Pardis oct 2017 digital edition

‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺹ‪۳‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ‪۴‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‬

‫ﺹ ‪۱۰‬‬

‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ‪۱۵‬‬

‫»ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪Send an email to:‬‬

‫‪pardismag@gmail.com‬‬

‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ‪۲۰‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪۳۹‬‬

‫ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ‪۲۶‬‬

‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺵ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬

‫ﺹ ‪۳۲‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﺷﻬﺮ ‪۳۹‬‬

‫ﺷﻌﺮ ‪۳۷‬‬

‫ﮔﻠﭙﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ؛‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺹ‪۷‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ‪۴۰‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﻝ ‪۳۳‬‬

‫ﻇﺮﻳﻒ‪ :‬ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ »ﻓﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪ« ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ »ﻓﻦﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺮﻱ« ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‪» ،‬ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ« ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﮊﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺾ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﻠﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﮑﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺘﻴﮏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﻢ ﻣﺎﺗﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺭﮐﺲ ﺗﻴﻠﺮﺳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺑﺮﺕ ﺭﻳﻤﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﮏﻣﺴﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ »ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﮑﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺘﻴﮏ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﮑﺎﻡ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﮑﺎﻡ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ـ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻨﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮊﻳﺎﺋﻮ ﻭﺍﻧﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﻣﮏ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺍﺭ ﺯﺍﮐﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻧﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪(770) 973-0506 :‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1396‬‬

‫‪October 2017‬‬

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‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﻠﻮﻓﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﻘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻥﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺣﻮﺻﻠﮕﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺲ ﻏﻤﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻋﻼﻗﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺲ ﺑﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺸﻮﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﻴﻤﮕﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺣﻮﺻﻠﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻋﻼﻗﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﴼ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻼﻳﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻢ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺧﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻲﺣﻮﺻﻠﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺰﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬

‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻐﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻐﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻊ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﺎﮐﺘﻮﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬

‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﮑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬

‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ )ﻧﻮﺭﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ( ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺭﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻼﺗﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﺮﺷﺢ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۶۰‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺟﻌﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﻪ ﻭﻳﺘﺎﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺬﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬

‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﺳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺒﺰﻳﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﻫﻦ ﻳﺎ ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﺎﻣﻴﻦ »ﺩ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻼﻳﻢ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺁﻫﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭﻳﺘﺎﻣﻴﻦ »ﺩ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﻱ‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﺗﺎﻥ ﻏﻢﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﮐﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻭﺩ‪ ۲۵ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻲ ﺣﺲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮏﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ‪ ۱۵‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﭘﺮﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﺩﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻣﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲﺍﺵ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺳﻦ ﺩﻳﻪﮔﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﮐﺮﻳﺴﻤﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻡ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺧﺘﺨﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﺰ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺣﮑﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻭﺩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۴۵‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﻋﻼﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ »ﺯﺣﻤﺖ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻡ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻠﻮﻍﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺣﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﮑﻲ ﻟﻴﺪﺑﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ »ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؛ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﴼ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻟﻴﺪﺑﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻠﻲ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ »ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺷﻮﺩ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺀ ﺣﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ـ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻠﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻣﭙﺴﻮﻥ ـ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺱ ـ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻠﻮﻍﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺳﻂ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻬﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻨﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﭙﺴﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻋﺎﺩﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺷﺮﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﺣﺎﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻼ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﮐﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮑﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻤﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻭﺩ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮒ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ »ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ« ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۶۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻳﻠﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﮐﻮﻟﻮﻥ )ﭘﺲﺭﻭﺩﻩ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺳﺘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺯﺍﻟﻤﻌﺪﻩ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻮﺳﻤﻲ )ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻥ( ﻭ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﺣﺎﮐﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺗﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻮﺭﺳﻴﺘﻲ ﮐﺎﻟﺞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ‪ ۱۶۳‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ ۳۰۰‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۴‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ۳۰۰‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻫﻮﺭﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﮐﻮﺭﺗﻴﺰﻭﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ »ﺩﻱﺍﻥﺍﻱ« ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﮐﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﻟﻮﺯﺍﻟﻤﻌﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﮑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﮐﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫‪ ۵۹‬ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺱ ﻭﮔﺎﺱ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻻﺱ ﻭﮔﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻮﺍﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ۵۹‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۵۰۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ‪ ۶۴‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺪﮎ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ‪ ۳۲‬ﻫﺘﻞ »ﻣﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺑﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﮐﺎﻧﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺣﺎﻥ ﻭﺧﻴﻢ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﻻﺱ ﻭﮔﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ )ﺍﻑ‪.‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺁﻱ( ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﮊﺩﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻋﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺟﻮ ﻟﻮﻣﺒﺎﺭﺩﻭ ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮ ﻻﺱ ﻭﮔﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ »ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻱ« ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺘﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻭ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻗﺒﻀﻪ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ »ﻣﺴﮑﻴﺖ ـ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻮﺍﺩﺍ« ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۲۲‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺱ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺩﺍﻧﻠﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪(770) 973-0506 :‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1396‬‬

‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ‪ ۲۰۱۸‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۹‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ،۲۰۱۶‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﺀﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﮐﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻠﺮﺳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮐﻤﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪October 2017‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﻮﺵ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﻣﻬﻮﺵ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻣﻴﺖ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻮﺵ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۸۶‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻋﻀﻮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫‪ ۵۴‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ »ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﺷﻐﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ ۵۷‬ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺳﻮﺍﺩﺁﻣﻮﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺶ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ ۱۳۸۷‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ‪» ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻗﺖﻓﺮﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﮐﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬

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‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ«‪» ،‬ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ« ﻭ »ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺮﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۳‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻴﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻔﻮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۳۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎﻡ؛‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻊ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻗﻢ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻊ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻼﻕ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻊ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﮑﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ »ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎﻡ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﮑﺬﻳﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺸﺎﺭﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ )ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺬﻭﺭﻳﻢ( ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻼﻕ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻊ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﮑﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻥﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻌﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﺎﮐﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﮑﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ۱۳۹۴‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻭﺧﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ«‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﮑﺮ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﺠﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬

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‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻬﺮﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻭﺭﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬

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‫ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﮑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﭼﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﮓﻳﺎﻧﮓ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﻟﺤﻦ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻲ« ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﺴﺐ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻲ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮐﻞ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ‪۹۰‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﻟﻮﺱ ﭘﻮﺟﺪﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۳۳‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮ ﺭﺍﺧﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺃﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻔﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﮓﻳﺎﻧﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ »ﭘﻠﻴﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ« ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ »ﺣﺪﺍﮐﺘﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻤﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺭﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﮐﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮑﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻲ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮐﻞ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮐﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺻﺒﺎﻏﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺋﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺧﺎﻣﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮐﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻲ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮐﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ۷۹ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬

‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۴۰‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮐﻞ ﺗﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۷۳‬ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮐﻠﻲ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻲ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮐﻞ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ ۵۶‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ ۱۳۵۷‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۵۹‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۶۷‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪۱۳‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۱۳۸۰‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ـ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ،۱۳۸۸‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۰‬ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ ۳‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۸۸‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ ۱۳۹۲‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻫﻴﻨﮕﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺘﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬

‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﻫﻴﻨﮕﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﻫﻴﻨﮕﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﻫﻴﻨﮕﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻼﻳﻤﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻤﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻫﻴﻨﮕﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﻫﻴﻨﮕﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺠﺎﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﮐﻮﭼﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﻫﻴﻨﮕﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻣﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۸۲‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﻫﻴﻨﮕﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﻐﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺧﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﻫﻴﻨﮕﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫)ﺑﺮﻣﻪ( ﺭﺍ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻼﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺧﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬

‫‪۶‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﻫﻴﻨﮕﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ‪ ۲۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﮐﻤﮏ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻫﻴﻨﮕﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﮐﻨﻮﻥ ‪ ۴۲۲‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻫﻴﻨﮕﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﮑﺎﺭﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻫﻴﻨﮕﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻭ‪ .‬ﺟﻲ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻤﭙﺴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺍﻭ‪ .‬ﺟﻲ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻤﭙﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۳۳‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫‪ ۹‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻮﺍﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﭙﺴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻫﺘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۷‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﭙﺴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ ۵‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۷‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻳﮏ ﻫﺘﻞ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﭙﺴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ ۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ ۶۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲﻓﻀﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ‪ ۱۲‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۶۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺒﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻃﻼﻕ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲﻓﻀﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺗﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۱‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ‪۶۰۰‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ »ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ‪ ۶۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ« ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۵‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪ ۳۸,۶‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪(770) 973-0506 :‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1396‬‬

‫ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﻀﻠﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ‪ ۹,۸‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﮑﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﮑﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ »ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﮑﻴﮏ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﮐﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪۷۳۰‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۱۳۹۵‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪۲۰۰‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﮑﻴﮏ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۱‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۱۵‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ( ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﻊ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫)ﻧﻘﺎﺏ( ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫»ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ ۱۵۰‬ﺯﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺃﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۱‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﻊ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺮﮐﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﮐﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ »ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺕ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﻟﺘﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ »ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ«‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬

‫‪October 2017‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻟﺘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏ »ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ« ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ ‪ ۱۳,۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﴼ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺘﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﻨﻮ ﻟﻮ ﮊ ﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮ ﺟﺮ ﺳﻲ «‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﺮﺟﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﺌﻮﻧﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﭘﺘﺮﻳﮏ ﻫﺮﻣﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﻮﺋﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺟﻴﺴﻮﻥ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﺮﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻣﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﺌﻮﻧﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ »ﺁﻟﺖ ـ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ »ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ« ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻞ(‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﺴﻮﻥ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﺮﺟﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺟﻤﻊ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻧﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻋﮑﺲ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺮﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻧﺌﻮﻧﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﺖ ـ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ »ﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺘﻮ ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﻧﻴﻮﺟﺮﺳﻲ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﺘﺎ“ ﺟﺮﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ )‪ (lecturer‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺟﺮﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﺮﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻊ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮒﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ «.‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ« ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺕ ﮐﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﮔﻠﭙﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﺠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﺠﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ »ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺳﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ‪ ۷۷‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻒﺑﺎﺭ ﭼﻐﻠﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺁﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻱ؟ ﻭ‪ «...‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻒ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﮑﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺤﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺧﻄﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻂ ﮐﺸﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ »ﺍﻟﻒ« ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ »ﺏ« ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ »ﺧﻮﺩﻱ« ﻭ »ﻏﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ« ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺎ ﺭﺧﻨﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ »ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﻳﻲ« ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ »ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻲ«‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ »ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻟﻲ« ﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ »ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ«‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ »ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﺺ« ﻳﺎ »ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﭘﻠﻨﮕﻲ« ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﮕﺮﻳﺰﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺷﻠﻴﮏ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ـ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮐﺎﺫﺏ ـ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻫﺐ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ ۵۷‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺵ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺰﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺷﻨﻲ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ )»ﺩﻝ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ«(‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﮐﻪ‪» ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻳﺎﺣﻘﻲ«ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﻒﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺐ ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۶۷‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۸۸‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﭘﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﮐﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮓ »ﺑﺎ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺨﻨﺪﻳﻢ؟ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺪﮎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺷﺐ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻻﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺮ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﮑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮔﻠﭙﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺰﻣﻲ ﮔﻠﭙﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ »ﻣﻮﻱ ﺳﭙﻴﺪ ﺭﻭ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ« ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ‪ ۱۷‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ »ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻫﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ )ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻱ« ﻭ »ﺑﻨﺎﻥ« ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻠﭙﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﮑﻨﻴﮏ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ »ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ« ﻳﺎ ﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ »ﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﻗﻴﺎ«ﻱ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻨﺠﺮﻩﺍﺵ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻄﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ »ﺿﺪ ﻫﻨﺮ« ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻠﭙﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﮑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ »ﺭﺑﻨﺎ« ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﺮﮐﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻫﺒﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺍﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺷﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻳﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ« ﻭ »ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ« ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﻓﻴﻼﺩﻟﻔﻴﺎ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺤﺶﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ »ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﭖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﺮﻭﺯ« ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۶۰‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺸﻖﻫﺎﻱ »ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻲ« ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﻟﻌﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺃﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮐﺸﻢ ﻭ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ـ ﺣﺘﻲ ـ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﻳﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬

‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻤﻮﺷﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﺸﻤﮏ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺑﻲ ﮐﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﺍﻣﻦ ﮐﻪ ـ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺷﺎﻧﺲ« ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﺣﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﮑﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻲ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪» ،‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻐﺮﺽﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﮐﺮﺩﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺷﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻠﭙﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ »ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﺨﻲ« ﻭ »ﮔﻠﭙﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ »ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ« ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﮑﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺪﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻲ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺵ ﺑﻲ ﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺑﺮﻩ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﺙ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺵ ﺷﺎﻧﺲﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﮔﻠﭙﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﺭﺽ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺵ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﮑﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﻠﭙﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﻥﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻱ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡﺗﺮ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ »ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﺩ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ«‪» ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﭽﻴﻦ« )ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ(‪» ،‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩﺯﺍﺩﻩ«‪» ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺪﻱ«‪» ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ« ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ »ﺭﺑﻨﺎ«ﻱ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺣﺮﻣﺘﻲ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ »ﺑﻮﻱ ﻋﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﭖ«‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﮑﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﺑﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮒ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻲﺁﺯﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﻮﻱ ﻋﻴﺪﻱ« ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻭﺍﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪(770) 973-0506 :‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1396‬‬

‫‪October 2017‬‬

‫ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻠﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺗﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻭﻳﺰﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺗﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮐﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻭﻳﺰﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﮐﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﻭﻳﺰﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻭﻳﺰﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺗﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ؟‬

‫ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﮐﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺰﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﺍﻡ« ﻭ »ﺍﻑ« ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻱ »ﺟﻲ ـ‪ «۱‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻤﺎﮐﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﺰﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻏﺮﺑﺎﻟﮕﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺗﻲ ﮐﻤﺎﮐﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺗﻲ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﮐﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﻣﺪﺕ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻳﺰﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﮏ )ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ( ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﺰﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ؟‬

‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺗﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ‪ ۹۰‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺗﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺗﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ »ﭘﺮﻭﺗﮑﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ« ﻭ »ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻭﻳﺰﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻤﭙﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﻠﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮ‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﻤﭙﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﮐﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺗﻮﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ« ﻭ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻫﺮﺍﺳﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺏ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ـ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﮐﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪» ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻳﺴﮏ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻤﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻤﭙﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﮑﻴﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺗﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ )ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ( ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﮑﻠﻴﻒ ﺩﻭﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﻦﮐﺎﺭﺗﻲﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬

‫ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ )ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﻦﮐﺎﺭﺕ )ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ( ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻳﺰﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻳﺎ ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ ۳‬ﻭ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۲۴‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ )ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ( ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ..‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۷‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ؟‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۲۵‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ۱۳۲۰‬ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﻮﻑ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﮑﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﮊﺍﭘﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺻﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺍﺗﻴﻮﭘﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﮊﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﭼﮑﺴﻠﻮﺍﮐﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﺻﻤﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺿﺪ ﮐﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻃﻠﺒﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺎﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻃﻠﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ »ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﮐﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۱۳۱۶‬ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﮐﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺒﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻮﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﮐﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﺻﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﭼﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺸﺘﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮒ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﭼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ...‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮐﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ۱۳۲۰‬ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﻧﮏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﮎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﮑﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺮﻧﻒ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺭﻳﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻟﻮﺗﻒ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺪ ـ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﮑﻮ ـ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ‪ ۱۹۲۱‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﮑﻮ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎ ﻓﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﮎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻲ ﺁﮔﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ ۱‬ـ ﺗﺮﮎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻃﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ۲‬ـ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ۳‬ـ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺣﻖﺍﻟﺴﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﮐﻤﺎﮐﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻼﺕ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻭﺍﻳﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ۱۹۴۱‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺮﻑ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪(770) 973-0506 :‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1396‬‬

‫‪October 2017‬‬

‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﻖ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۶‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۲۵‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ،۱۳۲۰‬ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪﺵ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ »ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ« ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪۲۶‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ۱۳۲۰‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻮ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ؟« ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۲۵‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ۱۳۲۰‬ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۲۵‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﮑﻠﻴﻒ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﮎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۲۵‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۲۶‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﴼ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻠﺶ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﺒ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺮﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺑﻤﺒﺌﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻤﺒﺌﻲ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ »ﮊﻭﻫﺎﻧﺴﺒﻮﺭﮒ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ۱۳۲۳‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺮﻭﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻫﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪﻱ ﺣﺮﻳﺺ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺭﺣﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻣﻮﺯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮑﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۱۳۲۸‬ﺟﺴﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

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Don’t know much about buying a home?

That’s okay. We do.

Whether you’re buying a home or considering a refinance, the experts at SunTrust Mortgage are here to help you understand your choices, so you can find the mortgage plan that best fits your lifestyle and budget.

We offer a wide range of competitive financing including conventional, government, and even specialty mortgages for physicians and dentists.1 Whatever your financing needs, we’ll take the stress out of what seems unfamiliar and do what it takes to help you move forward.

Confidence starts with a conversation. Contact me today.

Masoud Hosseini Mortgage Loan Officer 301.961.0908 Office 301.537.8897 Cell NMLSR # 532675 masoud.hosseini@suntrust.com suntrust.com/masoud.hosseini

Available only in AL, AR, DE, FL, GA, MD, MS, NC, SC, TN, VA, WV, DC and select counties in PA to licensed Residents, Interns, Fellows in MD, DO and DPM programs and licensed Physicians and Dentists (MD, DO, DPM, DDS, DMD) who have completed their training within the last ten years. Doctors with over ten years post training need to be members of SunTrust Private Wealth Management or belong to a practice that is part of Private Wealth Management to be eligible for this product. Ten year restriction does not apply when refinancing an existing SunTrust Doctor Loan. Other program restrictions may apply, please consult your Loan Officer for details.

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Equal Housing Lender. SunTrust Mortgage, Inc. - NMLS #2915, 901 Semmes Avenue, Richmond, VA 23224, 1-800-634-7928. CA: licensed by the Department of Business Oversight under the California Residential Mortgage Lending Act, IL: Illinois Residential Mortgage Licensee, MA: Mortgage Lender license #-ML-2915, NJ: Mortgage Banker License - New Jersey Department of Banking and Insurance, NY: Licensed Mortgage Banker—NYS Department of Financial Services, and RI: Rhode Island Licensed Lender. ©2017 SunTrust Banks, Inc. SunTrust and SunTrust Mortgage are federally registered service marks of SunTrust Banks, Inc. Rev: 8.25.17

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‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1396‬‬

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‫روﯾﺪاد‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ »ﭘﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﻱ«‬

‫ﻫﻴﻮ ﻫﻔﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﭘﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﻱ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪۹۱‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ »ﭘﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺮﭘﺮﺍﻳﺰ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۵۳‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ »ﭘﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ »ﭘﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۵۳‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﮑﺲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻣﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻧﺮﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﺍﮊ »ﭘﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ‪ ۷‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻮﭘﺮ ﻫﻔﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ »ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ« ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﻨﺮ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮐﺎﺯﻳﻨﻮ ﻭ ﮐﻠﻮﭖ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﻨﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻼﺗﺶ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻼﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺲ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﻨﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﻬﺠﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۲۰۵۰‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۱‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ‪۷,۵‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۵۰‬ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺶ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﺯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ‪ ۱,۲‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺑﻪ ‪ ۲,۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۵۰‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬

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‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۱۰۰‬ﺑﻪ ‪ ۴,۴‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ »ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻣﺮﮒﻭﻣﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻗﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ« ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ـ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۲۰۱۷‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ ۳,۹۳‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۵۰‬ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﮐﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻳﮑﻢ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۱‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﮑﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۵۰‬ﻫﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﻨﺞ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۲,۵‬ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ )ﻫﺮ ﺯﻥ ‪۱,۲‬‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺩﮎ( ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮ )ﻫﺮ ﺯﻥ ‪ ۳,۷‬ﮐﻮﺩﮎ(‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮊﻳﻞ ﭘﻴﺰﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﴼ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﮑﺎﻑﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺰﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ‪ ۳‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﴼ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻪﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﺪ )ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۱,۳۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﭽﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬

‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﭽﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ‬ ‫‪ ۸۱‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳﺒﮏ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ(‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺯﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﭽﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺯﻧﻴﻦ ﮔﻠﭽﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﺮﮒ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﭽﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۱۵‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۲‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺭﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻠﭽﻴﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۳۹‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۵۴‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﮐﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺷﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﮑﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﭘﻮﺭﺗﺮﺍﺏ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﮔﻠﭽﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۵۰‬ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ »ﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻮﺑﻬﺎﺭ« ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﮔﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺘﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ »ﻣﺮﻍ ﺳﺤﺮ«‪» ،‬ﻧﺎﻭﮎ ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ«‪» ،‬ﻗﺼﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻖ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺴﺒﺐ«‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﻪ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻢ« ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡﻫﺎﻱ »ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺻﺒﺎ« ﻭ »ﺯﻟﻒ ﺑﻨﻔﺸﻪ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ »ﮔﺮﻳﺰ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻬﺒﺎﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﺍﺑﺘﻬﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ ۳۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﭽﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﻲ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﻃﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪» ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﭽﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳﺒﮏ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۳۰۰‬ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫»ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺱﺯﺍﺗﺮﻳﻦ«‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ »ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﮎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺵﺷﺎﻧﺲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ »ﺯﻳﭗﺟﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ‪ ۱۵۰‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺩﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﮐﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮐﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﮏ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺷﺘﻮﺗﮕﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻧﻮﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﻭ ﻫﺎﻣﺒﻮﺭﮒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﻟﻮﮐﺰﺍﻣﺒﻮﺭﮒ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺸﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺩﻩﺗﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﻥ‬ ‫)ﺳﻮﻳﻴﺲ( ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﺩﻭ )ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ(‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻳﻨﺒﻮﺭﮒ )ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ( ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺩﻩﺗﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻌﺮ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ‪ ۱۴۵‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ ۱۵۰‬ﺗﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻻﮔﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﮐﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺩﺍﮐﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻠﻲ ﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﮐﺮﺍﭼﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺱﺯﺍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻴﺮ‬

‫ﺷﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﮐﻤﮑﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺶ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷﻴﺮ ﮔﺎﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۸۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻻﮐﺘﻮﺯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻻﮐﺘﻮﺯ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻗﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻻﮐﺘﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻟﺒﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻟﺮﮊﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻨﻮﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﻬﺎﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﺗﺴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ »ﻣﺎﮐﺲ ﺭﻭﺑﻨﺮ«‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﮐﻠﺴﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺌﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻊ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮒ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﻴﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﻣﻐﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ـ ﻋﺮﻭﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺷﻴﺮ‬

‫‪۱۶‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۰۰‬ﮔﺮﻡ ﭘﻨﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﺘﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ‪ ۸۴‬ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ ۲۴‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﭘﻨﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۶۵‬ﮔﺮﻡ ﭘﻨﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺌﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺌﻴﻦ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺷﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺌﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺌﻴﻦ ﺗﺨﻢ ﻣﺮﻍ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻏﻼﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﮐﺘﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻻﮐﺘﻮﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺩﻝ ﺩﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺦ ﻣﻌﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻬﺎﻝ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻼﺕ ﺷﮑﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻠﺴﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﮐﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﻠﺴﻴﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﻋﻀﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮐﺮﺩ ﻗﻠﺐ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﻲﮐﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺰﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺩﻳﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻧﺰﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺰﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺌﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﮏ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪(770) 973-0506 :‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1396‬‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ؛‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺳﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬

‫‪October 2017‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻮﺍ ﭘﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﻴﭙﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ؟ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﮐﻴﺴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻴﭙﺲ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬

‫ﻓﻀﺎﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺳﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺎﺳﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻲ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺳﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮐﺎﻭﺷﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺎﻭﺷﮕﺮ ﮐﺎﺳﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۴‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﺎﺕ ﮐﺎﻭﺷﮕﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻫﻮﻳﮕﻨﺰ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﻴﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺳﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ »ﻫﻮﻳﮕﻨﺰ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۵‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻤﺮ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﮐﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﭼﺮﺧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻴﺴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻴﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭼﻴﭙﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻴﭙﺲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺘﺮﻭﮊﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺘﺮﻭﮊﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻟﮑﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭼﻴﭙﺲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﮐﻴﺴﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺘﺮﻭﮊﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻴﭙﺲﻫﺎ ﺗﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﮐﻴﺴﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺘﺮﻭﮊﻥ ﺑﻲ ﺑﻮ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻃﻌﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻃﻌﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﭙﺲﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻮ ﻭ ﻃﻌﻢ ﭼﻴﭙﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﭙﺲﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺘﺮﻭﮊﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻴﺴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺴﻴﮋﻥ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻟﮑﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻴﭙﺲ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﭙﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﮐﻴﺴﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻣﻠﮕﻲ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻮﺷﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻨﻮﺷﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﮑﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﮐﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬

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‫‪PA‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ۱۹۵۰‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﮑﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻲﺧﻄﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻼﺍﺷﮑﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﮑﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻮﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺲ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﮑﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﮑﻠﻲ ﺑﻨﻮﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﻠﻲﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﻳﮏ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﮔﻴﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻳﮏ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﮑﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺷﮑﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻴﻦ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﮎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﮑﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮑﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻣﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﮑﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺳﻘﻂ ﺟﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻭﺩﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﮑﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﮐﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻟﻮﺋﻴﺰﺍ ﺯﻭﮐﻮﻟﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ‪ ۲۶‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﻧﻨﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﮐﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﮑﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ ۷‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۸‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺳﺒﮏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﮑﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺜﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﭼﮑﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺯﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﺭﺱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﮑﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﭙﻴﮕﻞﻫﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻤﺒﺮﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻳﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﮑﻠﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﮑﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻥ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﮕﻲ ﻭﻳﺘﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﻳﺘﺴﻮﻥ ‪ ۵۷‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۶۶۰‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻦ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻒ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻣﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۵۳۴‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﮏ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ‪۱۰۰‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ‪ ۴۰۰‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲ ﭼﺮﺧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﻳﺘﺴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﺶ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ‪ ۶‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﮕﻲ ﻭﻳﺘﺴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﻮﻭﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﻴﻮﺷﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۶‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۲‬ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۷‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﻳﺘﺴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ ۵۷‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ‪ ۴‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ‬ ‫»ﺍﻭﻭﻩ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻮﻥ« ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ‪ ۵‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻳﻮﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ »ﻣﮑﻠﻨﺒﻮﺭﮒ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﮑﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۷۸‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﺍﻭﻭﻩ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺷﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﮑﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬

‫ﺑﮑﺸﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﮑﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺀﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ (۱۳۶۷) ۱۹۸۸‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻣﺲﮐﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﻨﻠﻨﺪﻓﺎﻟﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺒﻮﺣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻳﺪﮔﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ ۵۷‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۱۳۷۰‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﮐﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﻟﻪ ‪ ۱۴‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻫﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﺒﮏ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻡ ﻭ ﮐﻔﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺵ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏﺧﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ »ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻫﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﻤﻴﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬

‫ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﺗﻴﻨﮕﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﺰ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ )ﻗﺸﺮ ﺣﺮﮐﺘﻲ( ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬

‫»ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺭﺍﺩﻱ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻤﻴﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ »ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺭﺍﺩﻱ« ـ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﮐﻼﻡ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻨﺪﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺗﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﺗﻴﻨﮕﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﺧﻤﻴﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻤﻴﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﻧﺨﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺮﮐﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻴﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﺧﻤﻴﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻴﮏ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺮﮐﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺭﺍﺩﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۳۶‬ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻤﻴﺎﺯﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﮑﺸﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺧﻤﻴﺎﺯﻩ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ«‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺧﻤﻴﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮏ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ« ﻗﺸﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺣﺮﮐﺘﻲ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ »ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮏ ﻣﻐﻨﺎﻃﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﺰ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺣﺮﮐﺘﻲ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮏ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﺧﻤﻴﺎﺯﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺟﻮﺭﺟﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﮑﺴﻮﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻮﺭﺕ )ﺗﻴﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﮐﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻲ( ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮏﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﮏﻫﺎ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺗﻴﺴﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﮑﺴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ »ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﻢ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮏ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻮﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﺼﺒﻲ ﻣﻐﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﮑﻮﺱ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻐﺰ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬

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‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﯾﯽاز‬

‫‪News from Afghanistan‬‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪(770) 973-0506 :‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1396‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺣﮑﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺶ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻣﺎﺗﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ )ﺩﺍﻋﺶ( ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ »ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ« ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻨﺲ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﻟﺘﻨﺒﺮﮒ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮐﻞ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺗﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﮑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﮐﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭼﻤﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ‪ ۱۱‬ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﮐﻞ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﮑﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﻠﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ )ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﺧﻼﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﭘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ـ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۱‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۱‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﮐﺖ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» ،‬ﺗﻮﭖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻋﻼﻳﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﮑﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬

‫ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ »ﺍﻧﮑﺸﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ )ﮐﺎﺑﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ( ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﮐﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻴﺼﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﺎﺕﺍﷲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﺳﭙﻬﺮ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ »ﺍﻧﮑﺸﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱﺗﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﮑﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﻲ ﻭ ﻃﻨﺰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺀ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻋﮑﺲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ »ﺍﻧﮑﺸﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮔﻠﺒﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻔﺶ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺗﮑﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫]ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﺷﺎﻧﻲ[ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺕ )ﺑﺎﻍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ( ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺘﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﮑﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ« ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻲ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ”ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺼﻤﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﺷﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﮐﻔﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﮑﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺘﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ »ﺻﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ« ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺳﺖﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺒﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﻔﺶ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﮑﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺪﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﮐﻔﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻘﺪﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﮑﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ‪ ۲۳‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﮐﻔﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺣﮑﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﺷﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫»ﻧﻔﺮﺕ« ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫‪October 2017‬‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺩﺍﻣﻴﭽﻲ ﻳﺎﻣﺎﻣﻮﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﮐﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﻣﺎﻣﻮﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﮏ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ )ﺩﺍﻋﺶ( ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫»ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﮐﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺻﻼﺡﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۲۰‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ‬ ‫»ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻳﻢ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻱ ـ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ »ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ« ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻨﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﻟﻮﮒ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺼﻮﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ« ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۶۹‬ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﮎ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﻠﻪ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬

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‫ﮐﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﮑﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ »ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ۱۹۶۰‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ »ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ« ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻥﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ‬

‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺗﻴﮏ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺄ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺼﻢ ﻣﺘﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺑﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ« ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻧﺪ ﺣﻮﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ »ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻃﺎﻕ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺸﺖ )ﺁﺟﺮ(‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪۱۹‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﮐﻨﺎﻥ »ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﮏ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺑﻠﮏ ﻣﺠﻴﮏ« ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺻﺪ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ‪۸‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻲﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪۲۱‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺯﻣﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ‪ ۲۳۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۶‬ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﻲﺟﻴﺴﺘﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ ۶۲‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ ‪ ۶۷۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ‪ ۳۳۵‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ‪۲۰۱‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺯﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﮐﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ‪ ۲۵۴‬ﻣﺪﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۹۷‬ﻣﺪﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫»ﻧﻔﺲ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﺁﺑﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺱ ﺍﻟﻮﻧﺪ )ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ )ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒﻧﻴﺎ )ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ(‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ )ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺗﻴﺎﻥ )ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺻﺪﺭﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ )ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺳﻲ )ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ(‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﮐﻴﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ )ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ( ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫)ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ( ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬

‫ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻧﻔﺲ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﺁﺑﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﺭﺍ »ﻧﻔﺲ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺰ »ﻧﻔﺲ«‪» ،‬ﺭﮒ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺍﷲ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎﻻﺭﻳﺎ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺷﻬﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ »ﻭﻳﻼﻳﻲﻫﺎ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺪﻱ ﺳﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻔﺲ« ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ‪ ۹‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ۱۳۵۰‬ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ۶۰‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺰﺍﺩ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻧﺘﻪﺁ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻼﺭﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﻣﮏ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻨﻢ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻗﻲ ﺯﻳﻨﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﺭﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﺒﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻢﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻧﻔﺲ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻲﻭﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﮑﻤﻞ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺷﺒﻨﻢ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﻧﺘﻪﺁ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﺁﺑﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺟﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻧﻔﺲ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻣﺎﻥ »ﻧﻔﺲ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻔﺲ« ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﺷﻴﺎﺭ ‪ «۱۴۳‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﺁﺑﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻏﻪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫‪ ۱۲‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻏﻪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ«‪» ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﻱ«‪» ،‬ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ«‪» ،‬ﺁﺷﻐﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻲ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﺲ« ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﮐﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻳﺲ« ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﮐﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﻱ« ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﮐﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻴﺎﻧﻮﺵ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﮑﻠﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻏﻪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ‪ ۱۲‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ »ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﮎ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ‪» ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ‪» ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺗﻤﻨﺪ؛ ﻧﺎﺯﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻨﺎ« ﻭ »ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﻻ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﮐﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﮐﺎﻧﺎﭘﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻴﺎﻧﻮﺵ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﻱ‪» ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺸﻦ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﮐﻴﺎ‪» ،‬ﺧﺮﺱ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ »ﺯﻣﻬﺮﻳﺮ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﻴﻦﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪(770) 973-0506 :‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1396‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺏ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﮐﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ »ﺟﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ« ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﮐﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﻻ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »‪ ۲۰‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺍﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺍﻑ‪ ٬‬ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ٬‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺍﻑ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺳﻮﺯﻧﺪ« ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ ﮐﻠﻴﻪ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻟﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﮏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﮔﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۸۸‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ »ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ« ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﮐﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻟﺮﺩ« ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺿﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻟﺮﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪October 2017‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺼﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱﮐﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﮑﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﮑﺴﺎﻧﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ـ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﮑﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻗﺼﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻔﻴﺪﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﮑﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻳﺰﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻋﻼﺀﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺘﻦ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ »ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﻮ«‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﻉ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ »ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ« ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ »ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺟﮏ ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۲‬ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻠﻴﻨﻮﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻘﺒﻮﻻﻧﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﻋﻼﺀﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ« ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ‪ ۳۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﮐﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻠﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺰﺟﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﺀﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﮐﻠﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ »ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﮑﻤﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﻋﻘﺮﺑﻪ«‬ ‫)ﺍﮔﺮﺍﺑﻪ( ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻋﻘﺮﺑﻪ« )ﺍﮔﺮﺍﺑﻪ( ﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ »ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻋﻼﺀﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﮕﺮﻳﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮐﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻋﻼﺀﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ« ﺑﺎ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻼﺳﻴﮏ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﻳﺰﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻋﻼﺀﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ« ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ‪۱۹۹۲‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻗﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﻴﭽﻪ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻔﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﻭ ﺟﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺥ ﻃﺒﻌﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻋﻼﺀﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ«‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺟﻮﻻﻱ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ »ﺟﮏ ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ« ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻋﻼﺀﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﺕ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﻋﻼﺀﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮔﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﭽﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﺀﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﺎﺳﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۳‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺮﺏﺗﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﻮﻣﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎﻡ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﮐﻠﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺪﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻫﺮ ﮐﻠﻴﺸﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻠﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮﮐﺶ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮐﺸﻦ »ﻋﻼﺀﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۲‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﺬﮐﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ »ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﮐﺎﺑﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﮐﻠﻴﺸﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

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‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ؛ ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﻲ ﻃﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﮔﻴﻠﺮﻣﻮ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺷﮑﻞ ﺁﺏ« ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ »ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎ« ﺧﻮﺵ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ »ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎ« ـ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺨﺶ‬

‫‪۲۱‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻫﻴﻮﻻ ﺍﺷﮏ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺣﻀﺎﻧﺖ« ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺭﻟﻮﺕ ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻠﻴﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻫﺎﻧﺎ« ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ«‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻧﺘﻮ؛ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ـ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۷۶‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻧﺘﻮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪» ،‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ـ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ـ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮐﻦ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬

‫»ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﮐﻦ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞﺗﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ـ ﺳﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﺀ«‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ »ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ« ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺳﺮﺍﻳﺪ« ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﺀ« ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﺀ« ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻮﻧﺪ ـ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ـ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺮﺍﻳﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ »ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ )ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻨﻴﮏ ﻭﻟﻴﻨﺴﮑﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺘﺮﻭﺱ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﮔﻮﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺴﺪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺳﺎﺯ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺭﺭﺋﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻴﺰﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻲ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻧﻬﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﮐﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺴﺘﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﮐﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ) ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺐ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ( ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮ ﻃﻼﻱ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺷﮑﻞ ﺁﺏ«‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﮔﻴﻠﺮﻣﻮ ﺩﻝ ﺗﻮﺭﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؛ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﮑﺰﻳﮏ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺹﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ »ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻱ ﭘﻦ« ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺯﻥ ﻻﻝ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻳﮏ ﻫﻴﻮﻻﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻧﺠﺎﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﻳﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺗﻮﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ـ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ـ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﻠﻖ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ »ﮔﺎﻻ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﴼ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻧﺘﻮ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﴼ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ )ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺶ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﮐﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺻﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻦ ﻭ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻧﺘﻮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻓﻴﭙﺮﺷﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ »ﮐﺸﻒ« ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻭﺍ« ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺻﺪﻑ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺮﺍﻝ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ )ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮐﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮ( ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺑﮑﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺳﻮﮊﻩﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﻳﺰﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻧﺘﻮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻧﺘﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﮐﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﴼ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﴼ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺷﺐ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ‪» ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺳﺮﺍﻳﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻧﺘﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﮑﺸﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺭﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ »ﮔﺎﻻ« ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ )ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﺴﻴﮑﺎ ﭼﺴﺘﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﮑﻮﻝ ﮐﻴﺪﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﺝ ﮐﻠﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻳﻢ ﻭﻧﺪﺭﺱ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﮐﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﭘﻠﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺍﺵ ـ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ ـ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺯﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‪» :‬ﻧﻴﮑﻮﻝ ﮐﻴﺪﻣﻦ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ«‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮐﻤﺪﻱ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻮﻭﺭ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ«‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺯﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮐﻤﺪﻱ‪» :‬ﺟﻮﻟﻴﺎ ﻟﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻔﻮﺱ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﻭﻳﭗ«‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ‪» :‬ﺻﺪﺍ«‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ«‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ«‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺷﺐﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‪» :‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻣﺸﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮐﻤﺪﻱ‪» :‬ﻭﻳﭗ«‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻮﻥ ﮐﻮﻟﺒﺮﺕ ﺷﻮﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺙ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ »ﺍﻣﻲ« ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﮑﻮﻝ ﮐﻴﺪﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ« ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۵‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺷﻮﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‪» :‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺐﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ«‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮐﻤﺪﻱ‪» :‬ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ«‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﮑﻤﻞ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﮑﺴﺎﻧﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭﺳﮕﺎﺭﺩ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ«‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﮑﻤﻞ ﺯﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‪» :‬ﻟﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻥ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ«‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﮑﻤﻞ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮐﻤﺪﻱ‪» :‬ﺍﺍﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻭﻳﻦ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺷﺐﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﮑﻤﻞ ﺯﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮐﻤﺪﻱ‪» :‬ﮐﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﮏ ﮐﻴﻨﻦ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺷﺐﻫﺎ«‬

‫ﮐﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺙ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺙ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﺮﮐﺰﻳﺖ« ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺙ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۷‬ﺑﺎ ﻟﻴﻮﻳﺎ ﺟﻮﺟﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺙ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ« ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۱‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺷﮑﺴﭙﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻖ«‪» ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺠﺖ ﺟﻮﻧﺰ« ﻭ »ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺍﺭﻳﺪ« ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ‪-‬‬‫﴿ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﴾ ﺑﺠﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﮕﺬﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺨﺎﮐﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺒﻨﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺟﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﮎ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺷﮑﻴﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﺍ ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﮑﻮﻳﻲ‬

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‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪(770) 973-0506 :‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1396‬‬

‫‪October 2017‬‬

‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﮏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﮑﻠﻴﻒ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ )ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﮐﺜﺮ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺩ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﮐﺜﺮ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ‪» ،‬ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﮐﺴﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻳﮏﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻳﮏﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻥ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ »ﺳﻮﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ« ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻳﮏﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺮ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻲ« ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺬﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺐ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻟﻲﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﻒ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮐﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ »ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ« ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ »ﻏﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ« ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻒ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺗﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﮑﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻫﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻼﮎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻐﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮐﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﺩﺍﺭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ«‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۱۳۹۱‬ﻭ ‪ ۱۳۹۲‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ ﮐﻢ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﮐﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮐﻢ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﮐﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﮐﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻢ ﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ »ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ« ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖﮐﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۳۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ‪،‬‬

‫ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ‪ ۵۴۸‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ‪۶۴‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۶۷۱‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮐﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ »ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻃﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۴۳‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۷‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۸‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﮐﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۳۷‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﺴﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﺗﴼ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﮐﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺭﺯ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ«‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﮐﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮐﺴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﮐﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﮑﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۵‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۶‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۷‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺭﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﮐﺴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﮑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﮐﺴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮐﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۴۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﻤﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﮐﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﮑﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﮐﻮﭺ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻃﻼ ـ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﮑﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻐﻼﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻃﻼﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﮑﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﺭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮐﺴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻼﻃﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﻃﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫‪PA‬‬

‫‪۲۳‬‬

‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ؛ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺧﺒﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮ‪ ،‬ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺒﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ـ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ ۱۳۳۹‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۵۹‬ﻭ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۱۳۶۲‬ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ـ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ـ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺳﻦ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ـ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺖ ﺟﻠﺪ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﻟﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﮐﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻟﻘﺐ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ« ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﻟﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ‪ ۱۳‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺳﻢ )ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺣﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻲ« ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻮﺩﮎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﮑﺐ ﺑﺰﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ـ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﮑﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ـ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲﺗﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﺱ ﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭗ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ »ﺧﺸﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ«‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭗ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﮐﻼﺳﻴﮏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻳﺮﺗﺎﻧﮏ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﻧﮏ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﮏ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺎﻧﮏ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺎﻧﮏ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﮑﺮﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮐﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ ۱۹۰ ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮐﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻴﺞ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬

‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۱۳۷۳‬ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬

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‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪۱۳۵۹‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ ،۱۳۶۷‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﻧﭙﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻃﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ ۳۸‬ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۱۳۷۹‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ـ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻬﺪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﻮﺩﮐـﺴﺮﺑﺎﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺸﺖﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ـ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺴﺮﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬

‫ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ ۱۴‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﮐﻮﻩﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻌﮑﺲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﺩﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ـ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ـ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ« ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮐﻤﭙﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ‪ ۱۲‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۶‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ ۱۳۸۸‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻔﮑﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺾ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ـ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ـ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ »ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﮕﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﮑﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻲ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﮊﻧﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﮑﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻊ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۱‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۸‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻋﻠﻤﯽ‬ ‫روﯾﺪاد ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮژيو‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﮑﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﭘﻞ‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ« ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﭘﻞ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﻫﺸﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﭘﻼﺱ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﺩﻩ )ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ (X‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﮑﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ… ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬

‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﭘﻞ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻼﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﭘﻞ »ﺁ ‪ «۱۱‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺑﺮﮒ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫»ﮐﻮﺍﻟﮑﺎﻡ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﺎﻣﺴﻮﻧﮓ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻨﭙﺪﺭﺍﮔﻮﻥ ‪ ۸۳۵‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ »ﺁ ‪«۱۱‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺗﺮﺍﺷﻪ ‪ ۶‬ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۴,۳‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺴﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﻨﭽﻤﺎﺭﮎ »ﮔﻴﮏ ﺑﻨﭻ« ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﺷﻪ »ﺁ‬ ‫‪ «۱۱‬ﺍﭘﻞ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻓﺎﺣﺸﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﻨﭙﺪﺭﺍﮔﻮﻥ ‪ ۸۳۵‬ﻭ ﺍﮐﺴﻴﻨﻮﺱ‬ ‫‪ ۸۸۹۵‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﮑﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺵ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ‪ ۶۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪ ۸‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺣﺴﮕﺮ ‪ ۱۲‬ﻣﮕﺎﭘﻴﮑﺴﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ۸‬ﭘﻼﺱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺣﺴﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ‪۱۲‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺎﭘﻴﮑﺴﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﮕﺮﻫﺎ ﻟﻨﺰ ﻭﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻟﻨﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻪﻓﻮﺗﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ۸‬ﻭ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ۸‬ﭘﻼﺱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ۸‬ﻭ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ۸‬ﭘﻼﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻲﺳﻴﻢ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻲﺳﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻝ ﺟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺴﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺩﮐﻤﻪ »ﻫﻮﻡ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﻣﺴﻮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺴﻮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺒﺘﮑﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺳﻨﺴﻮﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪،۱۰‬‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﮐﻤﻪ ﻫﻮﻡ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ‪» ،‬ﻓﻴﺲﺁﻱﺩﻱ«‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﮕﺮ »ﺗﺎﭺﺁﻱﺩﻱ« ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺩﮐﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻫﻮﻡ« ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺷﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﺎﻡﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﮑﻦ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺭﻳﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺭﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻨﮏ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺎﺩﻭﻥ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﮕﺮ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﮊﮐﺘﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫»ﮔﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ« ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺳﮏ ﻳﺎ ﻋﮑﺴﻲ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﺎﭺﺁﻱﺩﻱ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﭘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺗﺎﭺﺁﻱﺩﻱ« ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۵۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ‪ ۳۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﺩﻭﻥ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻗﻔﻞ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ »ﺁ ‪«۱۱‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺮ »ﺍﻭﻟﺪ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺯﻭﻟﻮﺷﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺮ‬ ‫‪ ۵,۸‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ ۲۴۳۵‬ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۱۲۵‬ﭘﻴﮑﺴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺍﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮑﺴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺮ‪ ۴۵۸ ،‬ﭘﻴﮑﺴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﭻ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺧﺎﮐﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺿﺪ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﭘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﭘﻞ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺪﻝ ‪۲۵۶‬‬ ‫ﮔﻴﮕﺎﺑﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ،۱۰‬ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ ۱۲۰۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۸۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻤﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۹۹۹‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ‪ ۶۴‬ﮔﻴﮕﺎﺑﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۶۹۹‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻼﺱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۷۹۹‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ‪ ۶۴‬ﮔﻴﮕﺎﺑﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﺍﺱ ﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ‪ ۳۴۹‬ﺩﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ۶‬ﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ‪ ۴۴۹‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ‪ ۵۴۹‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ« ﻧﺼﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1396‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺳﭙﺮﺳﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫»ﮐﺎﺳﭙﺮﺳﮑﻲ ﻟﺐ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺘﻲ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﮎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﮐﺎﺳﭙﺮﺳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺎﺳﭙﺮﺳﮑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺀﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺎﺳﭙﺮﺳﮑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﮑﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻇﺮﻑ ‪ ۶۰‬ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺎﺳﭙﺮﺳﮑﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﮑﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ‪ ۹۰‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﻻﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺎﺳﭙﺮﺳﮑﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺎﺳﭙﺮﺳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺎﺳﭙﺮﺳﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻳﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺎﺳﭙﺮﺳﮑﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﮐﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۸۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺎﺳﭙﺮﺳﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺳﭙﺮﺳﮑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۴۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻧﺘﻲﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ‪ ۲۷۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺳﭙﺮﺳﮑﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺎﺳﭙﺮﺳﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۷‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﻮﺟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺳﭙﺮﺳﮑﻲ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻮﺟﻴﻦ ﮐﺎﺳﭙﺮﺳﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ »ﮐﻲ‪.‬ﺟﻲ‪.‬ﺑﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﮑﻮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﺯﻭﺝﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫»ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‪Tinder‬‬ ‫‪Gold‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﻧﺖﻓﻠﻴﮑﺲ« ﻭ »ﮐﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺍﺵ« ﭘﻴﺸﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ »ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ‪ ۲۶‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻔﺖ‬

‫‪October 2017‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﺯﻭﺝﻳﺎﺑﻲ »ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ« ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﮐﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺝﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻲﻋﻠﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ »ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ »ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ« ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۲‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮑﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﻠﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻫﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫)ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ( ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎ‬ ‫»ﺟﻔﺖ« ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ« ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ‪ ۴‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ‪۹۹‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ‪ ۹‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ‪ ۹۹‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ ﭘﻼﺱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ ﭘﻼﺱ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﺱﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﮊﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻭ ﻣﮑﺰﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮐﻢ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ!«‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﻲ »ﺟﻔﺖ« ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺭ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ‪ ۱,۶‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ )ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻥ( ﻳﺎ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫)ﻧﭙﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻥ( ﭼﺮﺧﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ ۲۶‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻔﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭼﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ‪ IOS‬ﺗﻴﻨﺪﺭ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ؛‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻮﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﮎ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﮐﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺛﺒﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‬

‫»ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ »ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﮏ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ ۲۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ«‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ ‪ rayana.ir‬ﻭ‪chmail.‬‬ ‫‪ iran.ir ،post.ir ،ir‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ »ﭼﺎﭘﺎﺭ)‪ « (chmail.ir‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ »ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ« ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۲۰۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪۳۰۰‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ »ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ »ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ« ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ »ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻣﻲ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬

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‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻲﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﮐﻞ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﮑﻲ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﮐﻤﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﭘﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﮑﻲ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ ۱۵۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫‪ ۵۰۰‬ﻣﮕﺎﺑﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻲﻣﻴﻞ‪ ۱۵ ،‬ﮔﻴﮕﺎﺑﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﺠﻢ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﮏ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﭘﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻠﺖﻓﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﺖﻓﺮﻡ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﺩﻫﻲ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﻤﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ« ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻤﭙﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﮎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻳﭽﻪ ﻭﻟﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ«‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﮐﻴﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ »ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ«‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬

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‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﮐﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪» ،‬ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻦ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﮐﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺷﻮﮐﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ »ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﮑﺎﺏ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻫﺮﺯﻩﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ« ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺟﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﻲﺑﻲﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺷﻮﮐﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﻮﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﻑ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻧﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﭼﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﺭﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ ۵‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ »ﻫﺮ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﮑﺐ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬

‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﮑﻢ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ ۵‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺟﺮﻡ« ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ ۸‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﮑﺐ ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﮐﻮﺭ )ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ (۵‬ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺟﺰﺍﺋﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺮﻭﻃﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ )‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ( ﻫﻢ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﮎ ﺯﺍﮐﺮﺑﺮﮒ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺲﺑﻮﮎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ »ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ« ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﺭﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻡ ﭘﺮﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۱۲‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭘﻬﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ »ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻣﺰ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺎﺩﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫)ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ(‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ،۱۳۱۳‬ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺴﺮﺍﻳﻌﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﮎ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺁﻝ ﺑﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻫﺸﺘﺮﻭﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻬﻔﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﮐﺎﻣﮑﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲ ﻭﺣﺪﺗﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻲ ﻫﻮﺭﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻲ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﻏﻔﺎﺭﻱ )ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻳﻨﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻧﺎﺳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ ۱۰۶‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۵‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ( ﻭ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻱ )ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﮕﺮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺩﻳﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻴﮏ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﺟﺴﻢ ﺳﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺗﻘﻲ ﻫﻮﺭﻓﺮ‪ :‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻴﮏ ﺳﻤﺎﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﮐﺎﻣﮑﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﮕﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﮕﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺗﺮﻣﻴﻨﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲ ﻭﺣﺪﺗﻲ‪ :‬ﺧﻤﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﻣﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺮﻭﻃﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻼﺕ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‪ :‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻂ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻬﻔﺮﻭﺯ‪ :‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺩﻳﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﮊﺍﮐﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﮑﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻠﺮﻭ‪،‬ﻻﮔﺮﺍﻧﮋ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻳﻠﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻼﺕ ﻟﮋﺍﻧﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺧﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻤﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺧﺴﻮﻑ ﻭ ﮐﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺗﻘﻲ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻱ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺛﻘﻞ ﻭ ﮔﺸﺘﺎﻭﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺛﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﺁﻝ ﺑﻮﻳﻪ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺪﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺯﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﺸﻲ ﻭ ﻻﭘﻼﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻗﻠﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺸﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻗﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺁﻕ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﻣﺬﮐﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ )ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺟﺒﺮ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ(‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﻭﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ )ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻼﺕ »ﺳﺨﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ«‪» ،‬ﻳﮑﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ«( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﮏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﮐﺒﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻟﺞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ(‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ »ﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺍﮐﺒﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ )‪ (CNRS‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻭﺍﺯﮔﻦ ﺁﻭﺍﻧﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﻬﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﻪ ﮐﺎﻟﺞ‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪(770) 973-0506 :‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1396‬‬

‫‪October 2017‬‬

‫ﺁ ﻣﺮ ﻳﮑﺎ ﻳﻲ ﻫﺎ ﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﮎ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺳﺒﻮﺭﮒ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺳﺒﻮﺭﮒ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﴼ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺁﻭﺍﻧﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﻣﻨﺘﺼﺮﻱ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺴﻴﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﭘﮋﻭﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻠﻲﺗﮑﻨﻴﮏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﭘﻠﻲ ﺗﮑﻨﻴﮏ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﻣﻨﺘﺼﺮﻱ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻄﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺯﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﭖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ(‬

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‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ‬

‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‬

‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻄﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻨﻲ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﻲ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﮑﻠﻔﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻥ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺫﮐﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺬﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﮑﺎﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﻪ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻭ ﻣﻀﺎﻳﻘﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﺪﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺷﺠﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﮑﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺷﮑﻮﻓﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺠﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ«‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﮏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻴﭽﮑﺲ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﺧﺪﻋﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﮐﻪ‪ ” :‬ﭘﺲ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟“ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﺮﻡ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ”ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻪ“ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮐﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﻮﻓﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺗﻔﮑﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﮐﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﻫﻴﺰﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻟﻮ ‪ ٪۱۰۰‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬

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‫ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﮐﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺲ ﻣﺴﺆﻟﻴﺖ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ!‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﺀﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻌﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﻓﺮﺡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﺴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﮑﺎﻳﮏ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻡ ﺗﻴﻎ ﺗﻴﺰ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻄﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﮑﺲ ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺸﺘﺎﺑﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻤﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺭﻳﻎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ !.‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺴﻮﻱ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮒ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺷﺎﺧﺴﺎﺭ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻴﻘﻞ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻄﺮﺗﻲ ﭘﺎﮎ ﺑﺪﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺴﺮ ﺣﺪ ﻳﮏ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪!.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﮑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺣﺘﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﻮﺷﻨﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺘﺎ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺣﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‪!.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻌﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺯ ﻳﮏ ﭘﺪﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻫﻴﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺯ ﻳﮏ ﮔﻬﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺑﺪﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻋﻴﺶ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻃﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ )‪(۱‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻔﮑﺮ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪!.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺮﻱﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻤﻢﺗﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ« ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﮑﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻇﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐﺗﺮ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻋﻮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ‬

‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺳﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﮐﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻢ ﻋﻤﻼ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮏ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪!.‬‬

‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻬﺪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ‬

‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎﺀ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﺀﺍﷲ ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻓﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺐ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ ۸‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪۵۸‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ ۶۴‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﻭ ﮐﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻠﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻮﻱ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﻭ ﮐﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺪ ﺗﮑﻠﻢ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۱۱‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﮎﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪:.‬‬ ‫» ‪ ...‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻇﻠﻢ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻝ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﮐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﺤﮑﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﻭﻃﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺨﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﮎ ﻧﺮﻳﺰﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺰﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻣﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﺖ ﻗﻠﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪(۲) «.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﮐﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ ۱۷۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ۱۳۶۳‬ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﻭ ﮐﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۶۷‬ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ ۸‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ »ﺩﺍﻋﺶ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﺳﻼﻡﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺳﻼﻡﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻧﻮﺡ ﺳﻼﻡﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﺻﻼ« ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﮏ ﻧﺎﺻﺢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺩﻣﮑﺸﻲ ﺑﮑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﮏ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻠﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻲ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪(۳) «....‬‬

‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ ۱۷۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻓﮑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺪﻭﺭﺕﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺘﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﭖ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪!.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻋﮑﺲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﻲﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺻﻠﻮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻲ ﺻﻐﻴﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺗﻮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ!‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫******‬ ‫‪ (۱‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻌﻴﻢ ﺳﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ (۲‬ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﺖ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎﺀ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪.۲۸۹‬‬ ‫‪ (۳‬ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ‪ ۶۷‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪.۱۱‬‬

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‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪(770) 973-0506 :‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1396‬‬

‫‪October 2017‬‬

‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﻞﺑﺎﻑ‬

‫ﺑﺨﺶ ‪۲‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﮐﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺱﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺯﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﻧﺎﺯﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﻦ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪:‬‬

‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﮑﺘﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﻠﺪﻭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺧﻼﺹ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻏﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻢ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﮑﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺷﺎﮎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﮎ ﻣﺸﮑﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪«....‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﮎ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﺋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺟﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﮑﻴﻦ ﺯﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻱ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺧﺘﺨﻮﺍﺏ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﮔﺮﻡ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﭽﻪ ﺑﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻬﻨﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺧﺪﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻞ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻲﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﮎ ﭼﺎﻕ ﻭ ﮐﭽﻞ ﺷﮑﻢ ﮔﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻠﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﭙﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻲ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻪ ﮐﻼﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﭙﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥﻫﺎ ﻟﺠﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻦ ﺳﺮﮐﺶ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻟﺠﺎﻡ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻠﻮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻌﻨﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻱ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﮎ ﺑﺸﻮﻱ؟« ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺒﺴﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻢ‪ «.‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﻴﻒ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭼﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﮐﻮﭘﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻭ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻄﻔﴼ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻼﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﮐﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻞ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻋﻤﻮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﮔﺮﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ! ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮐﺮﺍﻳﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺸﺎﺍﷲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﺍﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﮐﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮑﺴﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﺐ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﺐ ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﮐﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﮑﻢ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﮐﻢ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺸﮑﺮﻱ ﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻟﻄﻔﴼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ‬

‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮ ﺩﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻞ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺧﺎﻧﻴﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻘﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺯﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺤﺸﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﻤﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭﺋﻲ‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﮐﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﺒﺲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﻓﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻴﺼﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺸﻮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻇﻬﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻲﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﮔﻮﺋﻲ ﺧﺸﮏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﺏ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﮔﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪. . . .‬‬

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‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬

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‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﻫﮑﺮﺩﻱ‬

‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۱۳۰۳‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻠﺞ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۲۰‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻻﻟﻪﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻟﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻻﻟﻪﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻃﭙﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻓﻪ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺋﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻟﻪﺯﺍﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ،۱۳۲۰‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻲ ـ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻤﻴﻚ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺧﻄﻴﺒﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫»ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﻦ« ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺧﻄﻴﺒﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﺨﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﻦ« ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﺮﻛﻲ »ﭘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺥ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺯ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﮔﺮ ـ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ـ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺣﺰﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯ ﻏﺼﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ـ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻃﻦ ـ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ـ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢ ـ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ـ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻭﻧﻴﻪ ـ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺷﺐ ﻣﻬﻤﻮﻧﻴﻪ ـ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﻋﻴﻮﻧﻴﻪ ـ ﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮ ـ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ـ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﻭﺍ ـ ﺩﻳﮕﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺑﺪﻧﮕﻮ ـ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺩﻟﻲ ـ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻦ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ـ ﺷﻜﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ـ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﻛﻮﺭﻳﻪ ـ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﻛﻮﺭﻳﻪ ـ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﻛﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ« ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﻲﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ )ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ( ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺐﻫﺎ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﭙﻬﺒﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﴼ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺷﺒﻲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻀﺮﻭﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﴽ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۱۳۲۶‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ‪ ۲۸‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،۱۳۳۲‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﭼﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۱۳۴۷‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ »ﮔﺎﻭ« ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﻨﺎﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﺋﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۱۹۷۱‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۳۵۱‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﴼ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۴۴‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺋﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﮔﺎﻭ« )ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﺋﻲ(‪» ،‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ« )ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﻞﺑﺎﻑ(‪» ،‬ﮔﺎﻭﺧﻮﻧﻲ« )ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ(‪» ،‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ«‬ ‫)ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺟﻴﺮﺍﻧﻲ(‪» ،‬ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻭﺍﺷﻴﻨﮕﺘﻦ« )ﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ(‪» ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ« )ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ(‪» ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﻟﻮ«‪» ،‬ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ«‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻱ ﺁﺑﻲ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺴﺖﭼﻲ«‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻣﻴﻨﺎ« ﻭ »ﻫﺎﻣﻮﻥ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺟﺎﺩﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻤﻲ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺳﻢ ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۶۰‬ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻬﻴﺐ ﺳﭙﻬﺒﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺧﻄﻴﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺭﺧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬

‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬

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‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1396‬‬

‫‪October 2017‬‬

‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺵ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﭘﺮﺍﮐﻨﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﻭﻳﮋﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞﮐﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۳۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ ۸۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫‪ ۳۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﴼ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ‪ ۵۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﮑﻦ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۲۹‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۹۵‬ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۶,۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۱۲,۲‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ۵,۷ ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﮔﻲ »ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ ۴۴‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ ۲۷‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﮐﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۵,۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻤﺐ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۶۵‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۳,۹‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۵‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﻤﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱,۲‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻘﻲ ﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻟﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺘﻲﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺴﮑﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﮎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻐﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺴﮑﻦ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻟﺪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۵۰‬ﻭ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ‪ ۲۴۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ!‬

‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ »ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺘﻲﻫﺎ« ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ـ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۱۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۵۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﮑﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺷﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ »ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ« ﻭ »ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ« ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﮎ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬

‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۲۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﮐﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﻓﻠﺞ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﮐﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﮐﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻓﻮﻕﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﻨﭗ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﴼ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻏﺬ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ ۲‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۳‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﮐﻼﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﮐﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺭﮊﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺯﺭﻩﭘﻮﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﭙﮑﻮ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭﺁﺏ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮐﺎﺭﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺰﺀ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬

‫ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻄﺢ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﮑﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺸﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳﻘﻒ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﮏ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﮐﻼﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻳﺪﻱ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ـ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ( ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ‪ ۵,۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﮐﺎﺭ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭ( ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‪ :‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ )ﮐﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ( ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ »ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺗﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮐﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﻃﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺶ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﺒﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺒﮏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺟﺬﺏ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩ ﮐﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻮﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﴼ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻴﮏ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻴﮏ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﴼ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺻﻔﺘﻲ ﺯﻳﻨﺘﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﮐﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺭﻣﺰ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﻬﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﮑﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ »ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﻢ ﻭ ﮐﻴﻒ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺮﻓﴼ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺒﮏ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﮐﺘﻴﮏ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫‪PA‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ )ﺑﺮﻩ(‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺩﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ )ﮔﺎﻭ(‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﮐﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻤﺮ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﮓ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ )ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﮑﺮ(‬

‫ﮐﺴﻲ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﮑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﻧﺠﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺫﻳﺼﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻴﺮ )ﺧﺮﭼﻨﮓ(‬

‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮐﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺩﺕ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ )ﺷﻴﺮ(‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮐﻤﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻗﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ؛ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ )ﺧﻮﺷﻪ(‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺷﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻘﻞ ﮐﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺷﻨﻮﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻌﺠﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﭘﺴﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺮﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮ )ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻭ(‬ ‫ﮐﺴﻲ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻳﮏ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﮎ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺑﺎﻥ )ﮐﮋﺩﻡ(‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺴﺮﻱ ﺳﻬﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﻳﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﺣﻮﺻﻠﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺫﺭ )ﮐﻤﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺠﺶ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺻﺒﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﮐﻮﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻬﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻱ )ﺑﺰ(‬

‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ )ﺩﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﺎﻥ(‬

‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻑ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﻚ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻛﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ )ﻣﺎﻫﻲ(‬

‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﮑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺷﺮﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ؛ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬

‫‪۳۴‬‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪(770) 973-0506 :‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮﻳﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳﮑﻪ ﻃﻼ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﮐﺘﮏ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺧﺸﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻻﻏﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻐﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﻠﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻭ ﮔﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﮑﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪...‬‬

‫ﺧﺮﻭﺳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﻍ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺮﻭﺱ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ »ﺗﻮﺳﮑﺎﻧﻲ« ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺰﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺮﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺻﺒﺢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﻗﻮﻟﻲ ﻗﻮﻗﻮ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻣﺮﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺮﻍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ )ﻳﮏ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ!(‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﻭﺱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯﻣﺮﮒ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫)ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺍﻥ( ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺒﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺨﻢ ﻣﺮﻍﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺟﻮﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﻭﺱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﮔﻲ« ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﻭﺱ ﻣﺸﮑﻮﮎ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺟﻴﺎﻧﻲ )ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺱ( ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺸﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺟﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﻮﻗﻮﻟﻲ ﻗﻮﻗﻮ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﺣﺮﻑ »ﻕ« ﺭﺍ ﮐﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺠﻪ »ﺍﻭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﻱ« ﺍﺩﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﻳﻢ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ؟« ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻭﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﻍ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ »ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺮﻍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺨﻢ ﻣﺮﻍ؟« ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‪» ،‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺱ ﮔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ« ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﮕﺮﻑ ﻭ »ﺗﺨﻤﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ!‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺎﻭﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﮏ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻨﻴﺖ‬

‫ﺑﺪﻳﻨﻮﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﮐﺸﻲ ﮔﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۸‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﮏ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭ ﺁﺏ‬

‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬

‫* ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺑﻤﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ!‬ ‫* ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺼﺎﺭﮎ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ!‬ ‫* ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ!‬ ‫* ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﺸﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺒﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ!‬

‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ؟‬

‫»ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ«‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺧﺸﮏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻐﻮ ﻭ ﻻﻏﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﭽﮕﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﮔﻴﻢ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻋﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻱ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﮐﺘﮏ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﺱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ! ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺮ ﮐﻼﺱ ﻭﺻﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﮐﺘﮏ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺵ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﮑﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﮑﻬﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺘﮏ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻳﻢ!‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻬﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ! ﺯﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻝ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺶ ﻗﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺎﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ‬

‫)ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﮔﺎﻭ« ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ(‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻭﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻭﻫﺎ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺷﺖ ﮔﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻮﻩﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﮑﺲ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺎﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺴﮑﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﭼﺴﺒﺪ )ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻋﮑﺲ(‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﭽﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻭﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺷﻴﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻴﺴﮑﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﮐﺸﻒ ﺷﻴﺮ ﮔﺎﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﮐﺸﻒ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﮑﺘﺸﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ؟‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺎﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺶ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻀﻮﻻﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺎﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﻣﻮ« ﮐﺮﺩﻥ »ﻋﺮﻋﺮ« ﮐﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺎﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﮔﺎﻭﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﻭﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﮐﻨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮔﺎﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻒ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻴﺮﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﺍﻳﻴﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻒ ﺑﮑﺸﺪ ﺷﻴﺮﺵ ﮐﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮔﺎﻭﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﻖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻬﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻤﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺻﻔﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻏﺬﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ )ﺯﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭ‪ (...‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؟‬

‫ﻣﻌﻄﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮ‬

‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﻘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻋﮑﺲ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ »ﭼﺎﺩﺭ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺁﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﻡ! ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺷﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﻄﺮﮐﻦ!« ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﮑﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺠﺒﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺣﺎﺟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﻭﺁﺗﺸﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ؟ ﺍﻭﻝ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻄﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻓﮑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﭼﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻄﺮ« ﻳﺎ »ﻋﻄﺮ ﭼﺎﻳﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﻄﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺧﺰﺭ‪،‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1396‬‬

‫‪October 2017‬‬

‫ﭼﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻄﺮ ﻫﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﮔﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺠﺒﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ! ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﺟﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﮑﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭼﺘﺮﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬

‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ »ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ«!‬

‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ »ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻣﺤﺠﺒﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺮﺑﭽﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻓﺮﻧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺗﻮ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻲ؟« ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮﮎ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﻡ ﺷﻮﺷﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺭﻡ!« ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﮐﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﮕﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﮐﻤﮏ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺑﮕﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﺑﮕﻮ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺷﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺭﻡ!‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﻧﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻡ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ! ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺳﺸﻮﻳﻴﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺭﻩ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺗﻮ ﺗﻮﺍﻟﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺳﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ!‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻲ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ ﻗﺸﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻥ ﮐﻠﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﮐﺪﻭﻡ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻮﻟﻮ ﺑﺮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﮑﻨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻪ ﻧﮕﻮ »ﺩﻭﺩﻭﻝ« ﭼﻮﻥ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ ﺯﺷﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﮕﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻪ ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻨﻮ ﺷﻮﺷﻮﻝ ﻃﻼ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺳﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﮐﻤﮏ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﻪ ﻧﻪ؟ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻮﺷﻮﻟﻢ ﺭﻭ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺳﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺸﻮﺭﻡ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﻧﻪ‪ ...‬ﻧﻪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻌﺪﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺸﮑﺶ ﮐﻨﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﻧﻪ‪ ...‬ﻧﻪ‪ ...‬ﺁﻗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺳﺎﮐﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺮﻭﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺳﻪ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﮕﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺗﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺳﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﻡ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﮑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﻳﻠﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻧﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺣﻴﻒ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﮏ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﻫﻴﭽﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺷﮑﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺰﻭﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺳﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺁﺑﻲ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﻨﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻟﺐﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﮏ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻱ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ »ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ!«‬

‫ﺗﺮﮎ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺘﮏ!‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻤﭗﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ﺗﺮﮎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ»ﺳﮓ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ« ﻭ »ﮐﺘﮏ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﮑﺎﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﭙﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻤﭗﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺘﮏ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ! ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺘﮏ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﺾﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺘﮏ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ!‬

‫ﺍﺷﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﮑﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ؟‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﮑﺲ ﺑﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻳﺐ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺷﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺐ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻧﭙﺰﺷﮏ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﻳﮏ ﭘﺘﻮﻱ ﺿﺪ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﭘﻬﻦ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻋﮑﺲ ﺍﺷﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﮑﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﻪ ﻗﺎﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﮑﻦ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ )ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻟﻤﺲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ( ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﻧﺒﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻤﺒﻲ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﻲ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺐ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﺘﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﮐﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺮ‬

‫‪I‬‬

‫‪PA‬‬

‫‪۳۵‬‬

‫ﺍﺷﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﮑﺲ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﻢ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺯﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﮕﻨﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ »ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ« ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻓﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺒﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ! ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻡ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺳﮑﻴﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺻﻮﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻲﺩﻱ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﮏ »ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮ ﻟﻤﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻲ« ‪ I want to be touched by you‬ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ »ﺻﺒﺢﻫﺎ ﻟﻤﺴﻢ ﮐﻦ« ‪ Touch me in the morning‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﭘﺨﺶ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﺮﺍﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ ﺳﻮ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ »ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﮐﻦ ﻭ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻤﺲ ﮐﻦ« ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ‪Reach out and touch‬‬ ‫‪ someone‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﺧﺮﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﮏ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺗﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻠﻴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻧﮑﺸﻴﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺻﻮﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﺼﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﮑﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻼﺳﺘﻴﮑﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﻭ ﺩﮐﻤﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﮔﻮﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻟﻤﺲ ﺗﻨﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«...‬‬

‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺷﻮﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺬﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﮐﻢ ﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﻱ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﮐﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻮﺯﮎ ﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﮔﺮﺩﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﮐﻮﻳﺮﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ )ﺷﺪﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺰ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻏﻠﻴﻆ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻄﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮏﺁﻣﻴﺰ‪ :‬ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﺟﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﺍﺧﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺭﮎ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻔﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ‪ :‬ﺁﺗﺶﺳﻮﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻲ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺘﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺴﺒﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻋﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻲﺷﺮﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﮔﺮﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﮐﺸﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬

‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﻘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ »ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﻲ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ« ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﻲ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‪:‬‬

‫* ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻋﻘﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ! ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺳﻲ!‬ ‫* ﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﻓﺌﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﻃﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﺻﺒﺢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻗﻬﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻡ!‬ ‫* ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﮐﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﺒﺮﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻮﺍﺷﮑﻲ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﻨﺴﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻴﺪ!‬ ‫* ﻻﮎ ﭘﺸﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻘﻌﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻨﺪ! ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ!‬ ‫* ﻟﺌﻮﻧﺎﺭﺩﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﻳﻨﭽﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬

‫‪For Advertisement Call:‬‬

‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺏ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﮑﺸﺪ ﮐﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ!‬ ‫* ﮔﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﻧﻮﺡ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫* ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻱ ﻣﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﻳﻨﭽﻲ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﺭﻭﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﻗﻔﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ!‬

‫ﺗﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺯﻧﻢ‬

‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﺸﮑﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﻴﻐﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺎ )ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ(‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﮕﻮ ﻣﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ!‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻓﻌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﺍﻭﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﻤﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ!«‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ «.‬ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﻘﻲ ﺗﻮ ﻧﺸﺪﻡ!«‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪» ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﺷﺐ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﻢ؟« ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﮏ ﺷﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﻘﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻲ!«‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ‪۲۰‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ‪ ۸۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺎﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﮐﺎﺵ ﺯﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻥ ‪۲۰‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﮔﻴﺮ ﺗﻮ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻡ!«‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﭼﺎﺭﺝ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ؟« ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﻪ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۱۵۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻮﻧﻴﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﺸﺐ ﺗﻨﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﻳﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﻗﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻲ!«‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪» ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺳﺎﮐﺖ ﺑﺎﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ!«‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻲ؟«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻨﺪﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ!«‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ‪ ۲۰‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﮐﻠﻪ ﻃﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﮑﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺪﺍ!«‬

‫ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ« ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫)‪ (۲۰‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺱ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ )ﺍﺱ ﻳﻮ ﻭﻱ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻗﺴﻄﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺴﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﮐﻴﺴﻪﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺗﺮﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﭘﮋﻭﻱ ‪ ۲۰۶‬ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺷﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺽ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻋﺎﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮐﻮﭼﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﻟﻴﺴﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺐ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﭘﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺎﮊ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ »ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ« ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺑﻼﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﮏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺴﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻓﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺟﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﮑﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻱ ‪ ۲۰۸‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺷﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﻏﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺮﻏﻮﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﮐﻴﻔﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺎﮊ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﮐﻴﻔﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺎﮊ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻄﺶ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺷﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮑﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺕﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﻕ ﺯﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﻲ‬

‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺎﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﮑﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﮐﻴﺴﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﮐﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻔﺎﺧﺮﻩﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﮑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﺸﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﮑﺎﻥﺳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮏ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﮐﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺮﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﺗﻴﮑﻪ« ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﻋﺎﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻌﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﮑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ »ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﮑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻪﺑﺴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺰﻭﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻠﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺸﮕﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﺴﻴﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺣﺮﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺷﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﮐﺎﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ ﺳﻠﻔﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﮔﺮﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺐ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﮑﺲ ﺳﻠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﮑﺲ ﺳﻠﻔﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﮐﻴﺴﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶﺗﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﻪﺍﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺂﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺷﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫)‪ (social fashion‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻮﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻗﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻫﺪﻑ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫‪۳۶‬‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪(770) 973-0506 :‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1396‬‬

‫‪October 2017‬‬

‫‪I‬‬

‫‪PA‬‬

‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻢ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻏﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﺤﻨﺖ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻝ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻧﮓ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻱ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﻢ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﻲﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﺷﮏ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﺑﺶ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﺶ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﻭ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮔﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺣﺸﻲ ﺑﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﺒﻬﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﻖﻫﺎ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺐ ﻓﺴﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻒﻫﺎ ﻋﻘﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻏﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮐﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺷﺪ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺰﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻞ ﺳﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻏﻀﺒﻨﺎﮎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻴﻠﻲ ﮔﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﮎ‬ ‫ﭼﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺯ ﺳﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﮐﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺮﮒ ﮔﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻏﻢ ﻧﻮﺍﻱ ﺁﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻏﻨﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪ ﻧﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺎ ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮐﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﮐﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻢ ﮐﻮﻩ ﻏﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﮑﺎﻓﺪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺟﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﻳﺰﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻟﺪ ﺯﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﮒ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺟﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻐﺾ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﮔﻠﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭﺻﻞ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻫﺴﺖ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻴﺐ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻼﺧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﻭﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﮒ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ ﺑﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﮐﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﮎ‬ ‫ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻲ ﭘﺎﮎ‬ ‫ﻏﻢ ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺴﺘﺸﻮ ﮐﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﮐﻦ‬

‫ﺧﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻏﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻏﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﺥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮒ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻨﮕﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﮕﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬

‫‪۳۷‬‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻏﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻛﻦ ﻧﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺵ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺣﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺻﺪ ﺑﻲﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺻﺪ ﺑﻲﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻲﺳﺒﺐ ﮔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻚ ﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻲﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺯﻋﻔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺯﻋﻔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺯﺍﻍ ﻏﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﺪ ﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻛﻮ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻮ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮ ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻮ ﻧﺴﺘﺮﻥ ﻛﻮ ﺳﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻻﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻮ ﺳﺒﺰﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﭼﻤﻦ ﻛﻮ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮ ﻣﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﻮ ﺷﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺮ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻴﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻴﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮ ﺑﻠﺒﻞ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻨﻢ ﻛﻮ ﻓﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻮﻛﻮ ﺯﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻭﻭﺱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﻢ ﻛﻮ ﻃﻮﻃﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻮ ﻃﻮﻃﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻒ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﺎﺗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺑﺮﮒ ﻭ ﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺣﻪﮔﺮ ﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻟﻚ ﻟﻚ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺩﻩ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻌﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻱ ﺯﺍﻍ ﻋﺪﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻓﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻗﻨﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻚ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻚ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻣﺪ ﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺁ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺣﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻲ ﻳﺦ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻲ ﻭﺣﻞ ﻋﻨﺒﺮﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﺒﺮﻓﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻦ ﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮ ﺣﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻦ ﻫﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺭﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺯ ﻛﻨﺞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﺻﺪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺻﺪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺸﻦ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺳﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻟﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﺒﻞ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺮﺑﻂ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻮﻛﻮﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺏ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺯﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻠﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻫﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺸﻨﻮ ﺍﻱ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻏﺎﻥ ﻧﻮ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻻﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻻﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻄﺮ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﻲﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﭘﺎﮎ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﻏﻨﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻻﺑﻼﻱ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺳﺒﺰﺵ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﻲﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻧﻮ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﮎ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ ﺑﻨﻔﺸﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺒﻮﺗﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﮔﻠﻲﺳﺖ ﺁﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻠﻮﻉ ﻧﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺩﻝ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲ ﮐﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻲﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﺷﮑﻔﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﮑﻲ ﺑﺮﮒ ﺷﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻏﺒﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺒﺰ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻄﺮ ﻳﺎﺱ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺗﭙﺶ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺷﮑﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺑﺎﻍ ﺑﻲﺑﺮﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺛﺎﻟﺚ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻧﻤﻨﺎﻛﺶ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻍ ﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺷﺐ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻏﻤﻨﺎﻛﺶ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻭﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺷﻮﻻﻱ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺭ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺲ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻱ ﺯﺭ ﺗﺎﺭ ﭘﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻏﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻍ ﻧﻮﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﮔﺮ ﺯ ﭼﺸﻤﺶ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺑﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﮒ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻍ ﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﻣﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻥﺳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺧﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺗﺎﺑﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻍ ﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﻚﺁﻣﻴﺰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺐ ﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺯﺭﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﭼﻤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ِﺩ ﺍﻳﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﺸﻦ ﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻻﻟﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﮔِﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻤﻊ ﻃﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺧﺘﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﮏ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺸﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮑﻮﻩ ﻟﺐ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﮏ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﮏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺧﺎﮐﺒﻮﺱ ﺩﺭﮔﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﮑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻨﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﺑﻲﻋﺸﻘﻲ ﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻃﺎﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﺒﻞ ﻃﺒﻌﻢ ﺭﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻤﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻐﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻴﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﮑﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﺎﻅ ﺳﺒﺰ ﭘﻴﭽﮏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺩﺑﺎﺩﮎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮐﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻴﺞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻄﺮ ﺍﻗﺎﻗﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﮐﺰ ﺷﮑﺎﻑ ﭘﻠﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺒﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻟﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺟﻮﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻟﻐﺰﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﭼﻮ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺋﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﮏﻫﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺻﺒﺤﺪﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮑﻲ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻓﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﮐﺰ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﮔﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮ ﮐﺮﮐﻲ ﻧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻡ ﮐﻬﻨﻪ ﭼﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺴﺖ ﻃﻨﺎﺏ ﺭﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﮔﻴﺴﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺍ–‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻟﻴﺰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺶ ﻭ ﺧﺶ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻐﺸﻮﺵ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﮐﺒﻮﺗﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺍ…‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺏﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﭘﺮﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﺧﻂﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻬﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﮎ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻏﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺘﻢ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﮏ ﻳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺠﺸﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﮎ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫**‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺬﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﮔﻨﺠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﻇﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺋﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﮐﺲ ﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮑﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻋﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺳﺎﮐﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ ﻧﺮﮔﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻟﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻗﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﭘﻬﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻴﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺮﺥ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﮏﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺴﻮﻱ ﺣﺠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺨﺖ‬ ‫**‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺮﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻃﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﮒﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺑﻲﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﻀﻄﺮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﺮﻡﺁﮔﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻇﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻡ ﺩﻭﺩﺁﻟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻋﺸﻘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﮐﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺻﺪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻗﻠﺐﻫﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﭖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻐﺸﻮﺷﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮑﻲ ﻫﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺬﺑﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﭙﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫**‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﺗﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﭘﻮﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻴﺞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻄﺮ ﺍﻗﺎﻗﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺩﺣﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﻌﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻲ ﮐﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﺍﺑﺘﻬﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻲ ﮐﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﺖ ﭘﺮ ﻣﻼﻝ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺯﺷﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻮﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﺭ ﺷﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺤﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻲ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﮐﺰ ﺷﺒﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﻴﺪﻩ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺩﮔﺮ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺗﺮ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺧﻨﺠﺮ ﻏﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﺍﺏﺗﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭ ﮔﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺮ ﺳﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺻﻼﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺲ ﻧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﮐﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﻔﮑﻨﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺰﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺗﺮ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺗﺒﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﺪ‬

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‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪(770) 973-0506 :‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1396‬‬

‫‪October 2017‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﯽ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ۵۹‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﮔﺮ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ؛ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ ۵۹۸‬ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﮔﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻱ؛ ﺿﺪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ ،۵۸‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۱‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ ۵۸‬ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺸﺖﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ‪ ۳۴‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ۳‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺩﻭﺯﺩﻭﺯﺍﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﺯﺩﻭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ‪ ۳۷‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺘﺶ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺯﺩﻭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﻗﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ؛ ‪ ۲۵‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ‬

‫ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۶۰‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﻗﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ۴۱‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻴﭗ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ‪ ۲۵‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﻗﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۴۴‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۴۹‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۵۱‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻨﺒﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﺎﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۶۶‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﺶ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ؛ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬

‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﻮﺷﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮ ‪۵۹‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻓﻊ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺒﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺯﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮕﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬

‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۶۰‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﻗﺎﺋﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭼﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ )ﺹ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺑﻘﻴﻪﺍﷲ )ﻋﺞ( ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ‪ ۱۶‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ ۵۹۸‬ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۷۶‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻔﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺧﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ‪ ۸۴‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ ۹۲‬ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﻴﺪﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬

‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۴۵‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﻛﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺮﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻝ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﻨﺪﺝ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺭﺣﻴﻢ« ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ‪۱۲‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭ ‪ ۲‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۱‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۲۰۰۳‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ ۲۴‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫‪ ۱۸‬ﺗﻴﺮ ‪ ۷۸‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۸۶‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۶۰‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ‬

‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺷﻚ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺸﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۷۷‬ﺳﻤﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۷۷‬ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻬﺒﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻗﺮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻗﺮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺘﺶ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻓﺮﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ۵۹‬ﻭﻟﻲﺍﷲ ﻓﻼﺣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻼﺣﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ ۶۰‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺳﻲ ـ ‪ ۱۳۰‬ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻌﻠﻲ ﻇﻬﻴﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ ۶۷‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻞ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۷۷‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻛﻞ‬

‫ﺳﺮﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۷۹‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۵۱‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻝ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻝ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫)‪ ۱۳۶۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪ (۱۳۶۴‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ۱۳۷۹‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭙﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻟﺸﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۸۴‬ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ ۱۳۹۴‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ‬ ‫‪ ۷۸‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺶ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۸۴‬ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻄﺎﺀﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۵۴‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۴۶‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۴۹‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺻﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪I‬‬

‫‪۳۹‬‬

‫‪PA‬‬

‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺧﻲ‬

‫»ﭘﻮﻳﺎ« ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ‬

‫»ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺧﻲ« ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ ۷‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ »ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ« ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﮐﺮﺳﻲ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ‪ ۲‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺴﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ »ﭘﻮﻳﺎ« )ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺗﺒﺎﺭ ـ ‪Professional Organization‬‬ ‫)‪ (of Iranian Americans (POOIA‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۲‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻳﺴﺎ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.pooia.com/scholarships‬‬

‫‪amirforatlanta.com‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﻳﻲ‬

‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮐﻤﺪﻱ »ﮐﻲ ـ ﻭﺍﻥ«‬

‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ »ﭘﺎﻧﺘﻪﺁ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﮑﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ۸‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ ۳‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻻﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ‪ ۱۲۵‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ »ﮐﻲ ـ ﻭﺍﻥ« ﮐﻤﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ ۱۷‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ ۸‬ﺷﺐ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻥﺑﺎﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ ۰۹۳۳‬ـ ‪ (۷۷۰) ۸۴۶‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺑﺴﺎﻳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ »ﻫﻤﺖﻋﺎﻟﻲ« ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪k-voncomedy.com :‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ »ﺍﺑﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‬

‫ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫»ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﻭﻫﺎﺏ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺳﭙﻴﺪﻩ ﺭﻳﻴﺲﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﮑﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ ۷‬ﻭ ‪۳۰‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻭﺩﺭﺍﻑ ﺁﺭﺕ ﺳﻨﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ »ﺳﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﭻ« ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ‪ (۶۷۸) ۳۵۷-۳۵۷۲‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫»ﺍﺑﻲ« ﻣﺮﺩ ﭘﺮﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺭ »‪«۵۰‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪ ۲۵‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ »ﮐﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﺮ« ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺑﺴﺎﻳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ebiconcert.com‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ »ﻧﻴﺎﺯ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﻟﺘﻮ‬

‫»ﻧﻴﺎﺯ« ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ »ﻧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰ »ﺭﻳﺎﻟﺘﻮ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺟﻮﺭﺟﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ۱۴‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﯽ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻡ )ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ ۱۸‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ ۸‬ﺷﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﯼ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﺎﺯ« ﻳﮏ ﮐﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ۱۷‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ )‪ ۳‬ﻭ ‪ ۷‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ(‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻫﻼﮐﻮﻳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻳﻨﻪ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺐ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ۲۹‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﮐﻮﺭﻭﺵ ﮐﺒﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ »ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﺎﺗﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺩﺍﮐﺸﻦ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﮐﻼﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮑﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ۹‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ )‪ ۱۰‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺻﺒﺢ( »ﺳﻨﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺞ« ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ‪ (۶۷۸) ۶۴۴-۹۳۳۵‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺁﺷﭙﺰ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻏﺬﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻓﺴﺖ ﻓﻮﺩ« ﻭ ﮐﻴﺘﺮﻳﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻟﻄﻔﺎ" ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ۴۹۴۹‬ـ ‪(۴۱۲) ۶۵۴‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ۱۲۰۰‬ـ ‪(۶۷۸) ۸۵۱‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ »ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻨﮓ«‪» ،‬ﺭﺍﺯﻭﻝ« ﻭ »ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﺗﺎ«‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ »ﻣﻬﻨﺎﺯ« ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ۲۲۶۶‬ـ ‪(۷۷۰) ۸۶۶‬‬

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‫ﮐﻼﺳﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱‬ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺗﻬﻴﺪﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ _‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﻴﭻ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۲‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺰﻫﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ _ ﺟﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۳‬ﻃﻌﻢ ﻓﻠﻔﻞ _ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻋﺪ _ ﺻﺪﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۴‬ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺳﻮﺍ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ _ ﺑﻲﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪ _ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۵‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎ _ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻴﺎﺭ _ ﭼﺮﮎ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۶‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻭﻑ ﻋﻄﻒ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲ _ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻐﻞ _ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ _ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺽ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۷‬ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ _ ﮐﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺩ _‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺎ _ ﻣﺨﻔﻒ ﺭﺍﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۸‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻞ _ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻱ _ ﺑﻠﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۹‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺟﻴﺲ _ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ _ ﻇﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ _ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺷﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۰‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﻃﻮﺑﺖ _ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ _‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻞ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ _ ﭘﺎﮎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻬﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۱‬ﺁﻣﺎﺱ _ ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺺ _ ﭼﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۲‬ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ _ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ _ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬

‫ﮐﻮﭼﮏ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۳‬ﻫﻨﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﮔﻠﻲ _ ﺯﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ _ ﺗﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۴‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ _ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﮐﻴﺎﻧﻮﺵ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﻱ« ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻱ »ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﻈﻔﺮﻱ«‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۵‬ﺭﺍﻫﺐ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎ _ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ _ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۲‬ﮐﻠﻤﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ _ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ _ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻣﮕﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۳‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮐﺴﻲ _ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ _ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۴‬ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ _ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺭ _ ﺑﺎﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ _ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻓﮑﻨﺪﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۵‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻟﺮﺯﺵ _ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ _ ﮐﻨﺪﻩﮐﺎﺭﻱ _ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۶‬ﺣﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺎﺭ _ ﻣﺮﻏﺎﺑﻲ _ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻫﻢﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۷‬ﺻﺒﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﮑﻴﺒﺎ _ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۸‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﮐﺠﻲ _ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﻮﻫﺎﻥ _ ﭼﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻭ ﻟﺐ ﮔﺰ _ ﮔﻨﺠﺸﮏ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺵﺁﻭﺍﺯ _ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۹‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ _ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۰‬ﻃﺎﻟﺐ _ ﭘﮋﻣﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ _ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۱‬ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺟﻮﻧﺪﻩ _ ﺷﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﺍﺯ _ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ _ ﺣﮑﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۲‬ﺑﺪﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻮ _ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ _ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺠﻮﺭ _ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۳‬ﺧﺠﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥ _ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺩﺭﻱ _ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۴‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ _ ﻏﻮﻝ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﻑﻫﺎ _ ﺧﺎﻟﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ۲‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‪ – ۱۵ – ۵۶ – ۶۴ – ۳۹ – ۵۷ – ۹۲ – ۷۴ – ۲۲ :‬ﺳﭙﻬﺒﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ _ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺩﻫﻠﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.۵۷ – ۴۵ – ۹۹ – ۲۳ – ۹۴‬‬

‫ﻋﺪﺩﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬

‫‪ ۳‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‪۷۶۶ – ۸۵۸ – ۴۵۶ – ۲۲۶ – ۸۹۸ – ۹۸۲ :‬‬ ‫– ‪.۳۲۲ – ۹۲۹ – ۶۷۳ – ۴۳۴‬‬

‫‪ ۴‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‪:‬‬

‫‪– ۹۹۸۶ – ۸۸۲۵ – ۲۸۲۵ – ۵۶۲۴‬‬

‫‪.۳۵۹۵ – ۲۲۷۲ – ۲۶۵۲ – ۷۹۹۶‬‬

‫‪ ۵‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‪:‬‬

‫‪۲۹۵۵۲ – ۶۸۳۲۷ – ۵۴۳۴۶ – ۵۵۲۲۸‬‬

‫– ‪.۷۲۵۳۴ – ۵۵۶۶۸ – ۷۳۳۵۳ – ۵۷۳۵۴‬‬

‫‪ ۶‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‪:‬‬

‫‪– ۵۲۴۷۷۵ – ۲۸۵۲۸۵ – ۲۹۹۷۷۷‬‬

‫‪.۸۵۶۶۷۲ – ۲۸۴۷۵۷ – ۸۴۷۴۲۳‬‬

‫‪ ۷‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‪:‬‬

‫‪۹۳۶۵۹۸۸ – ۸۴۲۲۸۴۲ – ۵۸۵۸۲۴۶‬‬

‫– ‪.۲۴۴۸۲۲۵‬‬ ‫‪ ۸‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‪۲۸۴۴۲۷۲۴ – ۵۶۵۶۷۷۲۴ – ۳۵۶۵۶۱۷۲ :‬‬ ‫– ‪.۹۹۵۷۷۶۶۴ – ۵۷۶۸۷۴۸۳ – ۴۵۵۶۶۹۸۸‬‬

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‫‪۴۰‬‬

‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ )ﻓﻴﺪﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻧﮑﻴﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ‪ ۲۸‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻥ ‪ ۹۴‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ ۴۱۳‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺸﻖﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺗﺮﮐﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ ‪ ۹۵‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﻥ ‪ ۱۸۵‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺿﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺐ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ‪ ۲۸‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺿﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺯﻥ ‪۲۲۰‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ‪ ۲۲۸‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺑﺮﺩﻥ ‪ ۴۱۳‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ ‪ ۹۴‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﮑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﮐﺎﮐﻴﻮﺱ ﮐﺎﺧﻴﺎﻭﻳﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۹‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ ‪ ۴۱۲‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩﺷﮑﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻭ ﺿﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻡ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﮑﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩﺷﮑﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺿﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ“ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﻮﻡ‪«.‬‬

‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ ۱۳۹۵‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪۶۰‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ ۱۲۰ .‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺴﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻓﻴﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻧﮑﻴﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲﻓﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ« ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺯﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ »ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪۱۵۵‬‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﻠﻮﻭﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪(770) 973-0506 :‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1396‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ‪ ۳‬ﻳﺎ ‪ ۴‬ﺯﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﮐﻨﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ »ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﺴﺮﻱ« ﻟﻘﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺕ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ »ﺷﻞ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ«‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﮑﺲ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺬﮐﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺲﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﺎﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫)ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ( ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ! ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺷﺠﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺭ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﺕ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻱ!«‬

‫ﺳﺮﻳﻨﺎ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻣﺰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻨﺎ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻣﺰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﻮﺭﻳﺪﺍ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻣﺰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺁﻟﮑﺴﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻫﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺩﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻣﺰ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﮏ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻓﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻣﺰ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪October 2017‬‬

‫ﮔﺎﺭﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﮔﻮﺭﻭﺳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻤﺒﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ؟ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺩ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﻨﻪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻨﺎ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻣﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻨﺎ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻣﺰ ‪ ۳۵‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮊﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﭘﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ‪۲۳‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺎﺭﻟﻮ ﺁﻧﭽﻠﻮﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻟﻮ ﺁﻧﭽﻠﻮﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﻦﮊﺭﻣﻦ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻠﻮﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺭﻝ ﻫﺎﻳﻨﺲ ﺭﻭﻣﻨﻴﮕﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻦﮊﺭﻣﻦ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺴﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ‪ ۳‬ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻳﻨﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﻨﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺩﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ »ﺍﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﺱ‪ .‬ﭘﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﻦﮊﺭﻣﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻠﻮﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻣﻨﻴﮕﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﺎﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﮐﺎﺭﻟﻮ ﺁﻧﭽﻠﻮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۵‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻣﻴﻨﮕﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺳﻒ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻠﻮﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ”ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ“‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ”ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ“ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻣﻨﻴﮕﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ”ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ“ ﺑﮑﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻨﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﭽﻠﻮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮊﻭﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﮔﻠﺰﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﺎﻓﻦﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺧﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﻤﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪I‬‬

‫‪PA‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻠﻮﺗﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﻟﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﮏ ﺭﻳﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺍﺗﺎﻧﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺎﮐﺲ ﻫﻮﻣﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮊﺍﭘﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ‪ ۳‬ﺑﺮ ‪ ۲‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻱﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻏﻔﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻡ ﮊﺍﭘﻦ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۲۰۰۹‬ﻭ ‪ ۲۰۱۳‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﮑﻮﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪۴۱‬‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺖﺯﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ ﻻﻣﻮﺗﺎ ـ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ـ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻘﺐ »ﮔﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮑﺲ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﺖﺯﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﻻﻣﻮﺗﺎ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺸﺖﺯﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪» .‬ﮔﺎﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮑﺲ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۴۳‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺷﻮﮔﺮ ﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻴﻨﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻴﻨﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺖﺯﻥ ﻧﺎﻡﺩﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺒﮏ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻲ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻻﻣﻮﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﻻﻣﻮﺗﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺖﺯﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ ۴۰‬ﻭ ‪ ۵۰‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﮐﺲ ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﮔﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ« ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﻣﻮﺗﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻴﮏ ﻻﻣﻮﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۱۹۵۴‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۸۳‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ )‪۳۰‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮎ ﺍﻭﺕ(‪ ۱۹ ،‬ﺑﺎﺧﺖ )‪ ۴‬ﻧﺎﮎ ﺍﻭﺕ(‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ۴‬ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺖﺯﻧﻲ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﮐﺲ‪ ،‬ﻻﻣﻮﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪﺁﭖ ﮐﻤﺪﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﮔﺎﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮑﺲ« ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﺷﻴﮑﺎﮔﻮ ﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ـ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۶‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺶ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻣﺎﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺶ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻔﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﻣﻮﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ »ﺗﻲ ﺍﻡ ﺯﻱ« ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻋﺎﻃﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻱ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻗﺼﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻃﺎﺭﻣﻲ‬

‫ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﮑﻮﺭﺳﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﮔﺎﻭ ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ«‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺟﻴﮏ ﻻﻣﻮﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺖﺯﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﮔﺎﻭ ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ« ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﮑﻮﺭﺳﻴﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻴﮏ ﻻﻣﻮﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﻭﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﮐﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ‬ ‫‪ ۹۵‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻪﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﮑﻮﺭﺳﻴﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۱۹۸۰‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻻﻣﻮﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻴﮏ ﻻﻣﻮﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۲۲‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮑﺲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﮎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ »ﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺭ« ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻃﺎﺭﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮔﻞ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪﺍﻱ‪ ۷۸۹ ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪۵۰۰‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ۲۰۱۸‬ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﻼﻝ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻃﺎﺭﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﺭﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺭ« ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﺭﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﮑﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﺭﻣﻲ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ »ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺳﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻃﺎﺭﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺎﺭﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻭ‬

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‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻳﺎ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺣﮑﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ »ﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺭ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﮊﻭﺯﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺴﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﮑﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬

‫»ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﮐﻼﻫﻤﺎﺳﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﮑﺘﺒﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻧﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺍﺭﺳﻼﻥ ﮐﺎﻇﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﺏ ﺁﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻣﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺣﮑﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮐﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻭﺏ ﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪۹۰‬‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺣﻴﺎ ﮐﻦ ﺭﻫﺎ ﮐﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺳﮑﻮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻭﺏ ﺁﻫﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﮐﺸﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ ﻳﮏ ﺁﻓﺴﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺍﺷﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ‪ ۱۴‬ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ۲‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻨﻔﺮﻳﺪ ﺷﻴﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ‪ ۶۷‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﻠﻎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻱ ‪ ۲۸۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﻴﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۲‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﻮﺋﻞ ﺍﺗﻮﺋﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ NBA‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﻞ ﻭﺳﺘﺒﺮﻭﮎ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺴﮑﺘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ )ﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻱ( ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﻭﮐﻼﻫﻤﺎﺳﻴﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﻧﺪﺭ« ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳﻞ ﻭﺳﺘﺒﺮﻭﮎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺴﮑﺘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﮐﻼﻫﻤﺎﺳﻴﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﻧﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ‪ NBA‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ‪ ۵‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪ ۲۰۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺘﺒﺮﻭﮎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺴﮑﺘﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺱ ﺁﺩﺍﻣﺰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎﻳﻨﺎ ﮐﺸﮕﺮ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ‪ ۲۲‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‪ ۶ ،‬ﺭﻳﺒﺎﻧﺪ‪ ۴ ،‬ﭘﺎﺱ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ۳‬ﺗﻮﭘﺮﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» .‬ﭼﺎﻳﻨﺎ ﮐﺸﮕﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺱ ﺁﺩﺍﻣﺰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻳﻨﺎ ﮐﺸﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻳﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻠﺰ ﻭ ﮐﻴﻨﺴﻲ ﺩﺍﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﻼﻥ ﮐﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﻼﻥ ﮐﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۷‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ‪ ۹,۶ ،‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ‪ ۱۱,۷‬ﺭﻳﺒﺎﻧﺪ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﻴﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻴﮏ ﺑﻮﮐﺴﻴﻨﮓ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬

‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﻴﮏ ﺑﻮﮐﺴﻴﻨﮓ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﻴﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ ‪ ۵۵‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻃﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺯﻣﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﻴﺪﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﴼ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫‪۴۲‬‬

‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺎﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻧﺪﻭﻳﭻ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﭙﺲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻔﮏ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺨﻤﻪ ﻭ… ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺳﻨﺎﮎ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻟﺨﺮﺍﺵ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻟﻬﺮﻩﺁﻭﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰﻩﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﮐﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻴﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻢﺗﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﻭ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺳﻨﺎﮎ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺮﺳﻨﺎﮎ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺰﻫﮑﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻨﺎﮎ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺰﻫﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺻﻠﻮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﺮﮔﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺷﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻨﺠﮑﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺟﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﮐﺸﻒ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻱﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﮒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻴﺪﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻴﺪﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﺲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﮒﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺱﺍﻓﮑﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺀ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺷﺘﻲ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺳﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﮐﺮﺩ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎﺗﺮ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻨﻲﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﺎﻟﮑﺘﻴﮏ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۸۸‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺟﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻃﻨﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻼﺩ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻼﺩ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﻣﮕﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻼﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺯﺷﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺲ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ )ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻢﮐﻢ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺟﻼﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﻲﻫﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮐﻢ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﮏﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺣﻘﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺣﮑﻢ ﻳﮏ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻨﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻼﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ »ﭼﻴﺰﻱ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﻼﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ! ﺍﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﮑﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﮑﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺣﮑﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﻮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﺎ ﺟﻼﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪(770) 973-0506 :‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1396‬‬

‫‪October 2017‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬

‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺩﻱﺗﺴﺎﻳﺖ«‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﮑﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﮑﺎﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﮑﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬

‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺗﮑﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﮑﺐ ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﴽ ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺣﺸﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﮐﻨﺶ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ! ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﺀ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻋﻤﺪﻱﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﺑﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻲﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﮎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻋﺘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ«‪» ،‬ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﺸﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ«‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﮒ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﮑﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻲ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ ۱۳‬ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﮐﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۱۹۵۰‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﮑﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻲ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۲۸‬ﺁﭘﺮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۱۹۸۳‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۸‬ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﴼ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﮐﻲ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺑﻠﻮﮎ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫»ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ« ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ]ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ[ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﮐﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ -‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺗﻠﻲ ﺳﻨﮕﺪﻝ‪ -‬ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ« ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﭙﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻴﻮﺗﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ« ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ :‬ﻗﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻔﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻠﻄﻴﻒ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺒﮏ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺮﻭﮊ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﻮﻳﮏ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ‪ ۷۷‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻤﺒﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺷﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﮐﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﻧﺮﻭﮊ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ ۲۱‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﮑﺐ ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﮐﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻋﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻋﺐ ﺷﮑﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻫﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﴼ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻓﺮﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﮐﺮﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﮐﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺰﻭﻣﴼ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻕ ﻋﻔﻮ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺠﻮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﺗﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﻓﻴﻊ ﺿﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﭖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻬﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺠﻮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻋﺠﺎﻳﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺍﻳﺐ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻋﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﺷﺎﻫﺴﻮﻥ« ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻃﻨﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﻮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۸۸۸‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﺷﺎﻫﺴﻮﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺩﺩ« ﭼﺎﭖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪» ،‬ﺷﺒﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻔﺮﺍﻑ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۸۹۲‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ »ﻃﻠﻮﻉ ﻣﺼﻮﺭ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﻤﻴﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺛﻘﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻘﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻴﻦﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۹۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺷﺎﻫﺴﻮﻥ« ﻭ »ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺩﺩ« ﻣﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺷﺒﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻔﺮﺍﻑ« ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻲ ـ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﭖ ﮊﻻﺗﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﭖ ﮊﻻﺗﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﻃﻠﻮﻉ ﻣﺼﻮﺭ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺶ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۰۱‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۱۲۸۰‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﺍﺩﺏ« ﭼﺎﭖ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺳﻮﻱ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺎﺵﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺭﺿﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ »ﻃﻠﻮﻉ ﻣﺼﻮﺭ« ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ »ﺷﺒﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻔﺮﺍﻑ« ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺷﺒﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻚﻭﺭﻗﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ »ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺳﻮﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﺍﺩﺏ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺎﭖ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﺍﺩﺏ« ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۷۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﭖ ﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻃﻠﻮﻉ ﻣﺼﻮﺭ« ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﭖ ﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻭﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﭖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﮊﻻﺗﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﭼﺎﭖ ﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮊﻻﺗﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻚﻭﺭﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﭖ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻲ ﭼﺎﭖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ ۱۴۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺍﺩﺏ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﺎﭖ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﭼﺎﭖ ﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﻣﻼﻧﺼﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۰۶‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۱۲۸۵‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻼﻧﺼﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ« ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻮﮊﻩﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻒ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺗﻮﭖ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺏ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؛ ‪ ۲۰‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻊ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ ۳۲‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ۱۳۲۰‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ ۲۰‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ۱۳۲۰‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ ۲۸‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ۱۳۳۲‬ﻛﻞ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻲ ‪ ۶۹‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ ۲۸‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ۱۳۳۲‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۱۳۵۷‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۵۰‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﺭ« ﻭ »ﻛﺸﻜﻴﺎﺕ«‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ »ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ« ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ ۱۳۴۷‬ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۵۷‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۵۰‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻲ ‪ ۵۰‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺶ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۲۰۰‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪» ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺴﻮﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺍﺩﺏ« ﻭ »ﺷﺒﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻔﺮﺍﻑ«؛ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‪» ،‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ«‪» ،‬ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ«‪» ،‬ﻛﺸﻜﻮﻝ«‪» ،‬ﺑﻬﻠﻮﻝ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ »ﺩﻫﺨﺪﺍ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ »ﺩﺧﻮ«‪» ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺍﺳﺮﺍﻓﻴﻞ«‪» ،‬ﺣﺸﺮﺍﺕﺍﻻﺭﺽ«‪» ،‬ﮔﻞ ﺯﺭﺩ«‪» ،‬ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ« ﻭ »ﻧﺎﻫﻴﺪ«؛ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ »ﻧﺎﻫﻴﺪ« ﻭ »ﺍﻣﻴﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ »ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺷﻤﻞ«‪» ،‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ«‪» ،‬ﭼﻠﻨﮕﺮ« ﻭ »ﺣﺎﺟﻲﺑﺎﺑﺎ«؛ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ »ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ« ﻭ »ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ« ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﻮ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ »ﮔﻞﺁﻗﺎ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ« ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ« ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫»ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۶۹‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺖ ﺟﻠﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺮ‪ ،‬ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺰﻳﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﭼﺎﭖ ﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ» ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺖﮐﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ۱۳۲۰‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺮﺩﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺗﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﮔﻮﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺩﻛﻨﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻭﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺍﻭﺭﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻨﮓ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻭﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻭﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﺎﭖ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻫﺠﻮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ۱۳۴۰‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺭﺳﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﮊﻧﮕﻲ«‪» ،‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺗﭽﻲ«‪» ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ«‪» ،‬ﺑﻴﻮﻙ ﺍﺣﻤﺮﻱ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻲ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻲ« ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ۱۳۴۰‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ۱۳۴۰‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻭ ﮊﺍﻧﺮ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻟﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭ‪ .‬ﺭﺣﻴﻢﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺧﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺁﻗﺎ ﻋﻠﻲﺭﺿﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺰﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻀﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﮊﻧﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺣﻤﺖﺍﷲ ﺯﻧﺪﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﺟﻼﻝ ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺧﻄﻴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻼﻝ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻥ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺡ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﺩﺍﻧﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺑﺎﺻﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺱ‪ .‬ﺻﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺗﻜﺲ ﺩﺭﻫﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺛﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺍﻑﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻔﮕﺎﻧﮓ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺧﺎﻟﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﺒﺮﺕ ﺣﻜﺎﻛﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺷﺎﺀﺍﷲ ﺍﺩﻫﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺭﻭﺵ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻞﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻳﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻲﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻮﻙ ﺍﺣﻤﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺗﭽﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺼﺺ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﺒﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﻡﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺳﺨﺎﻭﺭﺯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﮊﻩ »ﻃﻨﺰ« ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ »ﺷﻮﺥﻃﺒﻌﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺫﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮊﻩ ﻃﻨﺰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۲۰۰‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﻧﺎﻫﻴﺪ« ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻳﺪﻙ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

October 2017

Source: RFE/RL An Iranian chess player, Dorsa Derakhshani, who was expelled from the national team for attending an international competition without wearing hijab, has switched sides and joined

the U.S. team.

«Based on the [International Chess Federation,

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FIDE] statute, chess players who switch their nationality can after two years join the national team of their new country. Dorsa has also benefited from the same statute,” Mehr News Agency (Mehr News Agency) cited Iranian Chess Federation (IRCF) President Mehrdad Pahlevanzadeh as saying.

Iran Students News Agency (ISNA) also reported on the 19-year-old chess player's decision on October 2, presenting Derakhshani as a chess woman grandmaster and international master.

ISNA says that over the past two years Dorsa participated in several international chess competitions without wearing hijab.

She was expelled from Iran's national team for participating in the Tradewise Gibraltar Chess tournament in February without wearing hijab.

Immediately after the tournament, the IRCF’s president announced, “In regards to the events in Gibraltar, Dorsa and her chess

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player brother, Borna, are going to be seriously confronted.»

Derakhshani's 15-year-old brother had played against Israeli grandmaster Alexander Huzman in Gibraltar despite an unwritten law in Iran that prohibits its athletes from competing against Israeli opponents.

In January 2016, Iranian competitor Ehsan Ghaem-Maghami withdrew from a tournament in Switzerland when he learned he would be facing an Israeli in the fifth round.

However, Pahlevanzadeh now insists, «Dorsa was not a member of Iran's national chess team. She played for Iran only one time in 2014.»

Derakhshani is the second Iranian female chess player after Sara Khadim osh-Shari’a to achieve the prestigious titles of woman grandmaster at 18 and international grandmaster at the 87th Hastings International Chess Congress.

At 15, Derakhshani won the Asian Chess Championship in 2012 and came sixth in the World

Youth Chess Championship in 2015.

In 2015, she accepted an offer by a Spanish club and moved to Barcelona to continue her studies at a university, as well.

Her registration has now been altered on FIDE's website, and Pahlevanzadeh confirmed her switch to the U.S. Chess Federation.

Derkhshani will join Nazi Paikidze on Team USA. The 23-year-old Russian-born Paikidze, who won the U.S. women's championship in 2016, refused to compete in February's Women's World Chess Championship in Iran, protesting the country's hijab law.

«I think it's unacceptable to host a Women's World Championship in a place where women do not have basic fundamental rights and are treated as second-class citizens,» she wrote in an Instagram post in September 2016. «For those saying that I don't know anything about Iran: I have received the most support and gratitude from the people of Iran, who are facing this situation every day.» colleagues are effectively and indefinitely blacklisted by this new proclamation.” She added, “This is not a minor inconvenience. It is deeply painful, it is callous and it is rooted in anything but a genuine concern for the safety and well-being of this country and all its citizens.”

Yet the direct consequences could be for the future of the Iranian-American community.

Maghbouleh told Al-Monitor, “[The ban] represents a foreclosure of possibilities for the future of IranianAmericans. Relative to other groups, we haven’t been in the United States as immigrants for very long — only really the last 40 years. But now, because immigration from Iran is banned indefinitely, those of us who are already here — either as naturalized citizens or born to our Iranian immigrant parents — have to imagine a future where we might as well be the last Iranian-Americans.”

CONTINUED FROM COVER PAGE

The first ban, which attempted to prohibit the entry of green card holders and those with valid visas, came under immediate attack by activists and civil rights groups. The second ban, which had a focus on families of US citizens, also faced immediate pushback.

Amy Malek, a scholar of the Iranian diaspora and professor at the College of Charleston, told Al-Monitor, “Travel Ban 2.0 placed kinship at the fore, requiring travelers from these countries to possess bona fide relationships with US citizens. In doing so, the Trump administration made bizarre assumptions about who we regard as kin, which relationships are real and therefore which deserve to be preserved through granting rights to travel.”

She added, “In response to community protests and judicial challenges to these interpretations, Travel Ban 3.0 dealt with that pesky kinship problem by imposing a blanket ban on nearly everyone, regardless of any relationships or bona fides.”

Although the Trump administration claims that it is no longer a Muslim ban because of the addition of non-Muslim majority countries, Becca Heller, director of the International Refugee Assistance Project, has argued, “Of [the newly added] countries, Chad is majority Muslim, travel from North Korea is already basically frozen, and the restrictions on Venezuela only affect government officials on certain visas.” As such, the Trump administration’s claim that Travel Ban 3.0 doesn’t single out Muslims appears far-fetched.

As the bans have disproportionately affected Iranians, the Iranian-American community has organized itself in the past few months with a series of lawsuits, amicus briefs, direct actions and campaigns to reverse the bans. Organizations such as NIAC Action have teamed up with 12 major civil rights groups to oppose the ban. Along with organizations such as the ACLU, Muslim Advocates, and Amnesty International, NIAC Action will in coming weeks deliver petitions from constituents demanding Congress take action. The National Iranian American Council has stated, “Amending this ban does not change what its intent has been since its inception, which was clearly to ban Muslims. The Trump Administration has simply tried to make the president’s racist proclamation to ban all Muslims more palatable.”

If it becomes indefinite — which could very much be the case given the absence of diplomatic relations between Iran and the United States — Travel Ban 3.0 will have severe consequences for the Iranian American community. Neda Maghbouleh, a professor at the University of Toronto and author of a book on race and IranianAmericans, told Al-Monitor, “One short-term consequence is that Iranian nationals working in America won’t even be able to renew their work visas, much less stay on a more permanent basis.

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This is disastrous for American industries that have long relied on Iranian human capital to grow our economy and maintain a competitive advantage in sectors like biomedical science, tech, and engineering.”

Al-Monitor also spoke with Mana Kharrazi, the executive director of Iranian Alliances Across Borders. The group filed an amicus brief that was cited in the 9th Circuit’s ruling deeming the revised travel ban unconstitutional in June.

Commenting on the revised travel restrictions, she said, “The administration’s ban is an attack on our communities and discriminates based on national origin and religion. Barring our families from the United States protects no one and only perpetuates the hatred that has left us vulnerable to violence over the past year. We must challenge this ban and the hatred at its root. We absolutely

have a right to exist in the United States and refuse to be pawns in a political agenda that has little to do with safety and security.”

The issue of «safety and security” is the animating question of the new proclamation. It claims that the new ban will allow the United States to know that the people traveling from the blacklisted countries are who they say they are.

But as Amy Malek told Al-Monitor, “Diaspora communities often rely on travel and transportation to thrive, whether to maintain social networks, operate transnational businesses or sustain family relationships across borders. And these relationships benefit America in numerous ways, whether cultural, economic, political or social. So to claim this blanket ban benefits all American citizens — as the proclamation does — ignores the millions of American citizens whose relatives, partners and

NARGES BAJOGHLI Contributor, Iran Pulse Dr. Narges Bajoghli is a socio-cultural anthropologist. She is a postdoctoral research associate in international and public affairs at the Watson Institute at Brown University. Her focus is on Iran, media, war and revolution. Her research has been supported by national grants from the Social Science Research Council, the National Science Foundation (awarded/declined), The Wenner Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research and the American Institute of Iranian Studies. She has directed a documentary film, «The Skin That Burns,» on chemical warfare survivors in Iran. In addition to her academic writing, Narges has also written for The New York Times Magazine, The Guardian, The Washington Post, Al-Monitor, Middle East Research and Information Project, The Huffington Post and LobeLog. She has also appeared as a guest commentator on Iranian politics on DemocracyNow!, NPR, BBC WorldService, PBS NewsHour, BBC Persian and HuffPost Live.

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In the past weeks, labor protests and strikes have increased across Iran with workers speaking out against layoffs and nonpayment of wages. Iran's ailing economy has not recovered from the nuclear sanctions and even after the signing of the 2015 nuclear deal, workers' living conditions have not improved.

As the labor movement in Iran is building up wider networks and demanding rights, the Iranian state is squashing protests, arresting workers and slapping them with long-term prison sentences.

Production Company (HEPCO) and the Azarab Industries in Arak, Iran.

The workers were protesting between four to six months of unpaid wages.

The images and clips distributed by workers on social media horrified Iranian viewers. Workers were attacked, and dozens of them were arrested. Many of those detained were wounded and bled as they were being taken away.

«I do not have bread to eat. I cannot afford to pay for my wife and children!» HEPCO worker said in the street protest adding: «How many miles do I have to walk in protest?»

The strikes and protests are not

The state is supporting the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and enormous financial costs of the Islamic Republic of Iran's intervention in Syria, Lebanon, and Yemen. Powerful institutions such as the IRGC are shaping Iran's economy and instead of investing in the infrastructure, manufacturing sector and jobs, money is being spent on war and warfare - an area that IRI thinks is of utmost importance for its survival in the region.

As such even the oil and gas workers that once lived relatively prosperous lives in Iran are not secure anymore. On 22 September, Haffari

The sharp increase in the number of labor protests in the past few months suggests that soon, the Iranian labor movement is going to transform the political equation in Iran and more workers are going to be voices of dissent.

The most significant problem Iranian workers face: nonpayment of wages and mass layoffs. Employers - many of whom are government entities or private manufacturers closely affiliated with the state, are holding back paychecks and/or laying off employees without relief packages. With no feasible social security plan, the workers go on strike or come to the streets to protest.

In response, the state is suppressing a nationwide labor movement in the making.

In the most recent crackdown on 19 September, antiriot police attacked workers of Heavy Equipment

limited to industrial sector (which has suffered the most from the sanction era) but also civil servants, government workers, retired government workers, teachers, nurses, mine workers, and public transport employees like the bus drivers of city of Tehran who have all protested in the past six months.

The government, represented by the president Hassan Rouhani, is in charge of the budget and marinating of the economic prosperity. The state, represented by the Supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei is not helping the government out.

Oil prices have fallen from $120 to $40 a barrel, Donald Trump's treats to ‘rip up’ Iran nuclear deal has further made the Iranian market unstable and undesirable for foreign investors and Iranian Rial dropped against major foreign currencies as of September 8th.

Shomal, an oil rig company laid off more than 70 of its workers. The same company laid off more than 150 employees last year (excluding the 70 recent firings).

The widespread corruption at all governmental levels and particularly in the level of oil and gas and manufacturing sectors is not helping the Iranian economy or the Iranian worker.

The blows of the nuclear sanctions era have not ended despite the agreement that was reached between Iran and the world powers.

Sanctions on the banking system and various economic sectors have kept the economy paralyzed. United States banks do not engage in transactions with Iranian banks, and non-U.S. banks will not risk their financial institutions' status in the United States by doing business with Iran.

Insecurities are not only about

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jobs, with no meaningful social security programs, but the Iranian workers are also insecure about their very livelihood.

The manufacturing sector - which has become somewhat privatized with the help of the rentier state in the past 30 years is now shutting down. Those that are not closing shop are firing permanent workers in the hope of finding cheaper labor and temporary workers.

Workers who are amongst the ethnic minority groups are hit harder by the state crackdown. On 24 September, Mozafar Salehania, a member of the board of the Free Trade Union of Iranian Workers, was arrested at his workplace in the Kurdish city of Sanandaj. Three days before him, Mokhtar Asadi, of the teacher's union in the city of Sanandaj was arrested.

T h e disciplining of Kurdish workers has been high on the agenda of state for the past couple of years.

In December of 2015 Kurdish miners of Agh Dareh gold mines staged many protests which earned many miners imprisonment, flogging and hefty fines.

The problem is not only with the private sector in the Kurdish region. Even civil servants are living life with delayed wages. In Marivan, city workers have not received their paychecks for the past three months, that is July to September.

Amongst all this, however, a strong labor movement is shaping. The apparent rise in the number of labor strikes, rallies, protests, and sit-ins in September 2017 are all marked by the workers demanding the release of their trade union activists or leaders. Among them Reza Shahbi of the Trade Union of the Tehran and Suburbs Vahed Bus Company.

Reza Shahabi was arrested in 2010 and sentenced to six years in prison. He went on medical furlough after four years but was taken back to prison despite his medical condition

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which requires regular treatment. As of August 8th Shahabi went on hunger strike in Rejai Shahr prison in Karaj protesting his lack of access to adequate medical care.

Shahbi’s photo has been spotted in many of the worker protests in September in Iran.

His fellow bus drivers have been protesting his arrest and imprisonment by driving during daylight with their headlights on.

Most recently on September 25, Tehran bus drivers gathered in front of the Ministry of Labor demanding Shahabi's release. A couple of days before this protest they staged a sit-in, in front of the Iranian parliament.

Similarly, leaders and activists of the teacher's movement in Iran, Esmail Abdi and Mahmoud Beheshti Langroudi, who are also imprisoned, are becoming common names and faces of protests across the country.

The leadership of the workers' movement is gaining more recognition, both in labor protests but also among the general public and in social media. And this is fostering more solidarity among labor activists across the nation, which could ultimately lead to more power and politicization of workers movement in Iran.

October 2017

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But what happens when the country of origin is us?

Thomas L. Friedman OP-ED COLUMNIST nytimes.com If only Stephen Paddock had been a Muslim … If only he had shouted “Allahu akbar” before he opened fire on all those concertgoers in Las Vegas … If only he had been a member of ISIS … If only we had a picture of him posing with a Quran in one hand and his semiautomatic rifle in another …

If all of that had happened, no one would be telling us not to dishonor the victims and “politicize” Paddock’s mass murder by talking about preventive remedies.

No, no, no. Then we know what we’d be doing. We’d be scheduling immediate hearings in Congress about the worst domestic terrorism event since 9/11. Then Donald Trump would be tweeting every hour “I told you so,” as he does minutes after every terror attack in Europe, precisely to immediately politicize them. Then there would be immediate calls for a commission of inquiry to see what new laws we need to put in place to make sure this doesn’t happen again. Then we’d be “weighing all options” against the country of origin.

What happens when the killer was only a disturbed American armed to the teeth with military-style weapons that he bought legally or acquired easily because of us and our crazy lax gun laws?

Then we know what happens: The president and the Republican Party go into overdrive to ensure that nothing happens. Then they insist — unlike with every ISIS-related terror attack — that the event must not be “politicized” by asking anyone, particularly themselves, to look in the mirror and rethink their opposition to common-sense gun laws.

So let’s review: We will turn the world upside down to track down the last Islamic State fighter in Syria — deploying B-52s, cruise missiles, F-15s, F-22s, F-35s and U-2s.

We will ask our best young men and women to make the ultimate sacrifice to kill or capture every last terrorist. And how many Americans has the Islamic State killed in the Middle East? I forget. Is it 15 or 20?

And our president never stops telling us that when it comes to ISIS, defeat is not an option, mercy is not on the menu, and he is so tough he even has a defense secretary nicknamed “Mad Dog.” But when fighting the N.R.A. — the National Rifle Association, which more than any other group has prevented the imposition of common-sense gun-control laws — victory is not an option, moderation is not on the menu and the president and the G.O.P. have no mad dogs, only pussycats.

And they will not ask themselves to make even the smallest sacrifice — one that might risk their seats in Congress — to stand up for legislation that might make it just a little harder for an American to stockpile an arsenal like Paddock did, including 42 guns, some of them assault rifles — 23 in his hotel room and 19 at his home — as well as thousands of rounds of ammunition and some “electronic devices.” Just another deer hunter, I guess.

On crushing ISIS, our president and his party are all in. On asking the N.R.A. for even the tiniest moderation, they are AWOL. No matter how many innocents are fatally shot — no matter even that one of their own congressional leaders was critically wounded playing baseball — it’s never time to discuss any serious policy measures to mitigate gun violence.

And in the wake of last month’s unprecedented

By Spencer S. Hsu A U.S. judge ordered the government of Iran to pay $63 million in damages to Amir Hekmati, a former U.S. Marine who alleged Iranian captors tortured and held him prisoner for 4-1/2 years from 2011 to 2016.

Hekmati, 33, an Iranian-American from Michigan, was freed in January 2016 by Iran as part of a prisoner exchange along with Washington Post reporter Jason Rezaian, Christian minister Saeed Abedini, and another American, Nosratollah Khosravi-Roodsari.

U.S. District Judge Ellen S. Huvelle of Washington granted a default judgment against the Islamic Republic of Iran, which as its custom did not respond to Hekmati’s lawsuit in May 2016 for damages. The judgment was split 50-50 between punitive and compensatory damages for pain, suffering and economic loss.

“No award ever could fully compensate Amir Hekmati for the cruel and inhuman treatment he endured over five years at the hands of his brutal Iranian captors,” Hekmati’s attorney, Scott D. Gilbert of Washington, said in a statement. “But this brings Amir and his family another step closer to closure and ultimately, we all hope, to being able

to move on with their lives. As for the Iranian government, this well-documented opinion shines a spotlight on who they really are. And they will pay for that.”

Hekmati, a dual U.S.-Iranian national born in the United States, worked in Iraq and Afghanistan as a cultural analyst and adviser for U.S. defense contractors and at the time of his arrest in August 2011 was making his first trip to Iran to visit relatives before starting graduate school at the University of Michigan.

Hekmati said he was held in extreme solitary confinement, beaten, threatened, and deprived of food and sanitary conditions, consistent with its treatment of U.S.-Iranian citizens held under false pretenses.

Hekmati said he was offered immediate release in exchange for making a false confession of espionage — in what he said he was told was an internal training video — that was used to support a death sentence that eventually was reduced to 10 years imprisonment.

hurricanes in the Atlantic — that wrought over $200 billion of damage on Houston and Puerto Rico, not to mention smaller cities — Scott Pruitt, Trump’s head of the Environmental Protection Agency, also told us that it was not the time to discuss “the cause and effect” of these superstorms and how to mitigate their damage. We need to focus on helping the victims, he said. But for Pruitt, we know, it’s never time to take climate change seriously.

To take ISIS seriously abroad, but then to do nothing to mitigate these other real threats to our backyards, concert venues and coastal cities, is utter madness.

It’s also corrupt. Because it’s driven by money and greed — by gunmakers and gun sellers and oil and coal companies, and all the legislators and regulators they’ve bought and paid to keep silent. They know full well most Americans don’t want to take away people’s rights to hunt or defend themselves. All we want to take away is the right of someone to amass a military arsenal at home and in a hotel room and use it on innocent Americans when some crazy rage wells up inside him. But the N.R.A. has these cowardly legislators in a choke hold.

What to do?

Forget about persuading these legislators. They are not confused or underinformed. They are either bought or intimidated. Because no honest and decent American lawmaker would look at Las Vegas and Puerto Rico today and say, “I think the smartest and most prudent thing to do for our kids is to just do nothing.”

So there is only one remedy: Get power.

If you are as fed up as I am, then register someone to vote or run for office yourself or donate money to someone running to replace these cowardly legislators with a majority for common-sense gun laws. This is about raw power, not persuasion. And the first chance we have to change the balance of power is the 2018 midterm elections.

Forget about trying to get anything done before then. Don’t waste your breath.

Just get power. Start now.

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October 2017 - Vol 23 - Issue 287

by: Narges Bajoghli On Sept. 24, the United States announced a revised travel ban that, unlike its predecessors, may face fewer legal hurdles. “Making America Safe is my No. 1 priority. We will not admit those into our country we cannot safely vet,” President Donald Trump tweeted just after his administration released the details of his new proclamation.

Given that 62% of nonimmigrant travelers impacted by what many dub Travel Ban 3.0 are Iranian citizens, this indefinite ban — if upheld — could have long-term consequences on the IranianAmerican community.

Unlike the previous two bans, the new measure — which adds Chad, North Korea and Venezuela

to the list of blacklisted countries while removing Sudan — may be upheld as legal for a number of reasons, as Elie Mystal, editor of Above the Law, has pointed out. First, the ban says the United States requires certain information from countries before giving their citizens visas for travel to the United States, and puts forward that Iran, Libya, Syria, Yemen, Somalia, Chad, North Korea and Venezuela

cannot meet those requirements. Second, it says countries can get off the list if they provide this information. And third, it treats different countries differently.

These parameters, which did not exist in the first two versions of the travel ban, could mean that the ban could potentially be upheld in court.

Furthermore, the new ban does not affect those

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with validly issued green cards, visas or travel documents. It also does not apply to refugees; new rules governing refugees will apparently be announced soon. However, unlike the other two bans, this ban has no end date — it only requires periodic reviews.

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