

Perspective is now in its fourth edition which means that we’re now well into the swing of seeing a research lens in the minds of our students at Pymble Ladies’ College.
Publishing in Perspective is certainly a great achievement but students are learning that publication of a finished piece is only one part of the research process. Students are further building their research muscles by also presenting their work at the annual Pymble Student Research Conference and taking part in the Sokratis program (a year-long, co-curricular research opportunity co-led by the Pymble Institute and the College libraries).
What is exciting is that students are now seeing the power of interconnections and overlap. They’re starting to link these different research opportunities together; namely, conducting a Sokratis research project or doing a major work or research task for a course or class, with presenting their findings at the conference and then writing it up for publication. They are learning how to maximise these efforts and deepen their understanding of the research process by sticking with the journey of research through a range of twists and turns.
This is giving Pymble students a powerful perspective on research as they appreciate the value of commitment to ideas which just don’t go away- and don’t need to! Dedication to pursuing an idea through research is an attribute we aim to cultivate in the Pymble Institute. This edition brings to readers twenty four articles, representing the scholarship of twenty six students. The topics are themselves worthy of research as they provide an annual snapshot of what matters for young people today.
In this edition, we welcome the inclusion of HSC Major Works from Society and Culture, as well as History and Science Extension through papers from Tess, Nupur, Isla, Lucy and Sumeera. The importance of humans and their environments and communities is explored by Carrie, Victoria, Lauren, Megan and Maya in papers written for their Senior Geography Projects and Elective Geography courses. Course work in History and English inspired Catherine, Chloe, June and Paanya, and the National History Challenge provided an excellent opportunity for Amy, Lauren, Elizabeth, Jenny and Joy to explore Australia’s past, present and future. Perspective also offers an opportunity to capture the elusive nature of speeches, as seen with Evelyn and Aliya’s papers. Outstanding winners of the Pens Against Poverty primary school writing competition, Chloe, Chloé and Charlotte, are given a wider audience
through their publication in Perspective. In the Science area, budding researchers Evelyn, Leahara and Yuki share findings emerging from their own investigations.
Once again, we commend and thank Julie for her generous leadership of the Perspective Student Editors Group. Julie has a gift for drawing others towards her and inviting more students to get involved –this is ideal for building a research culture. We also recognise the talents of Ang-Ya who managed all the submissions and Sophia who designed the cover. The student editors worked as a positive, supportive and productive team and deserve to be very proud of their commitment. Congratulations to Anisha, Ayana, Aysel, Caiyi, Catherine, Erika, Helena and Maya! Thank you also to Ms Rachel Fairbairn and Mr Bray Stoneham from the Community Engagement team for making Perspective come to life each edition.
We hope readers enjoy their journey through these young researchers’ investigations and find much benefit in hearing about the myriad of perspectives which are important to students of Pymble Ladies’ College.
DR SARAH LOCH DIRECTOR – PYMBLE INSTITUTEWhen I was in Year 9, my History class learnt about the eugenics theories of Nazi Germany. I was disgusted by the sheer cruelty, by the blatant bastardization of research, by the corruption of something that gave us penicillin into something that condemned millions of innocent people to death. But sadly, as I later discovered, WWII was not the first or the last time a vile crime like this occurred. From the Tuskegee study in America to the Aversion Project in South Africa, our past is riddled with instances where research was used for evil, to the detriment of entire communities.
It is harrowing to think about. Research can build trust. Research can unite people. Research can draw attention to issues that have remained silent before, but it can also silence issues that deserve to be advocated for. Research has power, but how this power is wielded is up to us.
In our age of digital news and online forums, the power of research grows more and more with each mind it touches. And when it is abused, misinformation, oppression, and tragedy will inevitably ensue.
So here at Pymble, our focus is on using research for good. Our mission is to harness research as a tool that drives positive change and social equality. The College is in the influential position of imparting a rich education to a great number of bright minds, and as such, it also has the responsibility of ensuring that its students mature into not only intelligent
and capable women, but leaders who care about changing their community for the better.
This responsibility is fulfilled year after year, and 2023 was no exception. After reading the diverse and nuanced research produced by the Pymble student authors, I believe it is safe to say that the future of research is in good hands.
Each piece of work has been carefully crafted, with a distinct voice, and a strong underlying current of social awareness. There is research that exposes injustice, research that gives a fresh perspective, research that confronts and research that subverts. Our students are young, but they are also keenly insightful, with passion that propels them to think more, to learn more, and to do more.
Crucially, they are also willing to share. Research that remains locked in the mind of one person has no potential to affect society as a whole. But research spread on the lips of two people, ten people, hundreds and thousands and millions of people, has this potential. The courage that all the contributors to this 2023 edition of our journal have exhibited in stepping forward and sharing their knowledge is also the courage that the world needs if we want it to be a better place.
Hence, I would like to express my sincere thank you to the authors of the research works we have proudly showcased in Perspective this year. They deserve to feel great pride at the painstaking effort
they have invested in their research and the high quality work they have perfected in detail. Years later, some of these talented researchers may pursue a distinguished career in academia, or politics, or finance. But regardless of where they choose to take their journeys, their respect for the power of research will always stay with them, and because of that, I am sure that they will be able to use their influence for good.
My gratitude also extends to my fellow student editors. This year marks the second time that students served on the Perspective editorial team, and our group, with students from Years 7 to 12, accomplished the task wonderfully, with efficiency, verve, and exuberance. The section editors are:
Literature and Philosophy
Chengjia (Julie)
Ayana
Catherine
Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics
Yuki
Caiyi
Ang-Ya
History and Politics
Helena
Maya
Erika
Geography, Business, Economics
Jiya
Sophia
Anisha
Philosophy and Ethics
Aysel
Ariana
But we did not do it alone. The Editorial Team is deeply indebted to Dr Loch, the head of the Pymble Institute, who has given up her precious time to oversee the editorial process of this Journal. Her guidance, humility and warmth has led us along this rewarding journey. Dr Loch, one of the first educators to unlatch the gates of academia for high school students, has opened our eyes and fostered our growth. Under her leadership, Pymble students flourish and immerse themselves completely in the tantalizing world of research.
Finally, on behalf of the Perspective Editorial Committee, I would like to thank you, dear reader, for your interest and support of Pymble’s unique and vibrant research culture. I hope you enjoy this edition and are inspired to undertake your own research for good.
Cheers,
JULIE SHENG LEADER OF THE PERSPECTIVE STUDENT EDITORIAL TEAMThis paper was written for Year 12 Science Extension
ABSTRACT
Carbon dioxide (CO₂) levels when exceeding 1000ppm are known to cause fatigue, headaches, and poor focus. A study conducted across a year in Victoria found that on average urban classrooms exceeded the established threshold of 1000ppm in 85% of cases. The study investigated the relationship between CO2 levels within high school science classrooms at Pymble Ladies’ College and the reduction resultant from the implementation of a 115mm Syngonium podophyllum. Plants are known to reduce CO2 levels within sealed chambers as first established in 1960, this is not investigated satisfactorily when extended to larger environments with conflicting results being proposed and no clear recommendations, guidelines or implementation potential being recognised. Further investigation was therefore advised as to whether it provided a feasible way in which CO2 levels within classrooms could be reduced. The study was conducted across a 4-week period with a 2-week base level recording and 2-week intervention implementation period. There were 4 observed classrooms with 1 acting as a temporal control throughout the trial. The study found reductions of CO2 in all cases of implementation and no significant variation in CO2 levels within the controlled classroom across the experimental period. The average CO2 reduction when S. podophyllum was implemented was 37.1%. This aligned with known knowledge and performance of S. podophyllum within modelled ideal chambers. The significance of the findings could result in the implementation of plants to reduce CO2 levels within school environments. However, prior to guideline implementation further investigation without time, cost and space restrictions would enable greater specification regarding species and plant to student ratios requirements.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Exposure to high levels of carbon dioxide (CO2) is known to be associated with a range of health effects ranging from slight drowsiness to high shortness of breath. When CO2 levels exceed 1000 parts per million (ppm), drowsiness is reported, and when excess of 2000 ppm, sleepiness, headaches, increased heart rate, loss of attention, and nausea may become present (MN Dept. Of Health, 2022.). It is further indicated that CO2 levels exceeding 1000 ppm can cause poor decision making when compared to decisions made at 600 ppm (Satish et al., 2012). The negative impact of CO2 on human health
within an indoor environment has been recognised since 1960 (Wittlin, 1960).
Negative impacts of high CO2 levels within classrooms were identified in 1996 with a Norwegian investigation finding “correlations of reduced pupils’ performance and increased CO2 levels” (Myhrvold et al, 1996). The longstanding recognition of negative impact has not led to the development or enforcement of international guidelines. Current guidelines within New South Wales (NSW) for classroom ventilation are specified as ventilation of 10 litres per person, per second (Department of Education, 2023). Further Australian building codes state that the level of CO2 across an 8 hour period should not exceed 850ppm (ABCB, 2022). This level is known to be exceeded within school classrooms (Hanmer, 2021) with a Victorian study indicating that all indoor environments with inadequate ventilation and high usage rates are likely to experience CO2 rates which exceed recommendation guidelines (Andamon et al., 2023).
Air ventilation systems utilise an average of 120 kilowatt hours accounting for up to 39% of office energy usage (HVAC HESS, 2013). With institutional requirements to progress towards net zero and reduce energy usage other mechanisms for CO2 reduction are recommended for investigation (Sadrizadeh et al.,2022) as to whether they are feasible to use in the place of traditional ventilation technology.
One mechanism feasible for investigation is the implementation of plants capable of photosynthesis. The process of photosynthesis utilising CO2 and being understood at a molecular level was published in 1960 (Stirbet et al., 2019). This process indicates that the plant leaves photosynthesise, absorbing CO2 and H2O, and then oxidation occurs, forming glucose and oxygen. The production of glucose allows for growth within plants as CO2, once converted into glucose, forms chains of cellulose, resulting in more CO2 being stored than is respired during respiration. This indicates that a plant with a greater growth rate will be more effective at eliminating CO2 from the environment. S. podophyllum is known to be effective at reducing indoor atmospheric CO2, with one study finding that this reduction occurred at 10.08% (Suhaimi, Leman, & Safii, 2016).
It is clearly established that plants can have a beneficial impact on the reduction of CO2. A Swedish study within
an ideal sealed chamber investigated the effectiveness of plants to reduce CO2 levels. The study found that “a combination of plants, as in this report, resulted in lower particulate matter and lower CO2 levels” (Claudio, 2011). Therefore, making it clear that the benefits of indoor plants being abundant in highly used indoor environments should be thoroughly investigated. The recognised requirement to reduce CO2 levels within indoor environments to prevent the negative health effects and comply with Australian guidelines indicates the need to investigate alternate mechanisms for CO2 reduction.
Is there a correlation between introducing a S. podophyllum of base diameter 150mm into a Pymble Ladies’ College science classroom and recorded level of CO2 ppm 1 metre away from the plant?
Within an ideal sealed chamber, S. podophyllum reduces CO2 levels by 10.08%. Therefore, it is suggested that this will extend to an indoor classroom environment which is known to have a high concentration of CO2 will have a decrease in CO2 when a S. podophyllum is introduced to the classroom.
A 150mm S. podophyllum plant was introduced to the classroom. S. podophyllum is a commonly found plant which is seen to be effective at removing CO2 from indoor atmospheres within modelled trials.
To monitor CO2 levels within the classroom an Arduino MQ-135 sensor was utilised. The sensor records atmospheric levels of CO2 at 10-minute intervals throughout the trial period. The measurements were recorded within a Comma-separated values (CSV) file with both a timestamp and value reading.
The classrooms were constructed in 1994 of a double brick material. They are located on the bottom floor of the building with S9, S10 and S11 having 2 external doors and north facing windows. S12 has 1 external door and southeast facing windows, additionally the windows within S12 open onto an area of trees and other low foliage. Each classroom has an area of 62.08m2 and an average number of 20 students per lesson. The internal construction material consists of a laminate floor and 21m2 area of carpet. The internal construction, layout and usage of the classrooms is the same. The 4 selected classrooms are utilised for junior science and senior biology, selected due to the lack of chemical usage and uniformity of the classrooms.
The monitoring cycle consisted of a continuous 4-week period in which measurements were taken at 10-minute intervals throughout. The sensor remained in the same
The classrooms were constructed in 1994 of a double brick material. bottom floor of the building with S9, S10 and S11 having 2 windows. S12 has 1 external door and southeast facing windows, within S12 open onto an area of trees and other low foliage. 62.08m2 and an average number of 20 students per lesson. The consists of a laminate floor and 21m2 area of carpet. The internal of the classrooms is the same. The 4 selected classrooms are senior biology, selected due to the lack of chemical usage and
position throughout the 4 weeks with the plant being introduced for the second 2 weeks positioned exactly 1 metre from the sensor. The time period was selected as it allowed for the same 2-week student timetable to occur both with and without a plant. This controlled the activities and usage levels of the classrooms throughout the experiment period.
The classrooms were constructed in 1994 of a double brick material. bottom floor of the building with S9, S10 and S11 having 2 external windows. S12 has 1 external door and southeast facing windows, within S12 open onto an area of trees and other low foliage. Each 62.08m2 and an average number of 20 students per lesson. The consists of a laminate floor and 21m2 area of carpet. The internal of the classrooms is the same. The 4 selected classrooms are senior biology, selected due to the lack of chemical usage and uniformity
The monitoring cycle consisted of a continuous 4-week period taken at 10-minute intervals throughout. The sensor remained the 4 weeks with the plant being introduced for the second 2 weeks from the sensor. The time period was selected as it allowed timetable to occur both with and without a plant. This controlled of the classrooms throughout the experiment period.
The plant was positioned on the back bench away from student desks and lab desks to prevent interference with the plant. At the conclusion of the first 2-week monitoring cycle, a 150mm S. podophyllum plant was introduced to the classroom positioned 1 metre from the sensor and watered bidaily.
The monitoring cycle consisted of a continuous 4-week period taken at 10-minute intervals throughout. The sensor remained in the 4 weeks with the plant being introduced for the second 2 weeks from the sensor. The time period was selected as it allowed timetable to occur both with and without a plant. This controlled of the classrooms throughout the experiment period.
The plant was positioned on the back bench away from student interference with the plant. At the conclusion of the first 2-week podophyllum plant was introduced to the classroom positioned watered bidaily.
The plant was positioned on the back bench away from student interference with the plant. At the conclusion of the first 2-week podophyllum plant was introduced to the classroom positioned watered bidaily.
Across the 4-week period weather conditions and classroom temperatures understand fluctuations within the uncontrolled variables.
Across the 4-week period weather conditions and classroom temperatures were tracked to understand fluctuations within the uncontrolled variables. The distribution of CO2 is assumed as approximately normal, the data is continuous, and the data is randomly sampled. As the data is not of equal variance the appropriate statistical measure was a t-test for two values of unequal variance. The t-test was conducted between the control period and implementation period. To test for the null hypothesis of no change in CO2 levels between periods tested for a confidence level of 95% and the critical alpha value was established as 0.05.
Across the 4-week period weather conditions and classroom temperatures understand fluctuations within the uncontrolled variables.
The distribution of CO2 is assumed as approximately normal, data is randomly sampled. As the data is not of equal variance the was a t-test for two values of unequal variance. The t-test was period and implementation period. To test for the null hypothes levels between periods tested for a confidence level of 95% and established as 0.05.
The distribution of CO2 is assumed as approximately normal, the data is randomly sampled. As the data is not of equal variance the was a t-test for two values of unequal variance. The t-test was conducted period and implementation period. To test for the null hypothesis levels between periods tested for a confidence level of 95% and established as 0.05.
Figure 1: The CO2 concentration from the Pymble Ladies’ College science classroom S9. Continuously across the 4-week period with no implementation of a plant. This enabled the classroom to act as a temporal control. This measuring from environmental changes between the time periods. The P value of p=0.073 shows no significant change between the two time periods.
FIGURE 1
Figure 1: The CO2 concentration from the Pymble Ladies’ College science the 4-week period with no implementation of a plant. This enabled the This measuring from environmental changes between the time periods. significant change between the two time periods.
Figure 1: The CO2 concentration from the Pymble Ladies’ College the 4-week period with no implementation of a plant. This enabled This measuring from environmental changes between the time periods. significant change between the two time periods. FIGURE 2
Figure 2: The CO2 concentration from the Pymble Ladies’ College science classroom S10 is represented within Figure 2. It is a graphical comparison between the time cycle without and with a plant. The mean for the time with no plant was 796.78ppm whilst it was
FIGURE 2
Figure 2: The CO2 concentration from the Pymble Ladies’ College science
Figure 2: The CO2 concentration from the Pymble Ladies’ College
Figure 2. It is a graphical comparison between the time cycle without with no plant was 796.78ppm whilst it was 514.58ppm within the cycle when a plant was introduced is 48.7%. The time cycles were t-tested variance and has a t stat of 89.59 and p value of p<9.96E-281 which
Figure 2. It is a graphical comparison between the time cycle without with no plant was 796.78ppm whilst it was 514.58ppm within the cycle when a plant was introduced is 48.7%. The time cycles were t-tested variance and has a t stat of 89.59 and p value of p<9.96E-281 which
Figure 2: The CO2 concentration from the Pymble Ladies’ College science classroom S10 is represented within Figure 2. It is a graphical comparison between the time cycle without and with a plant. The mean for the time with no plant was 796.78ppm whilst it was 514.58ppm within the cycle with a plant. The percentage decrease when a plant was introduced is 48.7%. The time cycles were t-tested for two samples assuming unequal variance and has a t stat of 89.59 and p value of p<9.96E-281 which can be considered significant.
514.58ppm within the cycle with a plant. The percentage decrease when a plant was introduced is 48.7%. The time cycles were t-tested for two samples assuming unequal variance and has a t stat of 89.59 and p value of p<9.96E-281 which can be considered significant.
Figure 2: The CO2 concentration from the Pymble Ladies’ College science classroom S10 is represented within Figure 2. It is a graphical comparison between the time cycle without and with a plant. The mean for the time with no plant was 796.78ppm whilst it was 514.58ppm within the cycle with a plant. The percentage decrease when a plant was introduced is 48.7%. The time cycles were t-tested for two samples assuming unequal variance and has a t stat of 89.59 and p value of p<9.96E-281 which can be considered significant. FIGURE 3
Figure 3:
concentration
Ladies’ College science classroom S11 is represented within Figure 3. It is a graphical comparison between the cycle without a plant and cycle within a plant within the classroom. The mean for the time with no plant was 790.51ppm whilst it was 418.21ppm within the cycle with a plant. The percentage decrease when a plant was introduced is 47.1%. The time cycles were t-tested for two samples assuming unequal variance has a t stat of 77.46 and P value of 0.
both throughout the control and plant implementation. The plant intervention did however still further reduce the CO2 levels within the classroom.
FIGURE 3
The weather throughout the trial period was seen to impact classroom CO2 levels as days with colder temperatures were seen to have higher CO2 concentrations within the classroom. This did not impact the results analysis as the trend was observable across all classrooms including the control and the average CO2 level was not altered throughout these conditions. It is however an observation which can advise guidelines regarding classroom conditions on cooler or wet days as these days the CO2 levels were seen to exceed 1000 ppm.
Figure 3: The CO2 concentration from the Pymble Ladies’ College science classroom S11 is represented within Figure 3. It is a graphical comparison between the cycle without a plant and cycle within a plant within the classroom. The mean for the time with no plant was 790.51ppm whilst it was 418.21ppm within the cycle with a plant. The percentage decrease when a plant was introduced is 47.1%. The time cycles were t-tested for two samples assuming unequal variance has a t stat of 77.46 and P value of 0.
4:
The results of the investigation indicate with strong evidence that introducing a plant to a classroom reduces CO2 levels. This is desirable within classrooms as lower CO2 levels reduce fatigue and increase concentration. Study results mean that recommendations can be made that plants should be introduced to high school science classrooms. These recommendations should dictate that any classroom without direct window to plants should have a plant within them. This recommendation can be based on the knowledge that when classrooms do not back directly onto foliage, they exceed the 1000 ppm CO2 safety limit and therefore should be required to have at least one plant within. Further investigation into specific foliage amounts and species type to include within recommendation is advised.
Figure 3: The CO2 concentration from the Pymble Ladies’ College science classroom S11 is represented within Figure 3. It is a graphical comparison between the cycle without a plant and cycle within a plant within the classroom. The mean for the time with no plant was 790.51ppm whilst it was 418.21ppm within the cycle with a plant. The percentage decrease when a plant was introduced is 47.1%. The time cycles were t-tested for two samples assuming unequal variance has a t stat of 77.46 and P value of 0.
Figure 4: The CO2 concentration from the Pymble Ladies’ College science classroom S12 is represented within Figure 4. It is a graphical comparison between the cycle without a plant and cycle within a plant within the classroom. The mean for the time with no plant was 270.72ppm whilst it was 227.77pm within the cycle with a plant. The percentage decrease when a plant was introduced is 15.84%. The time cycles were tested for two samples assuming unequal variance has a t stat of 79.96 and P value of 0.
Discussion
Discussion
College science classroom S12 is represented within Figure 4. It is a graphical comparison between the cycle without a plant and cycle within a plant within the classroom. The mean for the time with no plant was 270.72ppm whilst it was 227.77pm within the cycle with a plant. The percentage decrease when a plant was introduced is 15.84%. The time cycles were tested for two samples assuming unequal variance has a t stat of 79.96 and P value of 0.
Figure 4: The CO2 concentration from the Pymble Ladies’ College science classroom S12 is represented within Figure 4. It is a graphical comparison between the cycle without a plant and cycle within a plant within the classroom. The mean for the time with no plant was 270.72ppm whilst it was 227.77pm within the cycle with a plant. The percentage decrease when a plant was introduced is 15.84%. The time cycles were tested for two samples assuming unequal variance has a t stat of 79.96 and P value of 0.
The known model of S. podophyllum performance when reducing CO2 levels within indoor atmospheres supports the investigation findings. The previous studies which utilised models of controlled CO2 levels reported reduced performance in comparison to that observed within the investigation. The most likely cause for this observation is the influence of foliage area. The plant utilised within this investigation had a base radius 15mm greater than that within the sealed chamber trial and there was a greater initial level of CO2 within the environment.
A decrease in CO2 levels was observed for all classrooms with S. podophyllum introduced was observed, the average decrease was 37.1% This reduction was observed across 3 classrooms and was not explained through other environmental changes.
A decrease in CO2 levels was observed for all classrooms with S. podophyllum introduced was observed, the average decrease was 37.1% This reduction was observed across 3 classrooms and was not explained through other environmental changes.
The variation across the classrooms included changed ventilation conditions, orientations, and usages. The variation in classroom conditions allowed for testing across various environments and therefore application to broader school usages for reduction in CO2. The south facing classroom with large amounts of foliage directly outside the classroom had the lowest recorded CO2 levels both throughout the control and plant implementation. The plant intervention did however still further reduce the CO2 levels within the classroom.
METHODOLOGY
The variation across the classrooms included changed ventilation conditions, orientations, and usages. The variation in classroom conditions allowed for testing across various environments and therefore application to broader school usages for reduction in CO2. The south facing classroom with large amounts of foliage directly outside the classroom had the lowest recorded CO2 levels both throughout the control and plant implementation. The plant intervention did however still further reduce the CO2 levels within the classroom.
A decrease in CO2 levels was observed for all classrooms with S. podophyllum introduced was observed, the average decrease was 37.1%. This reduction was observed across 3 classrooms and was not explained through other environmental changes.
The weather throughout the trial period was seen to impact classroom CO2 levels as days with colder temperatures were seen to have higher CO2 concentrations within the classroom. This did not impact the results analysis as the trend was observable across all classrooms including the control and the average CO2 level was not altered throughout these conditions. It is however an observation which can advise guidelines regarding classroom conditions on cooler or wet days as these days the CO2 levels were seen to exceed 1000 ppm.
The weather throughout the trial period was seen to impact classroom CO2 levels as days with colder temperatures were seen to have higher CO2 concentrations within the classroom. This did not impact the results analysis as the trend was observable across all classrooms including the control and the average CO2 level was not altered throughout these conditions. It is however an observation which can advise guidelines regarding classroom conditions on cooler or wet days as these days the CO2 levels were seen to exceed 1000 ppm.
The results of the investigation indicate with strong evidence that introducing a plant to a classroom reduces CO2 levels. This is desirable within classrooms as lower CO2 levels reduce fatigue and increase concentration.
The results of the investigation indicate with strong evidence that introducing a plant to a classroom reduces CO2 levels. This is desirable within classrooms as lower CO2 levels reduce fatigue and increase concentration.
Study results mean that recommendations can be made that plants should be introduced to high school science classrooms. These recommendations should dictate that any classroom without direct window to plants should have a plant within them. This recommendation can be based on the knowledge that when classrooms do not back directly onto foliage, they exceed the 1000 ppm CO2 safety limit and therefore should be required to have at least one plant within. Further investigation into specific foliage amounts and species type to include within recommendation is advised.
The variation across the classrooms included changed ventilation conditions, orientations, and usages. The variation in classroom conditions allowed for testing across various environments and therefore application to broader school usages for reduction in CO2. The south facing classroom with large amounts of foliage directly outside the classroom had the lowest recorded CO2 levels
Study results mean that recommendations can be made that plants should be introduced to high school science classrooms. These recommendations should dictate that any classroom without direct window to plants should have a plant within them. This recommendation can be based on the knowledge that when classrooms do not back directly onto foliage, they exceed the 1000 ppm CO2 safety limit and therefore should be required to have at least one plant within. Further investigation into specific foliage amounts and species type to include within recommendation is advised.
Further the effect of CO2 reduction was only observed during daylight hours. This is supported by known evidence of how photosynthesis occurs and supports the use of plants within classrooms to reduce CO2 levels as classrooms are only used throughout daylight hours. The increased CO2 concentration was related significantly to the classroom which observation occurred in. The classrooms which were North facing and received sunlight had significantly higher average levels of CO2 than those with poorer lighting. To further investigate this relationship and the degree of impact that plants can have in well-lit classrooms the experiment should be repeated across a broader range of rooms.
Classroom carbon dioxide levels did not vary depending on classroom usage. This observation may mean that
The known model of S. podophyllum performance when reducing CO2 levels within indoor atmospheres supports the investigation findings. The previous studies which utilised models of controlled CO2 levels
The known model of S. podophyllum performance when reducing CO2 levels within indoor atmospheres supports the investigation findings. The previous studies which utilised models of controlled CO2 levels
built up carbon dioxide does not decrease at a rate related to time of use. This could alternatively be related to the effectiveness of plants removing carbon dioxide from a classroom at a greater rate during the day than during the night. This pattern would be aligned with known requirements for CO2 removal aligned with photosynthesis.
Limitations within the investigation include the restricted number of trial classrooms and length of study. Additionally, the lack of control across the classrooms ventilation and usage provides a limitation in determination of causality. The correlation observed across the three classrooms is directly observed in Pymble Ladies’ College science classrooms.
Further limitations include the lack of diversity in species and lack of variation in foliage amounts. The lack of variation means the study conclusions can only extend for S. podophyllum to reduce CO2 levels within 1 metre of the plant.
Investigation into the radius of impact surrounding the plant, application across different types of classrooms and reportable effects from those who partake in classes which contain a plant would provide greater evidence for guidelines and recommendations to be introduced across all classroom types.
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With further funding and removal of time constraints a more robust 6-month study is recommended to allow for greater determination of research implications. The study should be conducted across classrooms of different uses, construction types and locations across New South Wales. This would inform the broader use of S. podophyllum for CO2 reduction within both primary and high school classrooms part of the NSW Department of Education.
To provide clear guidelines for plant implementation investigation into species type and optimal foliage area would provide clear guidelines for the best plant for implementation and optimising financial usage.
The null hypothesis can be rejected with it being established with a certainty of >99.9% that when a S. podophyllum is introduced into a Pymble Ladies’ College science room there is a decrease in CO2. This finding additionally supports the hypothesis from the modelled performance of the plant in an ideal chamber that the S. podophyllum plant will reduce CO2 by 10.08%. The average rate of reduction was observed as 37.1% with no change observed within the same period in the control classroom.
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HVAC HESS. (2013). HVAC factsheet—Energy breakdown | energy.gov. au. https://www.energy.gov.au/publications/hvac-factsheet-energy-breakdown
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INVESTIGATION OF IMPACT SYNGONIUM PODOPHYLLUM HAS ON CARBON DIOXIDE CONCENTRATION IN HIGHSCHOOL SCIENCE CLASSROOMS
https://doi.org/10.1093/aob/mcz171
Wittlin, E. (1960). Self-Emitted Breath in Indoor Environment. Journal of the National Medical Association, 52(5), 329–330.
Woo Jin, Andamon Mary Myla, Rajagopalan Priya. (n.d.). Indoor Air Quality for Vulnerable Population—A Climate Change Innovation
Grant. Retrieved August 24, 2023, from https://www.rmit.edu.au/ about/schools-colleges/property-construction-and-project management/research/research-centres-and-groups/sustainable-building-innovation laboratory/projects/climate-change-innovation-grant
This paper was written for Year 12 Science Extension
ABSTRACT
The study aims to determine whether the shift in user experience in phones, from colour to black and white, reduces screentime in adolescents. The screentime of adolescents has become an increasingly prominent issue. The study investigated the use of greyscale on people aged 16 to 18 comparing individuals’ average screentime using both colour and greyscale over consecutive weeks. This methodology determined the results, which show no statistical difference in screentime, between the weeks, due to uncontrolled factors such as examination blocks. The study did, however, find some impact of greyscale.
LITERATURE REVIEW
As technology advances and phones become more prominent along with addictions, the importance of maintaining balance with how stimulating it can be is becoming increasingly important. A psychological study done by Burst (2021) found that colour impacts people’s emotional response and behaviour in marketing, which can be applied to the manufacturing of phones. They identified that grey symbolises ‘old age and solidarity’ and also found in some marketing schemes such as ‘Lexus’s use of light grey’, invokes a feeling of luxury as well as elegance and maturity. Unlike other colours, grey shows less emotional response. Furthermore, the effect of colour on the brain in Korkmaz, Özer (2016) inaugurated study that different colour formed different neural responses, through their analysis of brain activity using MEG. This develops new possible hypotheses into the impact of colour within the brain.
In addition, Haynes’ (2018) investigation found dopamine was released in response to stimulus such as colour. They identified the mesolimbic pathways developed pleasure and reward systems from behaviours such as addictions, emotions, and perception, which can arise from phone usage. The two factors which contribute to addiction include the re-enforcement and neuroadaptations to modulated behaviours, which is constructed through stimulus Roberts, A.J., Koob, G. F (1997). Constant consumption being withdrawn in addictions to drugs resulted in elevated heart-rates and blood pressure, as well as changes in mental state leading to anxiety, depression, and cravings for the stimulus. This can be engaged to the constant consumption of digital media in phones, which acts as a stimulus to mesabolic receptors in the neurotransmissions within the individual.
A further look into reducing screentime of smartphones
in teenagers becoming more necessary to help create more a more balanced life with less reliance on phone usage was done by Clayton, et al. (2015.) The study found that phone separation strongly affects the psychological wellbeing of individuals, and the inability to use phones can also affect physical wellbeing. In their investigation, when unable to answer notifications, people experienced increased blood pressure and heart rates, which led to feelings of anxiety. These symptoms are comparable with Roberts, A.J., Koob, G. F (1997) study of withdrawal from constant consumption of stimulus, being drugs in their study and phones in Clayton et al. (2015).
The implementation of controls on Apple devices that came with the 2018 software update IOS12, in order to help manage screentime, demonstrating the concern for addictions in young people and adolescents (2018), suggests ‘Screen Time is great for everyone to better understand and manage their device usage but can be especially helpful for kids and families’, clearly demonstrating the need for young people to reduce the amount of time on devices. Furthermore, a study by Stiglic N, Viner RM (2019) found evidence surrounding high levels of screentime being associated in CYP (children and young people) with variety of health harms including ‘adiposity, unhealthy diet, depressive symptoms and quality of life’. The evidence further found ‘moderate evidence for an association of screentime with lower HRQOL (Health Related Quality Of Life), with weak evidence for a threshold of >2 hours daily screentime’, indicating the importance of developing methodologies in limiting screentime in CYP, to maintain a healthy quality of life in psychological and physical aspects.
Furthermore, a study conducted by Lundqvist and Ljungblad (2019) developed a guideline methodology, finding the enticement of colour on phones and contrast of greyscale can affect screentime, with regards to user experience in Instagram and Facebook. Their data was limited during their investigation due to a short time frame and small sample size of 10 people. They further used adults, leaving room for research into the effects within adolescents. The initial hypothesis, ‘If you use greyscale, rather than colour, the amount of screen time will be reduced in 16 to 18-year-olds’, is increasingly pertinent in the field of research. Using greyscale to reduce phone usage has the potential for developing ways to help CYP experiencing mental health related issues from phone usage. This, therefore, shows the need for additional research, as technology develops.
SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH QUESTION
How does changing phones to greyscale, impact the amount of screen-time used by people aged 16 to 18 help to reduce screen time?
SCIENTIFIC HYPOTHESIS
If you use greyscale on phones, rather than normal colour, the amount of screen time will be reduced.
METHODOLOGY
The study utilised a controlled sample of individuals aged 16 to 18 who were enrolled in high school. To gather participants within the age range, the Heads of Year for 11 and 12 at Pymble Ladies College (PLC) distributed an email, detailing a broad understanding of the experiment and a link to a Google form where individuals volunteered their interest in participation. The link was also distributed to multiple social media (Instagram and Snapchat) to find a variety of individuals. The form was revised, leaving 59 initial participants out of the 64, who expressed a desire to take part in the investigation.
Each individual who expressed interest was informed one week prior to the beginning of the experiment the requirements of the study via emails provided in the Google form. Participants were required over a period of two weeks during 14/5/2023 to 21/5/2023 in week one and 21/5/2023 to 27/5/2023 in week two. The first week acted as a control, in which their settings were unchanged. The second week applied the greyscale setting, allowing for a comparison between the screentime usage of each day and overall average phone usage. The weeks were intentionally selected to occur during the school term, to provide a control for the individuals’ daily schedules from the hours of roughly 8am to 3pm. The participants were responsible for uploading their daily screentime to an individual Google folder. They were emailed over the two weeks, with reminders and encouragement. The data collected was converted from the individuals’ screenshots using the formula, xhr × 60 + xmin and collated into an Excel spreadsheet.
On the last day of the two-week period [27/5/2023], the participants were provided with a secondary Google form to reflect on their individual experience in using greyscale. After four days following the completion of the experiment, those who had not uploaded their complete data set were removed from the raw data which resulted in a total of 32 participants. The secondary Google form was then adjusted to accept only answers from the 32 participants, leaving 26 final responses. The data sets were then visualised using Excel.
The average from the 32 participants was visualised using Excel and used to create t-tests; paired for two sample means designating the alpha value as the critical value comparing the daily data from each day of the week to show the comparison.
32 final participants’ data was averaged for both weeks and put into a statistical t-Test: Paired for Two Sample Means. The t-Test (Table 1) has an alpha value of 0.05. The p-value one-tail is 0.38, which is higher than the alpha value and has no statistical difference. The two-tailed p-value is 0.77 which is higher than the alpha value and displays no statistical difference.
Table 1: t-Test comparing the daily average of week 1, variable 1 and week 2, variable 2.
The null hypothesis ‘there is no difference between greyscale and colour in screentime’ is failed to be rejected due to the p-values affirming no statistical difference.
Figure 1: Comparison of the weekly screentime average between colour and greyscale
Figure 1 further affirms the null hypothesis as there is a high similarity in the medians with a 0.43 difference. The standard deviation shows extreme similarities in the skew of the data. The only distinct variation shown on the box plot is the outlier during the normal colour, showing there was a decrease of an individual’s screentime. Therefore, there was no distinction in the deviation of data, and no relevant statistical difference.
Figure 2: Follow up survey from final responses - scale of feeling throughout the duration of the experiment.
The follow up survey (Figure 2) determined that the experience of individuals using greyscale was moderately, negatively skewed, identifying a greater sense of boredom rather than productivity, with a mode of three.
Figure 3: Follow up survey from final responsespie chart of activities completed in replacement of screentime
The survey found (Figure 3) that 36% of individuals were going to sleep earlier, when experiencing boredom from their phone, providing correlation between the impact of greyscale on daily life.
Figure 4: Follow up survey from final responses - scale of how much participants felt their screentime was reduced
The survey found that individuals felt screentime
reduction was minimally felt, with a mode of two and a decreasing skew (Figure 4).
The investigation being conducted as a quasi-experiment allowed for the selection of the participants to be within the specific ‘16 to 18’ age range to achieve moderate internal validity. The age range beginning at 16 meant participants did not require parental consent. Participants were made aware of what the experiment was aiming to do with the data and that they could withdraw at any time before the experiment began.
Participants were also informed that any data collection would be made anonymous post-submission to ensure that the data was ethically collected. The data collected from individuals in the first survey for interest did not ask for background on the individuals besides their age and gender identity. This results in an inability to determine whether the population of the study is able to accurately draw conclusions for a general population.
The completion of the data collection resulted in 32 final participants which were used to form statistical results. Relying on the individuals to upload their data created an uncontrolled variable in the collection of the results. This limited the amount of data provided at the end of the experimentation, resulting in a reduced data set. In the data, a clear set difference was observed where male participants comprised 12.5% and female participants 87.5%, meaning the final data favours women’s experiences of phone usage under greyscale treatment rather than a broad range of adolescents reflecting a general population.
The secondary data form resulted in 26 responses using only individuals from the final data collection’s responses. The refinement of the data further limited understanding of phone usage under greyscale treatment to the experiences of the other individuals; however, it improves accuracy within the final data set.
Statistical analysis of the data set included the use of t-Test’s as the most appropriate choice for the investigation, to test for variance between two samples within the same population. The test was conducted using the 32 final data sets, allowing for the distinction between the treatment groups: colour and greyscale. The data was converted into minutes following the data representation from the Lundqvist and Ljungblad (2019), study. This allowed for clear expression of the data to be comparatively analysed, to find the result of no statistical variances.
The representation of data from the secondary form was visualised using Excel. The visualisation of data using pie charts allows for a pictorial representation of data, showing the categorical, numerical data. The pie chart demonstrates individuals went to sleep at the highest frequency, rather than remaining on their phones. This provides suggestions that the use of greyscale at night can reduce screentime. This supports Stiglic N, Viner RM (2019) study conveying lower screentime leads to a higher HRQOL. The column graphs were based on the Likert scale, allowing for a visualisation to summarise the ordinal data. The column graphs found that using greyscale made them bored rather than productive and it did not feel as though their screentime was reduced. This indicates that the use of greyscale was ineffective.
The final data involved predominately female responses; this is a result of reduced marketing towards a male cohort. The data size was small and did not represent a general population as the majority of data was collected from females. Future research should aim to use an equal spread of male and female participants, in order to find a more generalised sample as well as a larger sample size. The variables which could not be controlled included daily schedules, as well as examinations and extracurricular activities the individuals were participating in, which created a skew in the data sets. Future research should assess the schedules of individuals and aim for participants to be compared based on similar external factors. Furthermore, the participants were able to change their display as they were responsible for their own participation. Individuals in future studies should aim to develop or introduce an app for the individuals’ devices, allowing for a measure of whether greyscale was turned off and for how long, to encourage maintaining greyscale and increasing the accuracy of the results.
REFERENCES
2018, A. (2018, June 5). iOS 12 introduces new features to reduce interruptions and manage Screen Time—Apple (AU). Apple.Com. Retrieved 15 August, 2023 https://www.apple.com/au/newsroom/2018/06/ios-12-introduces-new-features-to-reduce-interruptions-and-manage-screen-time/
(Multiple Authors) Microsoft Research Canada, Attention spans (consumer insights Microsoft Canada), (Spring, 2015), Microsoft, Retrieved November 11, 2022, from: https://dl.motamem.org/microsoft-attention-spans-research-report.pdf
Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD). National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH). Retrieved November 3, 2022, from https:// www.nimh.nih.gov/health/statistics/attention-deficit-hyperactivity-disorder-adhd
Burst, Dash (September 7, 2021) How to use the colour Psychology of Colour When Marketing, (Small business trends) Retrieved November 11, 2022 from: https://smallbiztrends.com/2014/06/psychology-of-colors.html
Future research should consider the usage of other devices as a form of screentime, without the application of greyscale. Consideration should be taken of applying greyscale across all devices, as well as using a control group for the greyscale week. This can be done by using multiple groups with the same schedule to determine the distinction greyscale has on people with similar phone usage, or phone settings.
CONCLUSION
The study investigated whether the change of normal colour to greyscale in adolescents’ phones, aged 16 to 18, was capable of reducing screentime on their phone. The data collected failed to reject the null hypothesis there is no difference between greyscale and colour in screentime as the t-Test displayed no statistical difference as a result in shifting user experience.
The surveys informed the investigation of individuals’ diverse responses to the effect of greyscale in their everyday routines. The secondary survey expressed a moderate impact in experiencing boredom rather than productivity on the Likert scale, further identifying individuals did not feel as though their screentime was reduced and therefore demonstrated the ineffectiveness of greyscale. The use of t-Test’s comparing sample means effectively demonstrated no statistical difference, consistent with the users’ reflections of phone usage.
The study provides evidence of uncontrolled variables in the experiment and limitations such as examination timetables and a restricted sample size. These factors assist future research with plausible constraints and enable a broader understanding of variables. Therefore, the hypothesis If you use greyscale on phones, rather than normal colour, the amount of screen time will be reduced is not supported by the findings.
CK, Connors, (2014) Conners Continuous Performance Test – Third Edition / Conners Continuous Auditory Test of Attention (Conners CPT-3 / Conners CATA) Combo Kit | Psychology Resource Centre Retrieved November 3, 2022, from https://psycentre.apps01.yorku. ca/wp/conners-continuous-performance-test-third-edition-conners-continuous-auditory-test-of-attention-conners-cpt-3-conners-cata-combo-kit/
Clayton, R. B., Leshner, G., & Almond, A. (2015). The Extended iSelf: The Impact of iPhone Separation on Cognition, Emotion, and Physiology. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 20(2), 119–135. Retrieved February 1, 2023. https://doi.org/10.1111/jcc4.12109
Hamill, Jasper. (2019, April 12). How to beat smartphone addiction by turning your screen black and white. Metro. Retrieved November 11, 2022 https://metro.co.uk/2019/04/12/making-iphone-display-black-white-boost-happiness-wellbeing-9181828/
Haynes, Trevor & Clements, Rebecca. (2018, May 1). Dopamine, Smartphones & You: A battle for your time. Science in the News https://sitn.hms.harvard.edu/flash/2018/dopamine-smartphones-battle-time/
Korkmaz, S., Özer, Ö., Kaya, Ş., Kazgan, A., & Atmaca, M. (2016). The correlation between color choices and impulsivity, anxiety, and depression. Electronic Journal of General Medicine, 13(3). Retrieved 15 August 2023 https://doi.org/10.29333/ejgm/81905
Lundqvist, J., & Ljungblad, V. (2019). Influence your screen time A study on how a grayscale display can affect the use of social media on smartphones (written in Swedish). 39. Retrieved November 11, 2022, from: http://hb.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:1385002/ FULLTEXT01.pdf
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Stiglic, N., & Viner, R. M. (2019). Effects of screentime on the health and well-being of children and adolescents: A systematic review of reviews. BMJ Open, 9(1), e023191. Retrieved 15 August 2023 https:// doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2018-023191
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ABSTRACT
Alzheimer’s disease (AD) is a neurodegenerative disorder that is the leading cause of dementia. There is a global and urgent need to develop effective, potent, and specific therapeutic agents against AD, especially diseasemodifying therapies which would greatly improve the prognosis and quality of life of AD patients. The difficulty lies in a lack of understanding of AD pathology. AD is characterised by extracellular plaques and intracellular tangles, composed of beta-amyloid 42 peptide (Aß) and tau protein respectively. Existing research demonstrates that they have impacts on one another, but specifics are still unknown. I propose research into this relationship between Aß and tau. I aim to definitively explain how Aß causes tau neurofibrillary tangles. This research will inform successful treatment development and further our understanding of AD.
Key words: Alzheimer’s disease, beta-amyloid 42, tau protein, tauopathy, hyperphosphorylation
INTRODUCTION
Alzheimer’s disease is a devastating neurodegenerative disorder with an estimated prevalence of 416 million people worldwide (Gustavsson et al., 2023). It leads to a gradual decline in cognitive ability and loss of independence in daily activities. There is no cure for Alzheimer’s. Currently, AD treatment is generally symptomatic rather than disease-modifying, and the success rate for AD drug trials is a notoriously low 0.04% (Cummings, Morstorf & Zhong, 2014). This is, in part, due to an incomplete understanding of AD. Two key aspects of AD are extracellular Aß plaques and intracellular tau neurofibrillary tangles, which both develop from normal forms of proteins and have distinguishable impacts on one another. Establishing the direct relationship between the two proteins (Aß and tau) has yet to be done, but this is vital to understanding AD mechanisms. Thus, I present my aim: To determine Aß’s role in tau hyperphosphorylation.
LITERATURE REVIEW
AD pathophysiology
Two proteins play an important role in AD: beta-amyloid 42 (Aß) and tau proteins. Aß is a peptide created through abnormal, enzymatic breakdown of amyloid precursor protein. These peptides form extracellular, neurotoxic plaques which contribute to inflammation, neuronal death, and resulting cognitive decline (Bayer, 2010; Breijyeh & Karaman, 2020). Tau proteins are normally
parts of microtubules but become abnormal through enzymatic processes. Enzymes, such as kinases, attach phosphates to the tau protein excessively, which interrupts normal function and structure. This is called hyperphosphorylation, and, as a result, the abnormal tau proteins form neurofibrillary tangles and gain neurotoxicity (Gong & Iqbal, 2008).
Aß and tau
Determining the specifics of the relationship between the two would be invaluable in informing future research and therapy development. We know that Aß plaques develop earlier in AD pathology and that Aß can lead to the hyperphosphorylation of tau, later in AD pathology. Despite the instrumental roles of Aß and tau in AD, their direct relationship is not yet clear, as studies usually isolate the proteins. My research aims to address the lack of holistic AD research.
Modelling AD in vivo and ex vivo
A mouse model is the most common research tool when investigating AD pathology, but raises ethical concerns and issues of translatability from mouse to human brains (Slanzi et al., 2020). There are many ex vivo models such as brain slice cultures, neural cell cultures (2D or 3D, and mono-, di- or tri-cultures) [Choi et al., 2016; Croft et al., 2019; Goshi et al., 2020; Batenburg et al., 2023]. These ex vivo models (specifically, 3D tri-cultures) are ideal for researching my aim. Batenburg et al. (2023) recently developed a 3D human co-culture of neurons and astrocytes. This high throughput, physiologically-relevant culture forms the basis of my methodology.
METHODOLOGY
3D tri-culture
I propose further developments upon Batenburg et al.’s (2023) 3D co-culture in order to understand Aß’s role in phosphorylated tau development (specific method as outlined previously [Batenburg et al., 2023]). This was a culture of only human neurons and astrocytes, and no microglia, which are key in AD pathology. I propose to use a 3D tri-culture of neurons, astrocytes, and microglia in my research. I believe that I can feasibly obtain human microglia with similar techniques to Goshi et al. (2020)’s 2D mouse tri-culture, and that it can inform the modifications required to make the 3D medium suited to supporting microglia.
Inducing and observing tauopathy
Using the 3D tri-culture, I intend to investigate the cause
of tau hyperphosphorylation and induce tauopathy through selective expression of Aß, and/or the kinases involved in phosphorylation. For example, one trial could look like introducing Aß to a culture where only one of the six kinases (Gong & Iqbal, 2008; Zhang et al., 2021) involved in phosphorylation are active. This selective expression could be facilitated by either genetic mutations (i.e. gene knockout through lentiviruses, CRISPR cas-9, etc.) or through enzyme inhibitors (Breijyeh
& Karaman, 2020). Thus, the presence of Aß and specific kinases is the independent variable, while the production of hyperphosphorylated tau becomes the dependent variable. This can be measured using immunofluorescent staining and microscopy (as outlined in Batenburg et al., 2023). By producing various combinations of Aß and kinases, I will be able to observe which combinations result in hyperphosphorylated tau. This will definitively determine Aß’s role in tauopathy.
REFERENCES
Batenburg, K. L., Sestito, C., Cornelissen-Steijger, P., Van Weering, J. R. T., Price, L. S., Heine, V. M., & Scheper, W. (2023). A 3D human co-culture to model neuron-astrocyte interactions in tauopathies. Biological Procedures Online, 25(1), 4. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12575-023-00194-2
Bayer. (2010). Intracellular accumulation of amyloid-beta – a predictor for synaptic dysfunction and neuron loss in Alzheimer’s disease. Frontiers in Aging Neuroscience. https://doi.org/10.3389/ fnagi.2010.00008
Breijyeh, Z., & Karaman, R. (2020). Comprehensive Review on Alzheimer’s Disease: Causes and Treatment—PMC. Retrieved May 24, 2023, from https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7764106/#B59-molecules-25-05789
Choi, S.H., Kim, Y.H., Quinti, L. et al. (2016). 3D culture models of Alzheimer’s disease: A road map to a “cure-in-a-dish”. Mol Neurodegeneration 11, 75. https://doi.org/10.1186/s13024-016-0139-7
Croft, C. L., Cruz, P. E., Ryu, D. H., Ceballos-Diaz, C., Strang, K. H., Woody, B. M., Lin, W. L., Deture, M., Rodríguez-Lebrón, E., Dickson, D. W., Chakrabarty, P., Levites, Y., Giasson, B. I., & Golde, T. E. (2019). rAAV-based brain slice culture models of Alzheimer’s and Parkinson’s disease inclusion pathologies. The Journal of Experimental Medicine 216(3), 539–555.
Cummings, J. L., Morstorf, T., & Zhong, K. (2014). Alzheimer’s disease
drug-development pipeline: Few candidates, frequent failures. Alzheimer’s Research & Therapy, 6(4), 37. https://doi.org/10.1186/ alzrt269
Gong, C.-X., & Iqbal, K. (2008). Hyperphosphorylation of microtubule-associated protein tau: A promising therapeutic target for Alzheimer’s Disease. Current Medicinal Chemistry, 15(23), 2321–2328. https://doi.org/10.2174/092986708785909111
Goshi, N., Morgan, R. K., Lein, P. J., & Seker, E. (2020). A primary neural cell culture model to study neuron, astrocyte, and microglia interactions in neuroinflammation. Journal of Neuroinflammation, 17(1), 155. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12974-020-01819-z
Gustavsson, A., Norton, N., Fast, T., Frölich, L., Georges, J., Holzapfel, D., Kirabali, T., Krolak-Salmon, P., Rossini, P. M., Ferretti, M. T., Lanman, L., Chadha, A. S., & Van Der Flier, W. M. (2023). Global estimates on the number of persons across the Alzheimer’s disease continuum. Alzheimer’s & Dementia, 19(2), 658–670. https://doi.org/10.1002/ alz.12694
Slanzi, A., Iannoto, G., Rossi, B., Zenaro, E., & Constantin, G. (2020). In vitro models of neurodegenerative diseases. Frontiers in Cell and Developmental Biology, 8, 328. https://doi.org/10.3389/fcell.2020.00328
Zhang, H., Wei, W., Zhao, M., Ma, L., Jiang, X., Pei, H., Cao, Y., & Li, H. (2021). Interaction between Aß and Tau in the pathogenesis of Alzheimer’s Disease. International Journal of Biological Sciences, 17(9), 2181–2192. https://doi.org/10.7150/ijbs.57078
Loss of regenerative capacity is a normal part of aging. However, some creatures, such as the Mexican axolotl, retain amazing regenerative abilities throughout their lives. In addition, age-related diseases rarely develop in this organism. This Science Fair assignment will explore how the axolotl is used as a model system to study regeneration processes, what new technological advances are currently available with this model, and how the axolotl can consider how to apply lessons learned from regeneration research.
It may be possible to understand and treat age-related decline in humans. Rebirth is part of life. The ability to replace old or damaged cells in all organ systems is important not only for tissue homeostasis but also for the long-term survival of an organism. The ability to repair wounds is a property common to all living organisms, as are many mechanisms for healing these wounds. However, the ability to regenerate more complex structures such as limbs varies widely among tetrapod species. It is well documented that this ability to replace tissues during homeostasis and heal acute injuries is adversely affected by the aging process in most organisms. However, some species are better at reproducing to adulthood than others. Humans pass through several temporal stages throughout their lives, including embryonic and fetal development, childhood, adolescence, adulthood, middle age, mature adulthood, and ultimately death.
Each stage is characterised by important physiological changes. Some changes appear to be programmed, such as those caused by endocrine signals, while others are a response to environmental factors, such as diet or normal cellular metabolism. Determining exactly when human aging begins is difficult, perhaps because so many genetic and environmental factors can influence this process. However, these include loss of fertility, decreased metabolism, depletion of the adult stem cell pool, increased cellular senescence, increased DNA damage, altered immune responses, increased time to injury healing, and increased incidence of age-related diseases. There are several characteristics (cancer, heart disease, Alzheimer’s disease, etc.) that are all associated with the aging process. Elucidating the mechanisms underlying age-related pathologies will play an important role in developing treatments that improve quality of life in later life.
Loss of regenerative capacity is a normal part of aging.
However, some creatures, such as the Mexican axolotl, retain amazing regenerative abilities throughout their lives. In addition, age-related diseases rarely develop in this organism. This essay will explore how the axolotl is used as a model system to study regeneration processes, what new technological advances are currently available with this model, and how the axolotl can consider how to apply lessons learned from regeneration research. It may be possible to understand and treat age-related decline in humans.
Although there is no data on mortality rates for these creatures, the maximum lifespan of axolotls in captivity is estimated to be up to 25 years. Despite the lack of agerelated studies in this species, changes in the animal’s body structure can be observed over time. One of these changes is size. The axolotl is an animal that grows indefinitely and grows larger throughout its life. Another reason lies in its skeletal structure. During the larval stage, the axolotl’s skeleton contains a lot of cartilage, which is replaced by bone as the animal ages. Changes in tissue composition are also evident as animals age, such as the skin layers on their limbs becoming thicker. Behavior also changes with age. Larvae of young animals are able to move and eat more frequently compared to older animals, suggesting that, as in humans, their metabolism also declines with age. Limb regeneration begins with amputation (although not all wounds regenerate). During the first few hours, the wound epithelium migrates to the wound site. Nerve fibers then innervate this wound epithelium. This signaling loop runs between the nerve and the wound epithelium. (This is called the apical epithelial cap). This center then produces several signaling molecules that cause the underlying mature limb tissue to dedifferentiate and proliferate into limb progenitor cells known as blastema cells. Interactions between cells from opposite axes of the limb in the wound determine the pattern of structure of the missing limb. Once this pattern is established, cells redifferentiate into the structure of the defective limb.
Several studies on axolotls have shown that there are three basic requirements for limb regeneration. 1) wound epithelium, 2) neural signals, and 3) presence of cells from different axes of the limb. One such study established a regeneration assay known as the accessory lime model (ALM) and showed that the combination of these three components is sufficient to generate limbs. In this study, an ectopic limb was created in a lateral wound on the side of the arm with both a deviated nerve bundle and
a skin graft from the opposite side of the limb axis. ALM has evolved into a powerful regeneration assay that provides a platform to examine each of these specific regeneration requirements in a gain-of-function sense. Therefore, ALM and other regeneration assays will play an important role in understanding the fundamental biology of limb regeneration. Axolotls retain amazing regenerative abilities throughout their lives. Although the success rate of regeneration decreases with age, they still exhibit regenerative abilities that far exceed those of humans and other mammals. This age-related decline in the regenerative capacity of axolotls can be caused and/ or influenced by many factors.
This age-related decline in the regenerative capacity of axolotls can be caused and/or influenced by many factors. The reproduction rate of axolotls slows as they get older, from several weeks for larvae to several months for sexually mature adults. This may be a result of the animal’s size. Small animals have smaller limb circumference and mass than adults, resulting in faster wound closure and tissue recovery. As axolotls age, the skin may thicken and lose flexibility, complicating the formation of wound epithelium, and sufficient positional interactions may not occur at the injury site for the formation of complete limb structures. It will be expensive.
Additional factors such as circulating factors and hormones may also play a role in the timing of regeneration in aging animals, but this possibility remains to be investigated. Metamorphosis can also negatively impact limb regeneration. In amphibians, metamorphosis is activated by thyroid hormone signals. Frog species that can reproduce as tadpoles have a reduced ability to regenerate entire limbs during metamorphosis. Spontaneous metamorphosis rarely occurs in axolotls, but the process can be induced by thyroid hormones. Although axolotls retain the ability to regenerate after metamorphosis, they are prone to pattern loss and are often missing fingers. This problem is probably related to changes in skin morphology and its impact on wound healing. Interestingly, the lifespan of an axolotl is significantly reduced after metamorphosis, with metamorphic animals typically only living for 1 to 2 years after the process is complete. However, because metamorphosis is not part of the axolotl’s normal life cycle, it remains unclear whether the regeneration failure in this situation is age-related or due to changes (and abnormalities) in the physiology of the metamorphosed axolotl. It’s difficult to judge.
Immune system: Chronic inflammation is associated with the development of age-related disease and frailty in humans. Age-related weakening of the immune system is associated with increased risk of infection and reduced effectiveness of vaccination. In both mammalian and amphibian models, immune system
development is associated with loss of regenerative capacity. Although immune system activity has not been studied in aged axolotls, inflammatory responses can have both positive and negative effects on regeneration. For example, the immune system appears to be suppressed in the regenerating limb, as allografts from transgenic animals show little or no rejection during the regeneration reaction. This may be due in part to the simpler adaptive immune system of axolotls compared to mammals. The presence of immune cells is also a prerequisite, despite anecdotal evidence that immune responses are suppressed during regeneration. For example, macrophages are essential for regeneration of both the heart and limbs of axolotls. Macrophages may play multiple roles in regeneration, removing tissue and cell debris within damaged tissues and removing senescent cells from regenerating tissues. Finally, both pro- and anti-inflammatory signals are induced in the regenerating limb environment. Therefore, the balance between suppressive and immune responses required for regeneration appears to be highly regulated and requires further investigation.
Scarless Healing: It is well known that the ability of human skin to heal wounds decreases with age. The process and result of wound healing differs significantly between axolotls and mammals (review). Mammals leave scars, but axolotls’ skin wounds heal without scarring throughout their lives. Wound healing begins with the formation of a blood clot, followed by the influx of inflammatory cells, re-epithelialization, migration, and deposition of extracellular matrix (ECM) by fibroblasts, removal of cellular debris, cell proliferation, and finally skin maturation. Low incidence of cancer: The number of cases of cancer diagnosed in the human population continues to increase. Since age is a major risk factor for the development of cancer, it is not surprising that the overall increase in human life expectancy has contributed significantly to this phenomenon. The mechanisms by which age contributes to cancer incidence in humans are unclear, but are likely influenced by environmental, behavioral, and genetic predispositions. For example, in the human genome, certain genes exhibit agerelated changes in DNA methylation, and changes in this methylation pattern are associated with various cancers. In contrast to humans, axolotls rarely develop spontaneous tumors, and only a few reports of neoplasia have been described in the literature. Interestingly, as in the human population, there appears to be a positive correlation between neoplasm occurrence and age of onset. It remains to be determined whether this phenomenon, although rare, also correlates with agerelated epigenetic changes in the axolotl genome. However, in this context, these animals serve as a powerful model system, providing insight into the factors and mechanisms that can naturally limit spontaneous tumor formation.
Historically, the repertoire of molecular techniques available for use in the axolotl was limited, with much emphasis being placed instead on phenomenological, embryonic, and biochemical studies. The absence of a fully sequence genome was a major contributing factor to this limitation. However, over the last decade many technological advances in the genome and genome manipulations have improved the molecular tool kit available for this model organism. One of the most pivotal advances in terms of such technologies has been the sequencing and assembly of the entire axolotl genome, a daunting feat given the large size of the genome - 32 Gb. This data has already revealed that several coding and non-coding sequences with potential roles in limb regeneration are species-specific, and are absent in amniotes, and may aid in our understanding and evaluation of the genetic requirements for regeneration
and the evolutionary retention or loss of this capability. Despite the absence of a fully sequenced genome prior to 2018, transcriptional analysis was originally facilitated through large- and small-scale microarray studies (targeted towards known RNA sequences) as well as RNA-sequencing (using human and Xenopus data sets as reference libraries). Combining microarray and RNA sequencing technologies with the currently available axolotl genome sequence will provide a more comprehensive understanding of gene expression during regeneration. This is of great importance in the context of aging, as transcriptional profiling as a function of age can reveal changes in regenerative capacity over time. As RNA-seq is possible at single-cell resolution, the transcriptional contributions of different cell types, such as fibroblasts and immune cells, in aged and regenerating organs can also be assessed.
How and where does
world and how does it make a difference in
health of those people who live withBY YUEQIN (YUKI) WANG (YEAR 11)
Diabetes is defined as a chronic, metabolic disease characterized by elevated levels of blood glucose which plays a crucial role in individuals’ daily lives. In this research paper, I will be exploring how diabetes and medical technologies such as blood sugar monitors are agents with world-changing effects. I will be analyzing how the social life of diabetes as a disease that varies with different agents, voice, and sits in different agencies in the world as a multifaceted and technical object. This includes how diabetes and the social, technical, political and economic aspects of an individual’s life are inseparable and interconnected.
Such examination of diabetes and its use showcases the ways in which such smart technology affects the patient, healthcare professionals, family members, production company and industry. For example, the disproportionate impact of diabetes upon indigenous population groups across the continents. Such implications may affect individuals’ everyday lives in society today. To understand diabetes as a disease and its behaviors, we must go beyond a technical description. It is crucial to acknowledge how the disease itself “enacts” new practices, and the implications of rather than “having” the disease, but “doing” the disease can engender new practice in different circumstances around the world.
INTRODUCTION
Humans are “actors” - we are empty vessels that are filled in by structures and outside influences to shape our identities and existence in the world. In the field of Science, Technology and Society (STS), actors refer to any individual or collective entity that has its own capacity to engage in making decisions and exerting influence in social and technical contexts. Humans have the power to act: any of the entities that are able to act are called “agents”. Agents have the ability to act with intentionality and influence their surrounding environment (Mol, Law 2002). In diabetic medicine, all things are influenced by “agencies”. Diabetes itself is an agent along with blood sugar monitors, medical apparatuses and practitioners. Hence, individuals’ bodies are agents that have agencies, which aims to bring diseases into one’s life.
But what exactly is diabetes? About 422 million people worldwide have diabetes. The majority of these individuals live in low and middle-income countries, and 1.5 million deaths are directly attributed to diabetes each
year. Diabetes is defined as a chronic, metabolic disease characterized by elevated levels of blood glucose (or blood sugar), which leads over time to serious damage to the heart, blood vessels, eyes, kidneys, and nerves (World Health Organization). Diabetes occurs when there is either a lack of insulin - the hormone created by the pancreas that controls the amount of glucose in the bloodstream at any given time - or the body does not respond to the actions of insulin appropriately, which then impairs blood glucose levels in the body. Organs such as the brain, kidneys, liver and red blood cells do not have insulin receptors or require insulin for the uptake of glucose; therefore, they can be more significantly affected by changes in blood glucose levels once diagnosed with diabetes.
Diabetes occurs through a lack of insulin in one’s body system. Most food products contain complex carbohydrates which are broken down to supply energy in our cells for our body. However, these carbohydrates once ingested are broken down in the gastrointestinal system into simpler sugars such as glucose. As food travels into the small intestine, glucose molecules are absorbed into the bloodstream, which is then transported to the liver. Insulin is produced by the cells in the pancreas as a response to the rise in blood sugar level. Insulin is then responsible for the transportation of glucose from the bloodstream into cells (Hess-Fiscal and Jaffe, 2022). This process enables the liver to store glucose in the form of glycogen (glycogenesis) and fats (de novo lipogenesis) which serves as short and long term stores of energy.
Diabetes is both social and technical. It is social because of the extent it can interact with other agents around the world. And similarly, it is technical because of the nature it can be examined using a medical technology. The technology enables and gives us diagnosis. It shifts our perspectives and helps to understand our everyday practices surrounding the disease - how we organize, talk, arrange ourselves surrounding the agent, how we figure out the best diet, how we can treat ourselves in a healthy way. Diseases like diabetes are much more circumscribed than a technical object surrounded by medical apparatus; it is a social entity that we act out rather than suffer. Diabetes is a social phenomenon in individuals’ lives, and how they choose to fold disease into their life to reshape their experiences.
HOW AND WHERE DOES DIABETES CIRCULATE AROUND THE WORLD AND HOW DOES IT MAKE A DIFFERENCE IN THE HEALTH OF THOSE PEOPLE WHO LIVE WITH DIABETES?
Diabetes is personal to my grandpa, but also to many millions of people who are diagnosed with the disease. A typical day for my grandpa is quite regimented. “When I wake up, I will need to do a blood sugar level using the blood sugar monitor. Sometimes, depending on the blood sugar level, I will need to eat medications to retain the blood sugar level. However, if the level is higher than expected, I will need certain medications on top of my normal medications and restrict my diet for the day a little”.
When I was two years old, my beloved grandpa, who was approaching his 60s, was diagnosed with diabetes. It has had a huge impact on his daily life. Since then, he experienced high blood pressure and high sugar levels; he often feels well enough to watch TV and sleep all day, but was forced to take daily medicines and blood sugar tests to stay healthy. My grandpa’s side of the family has a history of diabetes, therefore, at a young age he needed to be cautious of the symptoms and avoid an unhealthy lifestyle.
On the other side of the world, diabetes has a significant effect on millions of people’s lives. The hearing “The Diabetes Research: improving lives on the path to a cure” conducted by the United States Senate in 2015 examined the affordability of insulin within the diabetic population in healthcare in America, and the ways in which socioeconomic status impacts those individuals’ daily lives. Susan Collins, the Senator present in the public hearing, highlighted that diabetes is a lifelong condition that does not discriminate (United States Senate, 2015). Diabetes is described as a powerful disease which affects people of every age, race, and nationality. Research from the American Diabetes Association (2023) has shown that diabetes costs the United States an estimated $412.9 billion a year, a cost that is projected to more than double by the year 2020. In fact, medical costs for Americans with diabetes are more than double those incurred by individuals without diabetes. These trends and data provided an opportunity for the US Senate to raise attention to further investigate the social impact to those diabetic patients who can no longer afford insulin.
Susan Collins was passionate about young people’s concern over the rise in insulin prices. Since Collins founded the Senate Diabetes Caucus, funding for diabetes research tripled, from $310 million in 1997 to well over 4 billion dollars in 2023. As a consequence, the US government saw some encouraging breakthroughs and is on the threshold of a number of new discoveries. Advances in technology, like continuous glucose monitors, are helping patients control their blood glucose levels, which is key to preventing diabetes complications. The US is also moving closer and closer to the U.S.’s goal of an artificial pancreas, which would revolutionize diabetes care. Such problems of diabetes became an
important economical and political implication of the rise of cost of insulin, which can influence the government to make changes to be most suited for diabetic patients. Diabetes not only affects the lives of individuals who face economic crises as insulin prices rise. This is especially a problem for the elderly and young, with 85% of the patients diagnosed with diabetes elderly, and about 210,000 Americans under the age of 20 who have been diagnosed with diabetes (American Diabetes Association 2021).
Isabelle Levesque, a 10-year-old living in the United States, was diagnosed with Type 1 Diabetes when she was 2 years old. Through Isabelle’s testimony during the United States Senate hearing, (United States Senate 2015), her typical day will look as such: “My mom and dad began a routine of ten to twelve finger pricks and six insulin shots each day to keep my blood sugar in a healthy range. As of today, I have pricked my finger over 28,000 times, changed my pump site over 1,400 times, and changed my sensor over 400 times.” Isabelle said.
Likewise, Mendenhall (2012) presents the social impact of diabetes amongst Mexican Immigrants, particularly in middle-aged women. Mendenhall describes insulin as produced by the pancreas and largely functions to enable glucose to enter cells where it can be turned into energy. Type 2 Diabetes is characterized by Insulin resistance. What is interesting is that Mendenhall depicts Insulin as closely related to the brain - as Insulin receptors are widely distributed throughout our brains. Insulin acts through the hypothalamus to decrease food intake and body weight. For example, when insulin causes a reduction in blood glucose levels, it stimulates eating. When individuals are chronically stressed, the stress hormone cortisol acts on fat cells throughout the body to make them insulin resistant, while at the same time the body releases high levels of glucose, thereby complicating the body’s ability to regulate carbohydrate metabolism and increasing fat storage.
The impact of colonization, cultural disruptions, and socio-economic factors on the health and well-being of Indigenous communities are particularly crucial in relation to diabetes itself. This links Type 2 Diabetes, both in adults and especially in Indigenous children and youth, to economic, education, and health-care systems that reflect unequal relations with Indigenous people and fundamental disrespect for their rights and world views. Indigenous people throughout the world are burdened disproportionately not only with the social determinants of ill health but also with the conditions that result from these socioeconomic determinants, such as poverty, low household incomes, lack of adequate housing, lack of good nutrition, and homelessness. This happens in the United States and Australia, where Indigenous people are more than two times more likely to suffer from Type 2 Diabetes than the whole population. Indigenous people
are four times more likely to develop diabetes than nonIndigenous people in Australia (Cohen, Bitton, Herzalik, Yehezkeli; 2021). The prevalence of diabetes is increasing globally and people from lower socioeconomic groups and Indigenous populations are disproportionately affected. One such implication is their social and economic status, which make them more susceptible to accessing health treatment from a lack of government funding.
To support such a claim, Scholar Yvonne Boyer in “Diagnosing the Legacy: The Discovery, Research, and Treatment of Type 2 Diabetes in Indigenous Youth” by Krotz (2018), examines how chronic diseases correlate with social, economic, and environmental factors within minority population groups. “The rise of chronic diseases in Aboriginal communities,” she writes, “has jeopardized not only the health and lifespan of Aboriginal people but also the core strength of Aboriginal communities and the endurance of Aboriginal languages and cultures” (Kortz 2018). Although in this context, it is important to point out that residential schools and early medical treatment of Indigenous people across the world, in removing them from their communities, severed their connections to their languages, cultures, and families.
A study conducted by the University of Western Australia (Cohen, Bitton, Herzalik, Yehezkeli; 2021) aimed to investigate the relationship between factors such as age and gender and its influence of diabetes in the Aboriginal population in Australia. The study found that urbandwelling Aboriginal people with Type 2 Diabetes had a higher prevalence of diabetic retinopathy and incidence of new or worsening diabetic retinopathy than their Anglo-Celtic counterparts from the same population. As 79% of First Nations people in Australia live in urban areas, this may significantly improve their access to healthcare. Diabetic retinopathy (DR), a common complication of diabetes, is a leading cause of visual impairment and affects up to one-third of people with diabetes. A lack of access to culturally appropriate healthcare and distrust of mainstream health services may contribute to poor health outcomes such as the increased development of clinically significant DR in Aboriginal Australians.
This high prevalence of DR in Australian Aboriginal people is also seen in other remote First Nations people, such as Canadian Indigenous people and Native Americans. Therefore, First Nations people had significantly higher risk of worsening at baseline after adjusting for confounding variables suggesting ethnicity-specific determinants of DR severity. These findings highlight the need for equitable, culturally appropriate access to diabetes and ophthalmic care for First Nations populations with Type 2 Diabetes.
As a result, the STS scholars introduce how minority groups are more susceptible to diabetes. This claims that as a disease, diabetes has a life of its own. It carries out agents, in this case, the diabetes, amongst all aspects of
agencies, which corresponds to patient, medicare and socio-economic factors around the world and creates harmony, chaos, mistreatment and habits upon all individuals. Diabetes’ development requires the technical, social and cultural factors that influence its agents across the world. Diabetes is a disease that is not just defined by medical apparatuses, but also serving as a social and cultural artifact that is shaped by the values, beliefs, and practices of unique communities across the world.
Diabetes is not purely a disease; it is more than a sickness - it is an objective and abstract idea of health status based on statistical summaries that is generated by machines and medical practitioners. Diabetes is produced in a certain way- technical, social, political and economicthat particularly affects the various demographics of the world’s population. Although Grandpa’s body is different to Isabelle’s, their bodies become different to the body they had both before and after their diagnosis.
Contrastingly, how does the body change and how does a body with disease differ from a body without disease? We are not talking about a body that has a disease, but different diagnoses between my grandpa in central China, a 10-year-old girl in North-East America and the Indigenous communities in remote Australia all show the complexity of practices instigated by the condition and the series of practices indicated by diabetes diagnoses. They can feel diabetes through monitors; their diagnoses are from health professionals and technology that tells them the problems they have in their veins. Such machines acknowledge that their body has the disease, that it is totally a different body now: the body is now subjected to a new set of practices and technologies, testing and measuring is one of these practices. It is now attached to the machine, no longer free to move, eat, exercise and live like a normal human being, but a body with a monitor – the body acts differently now and you will need to sit down everyday to be measured and monitored.
Although diabetes is known to be a non-transmissible disease treated by various medical apparatus, there are numerous aspects to diabetes and its impact upon both the individual and societal levels. The various implications of diabetes suggest the complexity of technical objects like diabetes as it lives and circulates throughout our world. An object’s networks may contain all sorts of elements as they are heterogeneous – consisting of several layers and elements other than the medical field. (Mol, Law 1994 pp 649). In order to understand diseases such as diabetes, not only do we need to see the medical implications of what the disease does to one’s body, but also realize the social, political and economic factors that influence the disease and the ways in which it revolves around the world.
HOW AND WHERE DOES DIABETES CIRCULATE AROUND THE WORLD AND HOW DOES IT MAKE A DIFFERENCE IN THE HEALTH OF THOSE PEOPLE WHO LIVE WITH DIABETES?
Diabetes and medical technologies, such as blood sugar monitors, aim to have world changing effects that make the social life of diabetes vary in its own agency. By creating a voice and place that the technical object, diabetes, sits in the world, the ‘interactions’ we have with the disease allows it to be independent and have a life of its own. In diabetic medicine, all things are influenced by agencies. Individuals’ bodies are agents that have agency in what it does when diagnosed with a disease. Rather than being defined as a disease or diagnosis,
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Mendenhall, E. (2012) “Syndemic Suffering: Social Distress, Depression, and Diabetes among Mexican Immigrant Women”, Taylor & Francis Group. ProQuest Ebook Central, 2012.
Krotz, L. Diagnosing the Legacy: The Discovery, Research, and Treatment of Type 2 Diabetes in Indigenous Youth (2018), University of
diabetes is a practice and a new way of life - its existence differs across various geographical locations, cultures, and population groups under different circumstances. Therefore, to understand diabetes as a disease, it should be understood beyond its technical description. It is crucial to acknowledge how the disease itself enacts new practices, and to acknowledge the different practices that diabetes engenders across various locations.
Manitoba Press. ProQuest Ebook Central, Hearing before the special committee on aging United States Senate. Diabetes research: improving lives on the path to a cure (2015), U.S. Government publishing office Washington.
Jocelyn J. Drinkwater, Timothy M. E. Davis, Angus W. Turner, Wendy A. Davis, Retinopathy prevalence, incidence and trajectories in type 2 diabetes: The Fremantle diabetes study phase II, Diabetic Medicine, 10.1111/dme.15032, 40, 4, (2022).
Urban, K. 5 Questions with a Diabetes Physician Who Has Type 1, Michigan Medicine: University of Michigan, Health Lab (2016)
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Hess-Fiscal, A. and Jaffe, L. What is Insulin: Types of Insulin, ways of administering it (needles? Pump? pen?), why insulin is so expensive, and more. Endocrine web, February 2022.
A slice of stale bread and a cup of grubby water sum up my breakfast, lunch, and dinner. I sit down in my oversized tattered clothes, hogging food before others take my share. In the barn, there are at least 15 other people, and we are all out of our minds in starvations because of Hitler. People are already snatching people’s food young ones and older ones without remorse having no sense of humanity left.
The German family comes to check up on us every few hours informing us about the house raids and Nazi’s location. As Felix and Mary watch us gobble up our food, they tell us that we must leave soon as Nazis are moving towards us. We are in the middle of a forest close to Dresden, but if they come from the town the first thing they will see is a potato farm next to our barn. We are the few places the Nazis haven’t checked yet but if they head north into the forest we would be caught. The only place to run would be deeper into the forest. We all shiver at the thought of getting caught, taken to the ghetto, or shot.
It’s getting dark. I snuggle into my potato sack, it’s getting colder in autumn, the breeze is getting stronger, and we are becoming weaker. People don’t understand that we are stronger together, instead people think everybody for themselves.
I keep pondering twirling my caramel brown curls around my finger, my hair which once was lush and soft is now rough and split-ended. My long eyelashes were now fulfilling their purpose more than they did my entire life, saving golden flecks in my hazel eyes. I look down at my hands, which were once soft and manicured, now full of dirt and calluses. I remember the joy we once had before WWII, the freedom we enjoyed, but it didn’t last long as we Jews started getting targeted even before the world war started, and how I lost my parents in the war.
“ Shimmering display of silk orange and pink peeks through the curtains, I head downstairs to find my parents furiously packing, my mum collecting all the expensive jewellery and handing it to us to keep in our secret pockets, dad is ordering a wagon and a horse. It’s started, I thought. Remember Adira, you are 13, your lucky number but you must remember if anything happens to your father and I, you must be strong. If we get caught, we will try and stall, but you must run Adira.”
It was that same day we decided to leave at sunrise, but it was too late, I heard gunshots. Mom came running telling me to run, that she will keep the soldiers away. She handed me all our money and food in a bag while
stuffing dad’s, hers, and my in my secret pocket. I ran as far as my legs could take me and I’ve survived for the last 4 years, I just hope it ends soon.
BOOM.
The Nazis are exploding the city, I run out of the barn with my few belongings running as far I could, a blur of fiery red, and orange explosions whiplash in front of me, I turn the other way and run.
Soon I stop, panting and feeling a burning sensation all over my body. I crouch to drink water from the murky lake by slouching on a rock against a tree. I feel the sticky marsh below me, the wind fans my face, I wrap myself in a ball. The crisp star shaped leaves dance down from branches, the fallen one’s crunch and crackle. The maple trees towering over me giving me the sense of turmoil.
Why don’t I give up now? I’m in an unfamiliar place, lost, and could be heading straight into a death trap. I bang the tree near me in frustration. Knock. It’s hollow, I jump excitedly it’s the perfect place to hide! And how could I be so stupid, I’m surrounded by maple trees. I steadily climb the trees finding a decaying spot hidden in one of the branches, slowly sliding my gaunt body down the trunk and waiting.
Days pass, and sometimes I escape the hollowed-out trunk and pick up a leaf and something sharp to produce some maple syrup. Months pass. Until I don’t know how long I’ve been here. I want to escape but I don’t know how, I’ve lost my bearings, and moving now could get me in a ghetto camp or even more lost. So, I wait.
I wake up one day hearing some voices, I immediately think about the Nazis, and I hold my breath, praying to Chokmah hoping he would lend me his wisdom. “I hope we can save all the Jews, some may be hiding without knowing that Jews are free, the war has ended.” A saving soldier? No, it’s the allied army, I scramble out of the tree screaming, wait for me. They look at me in shock.
They take me back to a city handing me a bunch of money. I dash across the streets marvelling that I’m able to walk the streets with freedom, eat sufficient food, wear clean clothes, and drink clean water but more importantly I can be me and no one would judge, I’m accepted.
People tell me about how Germans turned on Russia, soon leading to America attacking Germany around the same time, which led to Germany surrendering making
us “imperfect” humans free, the disabled, the Jews, or anyone who wasn’t blonde or German.
I walk the streets with such pride held on my shoulders indicating I survived, I’m strong and I will do anything to help those who are weak and will stand up to the ones who are wrong. But even though I survived I can’t help but mourn for my friends and family. I can’t help but be scared to return home, as I’m in Germany a place where everyone hates me.
I would go to a Jewish displaced camp, but I have no money and I don’t want to live the rest of my life in fear. I would immigrate but I have no transportation.
So I live with my parent’s friends who are willing to take me in, I sit by the window every day and think, how much I have changed and grown since I was 13, I’m 18 now and I know I will be scarred with these memories forever, but history repeats and who knows how long till we get discriminated again, I just hope it’s not in my lifetime. As grateful I am to survive, I know there will be days that I wish I didn’t, that I died, that I could be with the ones we miss in heaven. Cause no matter how much time gets passed people will always judge us. Some people will change. Some countries will change but others will remain unchanged, and history will repeat.
GirlUp is a United Nations foundation established with the aim of promoting young female leaders globally. In 2023, a GirlUp club at Pymble Ladies’ College was established, joining the 3,300+ clubs worldwide. As part of one of Pymble’s GirlUp’s initiatives, a TEDx-type event was held, allowing students to give addresses on issues that mattered to them.
The following is a transcript of one of those speeches
I don’t have many skills but I’m quite good at arguing. Or if you want to write it on your resume for a job or university application, you call it debating. And until very recently, I loved to argue.
And it’s not surprising, because in this age of information and connectivity, there is a wealth of knowledge at our fingertips and, with that, endless opportunities to engage in debate. And don’t we seize that opportunity with both hands whenever we are given the chance!
But I have very recently learnt that these opportunities are perhaps one of the few that you shouldn’t jump in head-first to accept. Because in our world today, these endless opportunities for respectful debate are often anything but.
I was recently a part of the Oxford Summer School program – something I never stop talking about, and in all the city’s beauty and the dormitories’ chaos, between the conversations, discussions, debates and arguments, something materialised. It’s a lesson I’m still learning myself, but this lesson learnt, this revelation realised, has led me to think about how we engage with our 21stcentury lives.
You see, there’s too much of everything these days. And not in an anti-capitalist sense – there is too much knowledge, too accessible to us, too much “debate”. The Oxford experience was one where everyone came from everywhere, and for the first time in my life, I was amongst all these highly intelligent people with such different opinions and experiences. This was as enlightening as it was exhausting. The experience showed me how polarising the wide range of opinions were, and many, including myself, found the constant high-level debate around us extremely tiring.
Some of my friends confided in me that they were constantly on edge, that these academic, philosophical
and often incredibly controversial discussions left them unsettled and exhausted. And this has been reflected in the wider world.
As a society, everything has become so political, so divisive. Many studies have shown that when people exclusively confer with others who agree with them, their views become more extreme, which is known as the group polarisation effect. And there is no doubt that this digital age has only exacerbated this, whether it’s due to the way social media algorithms work in reinforcing our beliefs, or the fact that we are (scientifically) growing more isolated from others.
And we see this play out.
We see that people are becoming more divided. We saw it with Brexit, where an MP was killed in the street. We saw it with Covid, where we fought over matters of life and death. And perhaps most prominently - and terrifyingly for most of the world, we saw it with the attack on the US Capitol on January 6th, 2021.
And the sad thing is - it’s all quite inevitable. Perhaps fuelled by our biases and perpetuated by social media algorithms, it is inevitable that we will always find something of conflict.
Which is fine. Disagreeing with others is perfectly normal and it should be a principal part of any well-functioning democracy. After all, a society where people only agree is, in essence, an Orwellian dictatorship. That’s my obligatory 1984 reference!
Discourse is absolutely vital to the progress of our society and we must think for ourselves, discuss today’s problems and hold our governments to account. However, this rising division, this rising hatred, is costing people’s lives.
On the 16th of June, 2016, while on her way to her constituency surgery* in Batley and Spen, British Member of Parliament Jo Cox was murdered. She was shot and repeatedly stabbed by a man who was linked to white supremacist organisations and was a particular admirer of Apartheid South Africa. While committing the murder, he pronounced, “Britain first, this is for Britain, Britain will always come first”, perhaps in reference to Jo Cox’s pro-EU values. At the trial, he gave his name as “death to traitors, freedom for Britain”.
*A surgery in British and Irish politics refers to a permanent or temporary office of an MP within their constituency, where they are able to meet with constituents. On the day of her death, Jo Cox was holding a surgery in a local library.
Conservative MP David Amess was killed in 2021 by an Islamic State sympathiser over his position on bombings in Syria. At his trial, the murderer revealed he also wanted to kill Cabinet Minister Michael Gove.
Of course, we can - and we will - disagree. Of course, some topics are contentious. Of course, we should engage in debate. But we need to treat each other with humanity and respect, and to think of the other person - not just the other side when we feel the urge to jump into an argument or debate.
We can see that we’ve gone too deep, too far, too aggressively. When people start getting hurt, this is the moment that we should step back and ask if any of this is worth it. All of this anger and screaming and taking sides.
Ellie Cooper, daughter of politicians Ed Balls and Yvette Cooper, wrote, “I am scared because on the 16th of June 2016, two children said goodbye to their mother before she left her constituency to sit in surgeries and help people all day and never saw her again. I am scared every single day that the same will happen to mine.” So let the deaths of Jo Cox and David Amess act as a reminder. To all of us - that we must not forget others’ humanity. Someone has already died. Don’t we have the decency to see that? And can’t we just treat each other like people again?
I would like to end with the quote that inspired me to do this talk, and it is from Jo Cox: “We are far more united and have far more in common than that which divides us”.
Winner of the Year 3 and 4 Poetry section of the 2023 Pens Against Poverty Writing Competition held by Anglicare Australia
Imagine a world, Where people have enough money, to have excellent education, to have food and water, it really is great. But, we don’t have it. We, have a world, where people suffer, and I want to change this.
A lot of people, only have less than $2 a day. A lot of people, have to make hard, hard decisions, to live.
Remember that, everyone has a voice, and even the smallest change, can help.
Everyone should be bouncing with glee. After we, change the world.
Highly commended in the Year 5 and 6 Poetry section of the 2023 Pens Against Poverty Writing Competition held by Anglicare Australia
To change the world
We need a voice
To stand up and say We have no choice
The world is dying
Our hope is too
To spark it again
We need all of you
We say we will help
But we never do
We lie to ourselves
And the whole world too
We are never to small
To do something right
Together we can do it
Unite and fight
One is only brave
When they try to make change
Do something right
So we are not ashamed
We have all done our share
Of harming our home
Take responsibility of our actions
We won’t fight alone
So give your voice
To save this place
Just one little action
Can change our fate.
Highly commended in the Year 5 and 6 Stories section of the 2023 Pens Against Poverty Writing Competition held by Anglicare Australia
The rain hit the ground harder than any downpour had before. Murky clouds hid the sky from view. Passerbys hurried down the streets, their gaze fixed on cell phones, eyes glassy and unfeeling. Advertisements flashed in shades of black and grey. Faces flickered on the screen with smiles that almost reached their eyes. But didn’t quite. With eyes glassy and unfeeling. Children endured the monotony of their teacher’s voice, eyes glassy and unfeeling. They were all ordinary citizens. Faces expressionless. Minds thoughtless. Voices silent.
They were compliant, obedient, unquestioning. They agreed with every decision made by the government. Their heads shook and nodded in unison. They had no doubts. No personal thoughts. No voices. And the world went unchanged. Each day was identical to the previous. Each person’s mindset the same. Each voice silent.
All that was needed was one voice. It would change history. One voice that questioned the system. The way life was run. But no one spoke of their concerns, their worries, their skepticism. And nothing changed.
They went to war with a neighbouring country. Bullets rained down, piercing the earth and the hearts of many. Bombs erupted, and people shattered like glass, shards of themselves lying discarded on the battlefield. But no one spoke of their pain, of their sorrow, and millions died. And yet, those who survived did not speak. They remained silent. Voices gone.
And the world collapsed. City by city. Country by country. Continent by continent. And Earth no longer sustained life. No being wandered on its surface, and it lay, silent, without a voice to speak.
Did you know that babies are born with about 300 distinct bones? But an adult only has 206 bones. Where do nearly 100 bones go? Well, they don’t just disappear from our bodies. They fuse, they join, becoming bigger bones, stronger bones. From the moment we are born, we begin an amazing metamorphosis. A shift in gears, one could say. For we do tend to think and talk about growing up in a rigid way, like it’s a sudden change. You’re a teen at 13, an adult at 18. But is growing up actually anything like shifting gears? To answer that, we have to explore three things: How growing up changes ourselves and our place in society, the unique pressures of growing up in this day and age, and whether we should grow up.
Every human being has grown up, is growing up, or will grow up. It’s one of the few universal aspects of the human experience, and boy is it confusing and complicated, especially adolescence. Being a teen is a turbulent time of learning and making mistakes. We’ve got a bad rep for being moody, reckless, and making choices that seem illogical and frankly stupid. Going from being a child to an adult means an insane learning curve - about the world around you, about yourself. And society only adds to the burden - everything seems to change when you pass certain thresholds. We were all naive little kids in primary school. I lived in a bubble of my friends, school, music, and my biggest concern was where my purple texta had gone. Enter high school, and tough luck. You’re a teenager now. Adults won’t coddle you anymore, they won’t be as forgiving about your mistakes because “you should know better”, you have to learn how to do a lot of things, in a very short amount of time, without much help. Society begins to expect so much from you - more maturity, more knowledge, more responsibility, more everything - when sometimes you don’t yet have the capacity to provide more. And young adults have an even more difficult journey: they are thrust into the deep end, trying to find their way in the world as an independent being while learning how to pay taxes, rent, go to uni, and manage the responsibilities heaped upon them. It’s as if in a matter of months, we must reinvent ourselves and keep up with the rapid pace of life. There is no denying how rocky these transitions can be. It is sudden, like a gear change - too much like a gear change. Growing up is hard. And it seems like it’s only getting harder.
Growing up now is different to every other generation that came before us. In this digital age, the spread of
information is immediate, trends change in mere days, and societal beauty standards are becoming more and more unrealistic and outrageous. It’s difficult to quantitatively measure whether the kids of today are growing up faster than previous generations. On the one hand, children are receiving so much information, they are advertised to, bombarded with beauty ideals, and are exposed to violent and sexual media much earlier than their grandparents. But studies have shown that they are also reaching the traditional markers of maturity like finishing school, leaving home, drinking alcohol and dating later than previous generations. It’s a highly subjective matter, and although no one can be an authority to decide that one is better than another. Childhood looks different now, and I think kids these days have lost something to the accelerating pace of life. I’m 15. I have never driven a car. I have ridden a bike, and I have shifted gears plenty of times on a bike. And you’re supposed to only change them slowly - one at a time, instead of many gears at once. But once while mountain biking, I panicked on unfamiliar terrain and I tried to shift gears too quickly. The bike chain derailed, and I heard dissonant rattling of metal on metal while I lost control of the bike. I managed to fix it, but what does this tell us about life?
Do we need to grow up? Permanently shift into adult gear? Perhaps none of us can truly become adults… I know - shocking, maybe even terrifying, but consider this. One of the most amazing aspects of human nature is our curiosity. That eternally burning desire to understand, to know, to learn. Curiosity is arguably one of the defining traits of humans, and of young children. If you have a child, younger sibling, or know anyone around the age of four, you will have heard their endless questions. In fact, some studies have found that children aged four ask up to 200 to 300 questions a day. How many questions have you asked today? Do we lose our curiosity? I think the answer is yes, no, and every other answer in between. Everyone is different, but most of us will never lose that child-like spark of curiosity. Think about other things we associate with childhood. Play, joy, innocence, freedom, wonder. To us now, it all sounds elysian, doesn’t it? Why? Ask yourself, what is it about growing up that means we can no longer have these things?
Perhaps we’ve been asking the wrong questions. Thinking of growing up as one step in our life journey or a gear change implies that it is finite. That it begins and ends and there’s a before and an after. But life, I regret to inform you, is not quite so neat and tidy. We never quite stop being a child. So why should we deny ourselves
the pleasures of life that are so readily available in childhood? Like the many bones you are born with as a baby, you don’t lose these things. They just change. Dear listener, hold onto your curiosity, your wonder, your freedom. Don’t sacrifice them to the race of growing up. As for me, I’m still a child. I still have a lot of growing left to do. And I don’t think it’ll be as quick or as fixed as a gear change. And when I do become an “adult”whatever that means - I don’t think I will leave behind this period of my life. Life is not separated into gears and you can’t shift between child and adult with the flip of a gear stick. We never stop growing and learningabout ourselves, about others, and the wonderful world around us.
This is a summarised version of the report created for the Year 11 Senior Geography Project
As Australia continues to see an increase in rural to urban migration, for many rural townships this can have lasting impacts on their community’s growth and overall population size. For Coonamble, situated in Northwest NSW, approximately 530km from the major city of Sydney, their distance can affect trade, business production and access to healthcare and education services. Country towns/districts are prone to lower population sizes as more people migrate to urbanised centres with the belief a city lifestyle provides better resources and facilities. Because of these factors, the aim is to discover how the population of Coonamble has changed overtime and what impacts this has socially and economically on the community. As a town with a relatively low population density, this report focuses on main geographical features such as public services, retail, and residential areas affected by the diminishing population. This small town is vital in supporting Australian agriculture and farming enterprises; therefore, it is essential to understand the hardships rural towns are experiencing, due to population change, and to learn how we as Australians can offer our support to keep rural towns operating.
Aim 1:
To discover what social impacts arise as a result of Coonamble’s changing demographics
Hypothesis 1:
For a community with a demising population, this decreases their ability to develop, experiencing lower employment rates and unsustained living. Residents of Coonamble may experience both mental and physical health barriers, resulting in poorer health outcomes and a lower quality of life as the population decreases and therefore services.
Aim 2:
To find out the economic impacts created by Coonamble’s changing population
Hypothesis 2:
With limited accessibility, rural areas may experience downgraded funds and a lack of economic stability. With more people struggling to find steady employment and income, reduced population would affect their trade and consumer spending. This could lead to lower funding in the town’s development and support, and instability within their economy.
Secondary
• Comparison of satellite images
• Census data – Radar Graph, Analysis Graph
• Town Map
• Economic and social graphs
• Housing prices
Primary METHOD DATA
Photographs of Coonamble township
COLLECTION LINK TO AIM
Two sets of images from 2010 and 2023 of Coonamble’s township are compared
Investigates the town’s structural change and economic effects on local businesses and tourism
Questionnaire
– survey with local residence
A questionnaire was sent to Coonamble residence via online email platforms Discovers Coonamble’s changing demographics and social and economic impacts
Footfall Tally A generalised tally count was undertaken in Coonamble’s main street Investigates Coonamble’s changing demographics and effects of current social trends
Land use map A land use map was created to identify present structure and retail spread
Aids in discovery of towns economic stability, and provides real-time data on financial income and business activity
Business Interview –local business owner
Business interview written and conducted for a local business owner in Coonamble Supports Coonamble’s changing demographics, general business activity and financial development
Aim 1: To discover what social impacts arise as a result of Coonamble’s changing demographics
Results gathered from Primary and Secondary data demonstrate that change in Coonamble’s population structure and demographics has social implications for local residents in reference to a lower quality of life, poorer health outcomes, and struggles with mental/ physical health.
Figures 2.0 and 2.1 are the results of a footfall tally recorded on the number/age of people present in Coonamble’s main street during a 30-minute period.
From the data, it is evident that Coonamble has quite an extensive ageing population, with Figure 2.0 displaying that 24/63 people present were over the age of 70. 20 to 30 year olds are the least populated age demographic, possibly due to a lack of employment/education. Contrastingly, the limited number of public services and retail present, can also be acquainted by the low numbers
entering the main street. A total of 63 people were present, compared to the current population of 3,732 people, most which are males as seen in Figure 2.1.
Those retired citizens are more prominent in the area compared to youthful generations, adding to Coonamble’s population decline and economic insecurity. One of the primary consequences of an ageing population is that an imbalance is created, placing pressure on services such as healthcare and pension schemes. However, these figures do display various signs of community engagement and social ability within the area, as a high proportion of the elderly population are seen to be socialising.
This aligns with Coonamble’s census data (2001-2021) on changing demographics for school age children, working class, and retired populations. This data displayed that there was a significant decrease in population by 847. The largest proportion of the population was retired, increasing from 13.9%-19.4%, and working age decreasing from 40%-34.6%. This decrease in working age is the result of limited employment as families move to urbanized centres for improved living standards, affecting social ability and demographics.
Figure 2.2 showcases that 50% of residents have lived in the township for over 10 years, with the most noticeable changes appearing in employment levels and businesses closure (10%-50%). The majority of Coonamble’s
population is made up of generational numbers, inferring that less people are choosing to move to the area, depending on employment and living capabilities. 50% of locals believe population has affected their access and availability of local services as seen in Figure 2.3. Local services considered most affect by population include education centres (67%), healthcare systems (50%) and retail (75%) seen in Figure 2.4. This data infers that population is affecting locals’ ability to obtain employment, reach services and support businesses. This has immense social impacts for the community, affecting their living standards, availability of money and access to adequate medical/retail services.
whilst dwindling economic security and employment. This aligns with Coonamble’s recorded employment level and satisfaction, revealing that low income can have negative effects on the comfort of the township, limiting resources/expenditure. Unemployment levels increased from 2.1%-7.1%, leaving many unstable, struggling to obtain employment and earn a sustainable income. This in turn limits improvement in social wellbeing and lifestyle.
Figure 2.5: Coonamble resident satisfaction scale
Aim 2: To discover what social impacts arise as a result of Coonamble’s changing demographics
Primary and secondary data gathered reveals that various economic issues arise for Coonamble’s community as a result of population demise. Economic struggles have been linked to a decrease in business activity, limited expansion and decreased satisfaction within security and expenditure.
Figure 3.0: Land use map of Coonamble
Figure 2.5 showcases the health/mental wellbeing of residence, with about half of the population moderately satisfied with Coonamble’s living conditions. A high satisfaction with the community’s engagement highlights the town’s enthusiasm despite slowed growth. By increasing their socializing this can have added health and wellbeing aspects for the people. This can have a varied effect on their social awareness, increasing happiness
The land use map displayed in Figure 3.0 highlights the town’s structural design, categorised by residential, public service, retail, recreational green space, and industrial areas. The map demonstrates the difference in local residential housing to the number of successful businesses located in Coonamble. A greater residential area compared to business and industrial activity is
identified, signifying that there’s limited consumer demand and a lack of adequate services. This suggests that the town may experience economic instability that has reduced the number of employment and business opportunities in the area as a result of population demise.
The residential area is more likely to change in the future as it may experience a continuation of the town’s population demise. This aligns with Coonamble’s township map which visually showcases limited change in the towns structure over the span of 9 years. Most public services and retail are seen to be located along the main highway (Castlereagh HW), to gain improved clientele and awareness. This map highlights public services available such as the hospital/ambulance centre, post office, church, information centre, fuel station, supermarket, and motel. The location of shops along the highway helps with economic input because of decreased finance, alluding to the idea that Coonamble may be struggling financially to maintain a stable economic status due to fewer working age people and provided services.
Figure 3.1 highlights the ways population has affected the community economically, primarily through job opportunities (17%), cost of housing (17%) and stability (42%). This infers that less people are moving to the area, so less jobs are provided, housing prices are increasing with inflation and the economic stability of the town is decreasing. Figure 3.2 highlights economic changes in the township seen by the closure of businesses (40%), and lack of available amenities (30%). The demise of the
population has economic impacts for the community, affecting their availability of money and employment. A below average economic appeal and satisfaction with employment opportunities, as seen in Figure 3.3 reveals that the lack of business activity and jobs is leading to a decreased stability in finance. By having a somewhat dwindling economic security, this could result in many residences losing their homes and employment, resulting in high levels of poverty and debt actions.
This aligns with Coonamble’s median weekly income, averaging $661 for individuals, and $1, 231 for households. With 60% of Coonamble’s total population considered full-time workers, this shows that due to a decreasing population, there are greater financial burdens when finding employment and earning a steady wage. Currently a house in the Coonamble township is worth $180,000 depending on residence and availability. The 41.2% growth in housing prices over the past 12 months shows that not only is inflation playing a role in the decreasing manner of the population, but the inability to purchase a house enforces economic insecurity.
A local business owner showcases the effect population demise has on businesses within Coonamble. Presently, businesses are struggling to attract customers, dealing with financial hardship and declining sales. The interviewee said that he’s “experienced a decrease in their usual customers” over the past five years. His business has spent years selling to customers in the surrounding/local area as a way to earn profit and support the community. Their “reduction of overall sales” emphasises how the decrease in available customers is affecting their business financially, hindering their production and activity.
The interviewee fears that if he “cannot provide a service, then customers may buy elsewhere or leave the district to travel to areas that provide more.” The loss of sales and reduction in customers means they run the risk of becoming bankrupt, liquidating their business. Although
they are “currently attempting to expand their sales around the Western Plains”, it is evident that the number of customers they are receiving is greatly affecting the production and continuation of their business, decreasing their income, and therefore ability to gain employees.
This aligns with Coonamble’s recorded business turnover, revealing that a demising population can have lasting impacts on financial success. The graph showed that across three years, 353 business created less than $50k of profit, compared to 19 who created more than $10 million. This low profit highlights that a decrease in sales can have negative effects on the success of local businesses, limiting a business potential expansion, economic growth and therefore the community’s stability.
Aim 1
Due to Coonamble’s demising population, there are various adequate social implications experienced within the community. The most significant impacts imposed are on access and availability of services and living standards. By having an ageing population, and limited workingclass, this is affecting Coonamble’s living standards, satisfaction levels and employment opportunities as businesses close and unemployment rises. This accepts the hypothesis, as Coonamble’s demising population is experiencing lower employment rates and unsustained living as local business numbers diminish, and availability of services plummet. The satisfaction of residence is also decreasing, as locals become isolated and lonely by lack of population size and support.
Aim 2
Coonamble’s demising population is having negative implications on the economic stability of the township, effecting range of employment, business opportunities and business turnover. By experiencing a lack of adequate workers, and a smaller range of industrial/retail shops, this is affecting Coonamble’s financial generation to help support residence and earn a personal profit. This accepts my hypothesis due to Coonamble’s limited accessibility, experiencing downgraded funds and a lack of economic stability, with people struggling to find employment, establish a success business, and develop an adequate
customer base to acquire relevant sales. Their limited population is affecting the towns funding and continued business development and support.
Limitations within the investigation include a lack of reliability for research methods, as they weren’t repeated to guarantee consistency. For example, the completion of one interview meant one business’s production was analysed over another’s, differing in profitability and clientele level. Multiple interviews should have been undertaken to ensure consistency within results, and the identification of external factors.
Relevant successes include the collection of detailed and appropriate data in discovering the social and economic impacts of population demise. A range of primary and secondary data was discovered and recorded, using organisation methods to answer aims efficiently. The data itself was collected effectively, to allow the investigation to be completed in a timely manner and provide relevant insight into the case.
To improve the investigation, the inclusion of futuristic population data would provide a more in-depth understanding of Coonamble’s direction, and what this means economically and socially. This could be done through secondary research, population forecasting and estimated graphing. The investigation could also be improved through the replication of data collection for each method to ensure reliability and accuracy.
The investigation is deemed reliable in its approach when conducting and interpreting data. The interview undertaken with a local business was consensual, gaining relevant knowledge of the economic issues facing small businesses. Similarly, the questionnaire undertaken by locals saw no personal information being recorded or publicly shared. Other data collected had no impact on the environment or community, by using approved images and technology for mapping.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Australian Bureau of Statistics. (2021). 2021 Coonamble, Census All persons QuickStats. Retrieved May 1, 2023 https://abs.gov.au/census/ find-census-data/quickstats/2021/LGA12150
Australian Bureau of Statistics. (2023). Region summary: Coonamble. Retrieved May 4, 2023 https://dbr.abs.gov.au/region. html?lyr=lga&rgn=12150
Coonamble Shire Council. (2023). Town And Village Maps. https:// www.coonambleshire.nsw.gov.au/visit/maps
Coonamble Times. (2023). Western Plains sees population slide. https://www.coonambletimes.com.au/western-plains-seespopulation-slide/
Field Studies Council. (n.d.). Quantitative methods. Fieldwork for CBD.
https://www.field-studies-council.org/resources/14-16-geography/ urban/cbd/fieldwork/
Regional Development Australia. (2019). Coonamble. https://www. rdaorana.org.au/our-region/coonamble/ Remplan. (2023). Economy, Jobs and Business Insights. https://app. remplan.com.au/coonamble/economy/trends/ SENIOR
Google Earth. (2023). Coonamble. https://earth.google.com/web/ search/coonamble/@-30.95774211,148.38269267,182.16123045a,655 6.66991947d,35y,0h,0t,0r/data= CigiJgokCfalbLpBYDtAEf23K9dBCyzAGd2ZDPv1g1ZAITHHJW4nfzTA Realestate.com.au. (2023). Coonamble. https://www.realestate.com. au/nsw/coonamble-2829/
This is a summarised version of the report and website created for the Year 11 Senior Geography Project
Pymble is a suburb located on the Upper North Shore of Sydney within the Ku-Ring-Gai Council. Running through the middle of the suburb is the North Shore Train Line as seen in Figure 0.1. It is 15km away from Sydney’s CBD, expands out to 6.51km² and has a relatively high elevation with an average of 125m elevation from sea level. The Upper North Shore in Sydney is known for its private schools, proximity to the CBD, safety and bushland. Suburbs that are close to the CBD and have higher elevations tend to be in higher demand from home buyers due to convenience, protection from flooding, nice views, proximity to shopping centres, local businesses and access to public transport as shown in Figure 0.1.
Pymble’s population has been growing and it has led to an increase of urban consolidation over the past decade. The NSW DPE states that, ‘Urban consolidation is the increasing density of dwellings or population, or both. It does not refer to a single policy, but rather a number of related land use measures and housing initiatives that can increase residential densities.’
Urban consolidation opens the gate to more housing choice and freedom for households. There is now a greater variety of dwelling type, location and tenure to choose from compared to in the past 20 or 30 years, which is especially important to support Sydney’s increasingly diverse population. Urban consolidation is
becoming more focused around areas with access to public transport, good bus services and larger centres where people can work or spend money.
One of the NSW Government’s Housing Strategy plans involves encouraging major development of housing near rail stations in Sydney to provide easy access to transport, reduce traffic congestion on the roads, increase housing diversity and improve affordability. Pymble is a great example of this, as Figures 0.2 and 0.3 demonstrate the recent developments of high-density housing near the station.
The growing interest in settling in Pymble has led to many housing improvements and development, with the total number of private dwellings in the area increasing by almost 159% from 2016-2021. In Figure 0.4, the number
of smaller households in the suburb has increased over 5 years. There has been an approximate 4.8% increase in households with lone persons, couples without children, and one-parent families which has likely increased the demand for smaller, high-density living.
RESEARCH QUESTION, AIMS, HYPOTHESES
Research Question: What are the social and environmental impacts of urban consolidation in Pymble?
Aim 1:
Investigate how urban consolidation in the suburb has impacted the local environment Coonamble’s changing demographics
Aim 2:
Investigate the social impacts of urban consolidation on local residents’ wellbeing
• Questionnaire (Aim 2 - Social Impacts)
• Secondary research and photographs (Aims 1 & 2)
Refer to Appendix for more information on methodologies and results.
ANALYSIS OF RESULTS
Aim 1: Investigate how urban consolidation in the suburb has impacted the local environment
FOCUS 1: AIR POLLUTION
Result: Air Quality testing with urban tree bark has found that the air quality is worse at places of higher development and urban consolidation compared to places of lower development such as Maddison Reserve and 10 Graham Ave.
Focus Questions:
How has urban consolidation (UC) impacted the air quality?
How has UC impacted the noise pollution?
Hypothesis 1:
UC causes a lower quality of environment (e.g. air and noise pollution) when compared to a less ‘consolidated’ area.
Focus Questions:
How has UC impacted traffic levels?
How has UC impacted residents’ wellbeing?
Hypothesis 2:
UC will have a negative impact on locals’ wellbeing.
The methodologies used in this investigation included:
• Air quality testing with urban tree bark (Aim 1Environmental Impacts)
• Noise pollution record (Aim 1 - Environmental Impacts)
• Traffic count (Aim 2 - Social Impacts)
traffic, which affects the air quality despite being natural environments.
The chart in Figure 2.0 reveals that locations nearby main modes of transport as the places with the highest levels of air pollution. For example, Dalrymple Hay Nature Reserve (DHNR) has approximately 26% of air pollutants present on its tree trunks, and in Maddison Reserve, the figure is at 17%. Despite being natural environments, a large source of air pollution comes from local main roads and highways such as Mona Vale Rd, Pentecost Ave and Merrivale Rd as seen in Figure 2.1, which are used by residents and workers traversing the suburb. Secondary research suggests how the increase in urban consolidation (UC) causes more traffic, and air pollution and diminishes the natural environment, however, this is not proved in the investigation.
By comparing areas throughout Pymble that have different ‘levels’ of UC, it is implied that the impact of UC on air quality is negative. The recently developed Telegraph Residences are a 9-dwelling block of townhouses and terraces that are suited for families. At Graham Ave, all dwellings are of low density, consisting of separate, detached family homes on a quiet street. According to Figure 2.0, the urban tree bark near the Telegraph Residences recorded around 21% pollutant particles, whereas the trees in front of 10 Graham Ave recorded a value of only 3%. Since Graham Ave has barely been developed over the past decade in comparison to Telegraph Road, it is inferred that UC has a negative impact on local air quality as there is a higher presence of black pollutant particles in tree bark samples.
Figure 2.2 Cascade Gardens (top left and right) is of higher density than Graham Avenue (bottom) due to its large number of dwellings. Graham Ave has only detached houses whereas Cascade Gardens has 83 apartments/penthouses.
The Cascade Gardens development on Pymble Ave was completed by November 2020 with 93 luxury dwellings. It is of higher density than at 10 Graham Ave, as shown
in Figure 2.2. The graph in Figure 2.0 shows how the pollution particle presence at Cascade Gardens is 13% higher than Graham Ave’s. This suggests that areas of higher urban consolidation have lower air quality levels than that of lower consolidation.
Result: Primary and secondary research has found that noise pollution is more severe at places of higher development and urban consolidation compared to places of lower development
The noise pollution record conducted at various locations around Pymble has found that places that have experienced more urban consolidation had higher levels of noise pollution. In Figure 2.3, it is shown that Telegraph Residences recorded an average noise level of 64dB, whereas, at Maddison Reserve, there was an average of 46dB. This is because secondary research shows that urban consolidation leads to more noise due to long durations of construction time, higher population and therefore more noise from increased traffic and human activity. This shows that there is a relationship between urban consolidation and noise levels.
The noise pollution record found that there are higher noise levels at Cascade Gardens, which are ‘more’ consolidated than the houses at Graham Ave. According to the graph in Figure 2.3, Cascade Gardens recorded around 58dB, and Graham Ave recorded 51dB. As urban consolidation usually leads to more traffic, human activity and movement, noise levels tend to be higher. As a result, places that have undergone urban consolidation have more severe noise pollution.
A questionnaire was conducted to explore the social impacts of urban consolidation in Pymble, as shown in Figure 2.4. One of the questions asked was about the noise levels caused by development for urban consolidation in Pymble. In Figure 2.4, 71.9% of all 32 respondents rated the noise levels being medium to high (3-5). This correlates with the noise pollution record
conducted as it shows how urban consolidation leads to more noise pollution.
Aim 2: Investigate the social impacts of urban consolidation on local residents’ wellbeing
FOCUS 1: TRAFFIC COUNT
Result: Primary research has found that traffic is higher in areas of higher urban consolidation and development.
In Figure 3.0, the traffic conditions can be seen in 3 different locations. Both Cascade Gardens and Telegraph Residences have recently become more built-up, which has likely caused more traffic. There are more cars outside Cascade Gardens than at Maddison Reserve, suggesting that there are more cars in built-up areas. The traffic count shows that there is more traffic at places of higher density. In Figure 3.1, Cascade Gardens, recorded an average of 18.5 cars passed a minute, whereas the roads outside of Maddison Reserve recorded only 2. This is because traffic increases when a location is built-up more, as there is a higher population density and therefore more of a need for car parking which reduces space, causing traffic to slow.
Additionally, Telegraph Residences is also a location with higher density than the houses near Maddison Reserve. In Figure 3.1, Telegraph Residences recorded an average of 18 cars/minute. This is similar to the figure for Cascade Gardens as they are both residential areas that have undergone urban consolidation in the past, which implies that it causes more traffic in the area.
A questionnaire conducted within the local community found that traffic has increased. Locals were asked about their opinions on recent development for urban consolidation. In Figure 3.2, 68.8% of all 32 respondents said that they felt there was more traffic from development. According to secondary research, urban consolidation leads to more traffic and the consequence of this is its negative social impacts.
More traffic in a suburb means that residents who are wanting to travel must wait longer times as there are more cars on the road. More traffic is also linked to more air pollution, which has been discussed in the Aim 1 analysis. Research proves that traffic has a negative impact on wellbeing, as it increases worry for the natural environment, increases the risk for cardiovascular disease due to long-term exposure to air pollution from traffic, and increases noise which may discourage people from doing outdoor activities. Therefore, traffic from urban consolidation negative impact on the wellbeing of people.
FOCUS 2: QUESTIONNAIRE
Result: Primary research has found that developments caused by urban consolidation have deteriorated the wellbeing of locals.
When asked about the impacts of urban consolidation on their daily life, 32 members of the community responded with the answers shown in Figure 3.3.
In Figures 3.3.1 and 3.3.3, 87.5% of respondents said that they thought housing in Pymble was becoming more dense and 56.3% said that it harmed their daily life. Secondary research shows that urban consolidation increases traffic, reduces privacy and increases noise levels, which downgrades the mental health of residents,
3.3
as shown in Figure 3.3.2, where 21.9% of respondents said it had a negative impact on their mental health.
The majority of respondents said that urban consolidation in Pymble causes more traffic and noise, according to Figure 3.4. This is because urban consolidation increases the population density, meaning there will be more traffic and congestion. There is also a lot of noise created by construction and a lot of trucks, which locals find annoying and ruins the sense of community. Overall, urban consolidation has a negative impact on the wellbeing of residents.
Figure 3.4 A word art collage with the qualitative responses from 32 surveyees. It shares what the negative impacts of urban consolidation are according to the locals.
Aim 1
Urban consolidation in Pymble has worsened the quality of the environment as it causes worse air and noise quality. Telegraph Residences had a 21% pollutant presence whereas Graham Ave recorded 3%. There are more air pollutant particles found at places of higher consolidation. Additionally, there is more noise pollution in denser areas. Telegraph Residences had 64dB of local noise while Maddison Reserve recorded 46dB. This shows that denser areas are often louder than less developed areas such as Maddison Reserve. Since urban consolidation is linked with more traffic, human activity and construction, this increases the air particulate matter and noise levels which negatively impact the environment, therefore accepting the hypothesis.
Aim 2
Urban consolidation in Pymble has negative social impacts on residents. Cascade Gardens and Telegraph Residences had around 18 cars per minute and Maddison Reserve had 2. Along with the questionnaire, many locals report having worse mental health from urban consolidation. This is because urban consolidation is linked with more traffic and noise, which decreases the level of wellbeing as they cause health problems and ruin the sense of community, therefore accepting the hypothesis.
Limitations
Some limitations of this investigation were a lack of validity. Since different places were tested, most
experiments weren’t conducted at the same time due to travel time. Results would have been influenced depending on what time of day it was and therefore the experiments were not as valid as was ideal.
Successes
Aspects that were done well were the initial research stage which provided a strong foundation for the project to be based on. This allowed for more efficient time management in collecting raw results and prevented multiple trips back and forth. Results were collected accurately and reliably with multiple trials and specific measurements, meaning that the trend could be tracked easily.
Improvements
To improve, multiple people could record results at different locations at the same time to ensure more validity. At the end of the investigation, it was found that some locations didn’t directly correlate such as Pymble Station and Maddison Reserve as they were completely different. Next time, only two places should be recorded to provide a base of comparison.
Ethical Conduct of Research
All respondents were made aware of their information going to a geographical investigation. Questions were verified by a teacher before distribution and responses were anonymous and voluntary. Primary data collected had no impact on the environment as it was collected along walking paths, and trees were not changed after taking samples.
1. Descriptions for methods
AIR QUALITY TESTING WITH URBAN TREE BARK - Tree bark is excellent at accumulating atmospheric particulate matter (PM) due to its rough surface. These particles can
include dust, dirt or soot that come from pollution from human activity, infrastructure or emissions of heavy metal particulates from vehicles. The locations shown in Figure 1.0 were selected for this test to explore the impacts of areas with higher or lower urban consolidation on air quality. Pieces of clear sticky tape were used to collect samples from tree trunks and the percentage of black pollutant particles was calculated on grid paper.
NOISE POLLUTION RECORD - The average noise levels at the locations shown in Figure 1.0 were collected with the mobile app, Decibel X to show the difference between an area with low consolidation versus an area with higher consolidation to look at the environmental impacts and if the hypothesis is supported. If the hypothesis is supported, then the noise pollution levels will be greater in the high consolidation areas such as at the Cascade Gardens and Telegraph Residences which will have a higher population density compared to at Graham Ave.
TRAFFIC COUNT - The average number of cars passing a certain point per minute was counted at 3 locations: Maddison Reserve, Cascade Gardens and the Telegraph Residences. At Maddison Reserve, there is no little to no urban consolidation and detached housing is nearby. At Cascade Gardens and Telegraph Residences, there is more urban consolidation which may reflect their impacts on local traffic.
SOCIAL IMPACTS QUESTIONNAIRE - An extensive list of questions was asked to a randomised group of 32 respondents who lived in Pymble or surrounding suburbs for their thoughts and opinions on the local development and urban consolidation in the area. Data was collected via face-to-face interviews with people at local parks, neighbours, friends and an online survey sent out via a QR code, which was delivered in a letter to residents’ homes.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Australian Bureau of Statistics. (2021). 2073, NSW. 2021 Census All Persons QuickStats. Retrieved May 3, 2023 https://www.abs.gov.au/ census/find-census-data/quickstats/2021/POA2073
Australian Bureau of Statistics. (2016). Pymble 2016 Census All Persons QuickStats. Retrieved May 3, 2023 https://www.abs.gov.au/ census/find-census- data/quickstats/2016/SSC13281#:~:text=In%20 the%202016%20Census%2C%20there,up%200.1%25%20of%20the%20 population.&text=The%20median%20age%20of%20 people%20in%20 Pymble%20was%2040%20years
Bunker, R., Holloway, D., & Randolph, B. (2005). Australian Planner Volume 42- The expansion of urban consolidation in Sydney: Social impacts and implications. UNSW. https://www.be.unsw.edu.au/sites/ default/files/upload/expansionofurbanconsolidation.pdf
Bunker, R., Holloway, D., & Randolph, B. (2005). The social outcomes of urban consolidation in Sydney. City Futures. https://cityfutures.ada. unsw.edu.au/documents/40/researchpaper3.pdf
Chrabaszcz, M., & Mróz, L. (2017). Tree Bark, a valuable source of information on air quality. Research Gate. https://www.researchgate. net/publication/315531424_Tree_Bark_a_valuable_source_of_ information_on_air_quality
The Committee for Sydney (2016). Making Great Places – Density Done Well. Issuu inc. https://issuu.com/roberts-day-global/docs/cfsdiscussion-paper-making-great-p
Heather, C. (2008). Urban consolidation- Its impact on sense of place. University of New South Wales. https://www.be.unsw.edu.au/sites/ default/files/upload/pdf/schools_and_engagement/resources/_ notes/5A2_27.pdf
HillPDA Consulting. (2018). Community costs and benefits of urban consolidation- A comparative model of transport costs and benefits across five Sydney areas. NSW Inner West. https://www.innerwest. nsw.gov.au/ArticleDocuments/1921/Appendix%20R%20%20 -Benefits%20of%20Urban%20Consolidation.pdf.aspx
idcommunity. (2022). Pymble. Ku-ring-gai Council Community profile. https://profile.id.com.au/ku-ring-gai/about?WebID=170
James, A., Rowley, S., Stone, W., Parkinson, S. Spinney, A. and Reynolds, M. (2019) Older Australians and the housing aspirations gap, AHURI Final Report 317, Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute Limited, Melbourne, https://www.ahuri.edu.au/sites/
default/files/migration/documents/AHURI-Final-Report-317-OlderAustralians-and-the-housing-aspirations-gap.pdf
Kleeman, G., Hamper, D., & Rhodes, H. (2018). Global Interactions Year 12. (3 ed.). Marita Tripp.
Love Live Sydney. (2020). The Upper North Shore. https:// lovelivesydney.com/the-upper-north-shore/#:~:text=The%20 Upper%20North%20Shore%20is,a%20popular%20choice%20for%20 families
NSW Department of Planning and Environment. (2023). Housing 2041- We want everyone to have a place to call home. Housing Strategy. https://www.planning.nsw.gov.au/policy-and-legislation/ housing/housing-strategy
NSW Spatial Services. (2023, May 3). Historical Imagery 2005. Spatial Portal. https://portal.spatial.nsw.gov.au/portal/home/item. html?id=b66129447b0347908f045016f9965bce
Pymble (2023). Google Maps. https://www.google.com/maps/place/ Pymble+NSW+2073/@-33.7451558,151.1400098,14z/ ta=!3m1!4b1!4m6!3m5!1s0x6b12a8be398aa259:0x5017d681632c780! 8m2!3d-33.7456508!4d151.1431794!16zL20vMDJydjU3?entry=ttu Saulwick, J. (2017, March 20). More density around rail stations and new schemes for renters: NSW housing plan. Sydney Morning Herald. https://www.smh.com.au/national/nsw/more-density-aroundrail-stations-and-new-schemes-for-renters-nsw-housing- plan20170319-gv19u2.html
Sydney Aerial Stock Photography - Pymble (2016). Sydney Images. https://www.sydneyimages.com.au/?search=pymble
Topographic-map.com. (n.d.). Pymble topographic map [Map]. Topographic-map.com. https://en-au.topographic-map.com/ map-9q451/Pymble/? popup=-33.74168%2C151.13883¢er=33.76319%2C151.15741&zoom=16
Transport for NSW. (2023, June 5). Pymble Station Upgrade. https:// www.transport.nsw.gov.au/projects/current-projects/pymble-stationupgrade
Williams, S. (2019, April 3). Pymble’s building boom: How a steady demand for property is reshaping this leafy pocket. Domain. https:// www.domain.com.au/news/pymbles-building-boom-how-a-steadydemand-for-property-is-reshaping-this-leafy-pocket- 813281/
This project was completed as part of the Year 10 Elective Geography course
Hari is a 21 year old Hindu male living in the Sydney Science Park. He is in his second year at the Sydney Science Park university and lives at college.
FAMILY SITUATION
His Mum (from England), Dad (from India) and younger sister are currently living in Bolton, England, the town he grew up in and was born in. Hari’s family has a female Border Collie dog called Bala. Hari is very family orientated. He really enjoys staying in touch with his family and will call them once every week to see how they are all going.
JOB AND INCOME
Hari moved to Sydney Science Park just over a year ago and is in his second year at university studying software engineering. He drives to his weekend job at a local cafe located 15 minutes outside the university campus. During the week, on every alternative day, he does his work experience at a software company just within the Science Park.
• Soccer
• Reading and writing fictional novels
• Enjoys watching documentaries and current affairs
• Hanging out with his friends
• Sustainability and conservation
• Cooking Hindu food and sharing his culture
PROBLEM STATEMENT
How can the Sydney Science Park provide accessible renewable energy, so that Hari can be more energy efficient and environmentally sustainable while traveling within the Sydney Science Park?
For this task, we will focus on the pillars of energy and transport. We chose to link these two pillars together because energy is one of the most critical resources people need for living. It drives our economy and makes it more efficient. There is a significant issue surrounding this pillar. The site energy.gov.au stated that 92% of energy consumption in Australia comes from fossil fuels. Of this, 33% are from transportation which is the largest source of co2 emissions, stated by the eia.gov. Only 2% of cars are electric, stated by carsguide.com.
1. How can we create a circular system of energy flow, allowing the energy that is created from the vehicles on the road to be transported back to the vehicles’ charging stations?
2. How can the transportation system become more energy efficient to become an asset that promotes the idea of a net positive energy solution and circular economy?
STORING KINETIC ENERGY
The pillars of energy and transport will be combined to formulate a solution which allows the kinetic energy and friction caused by the movement of different transportation to be converted to electrical energy and then stored. Piezoelectric crystals will be used to generate and store this energy underneath the surface of the road and railways. This stored energy will be put towards powering the batteries of transport, assuming that the majority of the transport by this time will be electric.
TRACKING KINETIC ENERGY FOR THE INDIVIDUAL
The kinetic energy the individual consumer makes will be tracked based on the mileage increase in their form of transport (bike or car). The kinetic energy they produce through mileage will then be transported into a bank account system, which can then be used to power their homes and charge their bike or car. These energy savings accounts can be compared to that of a life-saving account so that once someone retires or is no longer driving as much, the amount of energy they have saved can be used. However, if you use more energy than you produce, you will need to pay for it.
Buses, much like individual modes of transport, will generate electricity from the piezoelectric roads, however, this energy will be linked to the government for it to use. This energy will go back into powering buses and any additional energy will be government-owned to power street lights, traffic lights, cameras or anything the government would like to power. Privatised companies also supplying services like public transport will work like company energy bank accounts.
Piezoelectric crystals will be embedded in the rails. Train rails will use piezoelectric materials to generate electricity from the movement of trains. The horizontal supports which lie underneath the rails, the sleepers helping hold them in place, will be equipped with photovoltaic panels to absorb solar energy. The energy generated from the
solar panels will go towards a community battery. The energy generated from the rails will be given back to Sydney’s transport systems and the government for their usage.
In addition, all the windows in transport including cars, trams, buses etc. will be equipped with photovoltaic panels which turn solar energy into electricity. This will also reduce the amount of electricity used to heat or cool the car as the heat is being absorbed by the solar panels. Furthermore, it will cut the amount of ultraviolet light going through car windows on to the driver and passengers. The energy created from this solar powered system will connect to the car’s battery and can power the headlights, blinkers and inside lighting of the car.
Overhead foot bridges will be connected to the transportation system for pedestrians, minimising accidents and shortening travel time between places. These walkways will be elevated across roads and will have photovoltaic panels on the roof and sides to let light in. However, they will also absorb the ultraviolet light to protect the health of the community. These walkways will have elevators for wheelchair access and stairs for the general public to walk up. To promote cultural diversity and there will be murals by Dharug Nation artists on these footpaths to commemoration the First Nations peoples’ land. The walls and roof will be in a half hexagon shape to optimise the sun exposure.
During our excursion to the Sydney Science Park, we had the opportunity to explore several important topics that are crucial for understanding and addressing environmental and energy-related challenges. A significant aspect we explored was the management of electricity and its role in building sustainable communities. We delved into the concept of community electricity farms and batteries. By establishing community-based renewable energy systems, we learned how local neighbourhoods can reduce their dependence on traditional grid systems and contribute to a more resilient and sustainable energy future. The excursion also shed light on the heat island effect, which occurs when urban areas experience higher temperatures than surrounding rural areas due to human activities and the built environment. We examined the factors contributing to this phenomenon and its implications for human health, including the increased risk of heat-related illnesses. We then delved into the concept of runoff and its implications for water systems, with a specific focus on the innovative approach of a water sponge city. We gained a deeper understanding of the critical role played by effective runoff management in preventing water
pollution and mitigating the dangers associated with flooding. We learnt how the concept of a water sponge city emerged as a promising solution for maximizing water reuse and minimizing environmental impacts. Overall, this excursion provided valuable insights into various aspects of sustainability, energy management, and environmental impacts. It broadened our understanding of the interconnectedness between urban planning, renewable energy systems, climate change, and public health.
The feedback our group received highlighted the importance of considering the needs and incentives for individuals who choose to travel by public transport. With the growing usage of cars and increase in Co2 emission and traffic congestion, it is vital that we encourage residents to use public transport. One suggestion for feedback was to explore the idea of providing reduced ticket prices for individuals using buses that are part of the energy-producing transport system we have designed. Additionally, the feedback encouraged brainstorming of other potential benefits that could effectively promote public transportation and make it an appealing choice for commuters.
We have taken this feedback and implemented a 20% fee reduction on residents using the public transport within the Sydney Science Park. This reduced fee will allow users of public transport to save money on transport and energy. The government would still make profit and would not lose any benefits and consumers would save electricity and help the environment. In addition, a policy would be drawn up where credits will be processed on people’s energy bills for the electricity generated on their usage of public transport.
This essay was the winner of the 2023 National History Challenge Young Historian (NSW section and Year 11-12 section).
Tourism acts as a propagator of national values: the destination country is often framed as ‘the Other’, which in turn secures and stabilises the cultural identity of the traveller. This essay looks at tourism between Japan and Australia to understand the continuities and changes in the way both nations have constructed each other. What has remained constant is that travel has been a way of defining national difference and similarity, and a way to express anxieties about one’s place in the international community. What has changed is the economic, political and diplomatic backdrop against which this travel has taken place. To appreciate these shifts, this essay divides the relationship between Australia and Japan into two broad historical periods. First, the period of imperial competition in the Pacific during the lead up to World War II. In the 19th century, both Australia and Japan were insular countries that were hesitant about their place in the world1. Australia had a nascent ‘White Australia’ movement while Meiji Japan heavily restricted foreign entry. Limited by Japanese restrictions on inbound travel2 and the tyranny of distance, very few Australians were able to visit Japan. As such, they ‘travelled on paper’ by reading the recounts from scholars or diplomats whose writings reflected the colonial and Orientalist mindset of the time. Later, during the build up to World War II, tourism became one of the only ways for Japan and Australia to connect, but also reflected mounting geopolitical tension. This period will be contrasted with the postwar era of globalisation where the expansion of Japan-Australia tourism paralleled the economic movement of capital, goods and services across borders. Travel between both nations for the 1956 Melbourne Olympics and the 1964 Tokyo Olympics symbolised the end of wartime hostilities. In the late 1980s and 1990s, a boom in Japanese tourism to Australia allowed both nations to assert their identity in a globalised world. Although superficially a form of leisure, tourism captures the change and continuity in diplomatic relationships, including how changes in international politics and economics are registered during individual journeys of discovery and exploration.
Late 19th century Australian tourism to Japan was exceptionally rare so most people journeyed there via the descriptions of other people. Newspaper reportage
on Japan was typified by Orientalism. An 1882 Argus article exoticises Japan as mysterious and unknowable: the author suggests Japan “assumes an appearance of mystery and enchantment” which can be “experienced in no other part of the world”3. By framing Japan as exotic and fantastical, Western civilisation is defined, by contrast, as logical and rationalistic. By contrast, John Carson’s lecture ‘A Trip in Japan’, printed in the Australasian in 1889, tries to fit Japanese culture into a more recent Darwinian system of race hierarchy. Despite the fact the lecture is meant to be on Japanese botany, Carson describes the “primitive habits still prevailing amongst the people”4. By framing Japan as “primitive”, Carson’s lecture reflects fears of Japan’s advancement as an industrialising non-Western civilisation. When Carson does discuss Japanese produce, he is also highly critical: “Vegetables of all sorts are very poor” and “Fruit, also, is poor, and of little variety”5. Conflating ethnography and botany, Carson’s remarks reflect the Victorian race science that sought to rank and systemise different groups. Not all of the sources at the time betrayed such a xenophobic or Orientalist outlook. An 1888 article in the Age entitled “Six Weeks in Japan” offers a more sympathetic recount of the author’s travels6. “Lex” writes about the customs of hospitality in Japan, and emphasises the beauty of a sculptural Buddha that was the “very embodiment of perfect repose”7. As opposed to previous sources, these observations notably do not imply superiority of one civilisation over another. This form of cultural engagement is the exception that proves the rule: generally, colonial Australian visions of Japan reinforced Western values, and framed Japan as either unknowable or inferior.
Australian-Japanese tourism in the 1930s reflected the spectre of looming conflict between both nations. In the lead up to World War II, Japan was simultaneously open to showcasing its advancements through tourism, and suspicious of foreigners and their entry8. A 1938 Courier Mail article describes how the Japanese Board of Tourism invited Australian educators “to travel through the principal parts of Japan, to study the country’s educational system, industries, and culture”9. This story illustrates Japan’s desire to build links with the Western World, especially on tours controlled by its authorities. However, travelling in Japan simultaneously led to suspicion: a 1936 Evening News article recounts the story of a retired school teacher who “[was] awakened at midnight by officials just to satisfy them that [he] was not a spy”10. In their memoirs of travel, Australians visiting
Japan mostly evinced paranoia and uncertainty, but also a cautious desire not to disrupt productive economic ties. The White Australia Policy encouraged xenophobia, but there were also fears of Japanese expansionism after its colonial occupation of Manchuria11. In 1937, Mr W. C. Peak recorded his impression of Japan in the Armidale Express, writing “many of the Japanese think that Australians are an inferior race of people…[and that] if people from [Australia] wish to talk to the Japanese, they should learn the Japanese language”12. (Ironically, the article indicates that Peak also held a superior attitude towards Japan!)
Although Mr Peak contended that Japanese industrial growth represented “a [military] danger”, he was also convinced that Australia should focus on exploiting the Japanese market because “Japan cannot do without our wool”13. In 1936, businessman Mr S. C. Wilson took a more alarmist position in the Morning Bulletin that “if Australia does not fill her empty spaces in a few generations… the Japanese will be here”14. The article states Japan’s occupation of Manchukuo (Manchuria) will not satisfy its need for extra space: “They do not want Manchukuo to live in; it is too cold. They like a warm climate like Australia”15. The superficiality of this geopolitical analysis reflects the deeply entrenched fears of Japanese invasion. These comments reveal that trade and tourism during this period was largely understood through the lens of the coming war, as commentators weighed economic opportunities against strategic risks. After World War II, the Olympic Games held in Melbourne in 1956 and Tokyo in 1964 not only offered an opportunity for tourism, but an impetus to rebuild the relationship between both nations. This period, therefore, marks the shift from imperial competition towards a globalised market of travel. In the aftermath of the conflict, the Australian public were hostile toward Japan and many argued that Japanese competitors and spectators should not be able to participate in the Melbourne Games. For instance, in a 1950 Truth article, ex-prisoners of war threatened to turn the Games into “a blood-bath” if Japanese people were allowed to participate16. This was matched by the aggressive rhetoric of the Australian Minister for Immigration, Arthur Calwell, who declared that “Australia would have to get a new Immigration Minister before [he] allowed any Japanese to enter Australia”17. Japan, however, was seeking to symbolically reintegrate into the international community by attending a Games hosted by a wartime opponent. The rhetoric of Japanese officials in the Australian newspapers was reserved and bureaucratic: Masaji Tabata, honorary secretary to the Japanese Olympic Committee commented in The West Australian that “the Australian attitude towards Japan was “only natural”, but that “[Australians] will realise that the Japanese youngsters are different from the oldtimers”18. In a subtle rebuke of Calwell’s stance, Mr Tabata also remarked that “... it is wrong to look at sporting matters through a politician’s eyes”19. As it happened, Japan’s participation in the 1952 Olympics made it all but impossible for Australian authorities to exclude
them in 1956, and a small contingent of athletes and spectators travelled from Japan. For Japan, hosting the 1964 Games was particularly important as a redemption opportunity after their wartime aggression. Coverage about travel to those Games reflects the stark change in Australian attitudes towards Japan. A 1964 Australian Women’s Weekly article “Olympics fever— and all aboard for Tokyo” observed that “an estimated 8000 [Australians] will converge on Japan by air and sea… [and] spend small fortunes”20 and that majority of Australian tourists had “been saving since the 1956 Melbourne Games”. The Australian excitement starkly contrasts with the scepticism and hostility of the 1950s, and reflects a new trajectory in the relationship between both nations.
In the 1980s and 1990s, a boom in Japanese tourism to Australia expressed the anxieties and opportunities faced by both countries during an age of globalisation21. In 1982, the Canberra Times reported on the arrival at the Gundaroo Pub of a group of Japanese tourists “gripped by Aussie spirit”, emphasising the friendliness between the Australian hosts and Japanese tourists22. The fact the Canberra Times wrote an article about Japanese tourism at all reflects its rarity! By 1997, Japanese tourism to Australia would peak at 814,000, a 10-fold increase in 15 years23. Japanese tourism to Australia reflects, in microcosm, the nature of the shrinking world as lower airfares enable people to see different cultures. Tourism, however, also became a way to emphasise what remains distinctive about nations in an era of homogenisation, and to reflect on the consequences of fast-paced economic change. Tellingly, in the aforementioned Canberra Times article, the Japanese tourists praise Australia as a place of tradition and natural beauty24. This demonstrates the concerns Japanese citizens had about their own country as it re-industrialised after the war. As Japanese tourism and investment increased, some Australians became hostile to the influx of Japanese tourists. This shows how a residual sense of competition and threat still exists in the era of globalised integration. A 1989 Canberra Times article, “A Call to Monitor the Japanese”, detailed a proposal to ban Japanese tourists from the Australia War Memorial after one Japanese man unfurled an Imperial war-time flag25. This absurd generalisation about the entire Japanese population from a single incident reveals how moral panics around Japanese tourism were related to the memory of World War II26. A 1988 Canberra Times article entitled “‘Racist’ row on Gold Coast”27 reported on abuse faced by Japanese tourists and a protest against their presence on the Gold Coast. The violence and discrimination stemmed from a resurgence of “invasion” rhetoric in the public sphere in response to Australia’s economic modernisation and globalisation. Australia’s economy was now shifting away from protectionism towards free trade, with reduced tariffs and a floated Australian dollar. As Japanese tourism grew, so did racist paranoia and violence. In another article, “Warning signs on the Japanese ‘honeymoon’”28 business leaders
“condemned the anti-foreign investment crusaders as ill-informed”29. The article stated that the majority of Australia’s foreign direct investment (at the time) was from America and the UK, but that Australia also needed Japanese investment to ease the current account deficit blowout. Nippon Steel Corporation director Toyohiko Ohno said that Australia needed to adopt more of an “international sense”30, echoing the sentiments of tourism leaders that urged Australia to exploit Japan’s wealth and growth. Tourism from the end of the 20th century to today has become a context for Australia to explore anxieties relating to its changing national image, diplomatic relationships and role in the global economy.
Tourist experiences are some of the richest chapters in the stories of our lives, but they also tell a bigger story
1 For further detail on Anglo-Japanese imperial competition in the Pacific, in which Australia placed a central role, see Heere, Cees. Empire Ascendant: The British World, Race, and the Rise of Japan 1894-1914. Oxford University Press, 2019
2 Akira Soshiroda,”Inbound tourism policies in Japan from 1859 to 2003.” Annals of Tourism Research 32.4 (2005): 1100-1101.
3 The Argus, “Notes From Japan”. (1882, February 11), p. 4. Retrieved February 11, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article1153179
4 John Carson, “Trip In Japan”, The Australasian (1889, February 16), p. 21. Retrieved 11 Feb 2023, http://nla.gov.au/nla.newsarticle1396968434
5 Ibid
6 Lex, The Age, “Six Weeks In Japan” (1888, February 18), p. 5. Retrieved February 11, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article191206241
7 Ibid.
8 Soshiroda,”Inbound tourism policies in Japan from 1859 to 2003.” Annals of Tourism Research 32.4 (2005): 1110-1115.
9 The Courier-Mail, “Teachers To See Japan” (1938, August 13)., p. 3. Retrieved June 5, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.newsarticle40982375
10 The Evening News, “Spy Fever Mars Travel For Tourist In Japan And Germany”, (10 October 1936), p 2. Retrieved June 5, 2023 http://nla. gov.au/nla.news-article201214845.
11 David C Atkinson, “The white Australia policy, the British empire, and the world.” Britain and the World 8.2 (2015): 208-9.
12 W.C Peak, “Japan and Australia”, The Armidale Express and New England General Advertiser, (1937, July 26). p. 8. Retrieved April 13, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article193925423
13 Ibid
14 Morning Bulletin,“Tourist’s Warning”, (1936, April 2), p. 6. Retrieved April 13, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article55573272
15 Ibid.
16 Truth, ““Blood-Bath” If Japs In Olympics ” (1950, January 15), p. 2. Retrieved April 17, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.newsarticle203242941
17 The Daily Telegraph, “Jap Stand On 1956 Olympics”, (1949,
about what binds us together. We could historicise Australia’s relationship with Japan purely through political documents: speeches by leaders, diplomatic cables, battle maps, and treaty documents. But these texts are often polarising and simplifying, revealing a static conception of the other nation that is overwhelmingly positive or negative. The cultural texts that tell the history of tourism offer us a more nuanced perspective, a sense of how these relationships influence everyday life, of the rich continuities and changes in the national identities of two very different nations. In particular, they speak to the dynamic role of travel in the history of JapaneseAustralian relationships, as we shifted from being in competing imperial systems to part of an ever-changing global economy.
November 23), p. 3. Retrieved April 17, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/ nla.news-article248162714
18 The West Australian, “Japan’s Hopes For 1956 Olympic Games” (1949, December 16), p. 24. Retrieved April 17, 2023, from http://nla. gov.au/nla.news-article47817879
19 Ibid.
20 Cynthia Robinson, “Olympics fever— and all aboard for Tokyo”, The Australian Women’s Weekly, (1964, September 30), Retrieved 17 Apr 2023 from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article47808095
21 For discussion of Australia and Japan’s political agreements after World War II see Alan Rix, The Australia-Japan political alignment: 1952 to the present (Routledge, 2013).
22 Julieanne Basham, “Japanese gripped by Aussie spirit” (1982, January 9). The Canberra Times, p. 17. Retrieved February 5, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article126870647
23 Japan Times, “Japanese tourists down on Down Under” (February, 8th, 2007), Retrieved 6th of April, 2023. https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2007/02/08/national/japanesetourists-down-on-down-un der/
24 The connection between Japanese reindustrialisation and the emphasis on natural beauty in tourism destinations is discussed in Carolin Funck, and Malcolm Cooper’s Japanese tourism: Spaces, places and structures. Berghahn Books, 2022.
25 The Canberra Times, “Call to monitor Japanese” (1989, February 27), p. 10. Retrieved February 5, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.newsarticle120913397
26 For discussion on how the Australian media furthered and resisted anti-Japanese sentiment see Ian McArthur, “Media portrayal of the cultural relationship between Australia and Japan.” Australian Journal of International Affairs 60.4 (2006): 574-589.
27 The Canberra Times, “‘Racist’ row on Gold Coast” (1988, June 4), p. 9. Retrieved February 5, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.newsarticle101986657
28 The Canberra Times “Warning signs on the Japanese ‘honeymoon”(1989, January 8), p. 20. Retrieved February 5, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article120903095
29 Ibid.
30 Ibid.
The Argus, “Notes From Japan”. (1882, February 11), p. 4. Retrieved February 11, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article1153179
Atkinson, David C. “The white Australia policy, the British empire, and the world.” Britain and the World 8.2 (2015): 204-224.
Basham, Julieanne, “Japanese gripped by Aussie spirit” (1982, January 9). The Canberra Times, p. 17. Retrieved February 5, 2023, from http:// nla.gov.au/nla.news-article126870647
The Canberra Times, “Call to monitor Japanese” (1989, February 27), p. 10. Retrieved February 5, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.newsarticle120913397
The Canberra Times, “ ‘Racist’ row on Gold Coast” (1988, June 4), p. 9. Retrieved February 5, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.newsarticle101986657
The Canberra Times “Warning signs on the Japanese ‘honeymoon”(1989, January 8), p. 20. Retrieved February 5, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article120903095
Carson, John, “Trip In Japan”, The Australasian (1889, February 16), p. 21. Retrieved 11 Feb 2023, http://nla.gov.au/nla.newsarticle1396968434
The Courier-Mail, “Teachers To See Japan” (1938, August 13)., p. 3. Retrieved June 5, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.newsarticle40982375
The Daily Telegraph, “Jap Stand On 1956 Olympics”, (1949, November 23), p. 3. Retrieved April 17, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.newsarticle248162714
The Evening News, “Spy Fever Mars Travel For Tourist In Japan And Germany”, (10 October 1936), p 2. Retrieved June 5, 2023 http://nla. gov.au/nla.news-article201214845.
Funck, Carolin, and Cooper, Malcolm Japanese tourism: Spaces, places and structures. Berghahn Books, 2022.
Heere, Cees. Empire Ascendant: The British World, Race, and the Rise of Japan, 1894-1914. Oxford University Press, 2019
Japan Times, “Japanese tourists down on Down Under” (February, 8th, 2007), Retrieved 6th of April, 2023.
https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2007/02/08/national/japanesetourists-down-on-down-un der/
Lex, The Age, “Six Weeks In Japan” (1888, February 18), p. 5. Retrieved February 11, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article191206241
Lowe, Peter. “The British Empire and the Anglo-Japanese Alliance 1911–1915.” History 54.181 (1969): 212-225.
McArthur, Ian. “Media portrayal of the cultural relationship between Australia and Japan.” Australian Journal of International Affairs 60.4 (2006): 574-589.
Morning Bulletin, “Tourist’s Warning”, (1936, April 2), p. 6. Retrieved April 13, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article55573272
Peak, W.C, “Japan And Australia”, The Armidale Express and New England General Advertiser, (1937, July 26). p. 8. Retrieved April 13, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article193925423
Reynolds, David. “Empire, region, world: the international context of Australian foreign policy since 1939.” Australian Journal of Politics & History 51.3 (2005): 346-358.
Rix, Alan. The Australia-Japan political alignment: 1952 to the present Routledge, 2013.
Robinson, Cynthia, “Olympics fever— and all aboard for Tokyo”, The Australian Women’s Weekly, (1964, September 30), Retrieved 17 Apr 2023 from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article47808095
Soshiroda, Akira. “Inbound tourism policies in Japan from 1859 to 2003.” Annals of Tourism Research 32.4 (2005): 1100-1120.
Truth, ““Blood-Bath” If Japs In Olympics ” (1950, January 15), p. 2. Retrieved April 17, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.newsarticle203242941
The West Australian, “Japan’s Hopes For 1956 Olympic Games” (1949, December 16), p. 24. Retrieved April 17, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/ nla.news-article47817879
“Shades of grey”: Gender and politics, an exploration into the social attitudes and barriers which have led to the gender
This is summarised version of the original Society and Culture Major Work.
“It doesn’t explain everything, it doesn’t explain nothing, it explains some things, and it is for the nation to think in a sophisticated way about those shades of grey.” Gillard 20131
This Personal Interest Project (PIP) seeks to evaluate the extent to which power structures and systematic barriers contribute to gender inequality within the Australian Parliament. To what extent are the ‘shades of grey’ due to social attitudes within the parliamentary system and the political parties, and how has this influenced the exclusion and treatment of women within the political sphere and perpetuated through the micro, meso, and macro levels of society.
As a young female who aspires to be a future political leader of this country, I want to explore why gender imbalance continues to exist in 2023. The inherent cross–cultural component comes between genders and age. Largely with an emphasis on the social differentiation which has occurred between men and women in parliament, which appears to be reflective of the overarching prejudicial and discriminatory social attitudes of women in the political sphere and society. Therefore, I am investigating how these social attitudes towards women as inferior candidates for political leadership have occurred and why society accepts this.
I will cross-culturally compare female and male perspectives within interviews, as well as within the questionnaire. Furthermore, this will be synthesised through secondary research investigating female versus male views on gender quotas. This is relevant to the Syllabus as it explores how women often experience social exclusion due to micro-level barriers that are influenced by meso and macro level institutions. This PIP will examine social and cultural continuity and change, by demonstrating which social attitudes towards women in politics have remained persistent over time, as well as how the exclusion and treatment of women within the political sphere has perpetually changed over time. Conflict Theory can be evidenced within the exploration of the systemic barriers and social attitudes which lead to a gender imbalance. Given men continue to hold power in politics, and the media is used as a tool to enable male dominance, as seen with the sexist critiques of Julia
Gillard and her wardrobe.
To investigate female political exclusion, primary research has been utilised in the form of a questionnaire, interview, and content analysis. Providing an outlook on society’s attitudes towards women in public, hence demonstrating how views are shaped by media portrayal. Ethical considerations within my primary research included the limitations of my interviews, and the perspective of biased politicians, given their positions of power and exposure to criticism from the media. Furthermore, critical discernment of the media’s portrayals of women was analysed through content analysis, and is supported by secondary research, as it is a critical agent of socialisation that holds power. My personal experience of watching female politicians derailed by the media was enhanced by my consumption of public knowledge. Thus, this process has allowed the developing of social and cultural literacy, showing critical discernment towards information by constructively and ethically utilising primary and secondary research methods. Subsequently, this PIP process created social responsibility by enabling critical engagement with the social issue of female political underrepresentation and how societal attitudes impact this.
The treatment of women in politics has always been interesting to me because I am interested in delving into the realm of politics. However, the inequities which are blindingly apparent in Australian Parliament are a deterrent. Therefore, I want to explore the social attitudes and barriers which have led to the gender imbalance in Australian politics. Initially from personal experience, I hypothesised that these social attitudes are deep rooted into society. However, after research it is evident that these inequalities can stem from the accumulation of conscious gender biased decisions. I aim to investigate why these inequalities are still in existence, despite Julia Gillard’s appointment to Prime Minister.
My initial secondary research revealed a multitude of systematic barriers which have contributed to gender imbalance over time. Personal experience of having a father in politics has repeatedly resulted in hearing comments surrounding the inequal treatment of women in politics. Therefore, as a researcher, I had a few ethical considerations. It was important that I read widely and did not allow for my father’s opinions to shape my
investigation.
As a result of my initial research, I decided to focus on three sub questions: societal views and media attitudes towards women (a macro perspective), social attitudes within parliament (a micro perspective) delving into both the changes and continuity as well as cross culturally the difference between men and women, and the difference between the Liberal and Labor parties and their attitudes towards women, and the difference in attitudes towards gender quotas between females and males politicians, investigating the continuities and changes behind this. This is what I hypothesise to be the most substantial barriers to female inclusion within parliament.
As a result of my interviews, I was able to gather insight onto the perspectives of politicians, and their apparent bias and lack of acknowledgement of such topics. This ultimately led to my conclusion that this is a considerable barrier to the gender imbalance within Australian politics. I had an opportunity to interview the female CEO of Tourism Australia, and Sarah Hanson – Young. These were extremely useful interviews as their responses demonstrated experiences and perspectives from women in power, a contrast to Paul Fletcher and Kay Patterson that progressive changes are happening for women, just not in parliament. This discovery made me more determined to find out why gender disparity still exists in modern parliament. My content analysis was conducted over 4 months’ worth of newspapers by the Sydney Morning Herald between October 2022 and February 2023, noting how many times either a male or female politician is portrayed negatively, positively, or neutrally. This content analysis also picked up on key phrases evidencing media portrayal.
During the PIP process, I became aware of my own unconscious bias, in which I avoided asking leading questions during the questionnaire as well as looking for secondary research which supported the target of my PIP question and my preconceived ideas of the topic. In order to become both socially and culturally literate, I hence had to reevaluate my conceived notions and abandon them through the creation of the PIP.
“Women make up more than 50 percent of the general population in Australia but are not yet half of the representatives that sit in Federal Parliament.” – Hon Katy Gallagher 20222
There is an extensive gender gap in Australian politics and the barriers preventing more women from having successful careers in parliament are an ongoing issue. Australian women have been largely excluded from politics and parliament, and instead men have continued to dominate the political sphere. It can be argued that the
social construct of the female gender as the homemaker is a barrier to female success in politics in Australian society. This is indicated by the small ratio of women in politics and demonstrative of how systematic changes are needed to break down the barries which have enabled male dominance.
Despite Australia being a developed and incredibly westernised nation, the social inclusion of women in parliament is not in alignment with the rest of the world. Australia’s IPU ranking for women in national parliament was 27th in 1997, rising to only 15th in 1999. However, in 2022, Australia’s ranking drastically fell to 57th place.3 Discrimination clearly is evident as numbers of inclusion in parliament can be seen to be halted at a rate of 39% inclusion in 2022, which is only a 14% increase since 2001.4 These numbers do not align with changing social values and ethics on gender which are promoted by all current parties. The questionnaire results suggest that the reason for the drastic drop of female seats is due to prejudice against women, an overwhelming 88% of respondents affirmed that belief.5 Interestingly, these statistics contrast politician Paul Fletcher’s viewpoint that women have equal opportunity. Fletcher in an interview stated…
“It’s very important that as a society we see that women are equally entitled to be in parliament, as are men. Are equally capable to be in parliament, as are men. And I think in general that would be the view that just about all Australians hold.”6
Thus, raising concerns surrounding the inability of political members of parliament to acknowledge the gender imbalance, creating a barrier within itself, as, change cannot occur if the problem is not acknowledged, thus suggestive of the halted rate of female inclusion. Creating tensions between beliefs and reality due to macro level Australia ideas about gender, setting the tone for societies belief and values on gender. Therefore, it is concerning that there is such a difference to what is being said by high profile politicians to what is happening.
The media plays a key role in the marginalisation of women as politicians, as an agent of socialisation and with power over institutions, tending to fixate on women’s appearance as criteria for their success in parliament, rather than their intelligence and experience.7 The media delegitimizes women as confirmed by Izabelle Antoniou, a Greens politician who argues that “the media coverage definitely plays a large role in normalising and framing women in a particular way.”8 In contrast to men, women are routinely photographed with more of their skin on show inviting public commentary and evaluation, as indicated by media coverage of Julia Gillard whereby she has been rendered “less leader like” through public commentary on her hair roots, wrinkles and hips.9 This argument is also supported by theorist Van Acker, who
“SHADES OF GREY”: GENDER AND POLITICS, AN EXPLORATION INTO THE SOCIAL ATTITUDES AND BARRIERS WHICH HAVE LED TO THE GENDER IMBALANCE IN AUSTRALIAN POLITICS
argues how the media has “persistently ridiculed” women and theorist Baird whom discusses how these stereotypes frame Australian politicians.10 A valuable insight is that of Former Minister for Women and the 8th women Cabinet Minister of Australia, Kay Patterson who highlighted in an interview, “they never say he turned up in the same white shirt and blue tie… Joan Kirner, Labor Premier, wore a polka dot dress once and they made it seem like she wore it every day of her life.”11 This viewpoint is supported by Senator Sarah Hanson Young whom discusses how negative comments were made about her body, dress, personal life, and how “not only are these comments degrading and hurtful, but they were used to try and prove that this somehow impacted my ability to do my job.”12 Reducing women to their bodies and to gendered roles, whilst allowing followers to cope with their “anxieties” about women in power, ultimately diminishes opportunities for women, hindering the number of women who want to propel themselves through a system which judges them based off their appearance and not their merit.13
The power of the media in shaping perceptions of female candidates is very much present in 2023. Dr Chrisanthi Giotis, a journalism lecturer at the University of South Australia who stated in an interview for this PIP that “the media is responsible for adding a barrier to women in politics, women have to control their emotions and looks in a way that is never demanded of men for fear of being the next media target.”14 This, alongside outrageous comments such as Alan Jones, who suggested that the former PM Julia Gillard ought to be “put in a chaff bag and drowned at sea”, not only demonstrate the shocking portrayal and treatment of women in the media.15 but moreover, the complacency of the public to accept those claims as suitable for public commentary, rather than the misogynistic and threatening claims they were. Indicative of the macro level normalisation of misogynistic values and belief systems. Furthermore, my content analysis conducted in 2022 found that 40% of references to female politicians were written with negative connotations, and comparatively, only 35% references to male politicians were written with negative connotations.16 Confirming the ease of the media to negatively portray women and judge them to a double standard.17 My content analysis also demonstrated that there were 169 references to male politicians and only 53 references to female politicians. This is a strong indication of the proportionately smaller number of females in Australian parliament, with an increase of 219% between the number of times females compared to males were referenced.18 Dr Giotis also stated in my interview the role of the media in perpetuating the stereotypes men are more natural leaders than females and men are more likely to be quoted in news stories. Significantly demonstrating how factors such as this and the ease of the media to negatively portray women in parliament, and the ease of society to accept such portrayal, ultimately
has very obstructive impacts on the gender imbalance within parliament.
The toxicity perpetuated by the media has had an ongoing, trickle-down effect in Australian society as only 12% of women said they would even consider pursuing a career in national politics, whilst 72% said they would never consider it as an option.19 This is a clear indication of how those who are younger and female are positioned to have negative connotations both surrounding the entering of politics within Australia as well as the ways in which women are viewed by a macro society. With 60% reporting that they did not feel as though parliament had become a safer workplace and the toxic culture was still very much a prominent thing within the past 12 months.20 Conflict theory can be seen in these examples, as whilst gender equality progression has occurred elsewhere, evidentially, young women still believe men are advantaged, and that is because men have fought to maintain their position of higher power to the detriment of women.21 This accepted social prejudice towards women in politics is furthermore evidenced in polling conducted by Plan International Australia in April 2021, which found 73% of young women aged 18 to 21 believed that women are not treated equally to men, rising to almost 78% amongst women aged between 22 to 25.22 Supported by Izabelle Antoniou whom discusses how, as a 26 year old female, “I found myself infantilised in ways I hadn’t seen other male candidates who were much younger.”23 Subsequentially, evidencing how cross –culturally regardless of the age gap, women still maintain the same views, and that is that the systematic barriers within parliament are causing a gender imbalance, and nothing is being done to prevent it as of such. Alternatively, in my questionnaire done within a Liberal Area of NSW, this deciphered how 50% of men believed that there was not gender inequality within parliament, whereas 72% of women believed there was.24 Ultimately evidencing how the difference in perspective from the male gender, and an apparent attitude of ignorance also presents a societal barrier.
It is also crucial to consider that pre–existent stereotypes which perpetuate society’s view of what an idealistic political figure looks like within the Australian Parliament are a key barrier. These stereotypes have continued over time, as made evident by Giotis’ interview, and ‘Rosener’s argument’ that theorises how women lead differently to men. Rosener identifies that a stereotype exists that woman are more empathetic and people – friendly and therefore suited to supporter roles rather than leadership roles.25 Women are disadvantaged by stereotypes of being confident, aggressive, and self-determined.26 These stereotypes are created by males, hence people more easily accredit men with leadership abilities and are more willing to accept them as leaders. This is evidenced firsthand by Senator Hanson-Young whom describes in my interview, “women are faced with a no win situation…
standing up for themselves and calling out inappropriate behaviour can be perceived as weak, using the gender card… but ignoring it understandably takes its toll.”27 The consistency and continuation of these preconceived notions is discussed by researcher Amanda Sinclair, who suggests how even though earlier research shows that women are not psychologically handicapped for leadership, present research indicates how they face a barrage of gendered assumptions and stereotypes about their fitness for leadership. Sinclair argues that these ideas are translated into discriminatory norms perpetuated by the media, influencing societal attitudes and indicative of the systematic barriers in place which assert such power over women through subconscious bias.28
These assumptions are enforced in my interview with Patterson who asserts that;
“If I behaved in any other job the way I behaved in the chamber when I was answering questions, they would send me off to psychiatric assessment. Because if you do not answer men and answer them strongly then they see you as weak and attack you.”29
This aligns with the excruciatingly unfair stereotypes women in politics can have to succumb to, to succeed, as a male behaving in the same way, is deemed by the media to be acceptable. Demonstrating how for women to succeed in parliament they need to modify their behaviour and act in a powerful way, regardless of their authority.
The disparate lack of change which has been made to the social attitudes surrounding women, is suggestive of the role of the press in shaping societal views. Contributing to systematic barriers is echoed as whilst in 1902 Australia became the one of the first nations in the world to introduce equal federal suffrage to men and women.30 It took another 41 years for the first woman to be elected to the Australian parliament with Enid Lyons as the Member for Darwin in 1943.31 Such gender inequality was overtly prominent upon interviewing Kay Patterson,
who discussed how in the old Parliament House in 1987 even the bathrooms were not made with women in mind, as there was a urinal blocked out within the women’s bathroom.32 Such architecture engrains patriarchal ideas of leadership, suggestive of how such an attitude has continued. Subsequentially, Julia Gillard’s book ‘Not Now, Not Ever’ reveals her first-hand micro view of how society has patriarchal views on women within parliament.33 Gillard is proof that, while in leadership, she was seen as “deliberately barren, implying that a woman is little more than a life support system for her ovaries, and that to be otherwise made her somehow not fit for political office.” Throughout her Prime Ministerial term, Gillard faced consistent inappropriate scrutiny by the media which demonized her as unmarried and childfree.34 The recent political experiences of Giotis, Antoniou and Hanson-Young demonstrate that these views on female leadership have not changed since Gillard, and little progress has been made. And the male experience of Paul Fletcher, thus shaping his attitude, demonstrates how gender strongly impacts perspectives on if progress had been made. Moreover, in the questionnaire I conducted, 32% of respondents reported that they believed females should not get the same opportunities to be in parliament as men.34 Still maintaining a misogynistic mindset, thus disallowing an effective progression of women within the Australian parliament.
Thus, in determining the deep–rooted prejudices which allow the exclusionary treatment of women in parliament within society. It is apparent that such discrimination and the inability to create and maintain an equal parliament is a result of the disadvantages women face due to their portrayal in the media. Ultimately, women are perceived by the stereotypes that centuries of exclusion and politicians have perpetuated, hence social attitudes have been formed by the media in alignment with such severity of gender bias which ostracises women in politics. And whilst this is progressing as does society, greater change needs to be made to ensure a proper change in social attitudes.
“SHADES OF GREY”: GENDER AND POLITICS, AN EXPLORATION INTO THE SOCIAL ATTITUDES AND BARRIERS WHICH HAVE LED TO THE GENDER IMBALANCE IN AUSTRALIAN POLITICS
1 Joshua Black, “Between Nostalgia and Amnesia: The Legacy of Julia Gillard as PM, 10 Years after Her Ousting,” The Conversation, June 25, 2023, http://theconversation.com/between-nostalgia-andamnesia-the-legacy-of-julia-gillard-as-pm-10-years-after-herousting-208283.
2 “Funding to Boost Gender Equality and Diversity in Australian Politics | Ministers Media Centre,” accessed July 6, 2023, https://ministers. pmc.gov.au/gallagher/2022/funding-boost-gender-equality-anddiversity-australian-politics.
3 Anna Hough, “Trends-Gender-Parliament,” text, Australia, accessed October 27, 2022, https://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/ Parliamentary_Departments/Parliamentary_Library/FlagPost/2022/ April/Trends-gender-parliament.
4 Hough.
5 Questionnaire, 2023
6 Paul Fletcher, Interview with Paul Fletcher, February 22, 2023.
7 Katrina Lee-Koo and Maria Maley, “The Iron Butterfly and the Political Warrior: Mobilising Models of Femininity in the Australian Liberal Party. - EBSCO,” accessed July 6, 2023, https://discovery.ebsco.com/c/ n4ycs7/viewer/html/yx5zfrb4wz?auth-callid=c68151bd-6fa6-925a9313-a2c8401722a4.
8 Izabelle Antoniou, Interview with Izabelle Antoniou, 2023.
9 Amanda Sinclair, “Not Just ‘Adding Women In’: Women Re-Making Leadership,” n.d.
10 Lee-Koo and Maley, “The Iron Butterfly and the Political Warrior: Mobilising Models of Femininity in the Australian Liberal Party.EBSCO.”
11 Kay Patterson, Interview with Kay Patterson, March 17, 2023.
12 Sarah Hanson-Young, Interview with Sarah Hanson Young, 2023.
13 Sinclair, “Not Just ‘Adding Women In’: Women Re-Making Leadership.”
14 Chrisanthi Giotis, Interview with Chrisanthi Giotis, n.d.
15 Damien Murphy and Phillip Coorey, “Insults and Chaff Bags Leave Jones in Bad Odour,” accessed July 15, 2023, https://www.smh. com.au/politics/federal/insults-and-chaff-bags-leave-jones-in-badodour-20121001-26vla.html.
16 Content Analysis, 2023
17 Content Analysis, 2023
18 Content Analysis, 2023
19 “Three Quarters of Young Women Voting for First Time in the Federal Election Do Not Believe Australian Politics Is an Equal Space for Women and People of Colour,” Plan International Australia, accessed June 29, 2023, https://www.plan.org.au/media-centre/ three-quarters-of-young-women-voting-for-first-time-in-thefederal-election-do-not-believe-australian-politics-is-an-equalspace-for-women-and-people-of-colour/.
20 “Three Quarters of Young Women Voting for First Time in the Federal Election Do Not Believe Australian Politics Is an Equal Space for Women and People of Colour.”
21 Boundless Sociology Boundless, “The Conflict Perspective,” October 31, 2020, https://viva.pressbooks.pub/hum210/chapter/genderstratification-and-inequality-the-conflict-perspective/.
22 Ashleigh Streeter - Jones, “Young Women Are Still Being Deterred from Political Careers. It’s Time for Change.,” Women’s Agenda, November 11, 2021, https://womensagenda.com.au/latest/youngwomen-are-still-being-deterred-from-political-careers-its-time-forchange/.
23 Antoniou, Interview with Izabelle Antoniou.
24 Questionnaire, 2023
25 Andrea Carson, Leah Ruppanner, and Jenny M. Lewis, “Race to the Top: Using Experiments to Understand Gender Bias towards Female Politicians.,” Australian Journal of Political Science 54, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 439–55, https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2019 .1618438.
26 Carson, Ruppanner, and Lewis.
27 Hanson-Young, Interview with Sarah Hanson Young
28 Amanda Sinclair, “A Feminist Case for Leadership,” in Diversity in Leadership, ed. Joy Damousi, Kim Rubenstein, and Mary Tomsic, Australian Women, Past and Present (ANU Press, 2014), 17–36, http:// www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt13wwvj5.4.
29 Patterson, Interview with Kay Patterson.
30 Anna Hough, “Women’s Suffrage,” text, Australia, accessed April 2, 2023, https://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/Parliamentary_ Departments/Parliamentary_Library/FlagPost/2022/June/Womens_ suffrage.
31 Transport Ministers for the Department of Infrastructure, “Statues to Immortalise First Women in Federal Parliament,” Ministers for the Department of Infrastructure (Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development, Communications and the Arts), accessed March 30, 2023, https://minister.infrastructure.gov.au/mcbain/mediarelease/statues-immortalise-first-women-federal-parliament.
32 Patterson, Interview with Kay Patterson.
33 Julia Gillard, ed., Not Now, Not Ever: Ten Years on from the Misogyny Speech (North Sydney, NSW: Vintage Books Australia, 2022).
48 - 49
34 Blair Williams, “Inside the Toxic Sexist Culture of Australia’s Political Bubble,” Australian Institute of International Affairs (blog), accessed March 22, 2023, https://www.internationalaffairs.org.au/ australianoutlook/inside-the-toxic-sexist-culture-of-australiaspolitical-bubble/.
35 Questionnaire, 2023
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Black, Joshua. “Between Nostalgia and Amnesia: The Legacy of Julia Gillard as PM, 10 Years after Her Ousting.” The Conversation, June 25, 2023. http://theconversation.com/between-nostalgia-andamnesia-the-legacy-of-julia-gillard-as-pm-10-years-after-herousting-208283.
Boundless, Boundless Sociology. “The Conflict Perspective,” October 31, 2020. https://viva.pressbooks.pub/hum210/chapter/genderstratification-and-inequality-the-conflict-perspective/.
Carson, Andrea, Leah Ruppanner, and Jenny M. Lewis. “Race to the Top: Using Experiments to Understand Gender Bias towards Female Politicians.” Australian Journal of Political Science 54, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 439–55. https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2019 .1618438.
“Funding to Boost Gender Equality and Diversity in Australian Politics | Ministers Media Centre.” Accessed July 6, 2023. https://ministers.pmc. gov.au/gallagher/2022/funding-boost-gender-equality-and-diversityaustralian-politics.
Gillard, Julia, ed. Not Now, Not Ever: Ten Years on from the Misogyny Speech. North Sydney, NSW: Vintage Books Australia, 2022.
Hough, Anna. “Trends-Gender-Parliament.” Text. Australia. Accessed October 27, 2022. https://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/ Parliamentary_Departments/Parliamentary_Library/FlagPost/2022/ April/Trends-gender-parliament.
Hough, Anna. “Women’s Suffrage.” Text. Australia. Accessed April 2, 2023. https://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/Parliamentary_ Departments/Parliamentary_Library/FlagPost/2022/June/Womens_ suffrage.
Lee – Koo, Katrina, and Maria Maley. “The Iron Butterfly and the Political Warrior: Mobilising Models of Femininity in the Australian Liberal Party. - EBSCO.” Accessed July 6, 2023. https:// discovery.ebsco.com/c/n4ycs7/viewer/html/yx5zfrb4wz?authcallid=c68151bd-6fa6-925a-9313-a2c8401722a4.
Ministers for the Department of Infrastructure, Transport. “Statues to Immortalise First Women in Federal Parliament.” Ministers for the Department of Infrastructure. Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development, Communications, and the Arts. Accessed March 30, 2023. https://minister.infrastructure.gov.au/mcbain/mediarelease/statues-immortalise-first-women-federal-parliament Murphy, Damien, and Phillip Coorey. “Insults and Chaff Bags Leave Jones in Bad Odour.” Accessed July 15, 2023. https://www.smh. com.au/politics/federal/insults-and-chaff-bags-leave-jones-in-badodour-20121001-26vla.html.
Plan International Australia. “Three Quarters of Young Women Voting for First Time in the Federal Election Do Not Believe Australian Politics
Is an Equal Space for Women and People of Colour.” Accessed June 29, 2023. https://www.plan.org.au/media-centre/three-quarters-ofyoung-women-voting-for-first-time-in-the-federal-election-donot-believe-australian-politics-is-an-equal-space-for-women-andpeople-of-colour/.
Sinclair, Amanda. “A Feminist Case for Leadership.” In Diversity in Leadership, edited by Joy Damousi, Kim Rubenstein, and Mary Tomsic, 17–36. Australian Women, Past and Present. ANU Press, 2014. https:// www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt13wwvj5.4.
Sinclair, Amanda. “Not Just ‘Adding Women In’: Women Re-Making Leadership,” n.d.
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This essay was entered in the National History Challenge. It was awarded a certificate for Young Historian Silver in the Asia and Australia category.
In recent years, Australia’s relationship with China has been characterised by increasing friction, if not outright antagonism. From the detention of Australian citizens1 to widespread sanctions on Australian primary industries and a “trade war,”2 to a “diplomatic deep freeze,”3 a perception of decline and hostility has become ubiquitous. To some extent, the lowest point in relations appeared to coincide with the Morrison Prime Ministership (2018-22) when calls for a “weapons inspector” to investigate the origins of the Covid-19 pandemic represented not only clumsy diplomacy but fuelled xenophobia4 when the then Federal Minister for Defence Peter Dutton and Secretary of the Department of Home Affairs proclaimed that the “drums of war beat.”5 However, this animosity between the two countries has not simply eased with the election of a Labor Government in 2022. The continuation of the Aukus Pact has been characterised by China as “exacerbating geopolitical tensions” and as embodying a “Cold War mentality,”6 while mainstream Australian media has been consistently hyperbolic with the Sydney Morning Herald and the Age, for example, issuing a hysterical “Red Alert.”7
This narrative – of a sudden and lamentable decay in bilateral relations – stands in contrast to a longer history of perceived growing cooperation. The acrimony which characterises the mainstream understanding of Australia and China’s relationship disregards the long history of progressively stronger relations, with New York Times reporter Chris Buckley reflecting on “Australia’s emerg[ence] as an energetic counterweight to Beijing’s growing might”, and culminating in a Mandarin-speaking Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd.8 This essay argues that while China and Australia’s bilateral relationship will shift between belligerence and friendship as governments and the political climate of the world changes, there will forever be this continuity that irrevocably links the two nations together.
Australia and China’s history tells a paradoxical story, entrenched in both great co-dependency and also political conflict. In the mid-19th century, during
the Gold Rush era, Australia saw the introduction of thousands of miners in the Chinese community,9 which was foundational to the formation of Australia as a nation, in terms of both mass economic and population growth.10 While, the critical attitudes of Australian citizens towards the migrating Chinese labourers did not entirely stem from a place of racism, but was often a result of competition for jobs and income,11 Chinese miners were excluded from the gold industry and wider society.12 This initial opposition to China’s influence in Australia became especially significant and intentional following the passing of the White Australia Policy by Edmund Barton’s Protectionist Liberal Party in 1901.13 There was great xenophobia and intolerance towards not only Chinese, but other Asian and non-Anglo individuals.14 Until the late 20th century, beliefs of racial superiority due to the White Australia Policy impeded the relationship and partnership between the two countries.
A significant shift in Australia and China’s relationship began in the early 1970s when Whitlam established diplomatic relationships with Mainland China, breaking from traditional alliances in the midst of the Cold War.15 This pattern of relations was continued by succeeding governments, and was heavily enforced during the economic crisis of the 80s when Australia heavily relied on China as a trading partner.16 There was also a radical uptick in the influx of international students migrating to Australia, following the Colombo Plan funded by the government in 1950,17 and was crucial to the increased scale of China and Australia’s relationship. Another big influx of international students from China arose from the 1989 Tiananmen Square Massacre, when Bob Hawke emotionally made the “personal decision, against all bureaucratic advice” to offer Australia as an asylum for the students.18 September 11th, 1996, marked a particular period of tension between the two nations, as an emphasis was placed on defending Australia against China and the war on terror.19 This marked a turning point in their relationship as it was a time of neo-imperialism and xenophobia in the West led by the United States, United Kingdom, and Australia relationship;20 as a result, all nations of colour faced more oppression stemming from suspicion and fear.21
Nonetheless, under Howard’s leadership, economic ties with China flourished, and China became Australia’s largest trading partner.22 The focus was on commercial benefit and economic exchange. Australia and China have
enjoyed this close diplomatic relationship especially until it was strained once more in 2019, when Scott Morrison took a xenophobic stance towards China’s involvement with Covid-19,23 and extreme sanctions were enforced by the Chinese government.24
The status of Australia and China’s relationship has recently seen significant changes and a great decline in response to political and military decisions made by both countries. The period from 2013 to 2016 saw significant militarisation and aggression from China in the South China Sea, including territorial disputes and competing claims over various islands, reefs, and waters.25 China’s construction of artificial islands were major sources of concern for Australia, with China expanding and fortifying several features in the Spratly Islands, building airstrips, ports, radar installations, and other military infrastructure.26 Even after being taken to the Permanent Court of Arbitration by the Philippines, China rejected rulings which determined that their claims to historical rights over the sea had no legal basis, and continued its activities in disputed areas.27 This violates Australia’s support of the right for all states “under international law to freedom of navigation and freedom of overflight”28 and contributed to the recent deterioration of their relationship.
Amid rising tensions, various diplomatic efforts were made to address the situation. Tensions at times escalated due to increased military activities, and “the risk of miscalculation resulting in conflict [was] very real.”29 In opposing Chinese militarisation Australia declared it was prepared to respond with “a corresponding counterreaction” despite an ever-closer trade relationship.30 Foreign Affairs Minister Penny Wong voices that, “As China has sought to assert itself in the world,” the differences between the political ideologies of the two nations “have been harder to manage.”31
Furthermore, the deterioration of relationships has derived not simply from the growing militarisation of China, but Xi’s leadership and his heightened commitment to authoritarianism. In 2018, Xi Jinping, China’s National People’s Congress effectively removed term limits for the Chinese presidency.32 This move allowed Xi Jinping to potentially serve as president beyond the two-term limit that had been established in the Chinese constitution, leading to speculation about the possibility of him becoming a ‘president for life’.33 This change was seen as a significant consolidation of power for Xi Jinping, and by extension, China itself, solidifying Australia’s suspicion of the nation and their adversarial relationship at the time.
This recent history of escalating tensions seems to
stand in stark contrast to our longer relationship with China, particularly under the leadership of Kevin Rudd (2007-2013), commonly remembered as a ‘Golden Age’ grounded in mutual friendship and respect. Rudd, who was known for his interest in China and his proficiency in Mandarin was appreciated by leaders in China.34 He sought to achieve the kind of friendship “treasured in China’s political tradition” by “offer[ing] unflinching advice and counsel[ling] restraint.”35 To the media and the citizens across the world, it seemed that both China and Australia played a prominent role in each other’s economic, strategic, and political decisions, and were reaping the rewards of friendship through their strengthened nations. While the late 2000s is remembered as a peaceful and amiable era, and many speculate at the rapid deterioration of the two nation’s relationship under subsequent governments, in truth, this friendship was only a facade for the underlying tension and conflict which lay beneath the surface. The memorialisation of Rudd’s interactions with China are ignorant of the more nuanced dynamics and exchanges between the two countries throughout his time in office.
Australia and China’s relationship was particularly strained in 2009, primarily due to a series of diplomatic and economic incidents. At the 2009 Copenhagen United Nations Climate Change Conference, it was reported that Rudd was physically restrained from punching the Chinese negotiator when he was “vigorously prosecuting Australia’s climate interests at a time when China was aggressively resisting.”36 Despite Rudd’s history of friendship and mutual appreciation for the country, he declared to a group of reporters that “Those Chinese f--kers [were] trying to rat-f--k [him],”37 while China accused Rudd of lying about his stance on climate action and presenting “a fabrication” to his people.38 In the same year, Rudd’s Defence White Paper suggested that Chinese militarisation was a cause for concern39 – a suggestion China was greatly angered by – and reported a $44 billion upgrade of the Australian military in response.40 Stern Hu, the head of Rio Tinto’s China iron ore business was also arrested in Beijing, causing international tension surrounding the question of extradition.41 In addition, Australia granted a visa to Uyghur World Congress president Rebiya Kadeer after China fought for her autobiographical film not to be played at the Melbourne International Film Festival and cancelled a ministerial visit to Australia as a result.42 This tension continued into 2010 when Wikileaks revealed that at a private meeting with the US Secretary general, Rudd was prepared to “deploy force if everything goes wrong,” during their effort to integrate China into the international community.43
Rather than a ‘Golden Era’ of bilateral friendship, closer historical inspection highlights that this was also a time characterised by a great mistrust and resentment between the two nations.
Strong efforts to maintain a close relationship with China
during the Rudd government were not strong enough to escape from the ubiquitous pattern of conflict in their history. Australia looks back at Rudd’s leadership from 2007 with rose-tinted glasses, and while the tension is masked by the memory of two united nations, it was still ever-present. Indeed, if we look more closely at the Rudd era, we can see that the relationship did have its difficulties because Australia and China have genuinely different values and interests. China’s oneparty rule and restrictions to freedom of speech did not align with Australia’s emphasis on democratic values and human rights. The Rudd government’s approach to China reflected a balancing act between economic interests, strategic concerns, and the promotion of values central to Australia’s democracy. Many times, this balance was tipped and Australia found itself at odds with the neighbouring nation. Since Rudd’s leadership, Australia and China’s relationship has continued to evolve, experiencing both periods of cooperation, as well as occasional conflict.
Applying a historical lens to diplomatic relations is crucial
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2 “China-Australia Trade War Shows No Sign of Abating,” accessed July 23, 2023, https://thediplomat.com/2023/02/china-australia-tradewar-shows-no-sign-of-abating/.
3 “The Diplomatic Freeze between Australia and China May Be Thawing, but Tensions Are Still Rumbling,” ABC News, July 15, 2022, https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-07-16/signs-australia-chinadiplomatic-standoff-deep-freeze-thawing/1 01243164.
4 “Australia Started a Fight with China by Pushing for a COVID-19 Inquiry — Was It Necessary?,” ABC News, May 20, 2020, https://www. abc.net.au/news/2020-05-20/wha-passes-coronavirus-investigationaustralia-what-cost/1226 5896.
5 “Dutton and Pezzullo Talk up the Beating Drums of War –but It Is Not Them Who Will Have to Fight | Paul Daley | The Guardian,” accessed July 27, 2023, https://www.theguardian.com/ commentisfree/2021/apr/29/dutton-and-pezzullo-talk-up-thebeating-drums of-war-but-it-is-not-them-who-will-have-to-fight.
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8 Chris Buckley, “After Years of Acrimony, China and Australia Cautiously Reach Out,” The New York Times, June 24, 2022, sec. World, https://www.nytimes.com/2022/06/24/world/asia/chinaaustralia-ties.html.
to avoiding the hysteria and hypernationalism that often prevails in popular accounts of contemporary geopolitical affairs. While it is true that China has militarised in recent years, and that the previous Government’s approach to diplomacy was both disrespectful and clumsy, history teaches us we shouldn’t catastrophise deterioration, nor should we be complacent. Rather, we should recognise Australia’s relationship with China has always been complex and sometimes tenuous, but a kind of pragmatism has tended to prevail. While tensions and challenges have faced every generation of Australian leaders working closely with China as an ally, it is important to note that the relationship between the two countries is multifaceted. Australia has made consistent efforts to maintain economic ties and promote cooperation with China for the growth of the nation. To maintain our continuous relationship, the government must constantly adapt its approach to leadership in response to China’s rise to power as we move together into an ever-changing future.
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“(PDF) Two Radical Legends: Russel Ward, Humphrey McQueen and the New Left Challenge in Australian Historiography | Frank Bongiorno - Academia.Edu.” Accessed August 24, 2023. https:// www.academia.edu/616691/Two_Radical_Legends_Russel_Ward_ Humphrey_ McQueen_and_the_New_Left_Challenge_in_Australian_ Historiography.
“Re-Interpreting Cultural Nationalism - Hutchinson - 1999 - Australian Journal of Politics & History - Wiley Online Library.” Accessed August 24, 2023. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/14678497.00072.
“Rudd Fears Copenhagen Failure.” Accessed August 24, 2023. https:// www.smh.com.au/world/rudd-fears-copenhagen-failure-20091216kuyh.html.
Rudd, Kevin. “China under Xi Jinping,” March 13, 2015. https://www. csis.org/analysis/china-under-xi-jinping.
sarahf@themonthly.com.au1586826026. “China panic: What can be done about anti-Chinese racism?” Text. The Monthly, June 24, 2021. https://www.themonthly.com.au/blog/davidbrophy/2021/24/2021/1624497397/china-pa nic-what-can-be-doneabout-anti-chinese-racism.
SBS News. “Penny Wong Raised the Issue of Australians Detained in China in Historic Talks. Why Were They Imprisoned?” Accessed August 24, 2023. https://www.sbs.com.au/news/article/penny-wong-raisedthe-issue-of-australians-detai ned-in-china-in-historic-talks-whywere-they-imprisoned/zxouemtbh.
“Solomon Islands-China Deal: Peter Dutton Warns Australians over War in Anzac Day Interview.” Accessed August 24, 2023. https://www. smh.com.au/politics/federal/reality-of-our-time-dutton-warnsaustralians-to prepare-for-war-20220425-p5afuy.html.
“South China Sea: Australia Raises Alarm over Possible Chinese Military Build-up on Contested Spratly Islands - ABC News.” Accessed August 24, 2023. https://www.abc.net.au/news/2015-06-01/australia-takestough-stance-against-chinas-i sland-moves/6510540.
“Statement by H.E. Ambassador Wang Qun on The Trilateral Nuclear Submarine Cooperation under AUKUS.” Accessed August 24, 2023. https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjb_663304/zwjg_665342/ zwbd_665378/202111/t2 0211129_10458433.html.
“Statue Wars: Collective Memory Reshaping the Past: History Australia: Vol 18, No 3.” Accessed August 24, 2023. https://www.tandfonline. com/doi/abs/10.1080/14490854.2021.1956333?src=&journalC ode=raha20.
“Statue Wars: Collective Memory Reshaping the Past: History Australia: Vol 18, No 3.” Accessed August 24, 2023. https://www.tandfonline. com/doi/abs/10.1080/14490854.2021.1956333?src=&journalC ode=raha20.
The Australia-China Story. “Kevin Rudd and Australia-China Relations.” Accessed August 24, 2023. https://aus.thechinastory.org/archive/ kevin-rudd-and-australia-china-relations/.
“The Resurgence of China-Australia Trade.” Accessed August 24, 2023. https://asialink.unimelb.edu.au/insights/the-resurgence-of-chinaaustralia-trade.
“Topic | Red Alert | The Sydney Morning Herald.” Accessed August 24, 2023. https://www.smh.com.au/topic/Red-Alert-6fuw.
“Transcript 15854 | PM Transcripts.” Accessed August 24, 2023. https:// pmtranscripts.pmc.gov.au/release/transcript-15854.
“Transcript 15947 | PM Transcripts.” Accessed August 24, 2023. https:// pmtranscripts.pmc.gov.au/release/transcript-15947.
“Transcript 16596 | PM Transcripts.” Accessed August 24, 2023. https:// pmtranscripts.pmc.gov.au/release/transcript-16596.
Wen, David Wroe and Philip. “South China Sea Dispute: Strong Indication Australia Will Join Push Back on China’s Island-Building.”
The Sydney Morning Herald, May 31, 2015. https://www.smh.com.au/ world/south-china-sea-dispute-strong-indication-australia-will-j oinpush-back-on-chinas-islandbuilding-20150531-ghdjyy.html.
“Whatever Happened to the South China Sea Ruling? | Lowy Institute.” Accessed August 24, 2023.https://www.lowyinstitute.org/theinterpreter/whatever-happened-south-china-sea-ruling.
Longing to belong: How do individuals’ changing and continuing cultural values impact their broader social acceptance? A cultural examination of the beliefs and values South Asian immigrants hold and their social integration into AustraliaBY NUPUR JAIN (YEAR 12)
This is a summarised version of the original Society and Culture Major Work.
INTRODUCTION
Sociologist Emile Durkheim’s theory of social integration, linked with the concept of ‘collective consciousness’,1 helped me propose how individuals maintain their own culture, whilst being able to accept and adapt to a host country’s culture.2 For my Personal Interest Project (PIP), I investigate the concept of social integration, rather than the theory itself.
Social integration is examined in relation to immigrants’ social acceptance. Is it fuelled by a desire to ‘belong’? Does integration instil a subsequent sense of acceptance? These questions formed the premise of my study –“Longing to belong” how individuals’ continuation and changes to their cultural values influence their broader social acceptance.
My PIP seeks to explore how changes and continuities to immigrants’ cultural beliefs are evident in integration, and the extent to which they influence the groups’ acceptance rates into society. In my investigation, changes refer to the modifications made to culture over time, whereas continuities are studied through maintaining values post immigration.3 The cross-cultural component is integral to my study, examined through South Asian immigrants, in contrast to the receiving host society of Anglo Australians.
RESEARCH LOG
My PIP’s inspiration stemmed from personal relevance, as being born in a country that neither my family nor I had any cultural connection to, is a unique experience. Moving countries frequently, adapting ourselves to different environments, adjusting to different values and beliefs delivered many learnings. These concerns could be addressed well in the HSC syllabus dot point of Social and Cultural Continuity and Change, the constant changes in environments and subsequently social and cultural customs, alongside consistencies when immigrating; values that were maintained.
My original topic was investigating the notion of ‘home’,
and how immigration patterns alter this social construct. However, as this didn’t link well to any core syllabus dot points and its related concepts, I shifted my focus to immigrant integration into Australia, keeping the underlying idea the same, but studying the group’s “racial integration” into society. Through preliminary research, particularly Wessendorf’s article on ‘Migrants’ Social Integration’4 prompted the realisation that “social integration” aligned better with my purpose and hypothesis rather than racial integration. Moreover, restricting the focus group to just Indians, posed difficult when researching. By surveying Australian census data, I learnt that many individuals immigrated from South Asian regions, and therefore I expanded my target audience to South Asian immigrants. This allowed for greater ease when conducting secondary research and in collecting primary evidence, expanding my contacts to people of Nepalese, Sri Lankan, Pakistani, and Afghan backgrounds.
My primary research included sets of interviews, a quantitative content analysis and extensive questionnaires. My questionnaire received 50+ responses, including qualitative and quantitative data, examining how immigrants’ generational status influences their integration and acceptance. This method acted as a scaffold for my investigation and was also beneficial as the findings were relevant for all three chapters, though the data was restricted by demographic skews, and occasional language barriers. Moreover, structural and conversational interviews were conducted aiming to assess differing perspectives. Through a series of openended questions, they delivered insights into the role power and authority play at micro, meso and macro levels, and a level of expertise in their individual fields, allowed for credible and reliable data.
SECTION 1: GENERATION TO GENERATION, WHAT STAYS AND WHAT GOES?
GENERATIONAL IMMIGRATION AND IMPLICATIONS ON MAINTENANCE AND MODIFICATION TO CULTURAL VALUES
Immigrants are individuals who travel to a country other than their own, intending to permanently settle there,5 compared to migrants who move between locations, in search of better opportunities.6 When examining this group’s social integration into Australia, the term refers to
the continuation of one’s own culture, whilst being able to accept and adapt to their host country’s culture.7
The divide between first-generation and secondgeneration South Asian immigrants in Australia illuminates how varying cultural values produce diverging patterns of integration, and acceptance rates. First-generation immigrants relocate with the purpose of re-establishing their roots, and in absence of familial support systems, the presence of immigrants with similar backgrounds provides support8 in easing and accelerating their integration processes collectively.9 This results in increased resilience and resourcefulness revealing the transformative nature of this change, breaking the hold of tradition-bound normative structures. First-generation immigrants facilitate their children’s participation in the social community,10 and as these children, secondgeneration immigrants, are enculturated by their surrounding wider communities,11 both generations of immigrants and broader society are pivotal in guiding the second-generations’ immigration processes. A secondgeneration participant of the questionnaire expressed how they were a “product of both Australian and Indian cultures”12 though “integrating to a greater extent than their parents”13, observed through Figure 1 and 2.
between generations that could arise due to differing integration processes and changes in certain cultural aspects. These gaps in generational integration occur as parents may be more accustomed to their traditions and heritage, and their children may experience a stronger “sense of belonging in Australia and a feeling of home”.18 This underlines the conflicting upbringing patterns, and establishes this immigration induced changes as complex.
Second-generation immigrants successfully “balance both the cultural worlds”14 noted through automatic shifts in accents and dialects when communicating with family compared to friends.15 Thus their improved integration is outlined by their ability to accommodate both their cultures’ domains, preserving their parents’ South Asian values that they immigrated with, alongside the changes; the introduction of new values. As parents exercise cultural practices on their children that dissonate from residing local cultures,16 it creates “acculturation gaps”17
The physical shift in locations minimally affected firstgeneration immigrants’ home languages, as language plays a core part of the beliefs and values in South Asian cultures19 so the diasporic changes only extended their English speaking skills, mother tongues remaining intact.20 The theory on Core Values of Culture elaborates on the maintenance and modification of minority languages,21 and since 92% of questionnaire respondents moved to Australia after the age of 23, 82% of those respondents’ first language still dominates their households.22 Observed alongside Australia’s multicultural policy resulting in increased home languages spoken,23 these pattens reveals that the later the immigration occurs in life, the higher the retention of home languages. Accompanying this, some participants noted it took time to let go of their mother tongue and adjust to English, due to changing accents and slang terminology.24 This linguistic shift to English isn’t uniform as some groups adopt the host language as a home language at a faster rate than other immigrants,25 demonstrating the differing rates of change, and exemplifying the complex nature of change. Further, in South Asia, as language sits at the heart of cultures,26 replacing minority languages with English, due to immigration, could cause shifts in cultural values and traditions, leading to imbalanced integration rates. Additionally, Punam Bent noted that support systems left behind heightened their need for new support networks, a challenge in a foreign cultural setting.27 These changes are often supported by communities helping immigrants to integrate into society, mitigating a sense of culture shock.28 However, the loss of established social circles created a sense of social isolation, and respondents’ observations contrasted secondary findings, observing that a “certain resistance to relationships in neighbourhoods”29 arose, thus the changing social relationships made it considerably challenging to integrate into Australian society. Alongside this, the sudden loss of domestic help proved to be one of the biggest social changes, as in South Asian countries, the bulk of housework is managed by modestly accessible domestic helpers.30 Thus, relocation meant, new requirements to self-conduct household activities, which produced a new work-life balance and values of independence, a foreign concept to many South Asian immigrants,31 stunting their integration within Australia.
Moreover, 64% of first-generation questionnaire respondents articulated that the post immigration changes were social or personal, elaborating on the
LONGING TO BELONG: HOW DO INDIVIDUALS’ CHANGING AND CONTINUING CULTURAL VALUES IMPACT THEIR BROADER SOCIAL ACCEPTANCE? A CULTURAL EXAMINATION OF THE BELIEFS AND VALUES SOUTH ASIAN IMMIGRANTS HOLD AND THEIR SOCIAL INTEGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA.
transition from a joint family system to a nuclear family system.32 In South Asian countries, families networks are typically extended involving many generations, and this hierarchical setting entails respect towards elders and encourages ideals of traditionalism and interdependency.33 To support, questionnaire candidates regarded that their sense of personal space had changed after immigrating; the shift from living together with the family, to often living alone.34 Moreover, these variations embody the shift from mechanical solidarity to organic solidarity. This is displayed when immigrants attempt to integrate into an evidently modern society, breaking away from mechanical solidarity, the term given by Durkheim to ties based on homogeneity and similarity, to move towards organic solidarity based on differences and complementary needs.35 These micro and meso level changes further underline immigration as a sociological process of change and depict how South Asian cultural beliefs and values are altered in relation to their integration into Australian society.
As social integration is measured by the extent of their participation in social activities,36 South Asians celebrating local public holidays like Anzac Day alongside their cultural festivals,37 highlights their conscious efforts to socially integrate themselves. While abiding by the cultural norms of the dominant society, they maintain their own traditional practices38 such as removing shoes before entering houses, as a sign of respect, regardless of one’s status.39 Therefore, as immigrants are empowered by their standing traditions, they use new strategies such as participating in local cultures, to feel socially accepted.40 32% of questionnaire respondents’ experiences now resemble the host culture, signifying the alikeness to Australian values, though the 68% of changes they experienced still resembled their South Asian cultures,41 depicting the focus on maintaining values rather than modifying them. Therefore, dialectic changes over time that both the immigrants and the host environment face, exhibit the process of social interaction and the way the diverse changes unfold.
Further, traditional cuisine is paramount to South Asian cultures, as the diversity of foods and their role in ceremonies, festivals, and collective prayer rituals,42 all mark food as a mechanism to express a group’s cultural identity.43 Memories of native cuisines act as “connecting threads between disposed groups” and their homeland,44 expressing how the continuation of different South Asian cuisines resembles acculturation, and echoes the group’s social integration within the broader Australian community. Questionnaire subjects reflected that their celebrations such as Vesak, Eid, Diwali, and Navratri continued post immigration, help them connect with other fellow South Asian immigrants amidst the Australian context.45 This highlights the creation of an intercultural space, where immigrants “develop cultural boundaries”,46
and their root cultures remaining intact aided the formation of new relationships, pointedly improving their social integration into the broader society.
The reasons for these changes and continuities ranged from personal choices, to learning to live within new domains, for eventual social acceptance. Some respondents stated that to adjust to a new society, they “tweaked aspects of their behaviours and beliefs, though their inherent value system remained intact”.47 For instance, dressing more modestly though still in traditional attire,48 demonstrating a sense of cultural syncretism. Hence, as accultured individuals exercise multiple cultural values over time over various contexts,49 this signifies improved social integration, and acceptance into society. Respondents align with how immigrants are compelled to become bi-cultural in the social sphere,50 as they aim to “retain and imbibe the best of both cultural worlds”,51 when introduced to new cultural norms, sets of people,52 and to ground a sense of belonging.53 This was paired with conscious changes to fulfil the innate human desire to feel accepted, by members of a foreign group.54 Other respondents contradicted these views, and suggested that the driving reasons for the modification and maintenance of certain lifestyles were governed by “self-discovering choices”55 to maintain themselves as distinct societies alongside the majority culture.56 This demonstrates the micro and meso level implications of cultures’ continuities and changes on first-generation immigrants, and therefore the complexity of change due to its different processes, for ultimate social integration and acceptance.
The elements of South Asian heritage that are present in second generation immigrants’ everyday lives provide insight into their social integration patterns, their levels of social acceptance, and westernisation’s influence on this group, in comparison to first generation immigrants. The acceptance of English as the dominant language, and the completion of the linguistic shift from their home language to English is evident in second generation immigrants.57 46% of questionnaire respondents labelled English as their first language and have reflected that the need to “willingly and unconsciously westernise aspects of themselves”58 in terms of their accent, slang usage, and food preferences, all to integrate better into broader Australian society. However, 54% of subjects remarked that their mother tongues remained their first language.59 Languages such as Urdu, Tamil, Pashto, Malayalam, Punjabi, and Hindi were commonly seen to exist in households,60 highlighting South Asian linguistic diversity and “association to cultural values”.61 These subjects additionally expressed that their “morals and teachings are inherently influenced by their South Asian heritage, and previous generations”62 playing a visible role in their day-to-day empowerment and beliefs. This signifies the continuation of their heritage, and the second
generation’s greater level of integration within society. Contrastingly, elements of the Anglo Australian culture that are embedded into second generations’ lives range from the adoption of certain eating practices, parental gender-based roles, and celebrations all showcasing westernisation as an example of sociological processes of change. For instance, western eating practices such as vegan diets and a range of meats in Australia, have accentuated the household shifts to diversify what families eat. Questionnaire subject Y remarked that “I have started incorporating meats into my meals while my parents still strictly follow vegetarian diets”.63 This emphasises how the westernisation of foods tends to “end unique cultural traditions”64 and communicates the significance of cultural practices in second-generation immigrant groups.65 Further, South Asian mothers’ roles traditionally revolve around the general upbringing of children, while fathers are responsible for their discipline.66 Though, as 85% of respondents stated that both parents had jobs,67 my research pointed to cultural shifts in the parenting roles of 1st generation of immigrants, which reveals how the embodiment of Australian values signify a higher degree of social integration. Similarly, the celebration of cultural events such as Australia Day, balanced with the maintenance of one’s own cultural practices like Quran lessons, for example, or practicing Sikhism or Hinduism,68 present the co-existence of two cultural systems, traditional and modern systems. Thus, 87% of 2nd generation respondents experienced westernisation, as against only 64% of 1st generation, and there exists a higher extent of social integration levels amongst the 2nd generation.69 This shows that despite westernisation’s heavy influence on South Asian ethnic principles, second-generation immigrants noted that it positively drove their social integration, making it easier to adapt, thrive and feel accepted within a system of new cultures and beliefs.70
SECTION 2: MADE THE HEADLINES AUSTRALIAN MEDIA’S DEPICTION OF SOUTH ASIAN IMMIGRANTS, ASSESSING THE DEGREE OF THEIR INTEGRATION AND ACCEPTANCE BY SOCIETY
To further examine South Asian immigrants’ process of integration into Australian society along with a sense of acceptance, this chapter investigates the nature of media’s portrayal on this issue. An assessment of the role contemporary Australian produced media plays in the representation of South Asian cultural values, provokes questions of whether media provides an authentic reflection of individuals and their integration into Australia. Media’s stance echoes the host society’s views, cultural norms,71 and their depiction of South Asians through media outlets demonstrate the extent to which South Asians themselves are integrated into society. Supplementing this, content analysis of news channels and papers such as the Australia’s Special Broadcasting Service (SBS), Australian Broadcasting Corporation
(ABC), The Sydney Morning Herald (SMH), and The Guardian all shed light on cultural differences, manners of social integration, and thus, it provides a more holistic examination of immigrants’ incorporation into society.
Media plays a pivotal role in shifting preconceived beliefs and values individuals hold,72 and the representation of South Asian values create conflict at micro and meso levels. Often their depictions differ from immigrants’ firsthand experiences, and create versions of realities or reinforce existing norms,73 that further shape the way South Asians are viewed, and consequently impact their acceptance into Australian society. For example, Figure 3 exhibits cultural values of South Asians, found in the SMH, reduced to common stereotypes.74 As these differ from Australian cultural norms that tend to adhere more to western traditions,75 the maintenance of preconceived South Asian beliefs is perpetuated by stereotypical representation in the media. Such a reinforcement of a stereotypical view of South Asians, in the eyes of Anglo Australians, not only causes conflict within the South Asian community, but also hinders their integration to a substantial extent.
Furthermore, studying the ABC’s content in Figure 3, brought attention to the nominal, but present voice of recognition, underlining cultural differences, highlighting the necessity for Anglo Australian community to embrace these variances, though these differences appeared to be superficial.76 The analysis further indicates the economic benefits of social integration for Australia, bringing to light the need for cooperation, for both cultures and communities to continue to co-exist and grow.77 When evaluating media’s role of capitalising on trade, and emphasis on surface level cultural variances, it marks a resistance to embracing change, due to the pace of growing trade and cultural disparities. Therefore, media’s recent depiction of South Asian immigrants exemplifies media’s evolving nature, and the dialectical change that follows, further highlighting the influence of immigrant value systems on their ability to integrate into society, and their acceptance rates, heightened by the role of media.
Additionally, analysing content from SBS, and the SMH revealed media’s moderately authentic representation of South Asian immigrants, who establish themselves with primarily economic pursuits.78 It showcases how their integration is often determined by workforce interactions,79 especially as prospects of successful settlement and unity is dependent on migrants who have experienced working within Australia.80 Concurrently, content analysis findings were deemed substantially authentic when confirmed with first-generation questionnaire participants’ observations, that immigrating with the hope of being accepted, relied heavily on being able to assimilate into the broader Anglo Australian work field.81 Nevertheless, as immigrants often begin initial
LONGING TO BELONG: HOW DO INDIVIDUALS’ CHANGING AND CONTINUING CULTURAL VALUES IMPACT THEIR BROADER SOCIAL ACCEPTANCE? A CULTURAL EXAMINATION OF THE BELIEFS AND VALUES SOUTH ASIAN IMMIGRANTS HOLD AND THEIR SOCIAL INTEGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA.
work at labour driven industries, due to their disparate cultural values, they are still confined to a minority by the media,82 yet countries like India make up the second largest immigrant group in Australia.83 Conversely, this explains how news broadcasts portray South Asian cultural values, with a monetary focus, revealing the divide between authentic values and their representation. This divide is heightened by modernisation, specifically social mobility and specialisation of South Asians in the work sphere, and media reveals how this is utilised as a point to expand on their integration into Australian society. Moreover, findings while studying Australia’s SBS uncovered sport as a means of connecting South Asian and Australian cultures, a way for immigrants to establish a new identity and community. Rather than the sport itself, or the participation of migrants, the manner in which Australia society encourages, learns and adapts from growing migrant communities, revealed through media, further demonstrates how South Asian immigrants’
integration can be facilitated in a multitude of ways. Lastly, conclusions drawn from ABC, The Guardian and the SMH, highlights themes of guilt and selfconsciousness immigrants face in the attempt to integrate, despite their efforts to maintain cultural beliefs and tailor values to suit the broader Anglo Australian community. This interplay between ethnic and national identities is understood by the Australian community’s values and behaviours, and thus media’s deliberate representation of this, goes on to frame South Asians’ minimal social integration, and a weaker sense of belonging. However, questionnaire findings contradict content analysis results as participants note that once a diverse and strong support system is built, they “feel at home in Australia, even being away from home”. Hence, this underlines a somewhat misleading representation of immigrant integration by news broadcasts.
Thus, media’s representation of these concerns was
studied for a holistic investigation into South Asian immigrants’ integration patterns. While on the one hand, Australian media’s depiction of South Asian values and experiences, results in conflict, reinforcing stereotypes, or alternatively encouraging the shift to progressive views, its rapidly evolving nature on the other hand, creates varied
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11 Farver et al., “Ethnic Identity, Acculturation, Parenting Beliefs, and Adolescent Adjustment: A Comparison of Asian Indian and European American Families.”
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87 Primary Research Method First Generation Immigrants Questionnaire, conducted 04 January - 15 March 2023.
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Birman, Dina. “Immigration: Intergenerational Differences | Encyclopedia on Early Childhood Development.” In Early Childhood Development, 9, April 1, 2011. https://www.child-encyclopedia. com/immigration/according-experts/intergenerational-differencesacculturation
Bornstein, Marc H. “Cultural Approaches to Parenting.” Parenting, Science and Practice 12, no. 2–3 (January 1, 2012): 212–21. https:// doi.org/10.1080/15295192.2012.683359
Bruseker, Kendra, Louise Dark, Allie Emo, and Elizabeth Howard. Cambridge Society and Culture Stage 6. University Printing House, Cambridge.
Cambridge Advanced Learner’s Dictionary and Thesaurus. “Immigrant.” In Cambridge Dictionary, March 22, 2023. https:// dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/immigrant.
Cherry, Kendra. “What Is a Sense of Belonging?” Verywell Mind. Accessed April 5, 2023. https://www.verywellmind.com/what-is-theneed-to-belong-2795393.
Collins, Jock. “Multiculturalism and Immigrant Integration in Australia.” Canadian Ethnic Studies 45, no. 3 (September 1, 2013): 133–49. https://doi.org/10.1353/ces.2013.0037.
Collins, Jock. “The Changing Face of Australian Immigration.” The Conversation, June 8, 2013. http://theconversation.com/thechanging-face-of-australian-immigration-14984.
Dmello, Jared. “South Asian Languages: Evolving Roles in a Globalized World.” Fair Observer (blog), March 3, 2014. https://www.fairobserver. com/region/central_south_asia/south-asian-languages-evolvingroles-globalized-world-64940/.
Entman, Robert M. “How the Media Affect What People Think: An Information Processing Approach.” The Journal of Politics 51, no. 2 (1989): 347–70. https://doi.org/10.2307/2131346.
Farver, JoAnn M., Yiyuan Xu, Bakhtawar R. Bhadha, Sonia Narang, and Eli Lieber. “Ethnic Identity, Acculturation, Parenting Beliefs, and Adolescent Adjustment: A Comparison of Asian Indian and European American Families.” Merrill-Palmer Quarterly 53, no. 2 (2007): 184–215. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/236814123_ Ethnic_Identity_Acculturation_Parenting_Beliefs_and_Adolescent_ Adjustment_A_Comparison_of_Asian_Indian_and_European_ American_Families
International Rescue Committee. “Migrants, Asylum Seekers, Refugees and Immigrants: What’s the Difference? International Rescue Committee (IRC).” Accessed December 15, 2022.
John, Maya. “The Persistent Precarity of Domestic Workers in South
Asia - Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung,” June 8, 2021. https://www.rosalux. de/en/news/id/44474/the-persistent-precarity-of-domestic-workersin-south-asia
Karidakis, Maria, and Dharma Arunachalam. “Shift in the Use of Migrant Community Languages in Australia.” Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 37, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 1–22. https://doi.org/10.1080/01434632.2015.1023808
Kim, Kwang Ok. Re-Orienting Cuisine: East Asian Foodways in the Twenty-First Century. 1st ed. Berghahn Books, 2015. https://www. jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qcwzq
Krier, Dan. “Durkheim and Social Integration.” Accessed March 1, 2023. https://bluebox.creighton.edu/demo/modules/en-boundlessold/www.boundless.com/sociology/textbooks/boundless-sociologytextbook/sociology-1/the-history-of-sociology-23/durkheim-andsocial-integration-151-3416/
Kymlicka, Will. Liberalism, Community, And Culture. Revised ed. edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, U.S.A., 1991. Lee, John Kha, and Katherine Green. “Acculturation Processes of Hmong in Eastern Wisconsin.” Hmong Studies Journal 11: 21.
Phinney, Jean S., Gabriel Horenczyk, Karmela Liebkind, and Paul Vedder. “Ethnic Identity, Immigration, and Well-Being: An Interactional Perspective.” Journal of Social Issues 57, no. 3 (2001): 493–510. https://doi.org/10.1111/0022-4537.00225
Sahim, Sarmad. “Evolution of Languages in South Asia -,” May 31, 2022. https://scientiamag.org/evolution-of-languages-in-south-asia/
Schwartz, Seth J., Jennifer B. Unger, Byron L. Zamboanga, and José
Szapocznik. “Rethinking the Concept of Acculturation: Implications for Theory and Research.” The American Psychologist 65, no. 4 (2010): 237–51. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0019330
Shyamasri Maji. “Re-Viewing the Anglo-Indian Self in Multicultural Australia: A Critical Study of David McMahon’s Vegemite Vindaloo.” Antipodes 30, no. 2 (2016): 339–53. https://doi.org/10.13110/ antipodes.30.2.0339.
Shariff, Aneesa. “Ethnic Identity and Parenting Stress in South Asian Families: Implications for Culturally Sensitive Counselling,”
Skoner, David P., William J. Doyle, Sheldon Cohen, and Ian Brissette. “Social Integration And Health: The Case of a Common Cold.” Carnegie Mellon University, Journal of Social Structure, 1. Accessed April 1, 2023. https://www.cmu.edu/joss/content/articles/volume1/ cohen.html.
Smolicz, J.J. “Language Core Values and Cultural Identity in Australia: Some Polish, Welsh, and Indian Minority Experiences.” Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society 19, no. 2 (1991): 107–34. http://www. jstor.org/stable/29792047.
Wessendorf, Susanne, and Jenny Phillimore. “New Migrants’ Social Integration, Embedding and Emplacement in Superdiverse Contexts.” Sociology 53, no. 1 (February 1, 2019): 123–38. https://doi. org/10.1177/0038038518771843.
Zhang, Lubei, Linda Tsung, and Xian Qi. “Home Language Use and Shift in Australia: Trends in the New Millennium.” Frontiers in Psychology 14 (January 1, 2023): 1096147. https://doi.org/10.3389/ fpsyg.2023.1096147.
Originating from Ancient Mesopotamia, the dissemination of harps has established a concurrent relationship to the cultures of the East and the West, inscribing the instrument as a cultural emblem amidst a multitude of folklores and religions around the world. Within the Catholic society of Europe, the harp propagates an angel’s spirituality through vivid depictions on stained glass windows and Renaissance scrolls. On arduous trade routes, Buddhist travellers have circulated harps alongside Buddhist folklore, intertwining both elements within contemporary Chinese and Middle Eastern rituals. By the same token, the harp’s enchanting, bell-like sounds have ardently fostered religious emblems and folk music worldwide as a custom to spread ideas and foster unity.
Led by Buddhist travellers emanating from Middle Eastern and greater South Asia, the spread of harps has spurred Buddhism to rapidly expand and evolve—constituting it as the third most practised religion within modern day Asia.1 Buddhist travellers exchanged their light harps for heavy bronze bells and stone chimes valued within conventional Chinese rituals.2 The reverberation brought to Chinese pilgrims and traders is illustrated in Buddhist paintings from the 9th to 14th AD in the Kizil, Bezeklik and Mogao caves. The vivid carvings and colours on the cave walls explore a quartet of harp styles - the angular, the arched, the vajra, and the ‘harp of steppe’. Gracing the scene, the figures playing the harp are reminiscent of apsaras3, which are of Hindu and Buddhist origin yet in a Chinese motif, intertwining the cultures of East, Middle and South Asia together. Moreover, represented through the hands of divinities, the court of India esteemed harps; entertaining them within the orchestras of Buddhist dynasties which subsequently, devised an intimate relation between arched harp and Buddhism.4 The divinities later fostered the spread of arched harps from Bengal to Burma in the eighth century A.D. Harps illustrated on the temple reliefs of Bengal are noted analogous to those on temple reliefs of medieval Burma (A.D. 1000-1200). With the concurrent link of harps to Buddhism, the stringed instrument disappeared in India concomitantly to when Hinduism dominated South Asia. Through the folklore and traditions brought by Buddhist pilgrims and travellers alike, the identity of Buddhism is now an internationally inaugurated religion which intertwines a multitude of practises within Asia.5
Adapted into the traditional vocabulary of Paraguayan
folklore, the harp typified the emblem of a folk instrument within the span of a century; adored throughout Southern and Central America. Following the Triple Alliance War (1865-1970)6, which resulted in the decimation of Paraguay’s population, the Paraguayan (diatonic) harp was utilised in many popular music festivals to evoke and recreate aspects of various traditions, aiming for unity following such a desolate period. Arpero7 Felic Perez Cardozo travelled abroad to these festivals playing and singing traditional folk songs with the diatonic harp, showcasing the country’s unofficial emblem of Paraguayidad.8 Following his commercial success, many minstrels continued to actively perform in festivals overseas, in Western Europe, the Middle East and Asia. Luthiers and Arperos embodied recipients of this tradition connecting with the past, which underscored Paraguayan identity through folklore, embodied and epitomized by their instruments.9 With international musical compositions played on the diatonic harp, a range of musical expressions represented the wide spectrum of performance and listening preferences of various age groups and classes. Within a century, the harp had transformed and adapted into a folk instrument throughout South and Central America—garnering recognition on an international spectrum. As the national instrument of Paraguay, the diatonic harp today still stands as a form of folklore to reconnect locals and travellers ascending the music festivals to Paraguayan traditions, the pride of all Latin America.
The harp’s connection to Christianity through the emblem of angels and cherubs dates to the 7th and 8th centuries through depictions on stone crosses engraved with the distinctive triangular shape as a four-sided instrument. Medieval Europe hosted harps in many Christian paintings and manuscripts, with religious value increasing in the Renaissance age when it entertained royalty. The harp captured the fascination of Parisian society in 1770 when Marie Antoinette, a harpist, ascended the throne. This marked a drastic rise which linked the harp to royal society—a representation of Christianity and God in the Great Chain of Being.10 Amidst the Romantic era, gathers of the elite established the harp as a salon instrument, a pillar of French society.11 As Europe progressed, the mellow, resonating notes marked the harp as an emblem of femininity. It soon became customary for the youngest female in the household to flaunt her skills through the harp for marriage eligibility to guests.12 Subsequently, these stereotypes established
biblical images of an ‘angel’ or cherub’ playing lyre and harp as feminine, becoming a well-known symbol of purity and spirituality. Two of the most prominent subjects within Christianity were King David and angels, both of whom were frequently portrayed with the instrument. The biblical reflections of Christian iconography; the king, once a shepherd was famously known to be able to calm the nerves of King Saul with his enchanting arm partings and the angels frequently affiliated with harps could be found in various forms of sacred art, from Italian paintings to the most honourable honorary - the stained glass of churches. Most profound and wellknown archetypal image of angels was originated from the Book of Revelation in the bible, describing a vision of heaven with “four living creatures…, each holding a harp”, illustrating angels playing amidst heavenly clouds. The harp’s portrayal in Christian art and its association with angels and heavenly music have significantly shaped its cultural identity, reinforcing its role as a symbol of divine beauty and grace.
Mellow, bell-like sounds produced by the harp prompted it to be a celebrated part of musical culture in Europe and America, where new, innovative forms of folklore was constructed. The notes of harps are reminiscent of bells, in virtue of the hollowed logs used during the production process. In 1884, Benjamin Franklin White compiled a religious folk music named ‘The Sacred Harp’.13
Drawing from the rich tradition of hymnody deeply rooted in American religious culture; the hymns and tunes in “the Sacred Harp” mirrors the oral tradition found in folklore, emphasizing passing down stories and songs through generations to create a sense of continuity and
1 Pew Research Centre, “Asia Population by Religion 2023: Religion in Asia 2023,” Find Easy (blog), October 26, 2022, hCps://www.findeasy. in/asia-popula6on-by-religion/.
2 Neville Agnew, “Harps on the Ancient Silk Road,” The Getty Conservation Institute, 2004, 117–23.
3 In Buddhist traditions, apsaras are celestial beings depicted hovering above the Buddha in representations of paradise.
4 These specific Buddhist dynasties are the Sunga, Kanva, Andra, Pallava and Gupta.
5 Illustrated by the 228 million individuals (16%) prac6cing Buddhism in modern day China, Buddhism stands as the third most widely practiced religion across Asia today, highlighting its significance in the region.
6 The most devastating conflict in Latin American history, which took place between Paraguay and the coalition of Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay.
cultural identity. Although the style itself did not feature harp accompaniments, the composition of hymns was reminiscent of the simplicity of harp melodies structured for congregational singing, with clear melodic lines and harmonies designed to be accessible to a broad range of voices.14 These unique bell-like notes produced have been celebrated for more than 100 years as the national symbol of Ireland. Successive to the Norman conquest in 1169, Prince John and a Welsh cleric named Giraldus Cambrensis travelled to Ireland where they labelled the Gaelic ‘barbaric’, characterised their ‘uncivilization’ in prominent tradition of hunting and fishing. Conversely, Cambrensis followed this insult by detailing that he’d never heard music produced so beautifully, illustrating the folklore played through harps as the Gaelic’s only redeeming feature.15 This moulded the cultural identity of the Gaelic’s in the perspective of foreigners, to this day still nurturing the harp as the foremost symbol of Irish Folklore.
The harp’s global influence, characterized by its unique melodies and adaptability spurred the rapid shaping of the cultural identity of many folklores and religion around the world. Bell-like, melodic music resonance became emblems of holiness, homogenised to saints in practising religions such as Buddhism and Christianity. Moreover, the harp’s adaptability and hollow sound has enriched traditional Irish music and contributed to religious folk traditions like “The Sacred Harp” in North America. The harp’s capacity to foster connections among cultures italicises its importance as global symbol of folklore and religion within many cultures around the world, underscoring the social cohesion of music as an art form with human interaction at its centre.
7 An “arpero” refers to an individual who plays the harp, commonly found in Spanish-speaking regions where this traditional musical instrument is prevalent.
8 A culturally developed concept as a form of Paraguayan identity.
9 Alfredo C. Colman, The Paraguayan Harp: From Colonial Transplant to National Emblem (Lanham Boulder New York London: Lexington Books, 2015).
10 The “Great Chain of Being” is a medieval Chris6an concept of a hierarchical order, ordained by God, star6ng from God and descending through angels, humans, animals, and plants to minerals.
11 Their gathers were a means to share ideas and in the spirit of Romanticism, convey different emotions. 12 Jason P Cumberledge, “Instrument and Gender as Factors in the Percep6ons of Musicians and Musical Performance” 43 (2018): 159–74.
13 “The Sacred Harp | American Songbook | Britannica,” 2023, https:// www.britannica.com/topic/The-Sacred Harp.
14 Duncan Vinson, “‘As Far from Secular, Operatic, Rag-Time, and Jig Melodies as Is Possible’: Religion and the Resurgence of Interest in the Sacred Harp, 1895-1911,” American Folklore Society Vol. 119 (2006): 413–43.
15 UNESCO, “UNESCO - Irish Harping,” 2019, hCps://ich.unesco.org/ en/RL/irish-harping-01461.
Agnew, Neville. “Harps on the Ancient Silk Road.” The Getty Conservation Intitute, 2004, 117–23.
Barr, Christopher. “Mexican Harp: What Is It Called and Why Is It Unique - Sonic Function,” April 22, 2023. hcps://sonicfunction.com/ mexican-harp-what-is-it-called-and-why-is-it-unique/.
Ceremonies, Celestial Strings. “Harp in Holy Scripture.” Accessed September 14, 2023. hcps://celestialstringsharpist.com/harp-in-holyscripture.
Colman, Alfredo C. The Paraguayan Harp: From Colonial Transplant to Natinal Emblem. Lanham Boulder New York London: Lexington Books, 2015.
Cumberledge, Jason P. “Instrument and Gender as Factors in the Perceptions of Musicians and Musical Performance” 43 (2018): 159–74.
E, Brian, Daley S.J., and Paul R Kolbet. The Harp of Prophecy Early Christian Interpretation of the Psalms. Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 2014.
Frouvelle, Isabelle. “The History of the Harp - Le Livre et La Harpe.” Accessed September 14, 2023. hcps://lelivreetlaharpe.com/en/thehistory-of-the-harp/.
Kilmer, Anne Drarorn. “Expedition Magazine | The Musical Instruments from Ur and Ancient Mesopotamian Music.” Expedition Magazine, 1998.
kingdomechoz. “The Significance of Harp in Worship and the Word (Bible) by Oluwatobi.” Kingdom Echoz (blog), February 26, 2019. hcps://kingdomechoz.wordpress.com/2019/02/26/the-significanceof harp-in-worship-and-the-word-bible-by-oluwatobi/.
Knoll, Brooke. “Why Does the Harp Conjure Such Strong Stereotypes?,” January 24, 2020. hcps://www.yourclassical.org/ story/2020/01/24/gender-norms-harp.
Li, Samantha. “The Kuchean Harp: Konghous in the Chinese Oasis Kingdom of Kucha.” Buddhistdoor Global (blog), April 8, 2017. hcps:// www.buddhistdoor.net/features/the-kuchean-harp-konghous-in-the chinese-oasis-kingdom-of-kucha/.
Loei, Yi-Yun. “The Use of Harp in Early Seventeenth Century Italy.” Indiana University, July 2017, 38–47. Major, John. “Music of the Silk Roads,” n.d.
O’Donnell, Mary Louise. “Ireland’s Harp: Shaping a Nation’s IdentityTranscript | Dublin City Council,” May 15, 2015. hcps://www.dublincity. ie/library/blog/irelands-harp-shaping-nations-identity transcript.
Ortiz, Alfredo Rolando. “History of Latin American Harps.” Harp Spectrum, 2009. hcp://www.harpspectrum.org/folk/History_of_ Latin_American_Harps.shtml
Pew Research Centre. “Asia Population by Religion 2023: Religion in Asia 2023.” Find Easy (blog), October 26, 2022. hcps://www.findeasy. in/asia-population-by-religion/.
Shurpin. “What Is the Significance of King David’s Harp?” Accessed September 14, 2023. hcps://www.chabad.org/library/article_cdo/ aid/5175330/jewish/What-Is-the-Significance-of-King Davids-Harp. htm.
“The Sacred Harp | American Songbook | Britannica,” 2023. hcps:// www.britannica.com/topic/The Sacred-Harp.
UNESCO. “Cultural Selection: The Exchange of Musical Instruments along the Silk Roads | Silk Roads Programme.” Accessed September 14, 2023. hcps://en.unesco.org/silkroad/content/cultural selectionexchange-musical-instruments-along-silk-roads.
UNESCO. “UNESCO - Irish Harping,” 2019. hcps://ich.unesco.org/en/ RL/irish-harping-01461.
U.S. Department of State. “2022 Report on International Religious Freedom: China (Includes Hong Kong, Macau, Tibet, and Xinjiang).” Office of International Religious Freedom, 2022. hcps://www.state.gov/reports/2022-report-on-internationalreligious-freedom/china/.
Vinson, Duncan. “‘As Far from Secular, Operatic, Rag-Time, and Jig Melodies as Is Possible’: Religion and the Resurgence of Interest in the Sacred Harp, 1895-1911.” American Folklore Society Vol. 119 (2006): 413–43.
This essay was written for Year 12 History Extension.
David, Duke of Rothesay, the heir to the Scottish throne, died in 1402 under the arrest and supervision of his uncle, Robert, Duke of Albany. From the beginning, the circumstances and responsibility for Rothesay’s death have sparked a debate between producers of history, heavily influenced by the tensions between Scotland and England’s national identities. This has been further influenced by the role of Edinburgh as a centre of the Enlightenment, and the concurrent rise of nationalist and populist sentiments advocating an independent trajectory for ‘Britishness’. Initially, his death was contested in an antithesis between the anglicised account of John Shirley’s The Dethe of the Kynge of Scotis1, and Walter Bower’s nationalistic, Scotichronicon2; both written in 1440. These opposing orthodox discourses framed the succeeding avenues of historical controversy. Writing during the romanticism era, historian and renowned novelist, Sir Walter Scott, published The History of Scotland3 in 1830, arguing that it was Albany’s ambition that led him to kill his nephew, and emphasising the aesthetic and moral qualities of the atrocity into his history4. In an environment of Scottish devolution and increasing independent sentiments in the late 20th century, Stephen Boardman5 both maintains the narrative of Rothesay’s assassination, and assesses Albany’s motivations as something that is not necessarily malicious, or independently conducted; reframing it using approaches of nouvelle histoire. These perspectives, however, are not only sustained by their political context. In the Enlightenment, the discovery of the King’s council decree5 by Thomas Astle increased the level of rigorous, empirical methodologies partaken by producers of history, and have inexorably changed the perspectives on the death of the Duke of Rothesay over time.
David Stewart, born in 1378, was son of King Robert III (John, Earl of Carrick) and heir apparent. In 1398, Rothesay was appointed Lieutenant of the kingdom, a more comprehensive regency that replaced the control of his Uncle, Robert, Duke of Albany’s Governorship. After being blamed for the provocation of the English invasion, his repute was further damaged when he failed to consult his council, and threatened the position of his nobles - in particular, his Uncle. For this, he was arrested and taken to Albany’s Falkland Palace. It was there that under disputed circumstances Rothesay died variously of ‘dysentery’7, ‘’dures of famyn’8 or ‘divine providence’9 under the supervision of Albany and Archibald, 4th Earl of Douglas. A few weeks after his death, a public inquiry held by the
Council exonerated Albany and Douglas of any complicity in his death legally10
The renewed impetus for national identity and distinction underpinned the development of ‘nouvelle histoire’ in late 20th century Scottish historiography. This is evident in the meticulous scholarship of Scottish historian, Dr. Steve Boardman. Writing in a time where Scottish nationalism had been re-energised by the devolution referendum, Boardman encapsulates the separation from the growing trajectory of a ‘British’ national discourse in his assessment of Rothesay’s death. The Devolution Referendum, enacted in 1979, was a post-legislative referendum held to assess whether there was sufficient support for a Scottish Assembly to decentralise British authority11. The introduction of the devolution referendum both socially and legally increased relevance of Scottish history to its people12, and prompted the resurgence of a history of Scotland separate from a British Whig history, and an overtly nationalistic Scottish discourse. To provide this empirical assessment, Boardman framed his work in the constructs of the 1970s ‘nouvelle histoire’, otherwise known as ‘new’ or ‘total history’. New History, belonging to the Annalist school of thought, is captured in his employment of administrative documentation as key source materials, and his assessment of the motivations and intentions of Albany13, Douglas, and the Council’s involvement14 in determining Rothesay’s punishment. This approach to history allowed Boardman to contrast against the antithetical orthodox perspectives of Rothesay’s death15, and redress previous historians’ objective imbalances. In his history, The Early Stewart Kings: Robert II and Robert III16, written in the period following the support for the devolution referendum, Boardman challenged Bower’s insistent orthodox view that the ‘weak and decrepit’17, Robert III had demanded Albany’s sanctioning Rothesay’s arrest18 through the evaluation that the King would not have had any ‘political control over, nor any direct involvement in, the meeting at Culross’19. Additionally, he does not hold Albany alone accountable for the assassination of Rothesay, but rather that ‘Albany and Douglas earl worked together to protect their own interests within the kingdom, and brought about Rothesay’s political downfall’20, and it was thus ‘Rothesay’s death and the transfer of political power back to Albany that was made acceptable by the fiction that the prince had died of natural causes.’21 Boardman’s withdrawal from Anglo-centric and Whig discourses, and avoidance of a distinctly nationalistic Scottish history that holds the Council, Albany and Rothesay accountable for their actions demonstrates an awareness of his evidence, and dangers of a nationalist leaning
history22. By approaching the debate of Rothesay’s death critically through the approaches of nouvelle histoire and challenging the orthodox narratives proves incidental to Boardman’s political context that makes his history a leading proponent to the development of contemporary Scottish historiography.
When Anglocentric views of Kingship began to significantly change the exercise of power in Scotland following the return of James I from English captivity in 1424, so too did the historical perception of Rothesay’s death - lead by John Shirley’s continental, English view in The Dethe of the Kynge of Scotis23, that described the later assassination of James I in 1437. King James I, having effectively grown up in England, ruled in a more direct and centralised manner than the Scottish were used to and attempted to reform the parliament on the pattern of England’s. Writing throughout this period of minority and political turmoil, Shirley was an amateur English scribe. Perhaps influenced by the more radical theories of continental writers24 and constructs of James I’s English authority, Shirley shows no doubts that Albany’s imprisonment of Rothesay was part of a deliberate and justified plan to be rid of a tyrannical and incapable ruler by starving Rothesay to death; ‘that by dures of famyn hee eete his owne handes, and died.’25 Shirley writes that the nobles of Scotland permitted this, concerned that Rothesay’s ‘inconveniences, infortunes, and vengeances myght owe fyllonye and fallen upon al that region by cause of his lyff soo only known viscous.’26 Shirley’s orthodox view was the first recorded to blatantly lay blame on Albany, projecting an Anglicised view of power distinct from that prevailing in Scotland.
Contradicting Shirley’s Anglo-centric orthodoxy is Scottish chronicler Walter Bower’s, Scotichronicon27 Published in the same year as Shirley’s English chronicle, Bower had lived through the same transitional period where relationships between earldoms and provinces were dissolving against threats of English notions of authority. As Brown advocates, the troubled state of Scottish politics and government would have been at the contextual foreground of Bower’s work28. This is reflected in Bower’s fondness for Albany, where he never explicitly holds him accountable for Rothesay’s death, but rather states that it was the King who ‘said duke of Rothesay should be arrested by him [Albany] and put into custody’29 to be punished, from which the ‘council meeting at Culross decided what to do with him [Rothesay].’30 Ultimately, he concludes that Rothesay languished ‘with dysentery or (as some will have it) with hunger.’31 Bower’s account additionally conforms to a wider political conservatism in Scottish writings of the 15th century, which ‘prevented the open discussion of the removal of a bad king by his subjects’32 to maintain respect for Scottish kingship - something that would not have been followed by the English Shirley. Although the two orthodoxies contest each other, Bower’s chronicle also in some ways
justifies Albany’s move against his nephew like Shirley, portraying Rothesay as a ruler who had rejected wise council, arbitrarily seized royal power, and was unable to control his slide into moral corruption33. Thus, the two orthodoxies agree in the sense of presenting Albany and Douglas as men concerned to rescue the Scottish Kingdom from the potentially disastrous consequences of Rothesay’s governance. However, the Scottish discourse displayed more sensitivity and fondness for Scottish kingship, and the Anglicised discourse more critical and negative as a consequence of the Anglo-Scottish tensions the writers existed in.
Anglo-Scottish tensions, however, are not exclusively responsible for the developing interpretations of Rothesay’s death. The Enlightenment, a period of great intellectual and social movement rejecting traditional truths and beliefs, brought to surface a key primary diplomatic document, completely altering the methodological and historiographical approach to Rothesay’s death. In 1784 archivist, palaeographer and antiquary, Thomas Astle (1735 - 1803), brought to light the 1402 Decree of the King at the General Council34, narrating the inquest into Rothesay’s death and the role of Albany and Douglas. The verdict of the Council reveals that it was ‘by divine providence and not otherwise… that he [Rothesay] departed from this life’35, continued by an excessive pardon that declared them immune to public commentary, with the Council strictly ordering all subjects to ‘not slander the said Robert and Archibald and their participants … by word or action, nor murmur against them in any way whereby their good reputation is hurt.’36 The primary shift in the perception and methodological approach to Rothesay’s death came when ‘the following curious instrument was communicated … by Thomas Astle’37 to Scottish advocate, judge and historian, Sir David Dalrymple. In Dalrymple’s Remarks on the History of Scotland (1773)38, approached the General Council’s documentation as a lawyer, structuring his historical interpretation in a series of points. Dalrymple’s position that ‘the Duke of Albany and the Earl of Douglas obtained a remission in terms as ample as if they had actually murdered the heir-apparent’39, was a crucial development in the perceptions of Rothesay’s death that was pursued by other Enlightenment historians, alongside his methodology.
Towards the end of the Enlightenment, John Pinkerton, a controversial Scottish historian, skewed the narrative of Rothesay’s starvation through rigorous diplomatic assessment of the Council’s verdict40 and Dalrymple’s critique41 in his methodology. Pinkerton, as a lawyer himself, believed the Council’s document revealed that ‘the means used by Albany to clear his character are precisely those which fully establish his guilt’42, ‘as Albany had conducted his horrible plot with great skill.’43 Although Pinkerton displays strong, subjective opinions of Albany’s ‘vices’, ‘insatiate ambition, unrelenting cruelty’
and ‘attendant cowardice’44, Pinkerton closely follows the discourse established by Dalrymple in his involvement in Rothesay’s death through their diplomatic methodology of studying legal and administrative documents to evaluate the objectively ‘true’ nature of the inquiry into Rothesay’s death. Context, however, still remains crucial to later Enlightenment historians. After the Union between England and Scotland in 170745, Scotland had retained its independent legal system and church. The Faculty of Advocates Library in Edinburgh kept many of Scotland’s oldest documents, and from 1709 had the right to claim a copy of every book published in the United Kingdom. This meant that there was a continuation of distinct Scottish scholars with direct access to source historical materials that contributed to a period where Scottish history was produced by lawyers, including Dalrymple and Pinkerton. This ultimately became pivotal in shifting the narrative away from the discourses Bower and Shirley had established and brought primary evidence to the surface.
As a revolt against the Enlightenment and its rigorous diplomatic examination of primary documents, the appeal of Rothesay’s death in its gruesome aesthetic and emotional value was emphasised by romanticist writers of the early late 18th and 19th century. The most influential figure in this development was Sir Walter Scott; credited as a driver of the romanticism movement in Scotland and crucial to the construction of Scotland’s national identity both in the 19th century and today. Most of his works ultimately sought to highlight and distinguish Scottish culture within the framework of the unionised Britain; a ‘British-accented history of Europe’46. This was largely due to the drive for romanticism writers to encourage and reconcile a reimagining of a closely-knit European identity after the Napoleonic wars47 - a drive which attempted to remove any lingering tensions from the 17th century Anglo-Scottish Wars in their histories. Scott’s children’s history, Tales of a Grandfather (1828)48, extrapolated the gruesome aesthetic of the incident; that ‘to the power of his uncle of Albany, and that of his father-in-law the Earl of Douglas, who treated him with the almost cruelty … he was thrown into a dungeon.’49 It was here that Scott brings vivid imagery of Rothesay’s starvation, where ‘one woman, touched with his lamentations … supplied him with milk from
her own bosom’50 until he died of ‘the most severe and lingering mode among the many by which life may be ended.’51 The tale of the bosom was one that Scott had extracted from 16th century historian, George Buchanan, employing the aesthetic vice of Buchanan’s assignation of malicious intent to all of Albany’s actions to suit his romantic novel’s discourse. Scott, however, did not entirely detach from the methodologies established in the Enlightenment period. As an antiquarian and lawyer, his non-historical fiction, The History of Scotland (1830)53, commented diplomatically on the council document showing ‘a consciousness of guilt, by taking out a pardon in terms as broad and comprehensive as might shroud them from any subsequent charge for murder which they denied, as well as for the arrest which they avowed.’54 The more legal approach, however, was not carried forward in the historiography of the 19th and 20th century. The narrative Scott established in his more famous historical fictions were the ones that caught on for later historians, entering a period where even Scottish critics began to join English scholars in fashioning a revivalist discourse that justified an English-dominated British state.
Ultimately, the changing Anglo-Scottish relations and political contexts have greatly influenced the development of the perceptions of the death of the Duke of Rothesay. The initial political context of the orthodox chroniclers established a controversy between English and Scottish perceptions of Rothesay’s death. This antithesis transpired into the 21st century ‘nouvelle histoire’, revealing the renewed impetus for national Scottish identity amidst devolution, that is also careful to avoid an excessively nationalistic discourse. However, political context alone does not entirely account for the change in the views of Rothesay’s death. The discovery of the 1402 General Council’s decree55 in 1784 by Astle contributed to a period where Scottish lawyers produced a diplomatic methodological approach to Rothesay’s death and emphasised the guilt that had been extrapolated from the Council’s excessive pardoning. Therefore, it is evident that the changing perceptions of who is accountable for the death of Rothesay and explicit facts of how he died were immensely influenced by not only the nationalist contexts in which they were constructed, but the sources that were available.
FOOTNOTES
1 Connolly, Margaret. ‘The Dethe of the Kynge of Scotis: A New Edition’. The Scottish Historical Review 71, no. 191/192 (1992): 46–69.
2 Bower, Walter. Scotichronicon. Edited by D. E. R. Watt, 1440.
3 Walter Scott, The History of Scotland, vol. 1 (The Cabinet Cyclopaedia, 1830).
4 ‘Chapter XVI.’, in The History of Scotland, by Walter Scott, vol. 1 (The
Cabinet Cyclopaedia, 1830), pg 229–41.
5 Stephen Boardman, The Early Stewart Kings: Robert II and Robert III Steve Boardman, The Cult of Saints and the Virgin Mary in Medieval Scotland, ed. Eila Williamson (The Boydell Press, 2010).
6 Records of the Parliament of Scotland, ‘Letters: Narrating the Inquest into the Death of David Stewart, Duke of Rothesay and the Role of Robert Stewart, Duke of Albany, and Archibald Douglas, Earl of Douglas’, 1402.
7 D. E. R. Watt, ed., ‘12 - The arrest and death of the duke of Rothesay’, in Scotichronicon, by Walter Bower, Vol. 8, Book XV, 1440. pg 39
8 John Shirley, The Dethe of James Kynge of Scotis, 1440. [English translation: duress of famine]
9 Records of the Parliament of Scotland, ‘Letters: Narrating the Inquest into the Death of David Stewart, Duke of Rothesay and the Role of Robert Stewart, Duke of Albany, and Archibald Douglas, Earl of Douglas’.
10 Records of the Parliament of Scotland.
11 Richard Dewdney, ‘Results of Devolution Referendums (1979 & 1997)’; ‘Scotland Act 1978’ (King’s Printer of Acts of Parliament),
12 Finlay, Richard J. ‘Review Article: New Britain, New Scotland, New History? The Impact of Devolution on the Development of Scottish Historiography on JSTOR’. Sage Publications, Ltd., Journal of Contemporary History, 36, no. 2 (April 2001): 383–93.
13 ‘6. Brothers Divided: The Guardianship of the Earl of Fife and Menteith, 1388-93’, in The Early Stewart Kings: Robert II and Robert III, by Stephen Boardman, pg1
14 ‘8. Comets and Shooting Stars: The Lieutenancy of the Duke of Rothesay, 1398-1402’, in The Early Stewart Kings: Robert II and Robert III, by Stephen Boardman, pg 20
15 Walter Bower, Scotichronicon, ed. D. E. R. Watt, vol. 8, Books XV and XVI, 1440; Shirley, The Dethe of James Kynge of Scotis
16 Boardman, Stephen. The Early Stewart Kings: Robert II and Robert III
17 D. E. R. Watt, ed., ‘12 - The arrest and death of the duke of Rothesay’, in Scotichronicon, by Walter Bower, Vol. 8, Book XV, p33. 1440
18 D. E. R. Watt, ed., ‘12 - The arrest and death of the duke of Rothesay’, in Scotichronicon, by Walter Bower, Vol. 8, Book XV, p39 1440..
19 Boardman, Stephen. The Early Stewart Kings: Robert II and Robert III 1371-1406. Chapter 8, Comets and Shooting Stars: The Lieutenancy of the Duke of Rothesay, 1398-1402. Tuckwell Press, 1996. 8, p20
20 Boardman, Stephen. The Early Stewart Kings: Robert II and Robert III, 1371-1406. Chapter 8, Comets and Shooting Stars: The Lieutenancy of the Duke of Rothesay, 1398-1402. Tuckwell Press, 1996. 8 p23
21 Boardman, Stephen. The Early Stewart Kings: Robert II and Robert III, 1371-1406. Chapter 8, Comets and Shooting Stars: The Lieutenancy of the Duke of Rothesay, 1398-1402. Tuckwell Press, 1996. 8, p23
22 Scottish Consultative Council on the Curriculum, (Chair Christopher Whatley). ‘CCC Review of Scottish History in the Curriculum’. 1998, Edinburgh.
23 Shirley, John. The Dethe of James Kynge of Scotis. 1440.
24 Boardman, Stephen. The Early Stewart Kings: Robert II and Robert III, 1371-1406. (1996)
25 Shirley, John. The Dethe of James Kynge of Scotis. 1440. (Connolly, Margaret) [English translation: That by duress of famine he ate his own hands, and died]
26 Shirley, John. The Dethe of James Kynge of Scotis. 1440. (Connolly, Margaret) p49 [English translation: inconveniences, misfortunes, and vengeances might owe felony and fallen upon all that region by cause of his life so only known viscous]
27 D. E. R. Watt, Ed., Scotichronicon, by Walter Bower, Vol. 8, Book XV, 1440.
28 Brown, Michael. ‘“Vile Times”: Walter Bower’s Last Book and the Minority of James II’. The Scottish Historical Review 79, no. 208 (2000): 165–88.
29 D. E. R. Watt, Ed., Scotichronicon, by Walter Bower, Vol. 8, Book XV, 1440.. Pg 39
30 Bower, Walter. Scotichronicon. Edited by D. E. R. Watt. 12th-The arrest and death of the duke of Rothesay ed. Vol. 8. Books XV and XVI,
1440. (pg 39-40)
31 D. E. R. Watt, Ed., Scotichronicon, by Walter Bower, Vol. 8, Book XV, 1440. p39.
32 S.Mapstone, ‘Advice to Princes’, 1986, p81
33 Boardman, Stephen. The Early Stewart Kings: Robert II and Robert III, 1371-1406. (1996)
34 Records of the Parliament of Scotland, ‘Letters: Narrating the Inquest into the Death of David Stewart, Duke of Rothesay and the Role of Robert Stewart, Duke of Albany, and Archibald Douglas, Earl of Douglas’. 1402
35 Records of the Parliament of Scotland.
36 Records of the Parliament of Scotland
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This essay was entered in the National History Challenge. It was awarded a certificate for Young Historian Silver (NSW).
This essay explores the relationship between Macassan trepang traders and Indigenous Australian groups prior to European colonisation. By examining a range of historical sources each with their own values and limitations, this essay examines the changes and continuities in historical methodologies and cross-cultural relationships.
In February 2023, historian Jane Lyndon was working in a library in Rome when she came across photographs and first-hand descriptions that depicted Indigenous Australians living in the Indonesian port city of Makassar.1 This discovery prompted a resurgence of interest in the relationship between Makassans and the Yolngu peoples of Northern Australia. Before European arrival, trading relationships existed between Indigenous populations in Arnhem Land and Makassan fleets who were searching for trepang (or sea cucumbers). The relationship is thought to have begun during the 18th century, and ended in 1906 after laws were passed by Australian governments prohibiting the trepang trade.2 Macassan trepangers would catch, process and store the trepang aboard their praus (a fast wooden sailboat); the fleets would return home to Sulawesi where the trepang would be sold on a global marketplace, mostly to Chinese customers who used the sea cucumber in traditional medicine.
This story is a central part of Indigenous history because it challenges European narratives of colonisationthat Indigenous communities did not hold complex relationships with other civilisations prior to European contact. Unlike the European settlers, Makassan traders regarded the Indigenous population as having sovereignty over their land.3 By understanding the dimensions of the Makassan trade, we can appreciate the changes wrought by colonial occupation. The story, however, also involves continuities in terms of cultural connections in a globalised age: this is a story of Indigenous Australians participating in trade networks that spanned Asia.4
First, this essay looks at continuity and change from the perspective of the Yolngu people, the way that responded to different waves of arrival, incorporating these changing interactions into the cultural practice that offer a sense of
cultural continuity. Next, this essay looks at the continuity and change in terms of the way Australian history and society has acknowledged (or suppressed) this powerful narrative of cultural interaction.
First, this essay will examine the way Indigenous oral and artistic traditions have recorded the trade, reflecting how the Yolngu people folded changing economic and diplomatic relationships into their continuous and ongoing culture. Although historians believe that the trade was not without conflict, both groups participated in cultural and spiritual exchange. When praus arrived at the shores of Arnhem land, they brought with them Imams who performed rituals with the trepangers. It is believed that Indigenous people copied and incorporated aspects of Islamic practices beliefs into their cosmology in the form of death rituals. Wulitha’wulitha is an ancestral being in Yolngu cosmology that reflects the influence from Islam. It is believed that this figure is derived from Allah and entered Indigenous traditions due to Yolngu witnessing the Imams performing Islamic death rites. The figure of Wulitha’wulitha was then incorporated into the Wurramu ritual, intended to assist Indigenous souls’ transition into the afterlife. In a sense, then, the ritual symbolises connection and association of these two cultural groups. However, there is also a darker side. The ritual’s origins were in acknowledgement of the deaths of Indigenous people at the hands of Macassans. Most likely this conflict was due to disagreements about fishing rights, and tensions of Yolgnu-Makassan romantic relationships. Scholars of religion, such as Ian McIntosh, note that Indigenous groups incorporated religious figures (such as Wulitha’wulitha) and concepts from external groups as a response to domination and inequality, including figures from Christianity during the wave of European invasion.5 This was, in part, a response to the perceived technological superiority of the arriving group. The Wurramu Ceremony therefore represents both cultural transmission and violence between the two groups; it also reflects how the Yolngu people maintained cultural continuity in the face of incredible change.
Beyond this religious and cultural exchange, Indigenous customs, culture, language and art also record the continuities and changes in this vital diplomatic relationship. Analysis of linguistic connections and cultural customs reveal the ways in which the Yolngu people perceived and responded to trade with the Makassans.
As Chaloupka notes in a table of language comparisons, “translations” of prau features from Makassarese provide insight into the communication between the Yolgnu and the Makassans.6 The phonetic similarity of words such as ‘dumbala’ and ‘sombala’ for sail reveal that the two groups had attempted to communicate with one another, perhaps teaching words from their own languages. Many Yolngu customs have been impacted by Makassan influence. Yolngu man Arian Pearson stated that “Just through the songlines and the stories from my family, [I learned] that there’s a connection with the Makassans that goes back 400 years”.7 In many song lines, Makassans are described as being punished by the land whenever they broke a Yolngu law. Evidence from surviving rock art represents scenarios where trading and diplomacy took place. Many Indigenous illustrations also depict the tools and technology that various types of praus contained. The prau - prevalent in depictions of Makassans, became a symbol for the Makassan people. Through the portrayal of Makassan people in Indigenous culture, historians can infer that both parties were open to connection and integration.
This essay will now turn to continuities and changes in the way the trade was recorded, regulated and understood by European colonists. Early colonial European accounts focus on the Makassan traders and omit the complex relationship between the traders and Indigenous communities. For instance, the first written records detail the technology, scale and logistical organisation of Makassan trepanging ships. L.F. De Roquemaurel, a member of a French-led expedition to Northern Australia in 1839 commented that “the praus used for trepang fishing are large vessels ... with a quite well-built bottom. However, the upper works or superstructure are so high out of the water and so overloaded with decking, cabins and huts that at a first glance the vessels appear much larger than they really are”.8 The comments of British explorer Matthew Flinders reflect the way that the trade was originally curiosity to be studied. In his observations, there was an emphasis on the similarities between the British and the Makassans, which prompted an interest in recording and observing the practices of the trepanging fleets. Cultural context may have played a role in this interest: early Enlightenment conception of race emphasised comparison rather than hierarchy. During this period there were also little attempts to regulate or deter the trade. Both the British and Dutch (who were in control of Indonesia) were unconcerned with the Makassan trade. As the Australian colony was only in its developing stage, the British were unable to assert full territorial control over Australia and therefore unable to restrict the trepang trade9. The Dutch were also uninterested in the trade as they were more concerned with the export of goods to European markets, like spice and rubber. As trepang was sold along Chinese trading routes, the Dutch were disinterested. As such, the trade was a rare moment of trade and diplomatic connection between two colonised
groups, the Makassans and the Yolgnu.
Australia created a variety of policies that would restrict and eventually prohibit the Makassan trade in the late 19th century. First, colonial authorities began a process of licensing, regulating and taxing, before and eventually prohibiting trepanging in Australia. As colonies expanded and grew more powerful, sovereignty was strongly asserted - demonstrated through their efforts to maintain ‘territorial integrity’. The emergence of Social Darwinism prompted colonists to view both Makassans and the Indigenous peoples through a framework of hierarchy, evolutionary progression and competition. A letter written by British colonist Charles Gore reflects these sentiments: his use of depersonalised categories such as ‘Malays’, ‘natives’ and ‘whitemen’. Gore further states that “Makassan traders bring alcohol and venereal disease”, and complaints of the colonial trepanging efforts cannot compete with those of the Makassans. This is a change from the respect and ethnographic curiosity with which the trade was treated by early colonists.
In 1906 the Australian government banned the trade of trepang, officially attributing it to ‘territorial integrity’. It is likely that authorities feared the connection that Indigenous communities had with Makassan traders and the potential for an uprising against colonial powers. Officials may also have felt threatened by the idea that another civilisation had recognised Indigenous people as sovereigns of Australia whilst British colonists had not.
Finally, the essay tracks continuities and changes in the way the trade was recorded and represented by historians and anthropologists, and its wider reception among the Australian public. Campell Macknight10 has argued that there were inaccuracies in the early anthropological studies of the trading relationship. Research was typically conducted through the framework of colonial anthropology, which focused on managing and understanding people within a national border, meaning that this scholarship and research was mostly conducted in Arnhem Land only. Anthropologists Ronald and Catherine Berndt mistakenly record that ‘Chinese, Malayan, Javanese and Makassan’ arrived, failing to recognise that almost all traders were from Makassar.11 The spelling and word ‘Makassan’ is also not one that is recognised in Indonesia. There also seems to be a lack of anthropological evidence supporting the presence of the Baijini - a separate group that the Berndts claimed had frequented the Indigenous communities near Arnhem land.12 MacKnight notes that early anthropologists paid less attention to the archaeological evidence, and focussed on a few Yolgnu informants, some of whom had not directly witnessed the trade.
During the late 20th century anthropologists and historians developed a broader understanding of the trade by widening their methods. They now engaged
in transnational research, and mixed archaeology and anthropology. In his own research, Macknight explores the trade through the eyes of Makassans, reversing the earlier tendency to look at the Yolngu-Makassan relationship exclusively in terms of its impact on Indigenous Australians. As he stated it, he sought to view the enterprise from “the deck of a prau going south to Arnhem Land or ‘Marege’ as they called it, rather than looking from the beach at what was coming over the northern horizon”.13 Macknight and his colleagues drew on archaeological evidence such as “high-fired Chinese stoneware, Dutch gin bottles, copper fish-hooks, and Dutch coins”, which confirmed that Makassar was the home port of the trepanging fleets.14 Macknight also identified the period in which contact was first made between the Makassans and the Indigenous people. Initially discontent with the Berndts’ estimate of the 16th century, information found in the Dutch archive allowed him to confirm that the trade in Arnhem Land began in the late 18th century.15 While the methods used to gain information about the trade have varied over time, the continuity is the elusive complexity of a relationship that spans multiple centuries and cultural contexts. Most recently, scholarship on the cultural impacts of the relationship shifted from material trade, and the acquisition of technology. A focus on the economic consequences has argued that the arrival and development of dug-out canoes was responsible for an
1 Erin Parke, “Proof of Mystery Settlement of Aboriginal Australians and Indonesians Found in an Italian Library,” ABC News, February 10, 2023, v. ABC News, 11 February 2023, https://www.abc.net.au/news/202302-11/mystery-community-of-aboriginal-and-indonesianfamilies/101901188
2 Paul S.C. Taçon et al., “A Minimum Age For Early Depictions Of Southeast Asian Praus in the Rock Art of Arnhem Land, Northern Territory,” Australian Archaeology 71, no. 1 (December 1, 2010): 1–10, https://doi.org/10.1080/03122417.2010.11689379.
3 This is the accepted term for sailors arriving from Sulawesi, although not all of those who arrived were from Makassar.
4 National Museum Australia, “Trade with the Makassar”, National Museum Australia, 29 September 2022, https://www.nma.gov.au/ defining-moments/resources/trade-with-the-makasar
5 McIntosh, Ian. “Islam and Australia’s Aborigines? A Perspective from North-East Arnhem Land.” The Journal of Religious History 20, no. 1 (June 1996): 53–77.
6 George Chaloupka, “Praus in Marege: Makassan Subjects in Aboriginal Rock Art of Arnhem Land, Northern Territory, Australia,” Anthropologie (1962-) 34, no. 1/2 (1996): 131–42.
/article/deep-ties-between-indigenous-australians-and-indonesiasma cassans-celebrated-through-song-and-dance/rg6x9g1l4
8 Campbell Macknight, “The View from Marege’: Australian Knowledge of Makassar and the Impact of the Trepang Industry across Two Centuries,” Aboriginal History 35 (2011): 121–43.
9 Ibid.
economic and demographic expansion in Arnhem Land.
As Minister for Indigenous People, Linda Burney, has stated, the relationship “laid down the foundation for people-to-people contact and it is the very heart of Australia’s relationship with the people of Indonesia and the friendship between our two nations”.16 In 2023, Sydney gallery Sullivan and Strumpf held an exhibition of artworks by Dhopingya Yunupingu that explores the rich exchange of culture between Makassan traders and Indigenous people, and the lasting legacy it has left. Yunupingu’s artworks reveal how artefacts and stories from over a century ago continue to hold significance in indigenous communities. Although not always free of conflict, the relationship between the Makassans and Indigenous people was ultimately one built upon a mutual understanding of sovereignty and respect.17 Mangatharra (Makassans) depicts the traders and Indigenous peoples’ side by side, fishing in praus, playing instruments and using pots. Similarly, Mathana - Prau (Makassan’s arriving) reveals the lasting legacy of Makassan trade in contemporary indigenous culture. The changes in interest, methodologies and attitudes towards this period of Australian history reflect the importance of exploring narratives that do not conform to Euroentric ideologies, and the relationship between the Makassans and Indigenous people indicate the continuity of human connection and cultural exchange throughout history.
10 Campbell Macknight, “The View from Marege’: Australian Knowledge of Makassar and the Impact of the Trepang Industry across Two Centuries,” Aboriginal History 35 (2011): 121–43.
11 T. G. H. Strehlow, “The World of the First Australians,” ed. Ronald M. Berndt and C. H. Berndt, The Australian Quarterly 37, no. 1 (1965): 113–16, https://doi.org/10.2307/20634034.
12 Ibid.
13 Campbell Macknight, “The View from Marege’: Australian Knowledge of Makassar and the Impact of the Trepang Industry across Two Centuries,” Aboriginal History 35 (2011): 121–43.
14 Campbell Macknight, “The View from Marege’: Australian Knowledge of Makassar and the Impact of the Trepang Industry across Two Centuries,” Aboriginal History 35 (2011): 121–43.
15 Lucy Marks, “Did Aboriginal and Asian People Trade before European Settlement in Darwin?,” ABC News, January 15, 2018, https://www. abc.net.au/news/2018-01-16/aboriginal-people-asians-trade-beforeeuropean-settlement-darwin/932045 2.
16 Tia Ardha, “Deep Ties between Indigenous Australians and Indonesia’s Macassans Celebrated through Song and Dance | SBS Indonesian.” Accessed August 5, 2023. https://www.sbs.com.au/ language/indonesian/en/article/deep-ties-between-indigenousaustralians-and-indonesias-ma cassans-celebrated-through-songand-dance/rg6x9g1l4
17 Dhopiya Yunupiŋgu, “Sullivan+Strumpf » Maŋatharra To Marege (South Western Sulawesi to North East Arnhem Land),” accessed August 5, 2023, https://www.sullivanstrumpf.com/exhibitions/ dhopiya-yunupingu/magatharra-to-marege-south-western-sulawesito north-east-arnhem-land/art/works/30-new-vert-2-2-2/.
HUMAN CONNECTION AND CULTURAL EXCHANGE: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MACASSAN TREPANG TRADERS AND INDIGENOUS AUSTRALIAN GROUPS PRIOR TO EUROPEAN COLONISATION
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ardha, Tia “Deep Ties between Indigenous Australians and Indonesia’s Macassans Celebrated through Song and Dance | SBS Indonesian.” Accessed August 5, 2023. https://www.sbs.com.au/language/ indonesian/en/article/deep-ties-between-indigenous-australians -and-indonesias-macassans-celebrated-through-song-and-dance/ rg6x9g1l4
Chaloupka, George. “Praus in Marege: Makassan Subjects in Aboriginal Rock Art of Arnhem Land, Northern Territory, Australia.” Anthropologie (1962-) 34, no. 1/2 (1996): 131–42.
Macknight, Campbell. “The View from Marege’: Australian Knowledge of Makassar and the Impact of the Trepang Industry across Two Centuries.” Aboriginal History 35 (2011): 121–43.
Marks, Lucy. “Did Aboriginal and Asian People Trade before European Settlement in Darwin?” ABC News, January 15, 2018. https://www. abc.net.au/news/2018-01-16/aboriginal-people-asians-trade-before-
european-settlem ent-darwin/9320452.
“National Museum of Australia - Trade with the Makasar.” National Museum of Australia; c=AU; o=Commonwealth of Australia; ou=National Museum of Australia. Accessed August 4, 2023. https:// www.nma.gov.au/defining-moments/resources/trade-with-themakasar.
Parke, Erin. “Proof of Mystery Settlement of Aboriginal Australians and Indonesians Found in an Italian Library.” ABC News, February 10, 2023. v.
Strehlow, T. G. H. “The World of the First Australians.” Edited by Ronald M. Berndt and C. H. Berndt. The Australian Quarterly 37, no. 1 (1965): 113–16. https://doi.org/10.2307/20634034.
Taçon, Paul S.C., Sally K. May, Stewart J. Fallon, Meg Travers, Daryl Wesley, and Ronald Lamilami. “A Minimum Age For Early Depictions Of Southeast Asian Praus in the Rock Art of Arnhem Land, Northern Territory.” Australian Archaeology 71, no. 1 (December 1, 2010): 1–10. https://doi.org/10.1080/03122417.2010.11689379.
Different perspectives shape our understanding of the past as individuals interpret the past differently, as their viewpoints are heavily influenced by their position in society and of the dominant social context at the time of the interpretation. This is represented in the different views regarding Columbus Day which has been widely celebrated as a national holiday in North America, commemorating Christopher Columbus’ discovery of the ‘new world’. However, in recent years, it has become a topic of dispute, due to the shift in societal views in the way the day is perceived by individuals. As historical revisionism led to the post-colonial movement, it widened individuals’ perspectives regarding the value of Christopher Columbus, hence questioning the legitimacy of Columbus Day itself.
Columbus Day became widely celebrated in North America since its establishment as a federal holiday in 1937 by President Franklin Roosevelt, who had marked the 12th of October to honour the well-respected Italianborn explorer, Christopher Columbus. It became a day of commemoration for the landing of Columbus in the ‘New World’ in 1492. Since then, the day has become the symbol of the pioneering spirit, freedom and the American dream. Columbus’ legacy is well preserved in Washington Irving’s 1892 novel, which describes him as a national hero1, hence growing the sense of patriotism through the nationalistic portrayal of Columbus. Such interpretations had been developed from a colonialist viewpoint during the times of imperialist-centric Europe, hence portraying the Eurocentric perspectives regarding the dispute of Columbus Day. Even in recent years, this viewpoint is heavily supported by those with Italian heritage, who reckon him as having “contributed to building our identity”2. Further, in ‘Troubled Roots’ by Andre Rolle, it is described that Italian Americans “often faced religious and ethnic discrimination”3 and saw “Christopher Columbus as a way for Italian Americans to be accepted by the mainstream”4. Furthermore, the day symbolises the pioneering spirit of America with President George Bush proclaiming the day to “challenge our young men and women … to reach for all their dreams as the great explorers in the past did”5. The positive understanding of Columbus Day is largely influenced by the significance of the identity of Italian Americans, to uphold the pioneering spirit of America and its traditional values.
Meanwhile, the emergence of postcolonialism6 initiated the uprising of a democratic point of view which expanded the ideology of equality and widened
individuals’ perspectives on the world. From this point of view, Columbus was recognised as a villain who “brought disease, genocide, and various assault to Native communities”.7 This led to acknowledging the opposed understanding regarding Columbus Day. The rejection of Columbus Day started in Latin America, upon the Indigenous understanding of Christopher Columbus. It claimed that he “shouldn’t be a figure who is upheld in modern society”.8 Further, plenty of new opinions argued that the day should be renamed instead to Indigenous People’s Day, or Día de la Raza9 in recognition of the overlooked history of the Indigenous people10. Día de la Raza has emerged post World War I as a means of celebrating native and mixed culture and the survival over colonisation through denouncing its colonised name11 People who support Indigenous People’s Day declare Columbus’ invalidity in being named the national hero, due to his false treatment of Indigenous people, of the enslavement and genocide he caused12. This outlook on Columbus Day is heavily influenced by the Latin American perspective, of considering the morality of Columbus, of his unlawful colonisation.
The debate regarding Columbus Day is strongly opinionated from both sides, each perspective shaping their understanding of Columbus and his discovery of the ‘new world.’ Within the US media, there is the ongoing debate on Columbus’ legacy, on whether historical figures should be judged by contemporary moral standards, as these individuals had lived in a time with very different social constructs to our own13. Such people want to keep Columbus Day as it is for its significance by teaching and acknowledging the faults of the individual, as well as celebrating the meaning it holds14. However, the opposite argument states that the existence of the day is further contributing to the erasure of the Native people and ensures it is a celebration of genocide and dispossession,15 and that a shift in the understanding of the individual is required to “think about the fact that this country was founded on taking over territory that belonged to the Indigenous people.”16 Although Indigenous People’s Day is yet to be recognised as a federal holiday in the United States, in 2021, President Joe Biden proclaimed the 11th of October as Indigenous People’s Day17, thus acknowledging the public’s appeal towards recognising the different approaches to understanding the past. In other aspects, in maintaining the proclamation of Columbus Day, Biden has acknowledged the significance of the date to individuals with Italian heritage but has also recognised the wrong doings European explorers inflicted on the Indigenous
communities in what is now the United States of America. This supports Peter Roff’s idea of Columbus Day remaining a “day on which the nation pauses to reflect on the contributions made to our combined successes by people who were born somewhere else.” This, therefore, can be viewed as an approach in accepting the understanding of the past through various perspectives.
1 Washington Irving, The Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus, Volume 2, Book XVIII, 1892.
2 Stefano Pitrelli, “Much of America Has Stopped Celebrating Columbus Day, but the Explorer Remains Revered in Italy,” Washington Post, October 11, 2020, https://www.washingtonpost. com/world/europe/columbus-day-italy/2020/10/11/cc774eaa-0a4411eb-8719-0df159d14794_story.html.
3 Lakshmi Gandhi, “How Columbus Sailed Into U.S. History, Thanks To Italians,” NPR, October 14, 2013, sec. Code Switch, https://www.npr. org/sections/codeswitch/2013/10/14/232120128/how-columbussailed-into-u-s-history-thanks-to-italians.
4 Lakshmi Gandhi “ How Columbus Sailed Into U.S. History, Thanks To Italians,”.
5 “Columbus Day, 2002,” October/10/2002, https://georgewbushwhitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2002/10/20021010-9.html.
6 Robert J. C. Young, Postcolonialism: An Historical Introduction (Newark, United States: John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, 2001), http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/pymblelc/detail. action?docID=7104509.
7 Liz Mineo, “Pondering Putting an End to Columbus Day, and a Look at What Could Follow,” Harvard Gazette (blog), October 8, 2020, https://news.harvard.edu/gazette/story/2020/10/pondering-puttingan-end-to-columbus-day-and-a-look-at-what-could-follow/.
8 Liz Mineo, “Pondering Putting an End to Columbus Day, and a Look at What Could Follow,”.
9 Ilan Rachum, “Origins and Historical Significance of Día de La Raza,” Revista Europea de Estudios Latinoamericanos y Del Caribe / European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies, no. 76 (2004): 61–81.
10 Mineo, “Pondering Putting an End to Columbus Day, and a Look at What Could Follow.”
11 Mathilde Aupetit, “Dia de La Hispanidad, Columbus Day and Indigenous Resistance Day: The Cultural Battle over October 12th in Latin America,” KCL Latin American Society, November 15, 2020, https://www.latamkcl.co.uk/elcortao/5dq7spdlhbnivpd5yrfdvjggfsc25j.
12 Tink Tinker and Mark Freeland, “Thief, Slave Trader, Murderer: Christopher Columbus and Caribbean Population Decline,” Wicazo Sa Review 23, no. 1 (2008): 25–50.
13 “Columbus Day: Should We Judge Figures from the Past by Today’s Standards?,” Texarkana Gazette, 1:06, https://www.texarkanagazette. com/news/2016/oct/10/columbus-day-should-we-judge-figurespast-todays-s/.
14 “Columbus Day.”
15 Liz Mineo, “Pondering Putting an End to Columbus Day, and a Look at What Could Follow.”
16 Liz Mineo, “Pondering Putting an End to Columbus Day, and a Look at What Could Follow.”.
17 The White House, “A Proclamation on Indigenous Peoples’ Day, 2021,” The White House, October 8, 2021, https://www.whitehouse.
The facts regarding Columbus Day are unchanging, just as how the historical facts regarding the past are. The change in the understanding of the past depends on the vast number of perspectives that view the past, not just the historical event or figure itself. Hence, as shown in the case of Columbus Day in the United States, the various perspectives through which one perceives of a certain historical event shapes our understanding of the past.
gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/10/08/a-proclamationindigenous-peoples-day-2021/.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Andrews, Travis M., and Travis Andrews. “Just before Columbus Day, Journal Pulls Controversial Article Defending Colonialism.” Washington Post, October 25, 2021. https://www.washingtonpost. com/news/morning-mix/wp/2017/10/09/just-before-columbus-dayjournal-pulls-controversial-article-defending-colonialism/.
Aupetit, Mathilde. “Dia de La Hispanidad, Columbus Day and Indigenous Resistance Day: The Cultural Battle over October 12th in Latin America.” KCL Latin American Society, November 15, 2020. https://www.latamkcl.co.uk/elcortao/5dq7spdlhbnivpd5yrfdvjggfsc25j.
Berliner, Michael. “Capitalism Magazine - The Christopher Columbus Controversy: Western Civilization vs. Primitivism.” Capitalism Magazine, October 14, 1999, 1,2.
Bernard, Kenneth. “Columbus Day.” The Iowa Review 9, no. 2 (1978): 108–9.
“Christopher Columbus: Why He Wasn’t the Hero We Learned about in School | CNN.” Accessed April 30, 2023. https://edition.cnn. com/2020/06/12/us/christopher-columbus-slavery-disease-trnd/ index.html.
“Christopher ‘Revisionist’ Columbus | Christopher Columbus Annotated Bibliography.” Accessed April 30, 2023. https://u.osu.edu/ christophercolumbusannotatedbibliography/christopher-revisionistcolumbus/.
“Columbus Day | History, Meaning, & Facts | Britannica.” Accessed April 29, 2023. https://www.britannica.com/topic/Columbus-Day. “Columbus Day, 2002.” Accessed April 30, 2023. https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/ releases/2002/10/20021010-9.html.
“Columbus Day Statement by Senator John F. Kennedy | The American Presidency Project.” Accessed April 29, 2023. https://www. presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/columbus-day-statement-senatorjohn-f-kennedy.
Erin Blakemore. “Columbus Day or Indigenous Peoples’ Day? How the Holiday Has Been Shaped by Oppression.” History, March 10, 2022. https://www.nationalgeographic.com/history/article/why-somecelebrate-indigenous-peoples-day-not-columbus-day.
Gandhi, Lakshmi. “How Columbus Sailed Into U.S. History, Thanks To Italians.” NPR, October 14, 2013, sec. Code Switch. https://www.npr. org/sections/codeswitch/2013/10/14/232120128/how-columbussailed-into-u-s-history-thanks-to-italians.
Gleeson, Scott. “What Is Indigenous Peoples’ Day? Does It Replace Columbus Day? Everything You Need to Know.” USA TODAY. Accessed March 20, 2023. https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/ nation/2021/10/11/indigenous-peoples-day-everything-you-needknow-holiday/6087138001/.
———. “What Is Indigenous Peoples Day? Is It Offensive to Celebrate
Columbus Day? Everything to Know.” USA TODAY. Accessed March 10, 2023. https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation/2022/10/09/ when-what-is-columbus-day-indigenous-peoples-day/8185066001/.
Hazlett, John D. “Literary Nationalism and Ambivalence in Washington
Irving’s The Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus.” American Literature 55, no. 4 (1983): 560–75. https://doi.org/10.2307/2925974. History.com. “Columbus Day 2023.” History.com, April 18, 2023. https://www.history.com/topics/holidays/columbus-day.
Irving, Washington. The Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus. Volume 2, Book XVIII., 1892.
Kavi Dolasia. “Columbus Day Or Indigenous Peoples’ Day? The Debate Continues.” DOGOnews, October 7, 2022. https://www.dogonews. com/2022/10/7/columbus-day-or-indigenous-peoples-day-thedebate-continues.
Krishna, Sankaran. Globalization and Postcolonialism: Hegemony and Resistance in the Twenty-First Century. Blue Ridge Summit, United States: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2008. http://ebookcentral. proquest.com/lib/pymblelc/detail.action?docID=500871.
Malone, Matt. “A New World. - EBSCO,” October 28, 2019. https:// discovery.ebsco.com/c/n4ycs7/viewer/html/ohwqmxi5rz.
Markowitz, Julian. “Happy Nonindigenous Peoples’ Day!” Objective Standard: A Journal of Culture & Politics 16, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 95–97.
Martone, Eric. Italian Americans: The History and Culture of a People ABC-CLIO, 2016.
McElroy, John Harmon. “The Integrity of Irving’s Columbus.” American Literature 50, no. 1 (1978): 1–16. https://doi.org/10.2307/2925518.
Mineo, Liz. “Pondering Putting an End to Columbus Day, and a Look at What Could Follow.” Harvard Gazette (blog), October 8, 2020. https:// news.harvard.edu/gazette/story/2020/10/pondering-putting-an-endto-columbus-day-and-a-look-at-what-could-follow/.
Patricia Ann Talley. “Rather Than Columbus Day, ‘Dia de La Raza’ Teaches Respect for All.” Imagine-Mexico.Com (blog), September 30, 2022. https://imagine-mexico.com/dia-de-la-raza/.
Paul, Heike. “Christopher Columbus and the Myth of ‘Discovery.’” In The Myths That Made America, 43–88. An Introduction to American Studies. Transcript Verlag, 2014. https://www.jstor.org/stable/j. ctv1wxsdq.5.
Phillips, Carla Rahn, and William D. Phillips. “Christopher Columbus in United States Historiography: Biography as Projection.” The History Teacher 25, no. 2 (1992): 119–35. https://doi.org/10.2307/494269.
Pitrelli, Stefano. “Much of America Has Stopped Celebrating Columbus Day, but the Explorer Remains Revered in Italy.” Washington Post,
October 11, 2020. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/europe/ columbus-day-italy/2020/10/11/cc774eaa-0a44-11eb-87190df159d14794_story.html.
Rachum, Ilan. “Origins and Historical Significance of Día de La Raza.” Revista Europea de Estudios Latinoamericanos y Del Caribe / European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies, no. 76 (2004): 61–81.
Roff, Peter. “Columbus Day Reconsidered. - EBSCO.” Columbus Day Reconsidered. (blog), October 17, 2014. https://discovery.ebsco. com/c/n4ycs7/viewer/html/nylnylf22b.
Schlereth, Thomas J. “Columbia, Columbus, and Columbianism.” The Journal of American History 79, no. 3 (1992): 937–68. https://doi. org/10.2307/2080794.
Schuman, Howard, Barry Schwartz, and Hannah D’Arcy. “Elite Revisionists and Popular Beliefs: Christopher Columbus, Hero or Villain?” The Public Opinion Quarterly 69, no. 1 (2005): 2–29.
Texarkana Gazette. “Columbus Day: Should We Judge Figures from the Past by Today’s Standards?”, 1:06. https://www.texarkanagazette. com/news/2016/oct/10/columbus-day-should-we-judge-figurespast-todays-s/.
The White House “A Proclamation on Columbus Day, 2021.” The White House, October 8, 2021. https://www.whitehouse.gov/ briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/10/08/a-proclamation-oncolumbus-day-2021/.
———. “A Proclamation on Indigenous Peoples’ Day, 2021.” The White House, October 8, 2021. https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefingroom/presidential-actions/2021/10/08/a-proclamation-indigenouspeoples-day-2021/.
———. “A Proclamation on Indigenous Peoples’ Day, 2022.” The White House, October 7, 2022. https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/ presidential-actions/2022/10/07/a-proclamation-on-indigenouspeoples-day-2022/.
Tinker, Tink, and Mark Freeland. “Thief, Slave Trader, Murderer: Christopher Columbus and Caribbean Population Decline.” Wicazo Sa Review 23, no. 1 (2008): 25–50.
U.S. Embassy in Switzerland and Liechtenstein. “Columbus Day.” Accessed April 30, 2023. https://ch.usembassy.gov/holiday-calendar/ columbus-day/.
Young, Robert J. C. Postcolonialism: An Historical Introduction Newark, United States: John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, 2001. http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/pymblelc/detail. action?docID=7104509.
This essay was written for the National History Challenge in the ‘Asia and Australia’ category.
This essay addresses the impact of the Chinese community in Australia, with a specific focus of their influence of the Australian Gold Rush in Melbourne and Sydney. It also further explores Australia’s perceptions of the Chinese ethnicity, and how it’s changed and will continue to progress in the future.
One of the most significant events in Australian history began on the 12th of February 1851. A miner had discovered flecks of gold in the small town of Bathurst, New South Wales. The news made headlines across the country, but the nation was not ready for what was about to come. The prosperous discovery of more gold along the neighbouring states of Victoria and New South Wales caused a global stir. Within the span of a year, more than 500,000 diggers hurried to the gold fields in Australia, all hoping to get their hands on the luxurious item.
However, it’s essential to consider it wasn’t just the native-born who wanted a piece of glory. Many hopeful miners from overseas also flocked to Australia, the most prominent group being the Chinese. In 1856, it was reported by Museums of History NSW, that over 12,396 immigrants had arrived in Australia. Moreover, in 1861, over 3.3% of Australia’s population had been born in China.1 Moreover, China is 7,448 kilometres away from Australia and it is estimated that it took several months for miners to travel by boat.2 Due to this, it is imperative to consider the elements that drew Chinese people to the Australian Gold Rush. It is also fundamental to assess how the Chinese people progressed through this period and shaped Australian history, leaving a significant impact on Australia’s future.
The Chinese were first involved in the Californian Gold Rush, prior to their efforts in Australia. This event took place from 1848-1855. However, despite their efforts, many returned only earning a little more than what they started with. When news reached them about a similar event occurring in Australia, the mining community in China were immediately intrigued by another chance to find gold. They referred to Australia as 邢井山, translating to ‘New Gold Mountain.’
During this period of time, China was experiencing famine and great economic instability. The Opium War against Britain and the political instability within the country pushed many people to want to move to other
countries. Furthermore, a civil war had commenced in the now-known Guangdong province where 90% of Chinese miners were from. Lum Khen Yang, a successful miner located in Melbourne, stated that ‘there appeared to be no way [they] could extricate [themselves] from poverty,’ and the idea of going to Australia was ‘delightful’.3 The Gold Rush gave the Chinese people a meaningful reason to want to move, hence why the migration levels to Australia were relatively high during this period. Moreover, Australia was an ‘unknown land’ to the Chinese at the time. A lot of miners weren’t familiar with the culture and ideology of the country, hence were just motivated by the idea of collecting riches. The President of Asian Society New York, Robert Oxnam labels the Chinese as ‘elite immigrants’ and states that they ‘confront cultural adjustment’ well.4 Their determined mindset and a strong sense of needing to be ‘victorious’, allowed them to approach competitive situations with a strong presence. Although his statement is in an American context, Australian and American societal views were very similar at the time, hence showing a reliable representation of how communities viewed Chinese people.
During the Gold Rush, sources stated that Australia was ‘inclusive’ and ‘in harmony’ with immigrants from all over the world. Diggers flew their home country’s flags on tents and hotels would back this by also flying a wide range of flags on their roofs too, displaying a sense of bonding and unity among nations.5 However, this manneristic atmosphere did not extend towards the Chinese people. When Chinese diggers first arrived in Australia around 1854, they were referred to as ‘suspicious’ and ‘strange’ due to their differing customs and culture. This sparked a great sense of racism within the country and society developed a perception of discrimination towards the Chinese people. Anita Jack, the General Manager of the Golden Dragon Museum in Bendigo, revealed through an interview with the Victorian Collections that the Chinese community ‘dealt with a lot of hardship’ and ‘a lot of discrimination.’ However, she did state that they would’ve ‘stuck together very closely’ and that it was ‘almost like a brotherhood.’6 This can be seen when the Chinese miners worked together in packs of 30 to 100 men, under the direction of one leader. Moreover, inequality was also displayed by the fact that Chinese men were only allowed to work in mines that had already been worked on and deserted by Europeans. When the Chinese did find gold in these fields, they were accused of taking white men’s assets and were often referred to as a ‘scapegoat’ as dissatisfied miners blamed their losses
on them. The appearance of Chinese people further made them targets of racism. Men dressed in unfamiliar clothing, like baggy trousers and large coolie hats. They walked on mining fields barefoot and wore their hair in pigtails.
The Europeans had attempted to reduce the amount of Chinese people going into the Goldfields. The ‘Chinese Immigration Act’, passed through New South Wales in 1861 and Victoria in 1885, stated that any Chinese person that entered the state must pay ten pounds in tax, and one pound to live and mine in the colony.7 This was restricted to the Chinese people, as no other nationality had to follow these regulations. This law, however, did not reduce the number of Chinese immigrants, as many landed in South Australia and walked hundreds of miles to reach the goldfields.
Australian society started to fear of an ‘invasion’ from China, this was particularly felt during the 1880s. Melbourne newspapers published this in their articles, further spreading the ill feeling towards Chinese people, as they marked Chinese migrants as ‘barbaric’ and ‘different’.8 Historian, Kathryn Cronin, reveals from her survey of newspapers from the time, ‘Even the simplest daily tasks of Chinese assumed a sinister aspect.’9 This displays the sense of distrust and suspicion that society has placed on Chinese people.
Due to the ongoing racism, conflict started to arise between the Chinese people and those of European ethnicity. The worst instance of violence towards the Chinese-Australian population was in 1857 when a group of thirty to forty European miners took claims from a Chinese camp in Buckland River. Four Chinese miners were beaten to death and many drowned in the river’s icy water trying to escape the attack. From this event, the State Library of Victoria estimated that Chinese diggers lost around $97 000 dollars in gold and possessions.10 However, this did little to deflect the Chinese community, as estimated in 1901, there were still around 29,000 Chinese citizens living in Australia.11
But, for other hopeful Chinese immigrants, entering Australia was getting more difficult. In 1901, the Federal Government passed the legislation of ‘The Immigration Restriction Act.’12 The Act states that for an immigrant to be allowed to enter the country, they must be able to write out a passage in a European language, the beginning of what’s to be known as ‘The White Australia Policy.’ The policy was designed to limit non-British migration into Australia, which severely impacted many Chinese individuals and families. This caused segregation not only among Australian society but also between the Chinese communities.
The main turning point of Australia’s attitude towards the Chinese community was after World War 2. Due to their
involvement with the Allied forces against Japan, Australia started to construct a differing perception of the Chinese community. The change in societal views was also extremely influential, as humanity started to pay more attention to segregation in Australia. The experiences of the Indigenous people also helped shed light on the discrimination faced by the Chinese community. All these factors led to ‘The Immigration Restriction Act’ being fully repealed in 1975.
In the current day, society’s attitude towards the Chinese community has changed greatly since their arrival in the years after 1851. There are currently around 1.4 million Chinese people living in Australia, which accounts for 5.5% of the country’s total population.13 As a Chinese individual living in the country, I have started to discover an increase of people of my ethnicity in the country. This made me ponder - how and why? It is believed that the Chinese community will continue to have a strong stance in Australia’s society, as lots of Australian universities offer opportunities for Chinese students to study abroad, and potentially are allowed to stay to allow time for job seeking. This allows a large number of students to enter Australia on a student or temporary visa, and further increases the Chinese population.
The Chinese people also have a big emphasis and sense of family. So, when households move to Australia, it would involve a whole family moving to the country. It is also common for permanent residents to be visited by friends and other relatives, causing there to be more Chinese individuals in the area. Moreover, Australia’s economic system is dependent on the Chinese population. A permanent visa fee would be over $2000 dollars per individual. When settled in, the Chinese people would then buy or rent houses, and purchase other needs and wants to live an adequate life. This would create revenue for the government and sustain a strong economy for Australia as a whole.
Therefore, the development of Chinese people in Australia has been substantial. Going from working in the goldfields on the poorest conditions to now dominating the Australian economy, it really is an inspiring story. The Chinese people’s influence on Australia is predicted to be long-lasting and ever-growing, as we continue to move forward as a society.
1 “Chinese Gold Miners,” National Museum of Australia, accessed May 15, 2023, https://www.nma.gov.au/explore/features/harvest-ofendurance/scroll/chinese-gold-miners.
2 “Chinese at the Australian Gold Rush,” Catag, accessed August 16, 2023, https://jasminkrah.wixsite.com/catag/chinese-at-theaustralian-gold.
3 “Chinese,” Ergo, accessed April 24, 2023, https://ergo.slv.vic.gov.au/ explore-history/golden-victoria/life-fields/chinese.
4 Robert B. Oxnam, “Why Asians Succeed Here,” The New York Times, November 30, 1986, https://www.nytimes.com/1986/11/30/ magazine/why-asians-succeed-here.html.
5 “Minority Miners,” State Library of NSW, December 8, 2015, https:// www.sl.nsw.gov.au/stories/eureka-rush-gold/minority-miners.
6 Many Roads: Stories of the Chinese on the Goldfields of Victoria, 2017, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WXiJpJpJduo.
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The study of history is a complex endeavour that is shaped by a range of perspectives which reconfigure the way we understand past events. This essay will explore the thesis by examining the impact of various viewpoints surrounding the US invasion of Iraq, focusing on Robert Kagan’s neoconservative perspective and John Mearsheimer’s view of realism surrounding US foreign policy. Additionally, this paper will consider the crucial role of both pro-war and anti-war media organisations in shaping public opinions and perceptions towards the invasion of Iraq. Ultimately, the consideration of different perspectives is significant for gaining a comprehensive understanding of the Iraq War and its broader implications for US foreign policy in the Middle East and beyond.
Revisionism refers to the practice of reinterpreting a historical event motivated by or promoting changes in political or social values. The US invasion of Iraq in 2003 exemplified revisionism in governmental policies.1 Driven by the perception of the United States as the global protector of democracy, the Bush administration’s justification of the invasion accused Saddam Hussein’s regime of possessing Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMDs)2 and supporting terrorist groups like Al Qaeda in the context of the 9/11 attack, thus representing the war as a countermove to potential threats to US security and global peace.3 The essential role of neoconservatism, a branch of American conservative political doctrine that espouses revisionist political ideas by prioritising military power over traditional diplomacy, in the decision to invade Iraq highlights the significant influence of revisionism in driving this event. Thus, the neoconservative revisionists’ arguments, such as those put forward by Pentagon adviser Richard Perle, supported the global dominance of the United States, and the idea that utilising military force was a legitimate means to this end, helped to consolidate this decision.4 This notion was reflected in the Bush administration’s National Security Strategy which advocated the doctrine of preemption, applied in the case of the invasion of Iraq to initiate a war. That lasted for 8 years until December 18th, 2011, producing up to 315,190 civilian deaths5 and countless military personnel casualties.
The Bush Doctrine drew from the neoconservative historical vision of US foreign policy with Robert Kagan, a prominent neoconservative historian and foreign policy commentator, being one of the strongest supporters of the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Growing up in the midst of
the Cold War, Kagan’s exposure to media portraying the Soviet Union as a hostile enemy threatening American democracy6 was further encouraged by his father, the Yale classist Donald Kagan, who introduced the ideology of neoconservatism to his son.7 Kagan’s neoconservative view was based on American exceptionalism; a doctrine asserting the global superiority of the United States due to its responsibility to promote democracy and freedom to the world.8 This extended into his support of the USA’s right to unilateralism, which is a country’s authority to execute political decisions regardless of the opinions of other Member States. Kagan’s willingness to support an invasion condemned by the United Nations Security Council in Resolution 1441 Clause 29 clearly demonstrates his strong belief in American exceptionalism. Kagan held the same stance towards this ideology regarding the aftermath of the invasion of Iraq in “Iraq One Year Later” where he states that the United States provided Iraq “enormous strides” in the direction of democracy by offering a greater chance for peace by eliminating Saddam Hussein.10 Thus, Robert Kagan’s neoconservative view on the Iraq War emphasised America’s unique role in promoting democracy and freedom through American exceptionalism, justifying the invasion as necessary, along with the unilateral acting of the United States.
In contrast to neoconservatism, realist historians argue against the invasion of Iraq by emphasising a pragmatic and cautious approach to international relations, focusing on national interests and the balance of power between nations by matching the power of opposing countries.11 The American scholar, John Mearsheimer follows Kenneth Waltz’s neorealism, arguing that the need for survival and security drives countries to maximise their powers.12 Hence, Mearsheimer was highly critical of the Invasion of Iraq, asserting that an invasion would turn the country’s focus away from building power to counteract other national threats such as North Korea’s nuclear program13. In “The Tragedy of Greater Power Politics”, Mearsheimer argues that the United States should intervene only when another major power threatens to dominate a region of strategic importance to maintain the balance of power, rather than to use military force to demonstrate the United States’ global hegemony.14 According to this view, the invasion of Iraq was a waste of military and financial resources, which would cause a leakage into the power of the United States towards meaningful national interests. The Second Battle of Fallujah in 2004; a joint American, Iraqi, and British
military campaign aimed to take down the stronghold for Saddam Hussein’s forces, was especially criticised for this reason. The battle was recorded to be the most deadly in the Iraq War, costing 3,710 deaths in total. Mearsheimer argued that this was indicative of the broader challenges that the U.S. faced in Iraq, as it struggled to deal with the country’s unstable and fragmented sociopolitical landscape during a war that was instigated upon themselves.15 Therefore, Mearsheimer’s realist perspective of the Iraq War emphasised careful costbenefit evaluation of national interests, portraying the Iraq invasion as a costly and destabilising military intervention that ultimately failed to achieve its strategic objectives and weakened U.S. power and security.
In conclusion, the consideration of multiple perspectives
1 Erin Bartram, “What is Revisionist History?,” Contingent Magazine, August 8, 2019, https://contingentmagazine.org/2019/08/08/ mailbag-august-8-2019/.
2 PBS, “The U.S.-Led Invasion of Iraq, 20 Years Later,” FRONTLINE, accessed April 25, 2023, https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/article/ iraq-war-invasion-anniversary-20-years-documentaries/.
3 The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica, “Iraq War | Summary, Causes, Dates, Combatants, Casualties, & Facts,” Britannica, accessed April 27, 2023, https://www.britannica.com/event/Iraq-War.
4 Richard Perle, “Interviews - Richard Perle,” The War Behind Closed Doors, January 25, 2003, https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/ shows/iraq/interviews/perle.html.
5 Neta C. Crawford, Catherine Lutz, Kali Rubaii, and Zainab Saleh, “Iraqi Civilians,” The Costs of War, https://watson.brown.edu/costsofwar/ costs/human/civilians/iraqi.
6 Samuel Moyn, “Robert Kagan and Interventionism’s Big Reboot,” The New Republic, February 14, 2023, https://newrepublic.com/ article/170213/robert-kagan-interventionisms-big-reboot.
7 Hillel Italie, “Donald Kagan, Leading Neo-Conservative Historian, Dead at 89,” AP News, August 12, 2021, https://apnews.com/article/ europe-arts-and-entertainment-d8745b078b9d515e5a75a573d921 6fe4.
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11 Anthony Hope, “Balance of Power Applied in International Relations,” study.com, last modified April 10, 2021, educational video, 0:18 to 0:31, https://study.com/learn/lesson/balance-of-power-theory-ininternational-relations.html.
12 André Munro, “John J. Mearsheimer,” Britannica, October 30, 2014, https://www.britannica.com/biography/John-Mearsheimer.
13 John Mearsheimer, “Hans Morgenthau and the Iraq War: Realism versus Neo-Conservatism,” openDemocracy, May 18, 2005, https:// www.opendemocracy.net/en/morgenthau_2522jsp/.
regarding historical events serve as a crucial factor in contributing to people’s understanding of the event itself, as well as its broader socio-political implications. The US invasion of Iraq served as a model for this thesis, with Robert Kagan’s neoconservative perspective justifying the war through the lens of American exceptionalism and unilateralism, while John Mearsheimer’s realist perspective criticised the invasion of Iraq by highlighting the concept of more traditional methods of foreign affairs through the ideologies of national interests as well as the balance of power. Hence, by examining the impact of various perspectives surrounding the US invasion of Iraq, one can understand the complexity of history and its broader implications for US foreign policy in the Middle East and beyond.
14 John Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2014), 16.
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This essay was written for the National History Challenge.
The Nuremberg Trials, the event in which Nazi leaders were punished for War Crimes after World War II, set a precedent that all of humanity would be guarded by a legal shield.1 With the quick move to reparations and European land distribution amongst the Allied Powers, the trials were done succinctly, decades ahead of schedule,2 closing the Nazi rule. The sense of victor’s justice3 that emerged as the trials occurred masked the absence of high-ranking officials such as Ante Pavelic and Josef Mengele, long gone to South America via Argentine President Juan Perón’s ‘shadowy’ arrangements,4 otherwise known as the ‘ODESSA’ network,5 or ‘ratlines’6 The subsequent emergence of a Latin-American regime of neo-Nazism continued global and centralised Argentine Antisemitism,7 and the lack of mutuality surrounding politics and global peace prolonged, and continues to prolong, the impacts of the Second World War; a threshold opened by the Third Reich that permeates into the modern wave of governance.
Since prior to the Second World War, Latin America, notably Argentina, was closely connected with Germany, in matters of ideological correlation and political accordance. Via colonisation and cultural and ethnic similarity to Germany, Italy, and Spain – also the Second World War’s Axis alliance, though Spain was a de facto member8 – Argentina and its surrounding Latin-American sphere of influence had developed strong allegiance with them. Argentinian Government Official and later President Juan Perón (serving 1946-1952, then 19521955) had been an adjunct military officer in Italy9 at the beginning of the war, publicly admiring Fascist leader Benito Mussolini and the way in which “Italian Fascism made people’s organizations participate more on the country’s political stage.”10 Perón’s own governance of Argentina, including ideological concepts of ‘Peronism’ and systemic elements such as the ‘Peronist Youth’11 had all taken influence from the nation’s European colleagues, and sympathy towards the Nazi regime emerged quickly across Central and South America, even prior to Perón’s leadership.
Though the Nazi party had posed as strong political allies for Argentina with their orchestration and leadership of the War, as early as 1942, many Nazi members were acknowledging the potential that they would be defeated and subsequently tried. The Allies had publicised their
intent for ‘those responsible’ to not escape retribution,12 and trials for Prisoners of War held by the Soviets had begun in July of 1943. By the eve of the Red Army’s arrival in Berlin, thousands of German officials had concocted false names, documents, and stories to enable their increasingly likely escape. SS Lieutenant and ‘architect of the Holocaust’13 Adolf Eichmann, who had sunken into ‘pits of depression’14 when the uncertainty of his fate and security as a Nazi arose, recalled that “A high ranking officer came who had brought hundreds of pages with all kinds of different printed letter-heads”15; by 1950 he had arrived in Argentina and was allowed to live freely. Leaders and collaborators of the Third Reich across the European continent were looking to settle ‘preferably as far away from the Nuremberg trials as possible.’16
Fortunately for these Nazi Party members, there were numerous existing sympathisers, if not outright supporters, who were willing to construct plans to ensure certain levels of protection and safe havens. Given Argentina’s alignment with Germany, Perón’s aim to prevent the conviction of Nazi members was vocalised publicly and unabashedly even as the benefits and security of an alliance with Germany had begun to dissipate. He felt Nuremberg to be an outrage to military honour17 and that “something was taking place that [he] personally considered a disgrace and unfortunate lesson for the future of humanity.”18 While highlighting Perón’s clear intentions to protect the Nazis, there remained a certain precariousness regarding his next choice of actions: a political man, he had gained favour amongst Jewish people for his gestures and infrequent accepting of Holocaust refugees, despite closing the doors for Jewish immigration,19 and he planned to maintain a dual popularity with Jews and Nazis.20 Such began the negotiations for and formation of the ODESSA ‘ratline’ network.
Codenamed ODESSA (The Organisation of Former SS Members),21 what emerged was a set of illegal routes, named ratlines, connecting parts of Europe, Latin America, and the Middle East, to help Nazis flee Europe and escape justice.22 Officiated by transcontinental alliances between these nations and Germany, the routes utilised a variety of staggered oaths and hidden locations to enable a concealed escape: some ran over the Alps from Austria to Italy,23 others used underground routes directed to Rome and Spain, and most were eventually transported via ships to South America and the Middle
East. Perón’s connections to the Vatican, and partially the Catholic Church’s dislike of Jews, granted those fleeing with the support of the Catholic Church, Pope Pius XII preferring “to see fascist war criminals on board ships sailing to the New World rather than seeing them rotting in POW camps in zonal Germany,”24 corroborating the historical and ongoing influence of antisemitism in justifying actions. Had it not been for Perón’s ambitions and Nazi Germany’s sympathisers, there would have been no escape.
Horst Wagner, the link-man between Germany’s foreign office and the SS,25 was one such Nazi who used the Ratline routes. Detained in Nuremberg after being detained by American soldiers, his involvement in Nazi affairs resulted in his status as an important witness in numerous trials.26 Classified as “likely to be accused in the future,”27 Wagner’s transfer to an internment camp in Bavaria, where he was eventually issued an arrest warrant,28 propelled him to leave. Escaping from his detainment, which was described as a “weakly guarded camp”,29 Wagner was seeking refuge. Aiming to leave Germany before he could be re-captured, he followed a path called the “Kloster Line” towards Austria, where he received sanctuary in convents and churches. 30 From Austria, he travelled to Rome where, with the aid of German Bishop Alois Hudal,31 he was granted a Red Cross passport and sailed out to Argentina, where he was granted sanctuary.
Wagner’s journey was not dissimilar to most of the other escapees. Help was arriving from many corners; the Vatican City, whose Catholic ideals and status as a state granted support, documents, and escape for Nazis; Argentina, where Perón orchestrated project ODESSA; Switzerland, whose banks, specifically Credit Suisse, were uncovered to be holding hundreds of accounts credibly tied to senior Nazi officials in Germany or members of Nazi-affiliated groups in Argentina, 32 their assets being held both during the war and smuggled out after; even Syria, where George Haddad Street in Damascus housed Nazi War Criminal guests,33 and where Alois Brunner, one of Adolf Eichmann’s ‘best men’34, served as an advisor for President Hafez al-Assad’s regime, ensuring the expansion of Nazi interrogation methods, espionage, and torture,35 and influencing the conflict in the Middle East. It was as though the Germans’ escape, and what is viewed by some as a subversion of justice, was enabled rather than properly prevented.
It was as a result of this supported escape that the Nazis were able to lead peaceful, yet continually influential, lives under new identities and governments. Upon arrival to Argentina, all escapees were pardoned of any crimes and accepted under their new identities. Though some, like SS Captain Siegfried Becker, had been initially arrested by Argentine police,36 they were quick to be cleared of charges by Perón personally. All that fled were able to
obtain citizenship without charge, as “if you were sent by Perón, then it costs nothing”37 according to a judge speaking to former SS member Herbert Habel. After this point, most of the new Nazi-Argentine citizens were able to assimilate into Argentina’s sizable German community.38 For many, this brought opportunities to establish new, post-Nazi, success over a wide range of Argentina’s working sectors. Josef Mengele, whose crimes and great involvement in Hitler’s affairs and Holocaust experiments would’ve had him severely punished at Nuremberg, was able to continue fulfilling his passion as a ‘specialist in genetics’39 who obtained regular employment. Hired by writer Tomás Eloy Martinez, he was, according to Perón, “paid a fortune” for his expertise under the alias of ‘Doctor Gregor,’40 and he reportedly “enjoyed a reputation as a brilliant man from an intellectual point of view.”41 Similarly, former commander of the Hitler Youth Herbert Kuhlmann was able to become a prominent businessman in Buenos Aires.42 With Perón’s direct protection, his fortune was enough for him to live in the Argentine Capital’s embassy row,43 extending his fortune towards other Nazis, including Adolf Eichmann, in helping them settle.44 While many of those who fled led quieter lives, the general consensus for most of the Nazis who had benefitted from Perón’s Project ODESSA was a peaceful and punishment-lacking remainder of life.
The sympathetic attitude that the Argentine Government held towards the Nazi arrivals aligned with numerous political changes and societal beliefs that occurred under Perón’s tenure. Argentina, though already having sociocultural similarity and subsequent alliances with Nazi Germany and other fascist countries pre-World War II, had this correspondence heightened after Perón accepted Nazis and fascists into Argentina, and developed an ideology of ‘Peronism’.45 Peronist values were largely associated with economic nationalism, capitalist governance, and neo-Fascist policies that remained even with Perón’s departure from office in 1955.46 Italian Fascism was largely influential in moulding this ideology, with Perón’s government and Argentinian society evoking “recollections of events in Italy twenty years earlier.”47
What erupted at a similar time, permeating into Argentine society, was a spread of fear surrounding communism.48 The already developing fascism that arose through Perón’s policies49 was manifesting itself into a staunch hatred towards its communist opposition, which was similarly drawn upon between Germany and the USSR in the Second World War.
In conjunction with this, antisemitism across Latin America arose, which had surmounted, and continues to prevail, despite the end of the Holocaust and the overall easing of relations. The “Dirty War”, a period of Argentine military dictatorship between 1976 and 1983, had disproportionately persecuted Argentine Jews,50
THE RATLINE ROUTES: ASSESSING THE IMPACT OF JUAN PERÓN’S ACTIONS AND OUTCOMES IN ENABLING THE ESCAPE OF NAZI WAR CRIMINALS
and since the emergence of Germans into Argentina, the streets of Buenos Aires remain graffitied with spray-painted swastikas and suggestions of neo-Nazi movements.51 While the Nazi influence in Argentina was only a factor that brought this change, it was Perón’s enablement of emerging views that emanated those of Nazis that truly solidified the German’s legacy and presence of neo-Fascism in Latin-America.
The orchestration of the ODESSA network and the success of the Ratline routes remain a testament to the ease at which the haze of victory and façade of moving
1 “The Influence of the Nuremberg Trial on International Criminal Law
- Robert H Jackson Center.”
2 “The Nuremberg Military Tribunals and ‘American Justice’ | The National WWII Museum | New Orleans.”
3 Shubert and Schmidt, “Most Nazis Escaped Justice. Now Germany Is Racing to Convict Those Who Got Away.” https://edition.cnn. com/2018/12/14/europe/germany-nazi-war-trials-grm-intl/index. html
4 Goni, Uki. The Real Odessa: How Nazi War Criminals Escaped Europe (London, Granta Books, 2002), xxii.
5 “Odessa | Odessa | Nazi, Holocaust, Refugees | Britannica.”
6 “How Ratlines Helped Thousands Of Nazis Flee Europe After WW2.” https://allthatsinteresting.com/ratlines
7 Krauze, “Opinion | Anti-Semitism Stirs in Latin America.” https:// www.nytimes.com/2014/08/16/opinion/enrique-krauze-anti-semitism-stirs-in-latin-america.html
8 “Juan Domingo Peron and Argentina’s Nazis.” https://www.thoughtco.com/juan-domingo-peron-and-argentinas-nazis-2136208
9 “Juan Domingo Peron and Argentina’s Nazis.”
10 Tucci, “Fascism’s Influence in Argentina – The Italian Diaspora in South America.” https://blogs.dickinson.edu/italian-diaspora/linfluenza-del-fascismo-in-argentina/the-influence-of-fascism-in-argentina
11 Tucci, “Fascism’s Influence in Argentina – The Italian Diaspora in South America.”
12 Goni, Uki. The Real Odessa: How Nazi War Criminals Escaped Europe (London, Granta Books, 2002), 64.
13 O’Grady, “The Architect of the Holocaust Denied His Guilt Until His Dying Day.” https://foreignpolicy.com/2016/01/27/the-architect-ofthe-holocaust-denied-his-guilt-until-his-dying-day/
14 Goni, Uki. The Real Odessa: How Nazi War Criminals Escaped Europe (London, Granta Books, 2002), 64.
15 Goni, Uki. The Real Odessa: How Nazi War Criminals Escaped Europe (London, Granta Books, 2002), 65.
16 “Nazi Ratlines: Escape to South America – Pilot Guides.” https:// www.pilotguides.com/articles/nazi-ratlines-escape-south-america/
17 Goni, Uki. The Real Odessa: How Nazi War Criminals Escaped Europe (London, Granta Books, 2002), 100.
18 Goni, Uki. The Real Odessa: How Nazi War Criminals Escaped Europe (London, Granta Books, 2002), 100.
19 Minster, “Biography of Juan Perón, Argentina’s Populist President.” https://www.thoughtco.com/biography-of-juan-peron-2136581
20 Minster, “Biography of Juan Perón, Argentina’s Populist President.”
away from the past are able to seep into, and result in the continuation of beliefs and attitudes that had supposedly been eradicated. Juan Perón’s regime in Argentina and his lifelong complacency with his Fascist and Nazi alliances allowed for the usurpation of justice after World War II and the emergence of neo-Fascist and antisemitic attitudes upon the granting of safe haven for the unpunished Nazi leaders. With Fascism seeing a return in parts of Europe, the actions of Perón and the countries involved with the Ratline routes remains an increasingly significant facet of geopolitical history.
21 “Organization of Former SS Members (ODESSA).” https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/organization-of-former-ss-members-odessa
22 “Organization of Former SS Members (ODESSA).”
23 Pieper, “What Did the Vatican Know about the Nazi Escape Routes?” https://www.dw.com/en/the-ratlines-what-did-the-vatican-knowabout-nazi-escape-routes/a-52555068
24 Phayer, Michael. Pius XII, the Holocaust, and the Cold War (Indiana, Indiana University Press, 2007), 187.
25 Hall, “How Top Nazi Used ‘ratline’ Escape Route to Flee to South America after the War, by Daughter of Woman He Seduced | Daily Mail Online.” https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2099282/HowNazi-used-ratline-escape-route-flee-South-America-war-daughterwoman-seduced.html
26 Hall, “How Top Nazi Used ‘ratline’ Escape Route to Flee to South America after the War, by Daughter of Woman He Seduced | Daily Mail Online.”
27 Weitkamp, Sebastian. Brown diplomats: Horst Wagner and Eberhard von Thadden as functionaries of the “final solution” (Bonn, JHW Dietz, 2008), 384.
28 The National Archives, “Horst Wagner.” https://discovery.nationalarchives.gov.uk/details/r/f9c0efd5-2346-43f4-950d-245d90d049c6
29 Weitkamp, Sebastian. Brown diplomats: Horst Wagner and Eberhard von Thadden as functionaries of the “final solution” (Bonn, JHW Dietz, 2008), 385-387.
30 Miller, “Nazi Havens in South America.” https://aish.com/nazi-havens-in-south-america/
31 Hall, “How Top Nazi Used ‘ratline’ Escape Route to Flee to South America after the War, by Daughter of Woman He Seduced | Daily Mail Online.”
32 Keaten, “Credit Suisse Faulted over Probe of Nazi-Linked Accounts | AP News.” https://apnews.com/article/credit-suisse-nazi-clients-senate-switzerland-bank-c5a891d541047123cea497d6996efe38
33 Orbach, “Tangled Tale of the Fugitive Nazi and the Syrian Secret Service.” https://newlinesmag.com/essays/tangled-tale-of-the-fugitive-nazi-and-the-syrian-secret-service/
34 “Nazi War Criminal Alois Brunner ‘Died in Syria Squalor.’” https:// www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-38586945
35 Khoury, “A Nazi Taught Interrogation Tactics to Syrians and Egyptians.” https://newlinesmag.com/essays/a-nazi-taught-interrogation-tactics-to-syrians-and-egyptians/
36 Goni, Uki. The Real Odessa: How Nazi War Criminals Escaped Europe (London, Granta Books, 2002), 107.
37 Goni, Uki. The Real Odessa: How Nazi War Criminals Escaped Europe (London, Granta Books, 2002), 281.
38 Minster, “Why Argentina’s Government Welcomed Nazis After WWII.” https://www.thoughtco.com/why-did-argentina-accept-nazi-criminals-2136579
39 Goni, Uki. The Real Odessa: How Nazi War Criminals Escaped Europe (London, Granta Books, 2002), 279.
40 Goni, Uki. The Real Odessa: How Nazi War Criminals Escaped Europe (London, Granta Books, 2002), 279.
41 Minster, “Why Argentina’s Government Welcomed Nazis After WWII.”
42 Minster, “Why Argentina’s Government Welcomed Nazis After WWII.”
43 Cross, “Wikiwand - Herbert Kuhlmann.” https://www.wikiwand.com/ en/Herbert_Kuhlmann
44 Cross. https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Herbert_Kuhlmann
45 Tucci, “Fascism’s Influence in Argentina – The Italian Diaspora in South America.”
46 Oxford Reference, “Horst Wagner.” https://www.oxfordreference. com/display/10.1093/oi/authority.20110803100318435;jsessionid=1EB180537D4C2009F07631F55FACF155
47 Tucci, “Fascism’s Influence in Argentina – The Italian Diaspora in South America.”
48 Tucci, “Fascism’s Influence in Argentina – The Italian Diaspora in South America.”
49 Tucci, “Fascism’s Influence in Argentina – The Italian Diaspora in South America.”
50 “Argentina’s Anti-Semitic Past.” https://theworld.org/stories/2009-03-12/argentinas-anti-semitic-past
51 “Argentina’s Anti-Semitic Past.”
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THE RATLINE ROUTES: ASSESSING THE IMPACT OF JUAN PERÓN’S ACTIONS AND OUTCOMES IN ENABLING THE ESCAPE OF NAZI WAR CRIMINALS
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