President Trump's first term transgender moral panic by Chris Pepin-Neff

PresidentTrump’stransgendermoralpanic

ChristopherPepin-Neﬀ andAaronCohen

DepartmentofGovernmentandInternationalRelations,UniversityofSydney,Sydney,Australia

ABSTRACT

ThisarticlearguesthatformerPresidentDonaldTrumpactedasa moralentrepreneurwhenhecreatedamoralpanicbysending tweetsthatestablishedanewnationalpolicythatnegatively aﬀectedtransgenderAmericans.Thestatementwasthat transgenderAmericanscouldnotservetheUSmilitaryinany validcapacity.Theimplicationofthedemonizationwasamoral panicpredicatedonthebeliefthattransgendercitizenswerea burdentotheAmericanpeople,thattheywereinvalid Americans.Thepolicytoolusedtofacilitatethemoralpanicwas Twitter,whichwasusedtotransmithisconcernstothebroader public.ThemoralpanicisalegacyoftheTrumppresidencyfor thewayitsentamessagethattranscitizenswere “others” and validatedright-wingargumentsagainsttranspeopleinsociety. Toreachthisanalysis,thisarticleaddressesthetheoryofmoral panicswithinthecontextofthepolicystudiesliterature, includingmoralentrepreneurship,policyissues,andpolicytools.

Introduction

ARTICLEHISTORY

Received27May2021

Accepted3July2021

KEYWORDS

LGBTQ;Trump;Donald Trump;moralpanic; transgender

Thisarticlebuildsontheexistingtheoryregardingmoralpanics(Cohen 1972;Garland 2008;GoodeandBen-Yehuda 1994;Young 2009).Itasksthefollowingquestion:Howdo thepolicystudiesandmoralpanicliteratureinformthelegacyofformerPresident DonaldTrump’spoliciestowardtransgenderAmericans?WearguethatformerPresident Trump’ s “toughontrans” tweetsandnewnationalpoliciesplacedhimintheroleofa moralentrepreneurandthathisactionsgeneratedamoralpanicthattransmittedthe messagethattranspeoplewereanoutsideburdentoAmericansocietyratherthana partofit.Trump’suseoftweetsasavehicletodeliveramoralpanicfromthebully pulpitofthepresidencyisnotsimplyanagenda-settingdevice,butratherapolicytool (Hood 1986)tospreadexclusion,fear,untruestereotypes,andsecond-classcitizenship inwaysthatboosttransphobiaandmobilizetransphobicextremism.

Thegoalofamoralpanicistopushthemarginalizedbacktothemargins(Joosse 2018).Thelegacyfrompolicyresponsesassociatedwithmoralpanicshasbeenraised inseveralareas.Garland(2008)notesthattherecanbeshort-termimpactsorlasting legaciesbuiltintothelegislation,socialinstitutions,policycommunities,newfolk devils,andconceptionsofsocietyfrommoralpanics.Fundamentally,theselegacies

CONTACT ChristopherPepin-Neﬀ chris.pepin-neﬀ@sydney.edu.au Room460,Level4,DepartmentofGovernmentandInternationalRelations,SocialSciencesBuilding(A02),TheUniversityofSydneyNSW2006Australia Thisarticlehasbeencorrectedwithminorchanges.Thesechangesdonotimpacttheacademiccontentofthearticle.

canimpactdemocracybyshiftingthegroundandtheplayers,particularlyinpolitical systemsthataredesignedtobeintractableandincremental.

Thismoralpanicforthisanalysisbeganon26July2017,whenformerPresident TrumpissuedthreetweetsfromhispersonalTwitteraccountthattransgenderpeople couldnolongerserveinthemilitary “inanycapacity” becausethemilitary “cannotbe burdenedwiththeexpensivemedicalcostsanddisruptionthattransgenderinthemilitarywouldentail” (MilitaryServicebyTransgenderIndividuals 2017).Trump’stweetsset anewnationalpolicythatlaterbecameenactedinmilitaryimplementingregulations. ThisactionillustratesTrump’sroleasamoralentrepreneuronasensitiveLGBTQ issueandhistweetsservedasthevehicleforhismoralpanicthattransgenderpeople wereanoutsideburdentotheAmericanpublic(Figures1–3).

FormerPresidentTrump’sdenigratingstatementsregardingtransgenderpeoplearea usefulcaseforexaminingmoralpanicsbecausemoralpanicsareputintopolicythrough adisproportionatelynegativeresponsetowardaperceiveddeviantpopulation (SchneiderandIngram 2005).Inthiscase,thenamedconcernwastransgenderservice membersusingaccesstothemilitaryasabackdoortoobtainfreesex-reassignment surgery,withtheimplicationbeingthatthiswouldbedamagingtothemilitaryand thenation.

However,Kube(2017)reportsonaRANDCorporationstudyfrom2016thatfound transgenderservicehas “minimalimpactonreadinessandhealthcarecosts.” Kube (2017)adds, “thosehormonetreatmentsandsurgerieswouldcostabout$2.4to$8.4 millionayear – atinysliverofthePentagonbudget.” Thisdisparitybetweenthe realityoftheproblemandthearticulationofthenationalthreatisessentialtoamoral panic.GoodeandBen-Yehuda(1994,156)state, “Inamoralpanic,thereactionsof themedia,lawenforcement,politicians,actiongroups,andthegeneralpublicareout ofproportiontotherealandpresentdangeragiventhreatposestothesociety.”

Thisdisproportionalitycanbeseeninareviewoftransgendermilitaryservice.For instance,arecentRANDreportfoundthatupto11,000activedutyandreservetransgenderservicemembersarecurrentlyservingintheUSArmedForces(Schaeferetal. 2016). Inaddition,atthetimeofthereport,18countriesallowedtransgenderservicemembers toserveopenly,includingAustraliaandIsrael,aswellasmanyNATOmemberssuchas theUKandCanada.Intheirstudyofthesenations,RANDfoundthattheydidnotreport anegativeimpact “ontheoperationaleﬀectiveness,operationalreadiness,orcohesionof theforce” (Schaeferetal. 2016,xiii).Inaddition,in2014,formerSurgeonGeneralJocelyneEldersco-authoredareportontransgendermilitaryserviceandfoundthat “thereis

Figure1. TrumpTransTweet#1.

Figure2. TrumpTransTweet#2.

nocompellingmedicalrationaleforbanningtransgendermilitaryservice” (Eldersand Steinman 2014,3).

Moralpanic

Theterm moralpanic hasevolvedsinceits firstusebyJackYoungin1968(Young 2009). Thelabellingofmoralpanicsbeganasaconversationaboutthe “amplificationof deviancy,” wheremarijuanausewasidentifiedascriminal “inthecontextofthenew bohemianism” (Young 2009,5).AsYoungdescribesthehistoryofmoralpanics,he clarifiesthatmoralpanicsincludeanaffectiveelementinthecontestationoffundamental socialdynamics.Henotes:

Thereisagreatdealofemotionalenergyinvolvedonbothsides:thepolicepursuethe deviantwithzeal,themediathriveonthecontroversy,thepublicavidlyfollowthe outrageandthedeviantsaregalvanizedandsometimesreconstitutedresponse.Thereis energy;fascinationandsomethingedgingonenjoyment:moralpanics,likecrime,are seductiveevents.(Young 2009,4)

Examplesofmoralpanicsincludewitchtrials(Reed 2015),sataniccults(Victor 1998), schoolshootings(BurnsandCrawford 1999),andyouthviolence(Cohen 1972).Marsh andMelville(2011)reviewthehistoryofmoralpanicliterature,whichillustratesthe resurgenceinmoralpanicsasaconceptwithinpolicystudies.

Theidentificationofmoralpanicsasattention-attracting,legacy-leaving,cultural conflictshasofferedatheoryregardinghowspecificissues,duringcertaintimes,can burnhotpoliticallyandthendieoff.Cohen(1972)suggeststhatthewaysinwhichproblemsarriveonthesceneanddisappearrevealthatmoralpanicsareprimarilyaboutthe qualitiesrelatedtothesocialreaction,suchasthetargetingofgroupsthatareseento

Figure3. TrumpTransTweet#3.

undermineordisturbcommunityvalues,ratherthantheattributesoftheactsorevents beingrespondedtothemselves.Inthisway,akeyfeatureofmoralpanicsisthewaythat theythriveonan “insider” versus “outsider” modelthatcanbehighlightedbyrace,sex, gender,genderidentity,sexualorientation,age,ability,andcultureaswellasgeography, religionorotherdemographicfactors(GoodeandBen-Yehuda 2009).

Tobegin,GoodeandBen-Yehuda(1994,156–158)identify fiveelementsofamoral panic:(a)concern,(b)hostility,(c)consensus,(d)disproportionality,and(e)volatility.Garland(2008,11)recommendstheadditionoftwoadditionalelements: first, the “moraldimension,” whichconsidersthelevelofthreatandreflection,thatis, addressedtowardthelossofreveredsocialvalues(i.e. “thefamily,”“thehome,”“ a simplertime,” anda “traditional” wayoflife)andsecondlythe “symptomatic” natureoftheissue,inwhichitisconsideredasynecdocheforabroaderstatement aboutthestateofsociety.

Asapoliticalphenomenon,moralpanicsseetheleversofgovernmentdirectedata targetgroup.Therecanbereal-life,objectiveharm(butnotnecessarily).Itisabout theadministrativeandlegislativepunishmentdirectedatthetargetgroupbasedona causalstory(Stone 1997)orproblemdeﬁnition(RochefortandCobb 1993)thatthis groupintentionallyunderminesasocial,culturalwayoflife(GoodeandBen-Yehuda 1994;Victor 1998).Forexample,therehavebeennumerousincidencesinAustralia whenthetransgendercommunityhasbeensingledoutforoppressionand ﬁtthis modelofmoralpanic(seeAustralianHumanRightsCommission 2007;Patrick 2016; PoyntingandMorgan 2007).

Indeed,moralpanicsprovideaplatformtoidentifytheinsidersandoutsidersand generatemediaattention.Theresponsebythoseinpowerispurposefulinitstargeting ofoutsidersandinitsover-reaction,whichisintendedtosendamessagetothecommunity,themedia,andtheperceiveddeviantgroup.Thetypeofreactionsolidiﬁeswhoisan outsiderandwhoistheinsider.Indeed,itusestheact,eventortweettoprecipitatethe over-reactiontopresentavisibledisplayofcommunityvaluesand “ cue ” themediaand publictoanissue.

Again,theproblemisnottheperceivedoﬀencetakingplaceitself,butthegroupitself, andthereforetheover-reactionismeanttosendamessagetothemedia,thepublic,and thegroupaboutwhereculturalvalueslie.Theculturaltransmissionofwhoisvaluedand whoisnotisembeddedinidentifyingthetargetandselectingthesolution.Tobeclear, thesolutionisnotaboutchangingthebehaviourofthetargetgroup,anditisabout cementingtheiroutsiderstatusandremovingthetargetgroupfromthecommunity, banningthemandtheiridentityintotal.

Otheringcanbecommunicatedinbothphysicalandsentimentalwaysagainstthe transcommunity(Colliver,Coyle,andSilvestri 2019).Moralentrepreneursconjurea moralpanicthatincludesthedistributionofdeviance.Thisincludesstigma,criminalization, andviolencesuchasthatagainsttranssexwork.Placingthetranscommunityoutsidetheboundsofrespectablesocietycanalsomanifestthroughtrans kidspanicsaroundsportsteams,deadnaming,misgendering,hatecrimesagainst transwomenofcolour,conditionsofprisonincarceration,microaggressions,criminalizationofHIVstatus,tolerancefordomesticviolence,andpoliciesagainstyoung people.

Inouranalysis,moralpanicscanbeunderstoodbylookingatthemthroughsometraditionalpolicystudiesconcepts,including(a)moralentrepreneurship,(b)thepolicy issue,and(c)thepolicytool.

Moralentrepreneurship

Moralentrepreneursarekeypolicyactors.SchneiderandIngram(2005,10–11)state, “economic,political,social,andmoralentrepreneurshavetheabilitytotapintothe languageandinterestsofdiversegroupstocreateacommonframeofreferenceoraunifyingsocialconstructionorvision,thatbridgespreviousdiﬀerences. ” Withthispower andcommonpolicyimagethemoralentrepreneurcanchoosetorelieveoramplify stressonapopulation.SchneiderandIngram(2005,11)addthat “someentrepreneurshipbuildsuponandampliﬁesthexenophobicandracistsentiments.”

Becker(1963)alsoconceptualizesmoralentrepreneursasmoralcrusaderswhoconstructtherulesofsocietyinsuchawaythatgroupsmustbedeviantbecausetheiridentitiesaredrawnanddeﬁnedoutsidetheboundsofgoodsociety.Inaddition,hestates, socialgroupscreatedeviancebymakingruleswhoseinfractioncreatesdeviance,andby applyingthoserolestoparticularpeopleandlabelingthemasoutsiders.Fromthispoint ofview,devianceisnotaqualityoftheactthepersoncommits,butratheraconsequence oftheapplicationbyotherofrulesandsanctionstoan “ oﬀender.” (Becker 1963,9)

Pierceetal.(2014,20)addtothisbynotingthatamoralentrepreneur “mightalso emergefromagroupthatweavestogethervariousresourcesorperhapsinducesthe populationtochangeitsbehaviourorotherwiseinstigateschangeinthesocialconstructionorpowerofthetargetedgroup.” Baumgartner(2008,596)states, “Moralentrepreneursareindividualscommittedtotheestablishmentandenforcementofrulesagainst behaviourtheydeﬁneasdeviant.Assuch,theyareespeciallyvisibleandactiveagents ofsocialcontrol.” Finally,accordingtodeYoung(2007),moralentrepreneurstake “onthetaskofprotectingsocietyfromallegedthreatstoitsmoralorder.Whetherasa rule-creatororasarule-enforcer,amoralentrepreneurusespublicfora,theinternational media,andsocialmediatoadvanceanagenda.”

Policyissue

Therearetwoframeworksthatconsidertheroleofdeviantissuesandpopulationsin thepublicpolicyliterature.The ﬁrstisthesocialconstructionoftargetpopulations (SchneiderandIngram 2005)andthesecondistheemotion-policythresholdframework (Pepin-Neﬀ 2021).Underthesocialconstructionoftargetpopulations,twovariablesare considered:thelevelofpowertheywieldinsociety(highorlow)andthepopularsocial perceptionofthetargetgroupintheeyesofthepublic(positiveornegative).Inthiscase, wearefocusedonthecategoryforthosewithlowpowerandnegativeperception.SchneiderandIngram(2005)callthiscategorythedeviantpopulation.Thesearethegroups mostlikelytobethevictimsofcriminalizationandmoralpanics.Theyofteninclude drugdealers,asylumseekers,sexworkers,incarceratedindividuals,andinsomecases, transgenderindividuals.

Therealadministrative,legal,social,andpoliticalburdensthedeviantpopulation experiencesareconsistentwiththewaypeopleexperiencegreateroppressionattheintersectionofidentities(Crenshaw 1990).RulesaredesignedbygovernmentactorsandinstitutionsthatplacethesegroupsbeyondAmericansociety.Inotherwords,burdensare distributedbasedonbehaviourthatisperceivedasoutsidetheboundsofnormsand oppressionexistsagainstahierarchicalsetofintersectingidentities.Thismakesthesecategoriesofdeviancytargetsofthepoliticalsystemandmoralcrusadersinsearchofmoral panictorallyaround.

Policyissuescanalsobeconsideredbylookingatthedegreeofemotionalitythey present(highorlow)andthepolicythresholdarrangements(highorlow)thatopen policywindowsforthepolicyormoralentrepreneurs(Pepin-Neff 2021).Inthiscase, thepolicythresholdorarrangementforpolicychangeisbasedon “thedegreeof penaltyanactororcollectiveinstitutioniswillingtoendureforthebenefitofinaction” (Pepin-Neff 2021).Inthiscase,thefocusisonthelow-emotion-lowpolicythresholdcategory,wherefeelingsabouttransgirlsoccerplayersarenormallylowandthepolitical regulatoryarrangementtodealwithyouthsoccerisalsolow.Thefederalorstategovernmentwouldgenerallyhavelittleroleinleaguesports.However,becausethepolicy thresholdisopentochange,thisprovidesanopportunityformoralentrepreneursto takeadvantageasameansoffacilitatingmoralpanicsforthepublicandmaintaining power.

Twofactorsseem tobeatplayhere: first,theoutsidergroupisrenderedcriminally liableforthebehaviour,act,oreventnomatteritsobjectiveimplications.Itistheirexistencethatleadstomoralpanic.Andsecondly,theaction(i.e.playingsoccerandservingin themilitary)canbeafacadeforthepanicandhasmoretodowiththegroupinquestion thantheoffenceinquestion.Thethreat,inthiscase,wasthefalseandunsubstantiated problemdefinition(Stone 1993)thattranspeoplewouldrampantlyusemilitaryhealth servicestoobtainfreegenderreassignmentsurgery(VandenBrook 2019).Asaresult, theinsidersarepreparedandresourcedforthetriggeringeventortriggeringtweet. Theiradvantagesincludehavinghelpedconstructthetarget’sidentityandhaving accesstotheresponsesolutions.

Policytool

Socialmediaasapolicy-makinginstrumentofthestatefallscanfallunderanycategory. Therearemanyconceptionsofpolicytools.Hood(1986)identiﬁesseveralcategories, includingnodality(statementsbygovernments),authority(commandandcontrolregulations),treasure(ﬁnancialresourcessuchastaxesorgrants),andanorganization(the establishmentofinstitutionstoprovidegoodsandservices).

TweetsmaybestatementsoffactfromGovernmentdepartments,suchastogetvaccinatedfromCOVID-19orsocialmediacanalsobeusedasanauthority-basedpolicy toolfordiplomaticmeans.Duncombe(2019,410)notesthat “Twitteruseisarguably challengingtherelationaldynamicsbetweenstatesandtheirdomesticandforeign publicsandisimplicatedinthepowerandproliferationofnon-stateactorsininternationalrelations.” ThismeansthatTwittermaymakenon-stateactorsmorepowerful. Twittermayalsoannounce ﬁnancialrelieffollowing ﬂoods,initiativestorelieve studentloanpenalties.Lastly,Twittermaybeusedasavehicletoannouncenew

governmentinitiativesandorganizations,includingprivate–publicpartnershipsandnew investigations.Inthiscase,theTrumpmoralpanicusesTwitterasanauthoritytool, becauseitisrulemakingandstandard-settingbythegovernment.Inotherwords,it cancarrytheweightoflawandnationalpolicydirectedattransgenderAmericans. ThereareimportantconsiderationsofTwitterthathelpinformitasavenueformoral panics.Tweetsasavehiclelivewithinthe “twitter-verse.” Wahl-Jorgensen(2018,77) notesthat “thedesignofpublicspaces – andtheformsofemotionalinteraction enabledwithinthem – hasaconcreteimpactontheconditionsforpublicdebate.” Therefore,itmaybethatTwitterasapolitical,social,andemotionalecosystemrewardsbullyingandbrutalistbehaviour.Inaddition,theuseofTwittertomobilizetheemotionsofa speciﬁcconstituencyisalsoasigniﬁcantlegacyandtensionregardingtheTrumpWhite House.Statesaretakingadvantageofthisdynamicbyutilizingsocialmediaasacomponentoftheiroverallmassmediatechnologystrategytobroadcast “emotionallychargedmessagestoinducecompliancewithstaterule” (Warren 2014,112).

Discussion

Moralpanicsfunctionasapolicytoolforemotionalstate-crafttoshapethepolicyissue aroundadevianttargetpopulation.Trump’stweetsconstituteacompliancemechanism todeﬁnewhooperateswithinstateruleandwhoisoutside.Thisisespeciallyimportant whenpolicyandenforcementareabouttheacuteandemotionaldenotationofnorms againstaperceiveddeviantgroupinsociety.Armitage(2020)looksattheconnection betweenmoralpanicsandthetranspopulation.Theystate, “Themoralpaniconly exacerbatesthisdehumanisationoftranspeople,andalsothepersonalthreatthat manycisgenderpeoplefeel” (Armitage 2020,22).

ExploringtherhetoricofTrump’spresidencywithinTwitterisarelativelynascent topic.Inparticular,themechanismofmoralpanichasnotyetbeenexaminedextensively relativetotweetsfromTwitter.TheuseofTwitterisanotherlegacyofformerPresident Trump(OttandDickinson 2019;TimbergandDwoskin 2020).Usingtweetstoattacka communitysendsmessagesofunworthinessanddeviance.Thiscontributestothesocial constructionofapolicyimage,whichispowerfulenoughtocreateapolicysubsystem andgenerateanemotionalhabitus(Pepin-Neﬀ andCaporale 2018).

Moralentrepreneurship:PresidentTrump

WearguethatTrumpservedasamoralentrepreneur,becausemoralpanicsarenot generatedbymistake.Theycanserveasamodelofgovernancebyinvalidatingthe identityofthegroupaftergrouptoadvancepolicyafterpolicy.Trumpactsasa moralentrepreneur(Pepin-Neﬀ andCaporale 2018;SchneiderandIngram 2005)in thewayhetransfershisemotionsagainsttransgendertohisTwitterfollowers.This involvesthecirculationofaﬀect,orthe “consciousorunconscioustransmissionof emotionwithinasocialenvironment” (Ross 2014,21).Duncombe(2019,415) states, “Ifweseeothersdisplayanemotion,thisexperiencecanengenderan emotionalresponsewithinourselvesthatshares,attheveryleast, ‘threads’ ofthat initial,witnessedemotionaldisplay.”

Provokingangerisaformofbrutalitythatcanleadtoemotionally-chargedsolidarity andaction(Wahl-Jorgensen 2018).Therefore,brutalityactsasapoliticaldeviceand resourcefordeliveringamessagetoan “othered” group.Thisincludesrealigningpolitical penaltiesthatmakepossibletheviolationofnorms,ascandidatescanissuestatements thatare “veriﬁablyfalse,becalledoutonthesemisstatements,andpaynopolitical priceforthem” (DelliCarpini 2016,20).

Akeyelementofamoralpanicconstructionisconsensus.Thisreferstothegenerally agreed-uponunderstandingofthethreat,thecauseofthethreatbythecatalyticpopulationinquestion(GoodeandBen-Yehuda 1994,157).Thismaybeasmallpopulation oralargegroup.Thekeyissueisthattheyaremobilizingthepublicconcernedaboutthe issue.

FollowingthewickedtweetsbytheformerPresident,hedoubleddown(Trump 2017). On10August2017,Trumpstated:

Ihavegreatrespectforthecommunity.IthinkIhavegreatsupport – orI’vehadgreat supportfromthatcommunity.Igotalotofvotes.Butthetransgender – themilitaryis workingonitnow.They’redoingthework.It’sbeenaverydiﬃcultsituation.AndI thinkI’mdoingalotofpeopleafavorbycomingoutandjustsayingit.Asyouknow, it’sbeenaverycomplicatedissueforthemilitary AndIthinkI’mdoingthemilitarya greatfavor.

Unanimityiskeyformoralpanicssothatthethemesanddeviancearebothculturally understood.Basedona2017Reuters/Ipsosopinionpoll,49%ofRepublicansstatedthat transgenderAmericansshouldnotbeallowedtoserveinthemilitary,comparedto32% whosaidtheyshould.Inaddition,19%ofRepublicanswereundecided(Kahn 2017).

ThelegacyofformerPresidentTrumpiswhatpollsterCharlieCookcalls “abullywith apulpit” (Cook 2016).Trumpisabully,accordingtoKupferSchneider(2019),who statesthat “inlookingatPresidentDonaldTrump’srecordinthe ﬁrstyearofhisadministration,onemightarguethathisbullyinghasbeeneﬀectiveinlimitedinstances.” Edwards(2020,287)addstothisanalysisofTrumpin PresidentialStudiesQuarterly, noting

Althoughhismaingoalincriticizinghisopponentsistoweakenthem,italsoallowshimto highlightforhisbasethatheiskeepinghispromisetobeanirritanttopeopleinpower, callingoutthesacredcowsinWashington.

Indeed,thebullyingcharacterofPresidentTrumpwasnotadownsidetohisappeal; instead,itwasintegraltohisappeal.In2015,right-wingmemberswithintheRepublican partywerelookingforsomeonewhocoulddeliverconservativeagendaitems(Calmes 2015).KupferSchneider(2019)addsthatTrump’ s “stylesatisfieshispoliticalbase. Pollnumbersduringthecampaignheldsteadyevenashedenigratedeveryonefrom warheroestothehandicapped.Andtheelectionresultsseemedto,inhismind, rewardhisbehavior.” Indeed,moralpanicsareseenasadvantageoustomoralentrepreneurs.Bonn(2015,para5)states, “Centraltothemoralpanicconceptisanargumentthat publicconcernorfearoveranallegedsocialproblemismutuallybeneficialtostate officials – thatis,politiciansandlawenforcementauthorities – andthenewsmedia.”

Therewasalsoabeliefamongright-wingRepublicansthanpastRepublicanPresidents hadbeenpushoversregardingtheSupremeCourtandconservativeagendaissuessuchas gayandtransgenderrights.ReagannominatedAnthonyKennedyandSandraDay

O’Connor,bothseenasmoderates(Wolf 2018).GeorgeH.W.Bushhadnominated Souter,whowasviewedasaliberal(Hudson 2012),aswellasChiefJusticeRoberts, whoisperceivedtohavevotedforanddefendedtheconstitutionalityofObamacare (Barnesetal. 2020).By2015,thegoalofleadingevangelicalswasforapresidentialbulldozertodeliverontheiragenda.PresidentTrumpwasthebullytheywerelookingfor,to wintheculturewarsandtoobtainamajorityofconservativesontheCourt.

Policyissue:transgenderequality

TheissuethatmotivatestheTrumpmoralpanicistheideathattransgenderpeoplearea societalburdenbytheirexistence.Eveniftheywantnothing,theyareinvalidother.Asa result,thetrajectoryofpolicyenactmentsregardingtransgenderrightsundertheTrump administrationsetthestageforthemoralpanicontransgendermilitaryservice.

AfterbecomingPresident,amongTrump’ s ﬁrstactson20January2017,wasto removevariouspagesfromthewhitehouse.govwebsite,includingclimatechange, LGBTQ,civilrights,andhealthcare(Rocheleau 2017).On22February2017,theUS DepartmentofJustice(DOJ)issuedaletterthatwithdrewtransgenderstudentguidance followingtheSupremeCourtcaseofGavinGrimm,atranshighschoolstudentwho wantedtousetheboy’sbathroom(DOJ 2017).

On4October2017,theOfficeoftheAttorneyGeneralissuedamemodeclaring thattheDOJwouldnolongerarguethattransgenderpeoplecouldreceivefederalprotectionfromemploymentdiscrimination(OfficeoftheAttorneyGeneral 2017).Inthe followingyear,on26February2018,aNYCfederalappealscourtruledagainstDOJ thatthe1964CivilRightsActbansdiscriminatingagainstpeopleintheworkplace basedonsexualorientation(Zardav.AltitudeExpress,Inc. 2018).On21October 2018,TrumpandHHSaimedtocreatealegaldefinitionofgenderas “asabiological, immutableconditiondeterminedbygenitaliaatbirth” (Green,Benner,andPear 2018, para.1)torestrictprotectionsfortransgenderpeopleundertheCivilRightsAct.On 15June2020,NeilM.Gorsuch,aknownconservativeSupremeCourtjustice appointedbyTrump,sidedagainstTrumpinasix–threerulingthattheCivil RightsActprotectsLGBTemployeesfromdiscriminationbasedonsex(Bostock v.ClaytonCounty 2020).

Inaddition,on11May2018,theDOJissuedanoticethatinmateswouldbeplacedin prisonbasedontheirbiologicalsexandthathousingaccordingtogenderidentitywould onlybegrantedinrareinstances(DOJ 2018).On20June2019,theUSDepartmentof HousingandUrbanDevelopmentproposedarulepermittinghomelesssheltermanagers todeterminewhichservicestransgenderpeoplecouldaccess(Exec.OrderNo.13,771 2019).Furthermore,managerscouldbasetheirdecisionsaccordingtotheirownreligious beliefsaswellasotherfactors.

PeraproposedruleissuedbytheUSDepartmentofHomelandSecurity(DHS)on11 November2019,childwelfareorganizations,includingfostercareandadoptionagencies, couldturnawayprospectiveadoptiveparentswhoaregayyetstillreceivegrantsfunded bytaxpayers(Taylor 2019).Lastly,on12June2020,DHSandCentersforMedicareand MedicaidServicesjointlyissuedarulewhichremovesprotectionsfortransgender patientsagainstdiscriminationbydoctors,hospitals,andhealthinsurersforprocedures suchasgenderreassignmentsurgery(NondiscriminationinHealthandHealth

EducationProgramsorActivities 2020).Trumpcontinuedtoconstrictthedeﬁnitionof sexdiscriminationbytakingawayprotectionsfortransgenderpeople(Sanger-Katzand Weiland 2020).

GoodeandBen-Yehuda(1994,157)describetheelementofhostilityasthe “hostility” towardthedevianttargetpopulation,notingthat “membersarecollectivelydesignatedas theenemyofrespectable,law-abidingsociety;theirbehaviorisseenasharmfulorthreateningtothevalues,interests,wayoflife,possiblytheveryexistenceofthesociety.”

On13July2017,CongresswomanVickyHartzlerofMissouriintroducedtheHartzler Amendment(2017)tobanmedicalcarefortransgendertroopsintheUSArmedForces. Thiswasthe ﬁrststandaloneanti-transgenderlegislationinAmericanhistory. “The amendmentwasnarrowlydefeated,209-214.” Onthisvote,24Republicansjoined Democratstodefeatthelegislation.

Oneofthemostinﬂuentialconservativegroups,theFamilyResearchCouncil(FRC), alsocommented.TheSouthernPovertyLawCenter(2021,para.1)hasdesignatedFRC asahategroupbecausetheir “intentionistodenigrateLGBTQpeople.” FRCstatedthat theyhave “concernsaboutthepsychological ﬁtnessofpersonswhoidentifyastransgendertoserve(becauseofhighlevelsofpsychopathologywithinthatpopulation)” (Sprigg 2016,1)(Figure4).

Right-wingcommentatorAnnCoultercalledbeingtransgender “anextremely peculiarandrarementalillness” (Wisner 2017).Thepurposewasessentiallydesigned topushtranspeopleintosecond-classstatus.Forexample,JenniferWilliams,whowas anhonorarydelegateattheRepublicanNationalConventioninCleveland,Ohio,last summer,isatranswomanwhoadvocatesforLGBTQissueswithintheRepublican party.AsasupporterofTrump’sparty,theannouncementabouttransinthemilitary was “sadnewstome … IdofeellikelessofanAmericantoday” (PBSNewsHour 2017).

Disproportionalityisanotherfeatureofmoralpanics.Creatingadirectedsocialtrauma fortheperceiveddeviantgroupiscrucialtosendingamessagetothepopulationthatthey areunworthyandunderserving.GoodeandBen-Yehuda(1994,158)disproportionalityis when “theconcernisoutofproportiontothenatureofthethreat,thatitis,infact,considerablygreaterthanthatwhichasoberempiricalevaluationcouldsupport.”

TheAtlantic notesthatwhilesomeRepublicanshavelongwantedtocurtailtrans rights,themovebytheTrumpWhiteHousewasextreme,asitdecidedto “bannot thesurgery,buttheservicemembers” (Thompson 2019,para.3).Furthermore, Politico reportsthataseniorRepublicanaidestated, “ThisislikesomeonetoldtheWhiteHouse to lightacandleonthetableandtheWHsetthewholetableon ﬁre ” (BadeandDawsey 2017,para.12).

Figure4. HartzlerTransTweet.

Policytool:Twitter

GoodeandBen-Yehuda(1994)notethattransitioningmoralpanicepisodesintoaction requiresa “vehicle.” Twitterisuniqueinthewaythatitcanserveasavehicletospread devianceandstigmaasapolicytool.

FormerPresidentTrumphadover30millionTwitterfollowersin2017.Fromthis, TrumphadaperceivedemotionalauthenticityfromhisuseofTwitter,whichprovided himacommodityofpower(Shane 2018).Theemotionaltransferencethatallowsatweet tofacilitateamoralpanictohis “followers” isbasedonthecirculationofaﬀect.Theresult wasatransferenceofangertowardthetransgendercommunity.

Inaddition,Olutokunboetal.(2015,64)statethatsuchsocialmobilization “ campaignsaremostlyusedtomobilizeneedfullocal,nationalandinternationalavailable resourcesaroundaproposedsocialactionincorrectingsocialinjustice.” Thisiswhat Trumpusedtofacilitatemoralpanic,emotionaltransfer,andsocialmobilizationover Twitteragainstthetranscommunity.Therefore,thesocialtransmissionofemotionis possiblethroughsocialmediaplatforms,includingTwitter,aspeoplecanexpress emotionsbytweetingandusinghashtagstoinciteanemotionalresponse(Duncombe 2020).

Importantly,notalltweetsarecreatedequal.SomeTwitteraccountswithmorefollowersplacetheseusersinapositiontotransmitfeelingsaboutanissuetothepublic intheformofamoralpanic.Trumps’ Twitteraccountwasthetop-rankedTwitter accountontheservice.ThisenabledTwittertoserveasapolicytoolforTrumpasa moralentrepreneuranduseittoenforcearuleinwaysthatreturnpowertothe individual.

Armitage(2020,11)connectssocialmediatomoral,panics,andtransissues,stating that: “therecentsurgeinrelatedmedia,atransmoralpanicpropagatedthroughmainstreamandsocialmediaeasilycreatesmisinformedbeliefsabouttransissues.” Moreover, Walsh(2020,841)arguesthat “digitalplatformsandcommunicationsconstitutesigniﬁcanttargets,facilitators,andinstrumentsofpanicproduction.”

Indeed,theUSDistrictCourtfortheDistrictofColumbiaaddressedthemotivation behindthetranstweetsandfound:

[Trump]abruptlyannounced,viaTwitter – withoutanyoftheformalityordeliberative processesthatgenerallyaccompanythedevelopmentandannouncementofmajor policychangesthatwillgravelyaffectthelivesofmanyAmericans – thatalltransgenderindividualswouldbeprecludedfromparticipatinginthemilitaryinanycapacity. ThesecircumstancesprovideadditionalsupportforPlaintiffs ’ claimthatthedecisionto excludetransgenderindividualswasnotdrivenbygenuineconcernsregardingmilitary efficacy.

Itisimportant;therefore,nottominimizetheeﬀectofthePresidentoftheUnited Statestweetingatanidentityyourepresenttotakeawayyourrightsandlabelyouas an “other.” Trumps’ tweetsweredesignedtobullythetransgenderpopulationoutof themilitary,andmorebroadlytoinstigateamoralpanicthatsettransgenderpeople upasaburdentoAmericansociety.Thiswasanactofthestaterenderingthemvulnerablebasedontheiridentity(Crenshaw 1990).Theargumentwasmadethatanyinclusion oftheirindividualwasunworthyofacceptanceinthemilitarybecauseasindividualsthey

werea “problem” population.AccordingtoKupferSchneider(2019,217),Trump’ s “tweetsarenotactuallytostartanegotiation;theyarejustappealingtohisbase.”

AccordingtoDuncombe(2019:,419), “ThespaceofTwitterfacilitatesemotionalconditions,particularlyanger,thatcontributetoconflictescalationbyvirtueofthevery spaceofitscommunicationstructure.” Asaspacedesignedtocultivateanger,Twitter playsanintegralroleinescalatingorde-escalatingconflict.Asaresult,somemay find Trump’sbullyingofthetransgendercommunityexciting(Downs 1972,39;Young 2009,4).Moralpanicsusuallyinvolveabuildupofemotionandareleasewhenthe oppressorspunishamarginalizeddeviantcommunity.

Inrecentyears,Twitterhasbecomeincreasinglyvaluableforglobalpolitics.To reshapeordeliberatelyintensifypoliticalcrises,statesemployandcontendwith Twitter(Duncombe 2019;Zeitzoﬀ 2018;Zeitzoﬀ,Kelly,andLotan 2015).Withtactics includingtweetstorms,memewars,anddiplomatictrolling,Twitterhasbeentransformedfromasocialcommunicationstoolintoamajorplatformwherestatescan convey,develop,andissuepolicyresponses(StoleeandCaton 2018).

TherearedomesticandinternationallegaciestoPresidentTrump’sleadershipin attackingthetranscommunity.On29May2020,Connecticutissuedarule denyingtransgenderstudentsfromparticipatinginsportsbasedontheirgenderidentity(LevensonandVigdor 2020).Inaddition,internationallegacyandimpactcanbe seeninAustraliaasMarkLatham,anAustralianpoliticianandformermemberofthe LiberalDemocrats,suggestedin2017thatAustraliashouldfollowDonaldTrump’ s leadandbantransgenderpeoplefrombeingallowedtoserveinthemilitary(Jones 2017).

Conclusion

ThearticlehasarguedformerPresidentTrumpservedasamoralentrepreneur.Heused hisplatformasPresidenttoleverageTwitterasatoolthatestablishednationalpolicy. Trump’stweetswerethevehicletodeliveramoralpanicthatmadetransgenderAmericansdeviantsoutsideofsociety.Inshort,Trumpisresponsibleforamoralpanic presidency.

ThisPresidentialconcernledtoincreasedhostility,withRep.VickyHartzlerintroducingfederallegislationtoendtransrightstomilitaryservice.AnnCoulterpaintedtrans peopleasthreateningAmerica’swayoflifeandvalues.TheFamilyResearchCouncilsaid transpeoplemightbementallyill.Overtime,adegreeofconsensuswasreached,but mainlyamongRepublicansagainsttransgenderAmericans.

Trumpconsistentlypropagatedthismessagethroughouthisfouryearsinoﬃce, sendinga ﬁrestormoftweetstovirtuallysubverttherights,freedoms,andvoicesoftransgenderindividuals.ItmaybethatTwitterasapublicspaceispronetobullyingbehaviour asastructuralelementofitssocialmediaidentity.Themorebrutalthetweet,themore vulnerablethetarget,themorefollowers,andthemore “likes.” TheproblemwithTwitter asamodeofgovernanceisthatitimpactstherelationshipbetweenthestateandthe public,rewardingthepoliticalarsonistwithmorematchesandfacilitatingtheenvironmentinwhichmoralpanicscanbeusedtorepeatedlyharmmarginalizedcommunities.

Inall,Trump’stransgendermoralpaniccouldleadto “moreseriousandlong-lasting repercussionsandmightproducesuchchangesasthoseinlegalandsocialpolicyoreven

inthewaysocietyconceivesitself” (Cohen 1972,9).Withoutquestion,Trump’sstrategy wasintentionallypolitical,aﬀective,andcrueltowardavulnerablepopulationonly lookingtobeheardandinsteaddenigratedasanoutsider.

Disclosurestatement

Nopotentialconﬂictofinterestwasreportedbytheauthor(s).

Notesoncontributors

ChristopherPepin-Neﬀ isaSeniorLecturerinPublicPolicyintheDepartmentofGovernmentand InternationalRelationsattheUniversityofSydney.Hisresearchfocusesonagenda-setting, emotions,andLGBTQpolitics.

AaronCohen hasaBachelor’sdegreeinBusinessfromBostonUniversityandaMaster’sDegreein SustainableDevelopmentandCulturalStudiesfromLeipzigUniversity.

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President Trump's first term transgender moral panic

President Trump’s transgender moral panic