with the complex issues spotlighted by the Royal Commission into Defence and Veteran Suicide, the need for expert, ethical and trauma-informed advocacy has never been greater – especially within the Department of Veterans’ Affairs (DVA) claims system, where many face long delays, repeated rejections and limited personalised support.
Founded and led by veterans, KSC Claims combines lived experience with strategic insight and growing partnerships across WA’s defence and veteran communities to deliver trusted, expert DVA claims advocacy.
KSC Claims does more than process claims. They provide expert, traumainformed advocacy rooted in veterans’ lived experience. Founded by veterans for veterans, the organisation is dedicated to guiding veterans and their families through complex DVA systems and achieving fair outcomes. Since launching in March 2020, the team has supported over 3000 veterans nationwide, including a growing number of veterans across Western Australia.
“We’ve built the service we wish we’d had,” says co-founder and co-CEO Luke Armstrong. “Every veteran deserves a system they can actually navigate, and someone in their corner who truly understands.”
According to the 2021 Census, Western Australia is home to 4496 individuals currently serving in the Australian Defence Force (ADF) and 2413 in the reserves. A further 62,417 people in the state have served in the ADF at some point,
“underscoring the size and significance of WA’s veteran population.
Western Australia’s vast geography and uneven service landscape pose unique challenges for many veterans, particularly those living outside metropolitan areas. While facilities such as Perth’s Anzac House and the new south-west Veterans’ Hub in Rockingham have improved local access, many still struggle to find timely, expert assistance.
KSC Claims bridges those gaps through flexible, digital-first case management. Its growing WA footprint includes:
Gold Sponsor of the Future Frontlines Conference (October 2025), hosted by the Veterans, Emergency Services & Police Industry Institute of Australia (VESPIIA).
Backing ‘The Younger Heroes’, providing father-child reconnection camps throughout Australia, including in WA.
Women veterans face unique and often disproportionate challenges. According to the DVA’s Women Veterans 2025 Baseline Data Report, women who have served are nearly five times more likely to die by suicide than non-serving women, and over 52% live with at least one long-term health condition.
KSC Claims is responding with dedicated advocacy tailored to women’s needs. This includes access to female case managers and a dedicated female Veteran Support Officer. A broader national program, grounded in veteran-led surveys and national data, is currently in development.
Beyond claims, we help to shape policy and public dialogue, with KSC Claims regularly providing expert commentary to media, legal forums and government inquiries on veteran issues.
“Veterans deserve more than a form and a queue,” says Luke Armstrong. “They deserve professional, accountable advocacy. That’s the future we’re building.”
As a recognised Veteran Employer of Choice, KSC Claims also walks the talk internally, actively recruiting and supporting ex-ADF personnel as part of its commitment to lived-experience leadership.
From initial claims to appeals and rehabilitation, KSC Claims provides expert, compassionate support at every stage of the DVA claims process. Veterans can access a free initial consultation, ensuring no one is left behind.
kscclaims.com.au
Founded and led by veterans, KSC Claims combines lived experience with strategic insight and growing partnerships across Western Australia’s defence and veteran communities to deliver trusted, expert DVA claims advocacy.
Because your service deserves better than waiting in line
Built by veterans, for veterans.
KSC Claims is a veteran-led team transforming the DVA systemno jargon, no upfront fees, no false promises. Just honest, expert help.
Trusted Australia-wide, we provide trauma-informed support for all types of DVA claims and appeals, with a guaranteed 12-hour response, 7 days a week, even for the toughest claims.
Ready for expert support? Contact KSC Claims today.
3,000+ VETERANS & FAMILIES HELPED
DEDICATED SUPPORT FOR WOMEN VETERANS
2025 DEFENCE INDUSTRY AWARDS FINALISTS
PROUD SPONSOR OF THE 2025 FUTURE FRONTLINES CONFERENCE & THE AVCAT
I had given up on receiving my White Card despite having had a condition previously accepted. A friend recommended KSC and within a couple of weeks I had received my White Card and claims were in progress for my other conditions.
I have recently received my PI compensation from DVA thanks to KSC’s advocacy
– WA Veteran, Sarah
By Tony Wills, Advocate - Veterans’ Engagement
DEFENCE REVIEW
I enlisted into the Australian Army as an 18-year-old in 1978 and spent most of my career in special forces with the Special Air Service Regiment. On discharging from the Army I had completed 20 years’ service, including active and operational service overseas.
I initially decided to take a three-month sabbatical to allow myself to time shake off the military identity, reacquaint with family and pursue interests that were not always possible during my military service. Thereafter, my golf handicap was back down to four; I felt, however, that I lacked a purpose. My partner at the time was working, and we had three children under the age of ten to care for.
I saw Telstra was advertising positions, one of which I applied for and got. Fortunately, I was able to transfer my skills from the military, which included an
Advanced Diploma in Communications. Telstra was a structured environment and easy to fit into. After nine months, however, I felt I was not challenging myself to my full capacity. Mental stimulation was wanting. Being competitive from my time in special forces, at 39 years of age, I still had a lot of fire in my belly.
My accountant and good friend at the time was attending to the accounts for Mortgage Choice in Western Australia. He knew my deep interest in the different financial markets and suggested I take the plunge and apply to purchase a mortgage broking franchise with Mortgage Choice. It was a great opportunity.
Mortgage Choice was set up like an army training facility with high standards. With further ongoing studies six years later, I had a team of 12 people working out of three offices writing $15m of residential and commercial loans, as well as providing many other financial services. My work provided me the challenge to do what I wanted: to run my own team and to take on the responsibilities of leading a successful business.
The Army had provided many great skills, but I still had my own personal demons from 20 years of service. I was fortunate enough, through a good friend, to be invited to join the Sovereign Order of St. John of Jerusalem, Knights Hospitaller, and, along with another Army veteran, Alan Downs, we founded the SAS Resource Fund Dinners.
We are all different and have our own journeys. If, however, I could give any advice, it is to stay positive by finding a purpose you have passion towards that enables you to live a fulfilling life which gives back to our community. “
Later, our committee became the SAS Resource Fund Dinner Committee and, to date, we have held 21 dinners, raising over $6m for the fund which assists serving and former SAS soldiers and their families. Helping veterans and their families in a tangible way was also helping me by meeting many like-minded people who also wanted to make a positive difference.
I stayed as a Principal with Mortgage Choice for 22 years, but I was hitting burnout around the 15-year mark. My focus turned more to helping veterans, which gave me greater satisfaction and purpose. In 2016, along with a small handful of other incredible people, we founded the Veterans Transition Centre at Jarrahdale, WA, which I chaired for four years and still remain on the board. The Centre, built from blood, sweat and tears, provides temporary accommodation for veterans seeking respite and is often used by both community and many other ex-service and current service organisations such as Timor Awakening. Last year alone, we had more than 1700 people visit our centre.
Along the way, I have also been involved in the mining sector, where I currently serve as a nonexecutive director on both an ASX-listed board and a private company for the last 11 years. I have also acted as master of ceremonies for a host of events which have included former prime ministers and serving ministers in Parliament.
Furthermore, I presently also sit on the SAS Association Committee, which provides welfare for both serving and former members of the SAS and their families. Along with that, over the last two years I have had the honour of being the Veterans’ Advocate for WA DEFENCE REVIEW.
We are all different and have our own journeys. If, however, I could give any advice, it is to stay positive by finding a purpose you have passion towards that enables you to live a fulfilling life which gives back to our community.
By Jay Sri Kantha, Principal
In 1983, I emigrated to Australia as a refugee fleeing the Sri Lankan civil war with little more than a yearning to belong. While school was foreign, language, thankfully, was not a barrier. But the future felt very uncertain. My decision to join the Royal Australian Navy was not part of any grand plan – it was an antidotal, practical choice after a troubled youth: a place where structure, training, pay and merit mattered. What I did not expect, however, was how the culture and lessons of Defence would become the foundation to excel in my career.
The Navy taught me habits before it taught me hardware. Basic training stripped away the noise of my past and replaced it with discipline, punctuality and an insistence on doing things right the first time. Not rigid rules for their own sake, but habits that mitigated
human weakness and error, and built reliability. In engineering, where a missed detail can cascade into failure, the orientation towards precision became invaluable.
Responsibility and accountability were more than words onboard a warship – they were daily practice. At
If there is a single lesson from my journey, it is this: structure and purpose are powerful scaffolds for talent. The Navy taught me routine, standards and a mission-driven culture; I combined those with technical skill, curiosity and humility. Success was therefore not a sudden arrival, but the accumulation of disciplined habits – showing up on time, owning mistakes, validating assumptions and communicating clearly.
sea, my actions affected the lives of shipmates. So, you learn to sign off work you can vouch for, to document decisions, and to accept the consequences of mistakes.
Making the progression into civilian engineering, those practices translated directly into rigorous configuration management, clear change control processes and the culture of personal ownership that made teams safer and projects more predictable.
Defence taught me systems thinking. A ship is an integrated system of propulsion, power, sensors and people; understanding how one subsystem impacts another is not optional. As an engineer, that perspective shifted my approach from siloed problem-solving to the creation of holistic solutions. I began asking different questions: how will this affect future sustainment, training and human factors? It is a mindset that allowed me to lead multidisciplinary teams delivering complex systems that met operational needs, not just technical specifications.
Leadership in Defence is practical and serviceoriented. I learned to lead by clarifying the mission, setting achievable priorities and ensuring everyone had the skills and resources they needed. That translated well into the realm of engineering management: aligning teams around outcomes, fostering mentorship and creating an environment in which teams could learn quickly and safely fail under supervision.
Communication under pressure was another critical lesson. In operations, concise and unambiguous briefs save time and lives. In industry, that skill becomes the difference between stakeholders’ understanding of risk, and projects derailing because of misaligned expectations. I adopted structured briefings, concise risk registers and the habit of rehearsing decisions with the team before presenting them to stakeholders. That clarity reduced surprises and built trust– colleagues and clients knew that when I reported progress, it reflected reality, not optimism.
Transitioning out of uniform into the civilian defence industry was not seamless, but the core lessons endured. I combined technical curiosity with the Navy’s rigour: continuous learning kept me familiar with emerging technologies, while curiosity kept me asking how pieces fitted into the bigger picture.
Early on, I leaned on incredible mentors – exservice engineers and leaders who helped me translate military experience into industry language. Their guidance accelerated my promotion from technician to engineering manager, and ultimately to the principal engineer responsible for projects that help shape our nation.
If there is a single lesson from my journey, it is this: structure and purpose are powerful scaffolds for talent. The Navy taught me routine, standards and a missiondriven culture; I combined those with technical skill, curiosity and humility. Success was therefore not a sudden arrival, but the accumulation of disciplined habits – showing up on time, owning mistakes, validating assumptions and communicating clearly.
Today, as the Principal Engineer at H&B Defence, I see my role as bridging worlds: translating operational needs into robust solutions, mentoring the next generation and advocating for systems that are maintainable and safe. The path I took was neither easy nor linear, but the lessons I learned in the Navy made success attainable. For anyone coming from hardship: seek structure, find mentors, learn relentlessly and let service, to your team and to the mission, guide your steps.
Supplied.
AOrganisation: AB&H Technology Services
Point of Contact: Russell Ascott
Position: Director
P: 0413 819 715
E: russell.ascott@abandh.com.au
W: abandh.com.au
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Organisation: Adisyn
Point of Contact: Jesse Gane
Position: General Manager
P: 0434 045 890
E: jesse.gane@adisyn.com.au & info@adisyn.com.au
W: adisyn.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 249.
Organisation: APMS Operations Australia
Point of Contact: David Osman
Position: General Manager
P: (08) 9434 7150
E: info@apmseng.com.au
W: apmsservices.com
⊲ FIND US ON: p 206
Organisation: ARI Water
Point of Contact: Ggn Shrestha
Position: Relations Manager
P: 0450 113 581
E: ggn@ariwater.com
W: ariwater.com
⊲ FIND US ON: p 248.
Organisation: ASC, Australia’s Submarine Company
Point of Contact: Damon Hunt
Position: Head of Corporate Communications and Media
P: 0409 079 887
E: Damon.Hunt@asc.com.au
W: asc.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: pp 54-55, 199, 301.
Organisation: AusCam Engineering
Point of Contact: Carl Bosch
Position: Owner
P: (08) 6365 4363
E: carl@auscamengineering.com
W: auscamengineering.com
⊲ FIND US ON: p 184.
Organisation: Austal
Point of Contact: Paul Sparke
Position: Head of Marketing and Communications
P: (08) 6595 4560
E: paul.sparke@austal.com
W: austal.com
⊲ FIND US ON: Inside front cover, pp 186-189.
Organisation: Australian Defence & Industry Analyst
Point of Contact: Serge DeSilva-Ranasinghe
Position: Founder & Executive Producer
E: info@australiandefenceanalyst.com.au
W: australiandefenceanalyst.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: pp 340-341
BOrganisation: Barclay Defence
Point of Contact: Caroline Sampson
Position: Sales - Projects
P: (08) 9256 0900
E: sales@barclayeng.com.au
W: barclayeng.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 176
Organisation: Benalty Corporation
Point of Contact: Alex Marr
Position: Director
P: 0418 952 115
E: alex@benaltyhovercrafts.com
W: benaltyhovercrafts.com
⊲ FIND US ON: p 211
Organisation: Bennett Litigation & Commercial Law
Point of Contact: Mark MacLennan
Position: Principal
P: (08) 6316 2200
E: mmaclennan@bennettlaw.com.au
W: bennettlaw.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 307
Organisation: Bhagwan Marine
Point of Contact: Peter Carmichael
Position: General Manager – Corporate & Strategic Development - DPA/CSO
P: 0400 939 706
E: peter.carmichael@bhagwanmarine.com
W: bhagwanmarine.com
⊲ FIND US ON: p 190
Organisation: City of Cockburn
Point of Contact: Michael Faulkner
Position: Principal Economic Development, Business and Economic Development
P: 0429 591 617
E: mfaulkner@cockburn.wa.gov.au
W: cockburn.wa.gov.au
⊲ FIND US ON: pp 182-183, 196-197.
Organisation: Clarity Communications
Point of Contact: Liza White
Position: Director - Strategic Marketing
P: 0415 627 928
E: liza.white@claritycommunications. com.au
W: claritycommunications.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 315.
Organisation: Blacktree Technology
Point of Contact: Jiri Lipovsky
Position: Business Development Manager
P: (08) 6245 2120 | 0403 817 997
E: sales.support@blacktree.com.au
W: blacktree.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 222.
COrganisation: City of Rockingham
Point of Contact: Manager, Economic Development and Tourism
P: (08) 9528 0333
E: economicdevelopment@rockingham. wa.gov.au
W: rockingham.wa.gov.au
⊲ FIND US ON: pp 15, 204-205
Organisation: Commercial ROV Australia
Point of Contact: Jo Hulands
Position: Director
P: 1300 007 768
E: jo@commercialrov.com.au
W: commercialrov.com.au
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Organisation: CADDS Group
P: (08) 9418 7725
E: sales@cadds.com.au
W: cadds.com.au
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Organisation: Civmec
Point of Contact: Sam Webb
Position: Government Relations Manager
P: (08) 9437 6288
E: Sam.Webb@civmec.com.au
W: civmec.com.au
Organisation: Calytrix Technologies
Point of Contact: Shawn Parr
Position: CEO
P: (08) 9226 4288
E: shawn.parr@calytrix.com
W: calytrix.com
⊲ FIND US ON: p 216.
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Organisation: Curtin University National Resilience and Security Program Office
Point of Contact: Mr Gary Hale
Position: Director, National Resilience and Security Program Office, Curtin University
P: (08) 9266 1448
E: directornras@curtin.edu.au
W: research.curtin.edu.au/research-areas/ national-resilience-and-security/
⊲ FIND US ON: Front cover, pp 290-293.
Organisation: Cyber Node
Point of Contact: Matt Breuillac
Position: Managing Director
P: (08) 5105 8250
E: sales@cybernode.au
W: cybernode.au
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DOrganisation: Defence West
Point of Contact: Linda Dawson
Position: Head of the Office of Defence Industries
P: (08) 6552 5000
E: defencewest@dpc.wa.gov.au
W: defencewest.wa.gov.au
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Organisation: Drone Forge
Point of Contact: Thomas Symes
Position: Chief Executive Officer
P: 0402 184 933
E: tom.symes@droneforge.com.au
W: droneforge.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: Front cover, pp 232-233.
Organisation: Edith Cowan University
Point of Contact: Michele Clement
Position: Director Defence Engagement
P: 0418 857 824
E: defence@ecu.edu.au
W: ecu.edu.au
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Organisation: EIG Australia
Point of Contact: Daniel Johnson
Position: Managing Director
P: (08) 6254 2635
E: info@eigaustralia.com.au
W: eigaustralia.com.au
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Organisation: EPE Engine Protection Equipment
Point of Contact: Mason Deetman
Position: Managing Director
P: 0481 463 201
E: mason@epe.net.au
W: epe.net.au
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Organisation: Energy Power Systems Australia
Point of Contact: Fred Bkamdin
Position: National Business Growth Manager - Marine
P: 0419 916 241
E: Fred.Bkamdin@energypower.com.au
W: energypower.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 191
®
Organisation: Executive Risk Solutions
Point of Contact: Tiffany Craig
Position: Head of Advisory Growth and Group Marketing
P: 0424 248 269
E: t.craig@ersglobal.com.au
W: ersglobal.com.au
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Organisation: Exmouth Freight and Logistics
Point of Contact: Shane Coote
Position: Managing Director
P: 0438 417 131
E: shane@exmouthfreight.com.au
W: exmouthfreight.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: pp 130-131
contact@profluid.com.au
Organisation: Gascoyne Gateway Limited
Point of Contact: Daniel Jackson
Position: Chief Executive Officer
P: 0402 279 351
E: d.jackson@gascoynegateway.com.au
W: gascoynegateway.com.au
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Organisation: Global Drone Solutions
Point of Contact: Mahmood Hussein
Position: Founder CEO
P: 0499 085 777
E: mahmood@gdronesolutions.com
W: gdronesolutions.com
⊲ FIND US ON: p 227
Organisation: Golf Whiskey Two
Point of Contact: Greg Whitehouse
Position: Principal Consultant
P: 0409 684 975
E: greg@gw2.com.au
W: gw2.com.au
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Organisation: Grange Insurance Solutions
Point of Contact: Jonathan Ross
Position: Portfolio Manager
P: 0430 155 442
E: jono@grangeinsurance.com.au
W: grangeinsurance.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: Inside back cover.
Organisation: Griffin Industrial
Point of Contact: Chris Stoll
Position: Managing Director
P: 1300 230 273
E: info@griffinmarineservices.com.au
W: griffinmarineservices.com.au
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HOrganisation: HDS Hoses Australia
Point of Contact: Nathan Gavin
Position: Director
P: (08) 9274 0020
E: nathan.gavin@hds-hoses.com
W: australia.hds-hoses.com
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Organisation: Hofmann Engineering
Point of Contact: Product ManagerDefence
P: (08) 92795522
E: HofmannDefenceAU@ hofmannengineering.com & mail@hofmannengineering.com
W: hofmannengineering.com
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Organisation: HP Defence
Point of Contact: Stephen Plummer
Position: Director
P: 0400 234 997
E: stephen.plummer@hpaviationhoses. com.au
W: hpaviationhoses.com.au
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IOrganisation: Import Export TV
Point of Contact: Lawrence Christoffelsz
Position: Founder
P: 0433 559 258
E: lawrence@importexporttv.com
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Organisation: Indian Ocean Defence & Security Conference & Exhibition
Point of Contact: Sales Team
P: (03) 5282 0500
E: expo@amda.com.au
W: iods.com.au
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Organisation: Janssen + Maluga Legal
Point of Contact: Prof. Dr Gerhard Janssen
P: (08) 9322 8107
E: lawyers@janssen-maluga.com.au
W: janssen-maluga.com.au
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Organisation: KSC Claims
Point of Contact: Luke Armstrong
Position: Co-Founder & Co-CEO
P: (07) 3185 5691
E: info@kscclaims.com.au
W: kscclaims.com.au
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Organisation: Indo Pacific International Maritime Exposition
Point of Contact: Sales Team
P: (03) 5282 0500
E: expo@amda.com.au
W: indopacificexpo.com.au
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Organisation: Intelligent Communications
Point of Contact: Serge DeSilva-Ranasinghe
Position: Managing Director
E: admin@intelcommunications.com.au
W: intelcommunications.com.au
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Organisation: LC60 AI
Point of Contact: Rueben Rajasingam
Position: COO
P: 0410 500 466
E: rueben@latconnect60.com
W: LC60.ai
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Organisation: LokuSec
Point of Contact: Sudesh Ranasinghe
Position: Director
P: 0400 319 989
E: contact@lokusec.com
W: lokusec.com
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Organisation: MM Electrical Mining & Industrial
Point of Contact: Troy Legerstee
Position: Manager
P: (08) 9499 8400
E: bibralake@mmem.com.au
W: mmbibralake.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 185
Organisation: Legacy WA
Point of Contact: Lisa Rossi
Position: Engagement and Fundraising Manager
P: (08) 9486 4900 | 0432 640 603
E: lisa.rossi@legacywa.com.au
W: legacywa.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 316
Organisation: Marine Technicians Australia (MTA)
Point of Contact: Mark Brown & Rohan Green
Position: National Operations Manager & National Commercial Manager
P: (08) 9437 5011
E: mtaops@marinetetchniciansaustralia. com.au
W: marinetechniciansaustralia.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 95
Organisation: Linkforce
Point of Contact: Liam McGeever
Position: Operational Manager – Scaffolding & Emerging Clients
P: (08) 6169 2321
E: operations@linkforce.com.au
W: linkforce.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: Outside back cover.
Organisation: Little IT Co
Point of Contact: Petch Folvig
Position: Managing Director
P: (08) 6388 1127
E: sales@littleitco.com.au
W: littleitco.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 301
Organisation: Mig-Co Engineering
Point of Contact: Adam Miguel
Position: Director
P: 0418 952 708 | (08) 9437 1393
E: adam@migco.com.au | admin@migco.com.au
W: migco.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 198.
Organisation: Modn Tech Solutions
Point of Contact: Ben Skender
Position: Managing Director
P: (08) 6244 7866
E: hello@modntech.com.au
W: modntech.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 252.
Organisation: Navitac Financial Solutions
Point of Contact: Matthew O’Brien
Position: Director / Owner
P: 0418 659 551
E: matt@navitac.au
W: navitac.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 100.
Organisation: Omni
Point of Contact: Nicholas Stoker
Position: Business Development
P: 0483 289 433
E: nicholas.stoker@omniexe.com
W: omniexe.com
⊲ FIND US ON: pp 260-261.
Organisation: PARC Engineering
Point of Contact: Aaron Canning
Position: General Manager –Growth & Strategy
P: 0428 293 940
E: aaron.canning@parceng.com
W: parcengineering.com
⊲ FIND US ON: pp 272-273
Organisation: Pedco Engineering
Point of Contact: Deryck Ethelston
Position: Managing Director
Organisation: Onecard Group Pty Ltd
Point of Contact: Kareena Waters
Position: Founder, CEO, CGO (Chief Grit Officer)
P: 0417 760 224
E: Kareena.waters@onecardgroup.com
W: onecardgroup.com
⊲ FIND US ON: p 312.
POrganisation: Parabellum International
Point of Contact: Navin Vij
Position: CEO & Managing Director
P: (08) 9285 6100
E: sales@parabellum.com.au
W: parabellum.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: pp 266-267
P: (08) 9351 9463
E: deryck@pedco.com.au
W: pedco.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 217.
Organisation: Peritas
Point of Contact: Christian Stanes
Position: CEO
P: (08) 6336 9299
E: cstanes@peritas.au
W: peritas.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 239.
Organisation: Pertama
Point of Contact: Warren Puvanendran
Position: Director & General Manager
P: 0428 635 650
E: warrenp@pertama.com.au
W: pertama.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 176.
Organisation: Perth South West Metropolitan Alliance
Point of Contact: Warwick Carter
Position: Director
P: (08) 9439 0416
E: director@perthsouthwest.com.au
W: perthsouthwest.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 207.
Organisation: Pressure Dynamics International
Point of Contact: Davide Sirolli
Position: Corporate Account Manager
P: 0448 985 888
E: davide.sirolli@pressuredynamics.com
W: pressuredynamics.com
⊲ FIND US ON: p 72.
Organisation: PRL Group
Point of Contact: David Lee
Position: Public Affair & Community
P: (08) 6250 4900
E: info@prlgroup.com.au
W: prlgroup.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: pp 174-175
Organisation: Pro Freight International
Point of Contact: Stephen Aylmore
Position: Director
P: 0411 079 415
E: stephen.aylmore@profreight.com.au
W: profreight.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 13.
Organisation: Profluid Group
Point of Contact: Jerome Monteiro
Position: Director
P: (08) 6244 3284
E: contact@profluid.com.au
W: profluid.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 5.
Organisation: Programmed Apprenticeships, Traineeships and Workforce Training
Point of Contact: Rebecca Colledge
Position: National Training Manager Defence
P: 0477 187 917
E: DIIGS@programmed.com.au
W: skilled.programmed.com.au/service/ training-services
⊲ FIND US ON: p 294.
QOrganisation: Quest Rockingham
Point of Contact: Ajeng Junika (AJ)
Position: Business Development Executive
P: (08) 9591 0600
E: sales.rockingham@questapartments. com.au
W: questrockingham.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 100.
ROrganisation: RDA Perth
Point of Contact: Colleen Yates
P: 0407 236 121
E: eo@rdaperth.org
W: rdaperth.org
⊲ FIND US ON: p 307
Organisation: Risk Intelligence Services
Point of Contact: Serge DeSilve-Ranasinghe
Position: Managing Director
E: admin@riskintelsolutions.com.au
W: riskintelsolutions.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 124.
Organisation: Roxtec
Point of Contact: Markus Widlitzke
Position: Senior Sales Manager
P: 0407 023 965
E: markus.widlitzke@roxtec.com
W: roxtec.com
⊲ FIND US ON: p 94.
Organisation: RSM Australia
Point of Contact: Tom Huberli
Position: Partner, Business Advisory
P: (08) 9592 6802
E: defence@rsm.com.au
W: rsm.global/australia
⊲ FIND US ON: pp 244-245.
SOrganisation: Saab Australia
Point of Contact: Brent Donovan
Position: Regional Manager Western Australia
P: (08) 9550 8900
E: reception@au.saabgroup.com
W: saab.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 69.
Organisation: Shorewater Marine
Point of Contact: Shaun Williamson
Position: Director
P: 0407 770 676
E: shaun@shorewatermarine.com.au
W: shorewatermarine.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 73
Organisation: Silverstar Marine
Point of Contact: Simon Knight
Position: Managing Director
P: 0419 911 028
E: simon.knight@silverstarmarine.com.au
W: silverstarmarine.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 200.
Organisation: South Metropolitan TAFE
Point of Contact: Andrew Widdis
Position: Executive Director Defence Centre of Excellence
P: 1800 001 001
E: defence.careers@smtafe.wa.edu.au
W: southmetrotafe.wa.edu.au
⊲ FIND US ON: pp 288-289.
Organisation: Specialty Metals
Point of Contact: Grant Sinnott
Position: General Manager
P: (08) 9353 5588
E: sales@specialtymetals.com.au
W: specialtymetals.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 3
Organisation: Specialty Plastics
Point of Contact: Grant Sinnott
Position: General Manager
P: (08) 9353 5588
E: sales@specialtyplastics.com.au
W: specialtyplastics.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 3.
Organisation: Sure People Solutions
Point of Contact: Ancrum Hubbard
P: 0432 671 787
E: ancrum@surepeople.net.au
W: surepeople.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 303
TOrganisation: TBH
Point of Contact: Judi Irvine
Position: Principal
P: 0401 687 894
E: judith.irvine@tbhint.com
W: tbhconsultancy.com
⊲ FIND US ON: p 101.
Organisation: Thales Australia
Point of Contact: Thales Corporate Communications
E: mediaenquiries@thalesgroup.com.au
W: thalesgroup.com/en/countries/ asia-pacific/Australia
⊲ FIND US ON: p 45
Organisation: The System Company
Point of Contact: Ryan Powell
Position: Principal / Senior Lead Auditor
P: 0497 548 950
E: ryan.powell@tsc360.com.au
W: thesystemcompany.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 217.
UOrganisation: UWA Defence & Security Institute
P: (08) 6488 4742
E: defenceinstitute@uwa.edu.au
W: defenceuwa.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: pp 298-299.
WOrganisation: Vescient
Point of Contact: Rebecca Yde
Position: Business Manager
P: (08) 6270 6395
E: services@vescient.com
W: vescient.com
⊲ FIND US ON: p 9.
Organisation: Western Roads Federation
Point of Contact: Cam Dumesny
Position: CEO
P: 0481 064 371
E: cam.dumesny@westernroads.com.au
W: westernroads.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 129
Organisation: VESPIIA
Point of Contact: Shannon Hennessy
Position: CEO
P: 0458 989 252
E: shan@vespiia.org
W: vespiia.org
⊲ FIND US ON: p 323.
Organisation: Volz Australia
Point of Contact: David Gordon & Jordan Eyers
Position: Director & National Operations Manager
P: 0408 691 202 | 0448 627 552
E: David@vft.global | Jordan@volz.com.au
W: volz.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: pp 191, 231
Organisation: Westpac
Point of Contact: Michael Cross
P: 0466 311 182
E: michael.cross1@westpac.com.au
W: westpac.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 243.
Organisation: Yaran Suites
Point of Contact: Vikram Biala
Position: Business Manager
P: (08) 9466 8888
E: vikram@yaran.com.au
W: yaransuites.com.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 209.
Organisation: Yoga with Karney
Point of Contact: Karney Armstrong
Position: Owner
P: 0409 654 635
E: YogawithKarney@gmail.com
W: yogawithkarney.com
⊲ FIND US ON: p 323
Organisation: Working Spirit
Point of Contact: Karyn Hinder
Position: CEO & Founder
P: 1300 219 443
E: enquiries@workingspirit.org.au
W: workingspirit.org.au
⊲ FIND US ON: p 316
Organisation: ZXR Shipbuilding Solutions
Point of Contact: Cory Zachrisson
Position: Managing Director
E: cory.zachrisson@outlook.com
W: zxr-ship.com
⊲ FIND US ON: p 198
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