Pardis Sept 2018 Digital Edition by Pardis Monthly Magazine

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‫»ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪Send an email to:‬‬

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‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﻓﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ؟‬

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‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬

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‫ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ‪۳۰‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﺷﻬﺮ ‪۳۷‬‬

‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﺑﺮﻳﺘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﻭﻳﺰ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ« ﻭ »ﮐﻲ‪.‬ﺍﻝ‪.‬ﺍﻡ« ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ »ﺑﺮﻳﺘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﻳﺰ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫‪ ۲۳‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ـ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪» .‬ﺑﺮﻳﺘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﻳﺰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﺎﻥ »ﺍﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ«‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﻄﻊ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ« ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪» .‬ﺑﺮﻳﺘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﻳﺰ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱+۵‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ »ﺑﺮﻳﺘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﻳﺰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ـ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻲ »ﺑﺮﻳﺘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﻳﺰ« ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ »ﻟﻮﻓﺖ ﻫﺎﻧﺰﺍ« ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪» ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻱ« ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﺮﻳﺘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﻳﺰ« ﻭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ »ﺍﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ«‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻱ »ﮐﻲ‪.‬ﺍﻝ‪.‬ﺍﻡ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﻔﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﯽ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﯼ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺴﺘﺮﺩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲‬ﻣﻬﺮ )‪ ۲۴‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ (۲۰۱۸‬ﮐﻠﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺣﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻧﮑﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﴼ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﮐﻨﻢ« ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻧﮑﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﮑﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» ،‬ﮐﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﮐﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﺹ‪۴۱‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ ‪۳۹‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ‪۳۳‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﻝ ‪۴۲‬‬

‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻫﻪ‬

‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻻﻫﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﮐﻼﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ(‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ‪.‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﮐﻼﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﻋﻬﺪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺴﻮﻟﻲ« ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۵۵‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ )‪ ۱۳۳۴‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ( ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﻋﻬﺪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺩﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭﮐﻼﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺩﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺾ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﮑﻢ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻫﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‬

‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۱۳۷‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪ ۱۲۱ ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺑﺎﺳﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺑﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ـ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ـ ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻋﻈﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻧﺎ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﮐﻤﺎﻟﻮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺑﺎﺳﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺣﺠﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﺑﺎﺳﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ‪ ۹۰‬ﻭ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻔﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﮑﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺮﮎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺠﻒﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮐﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ )ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻘﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﻲ( ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺑﺎﺳﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻃﻼ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﻮﭼﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺪﺯ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﮐﻮﭼﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﺒﺮﻳﺞ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﺪﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﮐﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮐﻮﭼﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮐﻮﭼﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﭼﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻮﭼﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﮐﺎﺭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮐﻮﭼﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﺪﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﭼﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻮﭼﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ »ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﮑﺮ« ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﻮﭼﺮ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺶ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮐﻮﭼﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﭼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻼﻳﻘﻢ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺪﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» ،‬ﮐﻮﭼﺮ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻳﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﴼ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۲۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﻮﭼﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» ،‬ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻲ‬

‫‪September 2018‬‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﭼﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮐﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﮏ ﭘﻮﻣﭙﺌﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻃﻲ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻮﻣﭙﺌﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﮎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﮎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﺍﻭ »ﻣﺨﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﮎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫)ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ( ﻋﻠﻨﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﮐﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۱‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﮎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ« ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ »ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ« ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪) ۲۰۰۱‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺸﮑﺮﮐﺸﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ( ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮐﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﺠﺴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ‬ ‫ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻫﻴﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭ‪ ۳۸ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ۵۹ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﮐﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﮔﺴﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﺮﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺴﻲ ﮐﻲ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﻮ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﮐﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎ )ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ( ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﮏ ﮔﺎﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ »ﺍﻑ‪ .‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻱ« ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﺎﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﺮﺯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪«.‬‬

‫ﻣﺎﻳﮑﻞ ﻣﮏ ﮔﺎﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ »ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻑ‪ .‬ﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﺁﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻻﻱ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۲۱‬ﺟﻮﻻﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺒﺎﺩ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﮑﺎﮔﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪۲۰‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﮎ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﮑﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻟﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ‪۲۸‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻋﮑﺲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻂ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺧﻄﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻤﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﭺ ‪ ۲۰۱۸‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ »ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ« ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺳﻲ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﮑﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺾ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻧﭽﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺫﮐﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﮑﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﮑﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻧﭽﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍ ِﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۱۳۹۱‬ﺗﺎ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۹‬ﺩﻱ ‪ ،۱۳۹۵‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻣﺆﺳﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪I‬‬

‫‪PA‬‬

‫ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺳﭙﺲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ »ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ،۱۳۶۷‬ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ‪ ۱۳۹۶‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﮑﻢ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‬

‫‪۵‬‬ ‫ﻋﻔﻮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۰‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﮑﻤﺶ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻮﮐﻠﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺨﺘﻮﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﮏ »ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻲ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻬﺎﻧﻲ«‪» ،‬ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ »ﻃﺐ ﻣﮑﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ«‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻼﺱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﮑﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ »ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ‬

‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ )ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ( ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ـ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ ـ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻓﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ‪ ۲۸‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬

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‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻴﻒ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮐﻤﭙﻴﻦ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﺀ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﮐﻠﺶ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺱ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ( ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻡ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻪ ‪ ۶۵۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ« ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۲۳‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﮐﺎﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻭﮐﺎﻟﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ ۱۳۸۸‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ۱۳۸۹‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ۱۳۹۲‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﮐﻮﻓﻲ ﻋﻨﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮐﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻓﻲ ﻋﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮐﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪۸۰‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۱۹۹۷‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۰۶‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮐﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﭙﻮﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۱‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮐﻠﻲ ﮐﻮﻓﻲ ﻋﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﺪﺯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻓﻲ ﻋﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ »ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻓﻲ ﻋﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻏﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮐﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮐﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺴﻞ ﮐﺸﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺳﻨﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺻﻠﺢﺑﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﭘﻄﺮﻭﺱ ﻏﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻓﻲ ﻋﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺮ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﮎ ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻘﺸﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻮﻓﻲ ﻋﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮐﻤﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﮐﻮﻓﻲ ﻋﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮐﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻠﻴﺴﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﭖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﮐﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮐﺸﻴﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﺶ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﭖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻳﮏ ﭘﺎﭖ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۳۹‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻠﺴﻴﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬

‫‪۶‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺭﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮐﺸﻴﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ »ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ« ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﭘﺎﭖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ »ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ« ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮐﻠﻴﺴﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﭖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ ۲۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﮐﻠﻴﺴﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﻮﺭ ﮐﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ« ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥﮐﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻴﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ »ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ«‬ ‫ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﮔﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﮏﮔﺎﮐﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ »ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺀﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﭘﺎﭖ »ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺎﭖ ﮊﺍﻥ ﭘﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۷۹‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﭖ ﮊﺍﻥ ﭘﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻘﻂ ﺟﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻃﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺴﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺴﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻱ )ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ( ﺑﻪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻘﻂ ﺟﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﮏﮐﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﮏﮐﻴﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﮏ ﮐﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻕﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ‬

‫‪September 2018‬‬

‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﮏﮐﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﺰ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﮎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۰۸‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﮏﮐﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﮏ ﮐﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻠﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﮏ ﮐﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﮏﮐﻴﻦ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﮏ ﮐﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﮏﮐﻴﻦ‪ ۸۱ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﻻﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﮏ ﻟﺨﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ‬

‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻮﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻐﺰﻱ ﺑﺪﺧﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﭼﭗ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻳﮏ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﮏﮐﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ »ﺩﺷﻤﻦ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﮏ ﮐﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۳۶‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻧﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭﮔﺶ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۷‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﮏ ﮐﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۶۷‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻧﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﮏ ﮐﻴﻦ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ ۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۰‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﮏ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺝ ﺩﺑﻠﻴﻮ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ ۲۰۰۸‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﮎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﮎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫روﯾﺪاد‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﻟﻨﺴﺖ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۹۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۹۵‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۱۹۹۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻧﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﮑﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻨﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ )‪ ۲,۲‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ ۶,۸‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺮﮒ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ( ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۴۹‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﺳﺖ )‪ ۳,۸‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ ۱۲,۲‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺮﮒ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻄﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ«‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﻀﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﮑﺲ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻭﻟﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻭﻟﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻔﻮﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﮑﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﮐﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ـ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﮐﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺑﻨﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ‪ ۱۴‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮑﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﭙﻴﮕﻠﻬﺎﻟﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻤﺒﺮﻳﺞ‬

‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺬﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻀﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﻬﻠﺒﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﻦﺑﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﻬﻠﺒﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﻦﺑﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۳۲۵‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺲ )ﺧﺪﻳﺠﻪ( ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﻬﻠﺒﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﮎ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺫﮐﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺷﻤﺲ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺵ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﻀﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۵۳‬ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺲ ﻭ ﭘﻬﻠﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺗﻴﮑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﭖ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﭖ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﮑﺲ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﺒﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻌﺠﺐﺁﻭﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﻦﺑﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ )ﻧﺼﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ( ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭﮔﺶ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻦﺑﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻭﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻮﻱ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﻦﺑﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺯﻳﮏ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻫﻨﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ »ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ« ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻮﺷﻴﺞ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﻬﻠﺒﺪ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫)ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ( ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻳﻴﺲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻟﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻤﺲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺟﻢ‬ ‫)ﺍﺭﺗﺸﺒﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ( ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﮎ ﺁﻳﺮﻣﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻬﻠﺒﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﻬﻠﺒﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺲ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﮑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﺒﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﮑﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺰﻳﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮐﺲ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﮎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﻬﻠﺒﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫)ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ( ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﺴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ‬

‫‪September 2018‬‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ )ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ( ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﻬﻠﺒﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﻬﺒﺎﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺘﺠﺪﺩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ـ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﻬﻠﺒﺪ ـ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﮐﺴﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺸﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ـ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ـ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﮐﺮﺍﺗﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﻟﮑﻠﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﮐﺴﺘﺮ ﺳﻤﻔﻮﻧﻴﮏ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎﻻﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩﮐﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﮔﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﺒﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ )ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ( ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺿﺪﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻬﻠﺒﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ‪ ۲۵‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﮑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻠﮑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ۲۸‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﻗﻤﻴﺸﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ »ﮐﻮﺩﮎﺁﺯﺍﺭﻱ«‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﻗﻤﻴﺸﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ »ﻟﺐﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﮔﻮﮔﻮﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﻗﻤﻴﺸﻲ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ »ﻧﻮﻥﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﮐﻬﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﭖ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻮﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۸۸‬ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﮔﻮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺠﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﻭﺯﺥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻨﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻢ«‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ »ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ«‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ »ﮐﺎﺑﻮﺱ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭﻱﺍﺱ ﻧﺎﻳﭙﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬

‫»ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ« ﮔﻮﮔﻮﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﻗﻤﻴﺸﻲ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﭼﻬﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ ۵۷‬ﻧﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﮔﻮﮔﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﻗﻤﻴﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﮐﻴﻬﺎﻥ« ﭼﺎﭖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺎﭖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ« ﻭ »ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ« ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ »ﭼﻬﻞﺳﺎﻝ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺧﺎﻧﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫»ﮐﺎﺑﻮﺱ« ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ« ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ »ﻣﺸﺮﻕ« ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ »ﮐﻴﻬﺎﻥ« ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﮐﻴﻬﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﮔﻮﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ‪ ۲۸‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﺮ »ﻭﻱ‪.‬ﺍﺱ )ﻭﻳﺪﻳﺎ( ﻧﺎﻳﭙﺎﻝ« ﺭﻣﺎﻥﻧﻮﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ‪ ،۲۰۰۱‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ ۸۵‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻭﻳﺪﻳﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۳۲‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻳﻨﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻲ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ »ﺧﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ« ﻭ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺴﻮﺍﺱ« ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻳﭙﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ »ﻋﻈﻤﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ« ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻳﭙﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﮔﺮﻳﮏ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺩﻳﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﻞ« ﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻧﺎﻳﭙﺎﻝ »ﺧﻼﺋﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ »ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﮏ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻏﻤﮕﻴﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻭﻳﺪﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻨﺪﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻳﻨﻴﻨﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﮐﻮﻳﻨﺰ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻝ ﮐﺎﻟﺞ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۵۰‬ﺑﻮﺭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﮐﺴﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﭙﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ »ﻣﺎﺳﺎﮊﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۵۱‬ﭼﺎﭖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺶ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺴﻮﺍﺱ« ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎﭖ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺶ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﭙﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۱‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﺗﺮﻳﺸﻴﺎ ﻫﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۶‬ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﭙﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺁﻓﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﭙﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫‪PA‬‬

‫ﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﺍﮐﻮﻧﻮﻣﻴﺴﺖ« ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﺻﺪﺭﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺒﻮﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻮﻱ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻠﺒﻮﺭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۷‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﺻﺪﺭﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۸‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺳﺎﮐﺎ )ﮊﺍﭘﻦ(‪ ،‬ﮐﻠﮕﺮﻱ )ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ( ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﻧﻲ )ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﺍﮐﻮﻧﻮﻣﻴﺴﺖ« ﺭﺗﺒﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ‪ ۱۴۰‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻭﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﺎﻣﺒﻮﺭﮒ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﻩ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ »ﺍﮐﻮﻧﻮﻣﻴﺴﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻧﮑﻮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻧﺘﻮ )ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ(‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﮐﻴﻮ )ﮊﺍﭘﻦ(‪ ،‬ﮐﭙﻨﻬﺎﮒ‬ ‫)ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﮎ( ﻭ ﺁﺩﻻﻳﺪ )ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ( ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮐﻮﻧﻮﻣﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﻱ ﻫﺎﻣﺒﻮﺭﮒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻣﺒﻮﺭﮒ ﭘﻴﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻌﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ »ﺍﮐﻮﻧﻮﻣﻴﺴﺖ« )ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ‪ (۱۴۰‬ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﺸﻖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻩ ﺷﻬﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﮐﺎﺭ )ﺳﻨﮕﺎﻝ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫)ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ(‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺍﻻ )ﮐﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺍﺑﻠﺲ )ﻟﻴﺒﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺍﺭﻩ )ﺯﻳﻤﺒﺎﺑﻮﻩ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺯﺑﻲ )ﭘﺎﭘﻮﺁ ﮔﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻮ( ﮐﺮﺍﭼﻲ )ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻻﮔﻮﺱ‬ ‫)ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﮐﺎ )ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ( ﻭ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ )ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ »ﺍﮐﻮﻧﻮﻣﻴﺴﺖ« ﮐﻼﻥﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﮕﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ‪ ۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۵‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﻞ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻋﺴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻓﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺘﻲﺑﻴﻮﺗﻴﮏﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻓﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻓﻪ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﻓﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﺘﻲﺑﻴﻮﺗﻴﮏﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺁﻧﺘﻲﺑﻴﻮﺗﻴﮏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﻣﻴﮑﺮﻭﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺘﻲﺑﻴﻮﺗﻴﮏ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻔﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﮑﻞﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻟﻴﻤﻮ ﺗﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺠﺒﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺳﺮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻠﻮﺩﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﺀ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ‬

‫‪۹‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻓﻪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﺳﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺼﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻞ ﺷﻤﻌﺪﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻳﺎﻓﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺴﺘﺮﻭﻣﺘﻮﺭﻓﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﻋﺴﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﺳﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺘﻲﺑﻴﻮﺗﻴﮏ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻔﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﺘﻲﺑﻴﻮﺗﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﮐﺘﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ )ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ( ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬

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‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﮏ ﻭ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ‪ :‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﮏ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﮏ ﻭ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﻣﻐﺰﻱ‪ :‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﮏ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻣﺜﻼ“ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﮏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺮ ‪ ۱۲‬ﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺰﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﻢ ﻧﻤﮏ‪ :‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﻢ ﻧﻤﮏ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺰﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﮏ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻒ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺘﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺳﮑﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﮏ ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﮏ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟‬

‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﮏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﻢﻧﻤﮑﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻲﻧﻤﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺭﺿﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﮑﻲ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﮏ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﮏ ﻏﻠﻮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﺑﺎﻓﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۹۶‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۸‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ )ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ( ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﮏ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﮏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۵‬ﮔﺮﻡ ﻧﻤﮏ )ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺪﻳﻢ ﮐﻠﺮﺍﻳﺪ( ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﮑﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ‪ ۱۰‬ﮔﺮﻡ ﻧﻤﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﮑﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻧﻤﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﺯﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﮏ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﮏ ﺭﺍ ‪ ۶‬ﮔﺮﻡ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﮏ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﮏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﮏ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﴼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺧﻄﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ۸‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﻭﺍﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﮏ ﺯﻭﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻭﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ »ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۰,۴‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۰,۸‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۲۱‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﮏ ﺯﻭﻣﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻲﺣﻮﺻﻠﮕﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺸﻐﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺯﻭﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﮎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻳﮏ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﻳﺪﮐﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﭼﮏ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ »ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ‬

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‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺯﻭﻣﺮ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ« ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﮏ ﺯﻭﻣﺮ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۷۵‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۸۹‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻦ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪۶۶‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻔﮑﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﻣﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﮑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫»ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪۷۹‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﮏ ﺯﻭﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

September 2018

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September 2018

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‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺒﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ؟‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ـ ﺩﻭﻳﭽﻪ ﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺯﻭﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۱۶‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﮐﻼﻥﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﺴﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ »ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﮑﻮﺕ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻃﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺒﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺰﻳﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﮐﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﺗﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻏﺒﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ« ﺩﻳﻦﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻳﺎ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﮑﻮﻻﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻭﺝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﮑﻮﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻤﻴﻨﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۴۱‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺯﻭﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ ۲۵‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺍﮐﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪۴۳‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ‪ ۳۱‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ‪ ۲۶‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۳‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﮎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺍ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪ ۶۲ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺼﻴﻞ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۴‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﮑﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﮐﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﮑﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﮑﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ »ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻫﻢﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ« ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﮑﺎﺭﺕ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﮐﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﮐﺮﮔﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﮐﺘﮏ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﺗﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ‪ ۲۷‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﻲ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ‪ :‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ‪ :‬ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻢ ﺳﻨﮕﺴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮓ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﺸﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺘﻢ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﮑﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﻄﻊ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﻪ‪«.‬‬

‫‪September 2018‬‬

‫ﭼﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻳﺴﮏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺴﮏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻳﮏ ﭼﻤﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﮎ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺴﮏ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻭﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ« ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻃﻼﻕ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻃﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺗﮏ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﭘﺮﺗﻼﻃﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮﺍ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﮑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﮑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﮑﻢﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺳﻘﻂ ﺟﻨﻴﻦ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ ۹۴‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﮐﻪ ‪ ۱۹‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻂ ﺟﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ‪ ۱۳‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﻳﺴﮏﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺯﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺭﺍﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺍﻩﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻟﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﺴﮑﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪I‬‬

‫‪PA‬‬

‫‪۱۵‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﮏﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۲۲‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ۳۱ /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ۹۷‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻲﺍﻝﺍﻡ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۲۴‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ۲ /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ ،۹۷‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ـ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺴﺘﺮﺩﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﻠﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﮏﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺰﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪) ۲۰۱۵‬ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ( ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻴﻘﴼ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ »ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ« ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻧﺎﻳﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﮐﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‪….‬‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻱ ‪ ۹۶‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ۹۷‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻟﺬﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ …‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬

‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ »ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﮐﺎﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ« ﺑﻪ »ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ« ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﻠﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۲۰۱۲‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﻳﺰﺍ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭﻳﺰﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ( ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۲۰۱۵‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺍﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ« ﻭ »ﮐﻲﺍﻝﺍﻡ« ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻬﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮑﻮﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ؟«‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ« ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ـ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺀ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﺀﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ »ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ« ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﮕﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﮊﺍﻧﺲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺼﻒ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﴽ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﻟﻮﻓﺖ ﻫﺎﻧﺰﺍ« ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮐﺲ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺼﻒ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

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‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬

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‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺍﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ« ﺍﺯ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﺎﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ »ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ« ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺭﺯﺭﻭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﻫﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺁﮊﺍﻧﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ )ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۲۴‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ( ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺭﺑﻌﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﺑﻼ ﻭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭﻳﺰﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺗﺎ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۹‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۶۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﮏ ﺷﻮﮎ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ ‪ ۱۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۵۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻮﻝ ﭘﻴﮑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﭙﺮﺩ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻢ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪16‬‬

‫‪۱۶‬‬

‫‪September 2018‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﻓﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﺘﻮﺭﻩﭼﻲ ـ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﺘﻮﺭﻩﭼﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﺷﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﻓﻮﻳﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺘﻮﺭﻩﭼﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ!‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ »ﻓﺸﺎﻓﻮﻳﻪ« ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ« ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ »ﻗﻮﻝ«ﻱﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ »ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ« ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﮑﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ »ﺭﻓﺘﻦ« ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﻓﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻃﻤﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﻓﻮﻳﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﮑﺮﺩﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ )ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﻤﮑﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ( ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ »ﮐﺮﺍﻳﻪ« ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﮐﺮﺍﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ) ‪ ۱۵‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ( ﺑﺎ ﮐﺮﺍﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﻓﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫) ‪ ۱۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ( ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ »ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ«ﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻤﻊ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ »ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻢ‪» .‬ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ« ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﻓﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺟﻬﻨﻢ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺪﺩﺟﻮ«‪۴ ،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ »ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ« ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﻴﭗ« ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻲ »ﺗﻴﭗ« ﺑﺎ »ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ« ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﺩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ »ﻣﺴﺘﺮﺍﺡ« ﻭ »ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ«‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ »ﻭﺧﺎﻣﺖ«‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﻓﻮﻳﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ ۴‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺁﺷﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺰﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺸﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻀﻢ )ﻣﺎﮐﺎﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺯﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﭙﺨﺘﻪ( ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﻓﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﺮﮎ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻗﺪ »ﺗﻮﺍﻟﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ«ﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺳﻮﺭﺍﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻒ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺤﻮﻃﻪ ‪ ۶۰‬ﺩﺭ ‪ ۶۰‬ﺳﺎﻧﺘﻴﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻠﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮐﻒ ﺳﻠﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۳‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۳‬ﻣﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ‬ ‫‪ ۲۶‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۳۲‬ﻣﺪﺩﺟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ »ﻣﻲﻟﻮﻟﻨﺪ« ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﻮﻝﻫﺎ »ﻓﻴﺰﻳﮏ« ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ »ﻓﻴﺰﻳﮏ« ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪﮔﺎﻩ« ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫)ﻓﻴﺰﻳﮏﻫﺎ(‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺳﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺘﻮ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻒ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﻓﻮﻗﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﻮﻟﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻓﺎﮊ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫‪ ۴‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺗﺎ ‪ ۷‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻻﻣﭗ ﻣﻬﺘﺎﺑﻲ ‪ ۱۰۰‬ﻭﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺴﻮﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ »ﺑﺎ ﮐﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮑﺎﺗﺒﻴﻦ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺒﻲ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻳﮑﻪ »ﺗﺨﺖﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩﺍﻱ« ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﮐﻠﻔﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻠﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻃﻮﻳﻞﺍﻟﻤﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﺣﺒﺲﮐﺶﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻓﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺮﺍﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻗﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ(‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺘﺨﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ )ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ( ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ »ﺭﺩﻩﺍﻱ«ﻫﺎ )ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻗﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺒﮏ ﻭ …‪ (.‬ﻭ ﮐﻒ ﺳﻠﻮﻝ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ »ﮐﻒﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎ« )ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﻥ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﮐﻢ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻠﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﮑﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ »ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ‪ ۲۴‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﮐﺜﺮ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ »ﮐﻒﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺨﺖ« ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ »ﺗﺎﺑﻮﺕ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻒ ﺳﻠﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺗﮑﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﻔﺬ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ »ﻗﺒﺮﺧﻮﺍﺏ«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻱ ﺗﻌﻔﻦ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻕ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻔﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﮐﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻔﻈﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﺳﺘﺸﻮﻳﻲ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺴﺘﺸﻮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺗﻌﻔﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۸۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻘﻲ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺗﻦﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻞ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﮏ »ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ« ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﭙﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﺩﺟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ )ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ »ﻣﺪﺩﻳﺎﺭ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ »ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﮎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﻣﭙﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﻮﺭﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ‪» ،‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺐ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ )ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﭙﺰﻱ(‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﻴﭗ« ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﮐﺮﺩﻧﻲﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ« ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫»ﮐﻴﺲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ« ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﺟﻞ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺪﺧﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ »ﻫﻢﻟﺒﺎﺳﻲ«ﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﮑﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻟﮕﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ »ﻧﺴﻖﮔﻴﺮﻱ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻔﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺒﺎﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ )ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻤﺎﺭﮐﺶﻫﺎ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻦ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ‪ ۹۹‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻢﻟﺒﺎﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ »ﻧﺎﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺒﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﮐﻮﭼﮏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻲﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ »ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﮐﻒﺧﻮﺍﺏ« ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻲﺭﻏﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﮑﻞ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺮﺍﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻗﺘﻲﻫﺎ‪» ،‬ﮐﺮ ﻭ ﮐﺜﻴﻒﻫﺎ« ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﺍﺣﺸﺎﻡ« ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﻓﻮﻳﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ »ﻏﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ« ﻭ »ﻋﺎﺩﻱ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻲ »ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﻓﺸﺎﻓﻮﻳﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻋﺎﺟﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺑﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻩﺗﺮ« ﻭ »ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡﺗﺮ« ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ »ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺿﺪ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻟﻄﻤﺎﺕ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﻓﻮﻳﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ »ﻧﺪﺍﻣﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻔﮑﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﻣﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﻓﺸﺎﻓﻮﻳﻪ« ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﻃﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﺎﮎ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﮑﺲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻫﻴﭽﮑﺲ« ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﻮﭼﮏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﻓﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﻬﻲﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﮐﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺮﺍﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﮐﺴﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ ۱۰۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۵۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۴‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﻖ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﻭﻳﺶ ﮔﻨﺎﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻱ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻟﻄﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺪﮎ‪ ،‬ﮐﻞ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻇﻠﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻩ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﭘﺮ ﻣﺤﺒﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺤﻮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﻓﻮﻳﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺸﺘﻨﺎﮎ »ﻫﻢ ﻟﺒﺎﺳﻲ«ﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﻓﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺗﻌﻔﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻲﭘﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻔﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺲﺗﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﻭﺩﻭ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺦ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﮏ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ‪ ۵۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺘﮑﺜﺮ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻲ ﻭﺧﻴﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﭘﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻱ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻭﺭﺯﻱﻫﺎ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺗﮏ ﺗﮏ ﺭﻓﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻭﺧﺎﻣﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺮﻣﻨﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺗﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺒﺲﮐﺶ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺦ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻴﺒﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﺮ ﮐﻲ ﺍﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺻﻠﻮﺍﺕ…ﺑﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﮕﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﭽﻪ‪«.‬‬

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‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺳﻲ« ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ »ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ«‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻐﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ )ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺎﺯ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺎﺯ ‪ ۱۱‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۴‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ ۸۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮐﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺗﺮﻳﮏ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ »ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﻄﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺎﺯ ‪ ۱۱‬ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ‪ ۵۶‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻣﮑﻌﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺯ ‪ ۱۱‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﻓﺎﺯ ‪ ۱۱‬ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻲ ﺭﻏﺒﺘﻲ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۵۰‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﻄﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺎﺯ ‪ ۱۱‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺎﺯ ‪ ۱۱‬ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﺷﮑﺎ ِﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻪ )ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺭﻳﺴﮏ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ )ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ( ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺎﺯ ‪ ۱۱‬ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺎﻉﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻗﺮﻩﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﭘﺴﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ« ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺭﻳﺴﮏ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ )ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ( ﭼﻤﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﭼﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ۱۳۷۰‬ﻫﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺗﻮ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ۹۰‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﺀ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﻌﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﮑﺎﺗﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﭘﺎﻧﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭﺧﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻪ )ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺭﻳﺴﮏ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ »ﺷﻞ« ﻭ »ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﭘﻲ« ﺭﻳﺴﮏﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻼﮎ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺭﻳﺴﮏ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ )ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺮ( ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺭﻳﺴﮏ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻟﻮﺍﭘﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ« ﻭ »ﺧﻮﺩﮐﻔﺎﻳﻲ« ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﮑﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬

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‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻁ ﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺩﻟﻮﺍﭘﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﻖﺑﻪﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﻝ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ« ﻭ »ﻧﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ«‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺷﻌﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺑﻼﺗﮑﻠﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻳﺒﻲ« ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ« ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺵ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺪﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ« ﺗﻪ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺷﺠﺎﻉﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻗﺮﻩﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻮﺍﭘﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﺰ »ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻳﺒﻲ« ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ )ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ( ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺭﻳﻨﮓ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ )ﻫﺮﮐﺲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ!( ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺘﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ‪ ۲۰۰‬ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ؟ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻞ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﺪ؛ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ )ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ( ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻝ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺩﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ!‬

‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺎﺯ ‪۱۱‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻬﻢ ‪ ۵۰,۱‬ﻟﻴﺪﺭ ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ ‪ CNPCI‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﻬﻢ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺮﻭﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻬﻢ ‪ ۱۹,۹‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺎﺯ ‪ ۱۱‬ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﮑﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺯ ‪ ۱۱‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻓﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫از‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﯾﯽ‬

‫‪News from Afghanistan‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﺴﮑﻮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬

‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﮑﻮ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺒﻐﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﺴﮑﻮ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﺴﮑﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺒﻐﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﮐﻤﮏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﮏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺣﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺯﻟﻤﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﻞﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﮏ ﭘﻤﭙﺌﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻟﻤﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﻞﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ ،۲۰۰۱‬ﮐﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮ ﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻴﻞﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻴﻞﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻴﻞﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﮎ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ« ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﻠﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻠﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻔﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺧﻠﻴﻞﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻓﺖ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻟﻤﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﻞﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻴﻞﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﻞﺯﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺞ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﮑﺎﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﻞﺯﺍﺩ ‪ ۶۷‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺰﺍﺭﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺩﺑﻠﻴﻮ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﮑﻠﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﮑﻠﺴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ‬

‫‪September 2018‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ »ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﺒﺰ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ ۱۸‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻗﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﻨﺪﻭﺯ ـ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺎﺭ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻌﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﻤﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﻗﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ‪ ۱۲۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺷﺶ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﮑﭙﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۰‬ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺫﺑﻴﺢﺍﷲ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﮐﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺲﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫــﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﭼﺨﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ‪ ۳۴‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﺩﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭼﺨﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ« ﭼﺎﭖ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻋﮑﺲ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ« ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺭﻏﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻢﺁﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﮑﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﮐﻤﮏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﮐﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ‪ ۱۶‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﮎ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺧﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪» ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ« ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻠﻴﮏ ﺧﻤﭙﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﮒ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ‬

‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﮒ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﺪﻑ ‪ ۹‬ﺧﻤﭙﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻠﻴﮏ ﺧﻤﭙﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻼﺕ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺧﻤﭙﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺭﮒ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﻤﭙﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﭙﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻠﺞ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻤﭙﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ ﻣﻘﺮ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺻﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻋﻴﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۰۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﮏ ﭘﻤﭙﺌﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻣﺘﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺰﻧﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺮﻳﮑﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‬

‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺮﻳﮑﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺮﻳﮑﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ‪۸۱‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺵ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ »ﻃﻠﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﻮﺯ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﺮﺕﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﺵ ﮐﺮﻳﮑﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﭖﺯﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ‪ ۸۲‬ﺩﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺗﻴﻢﺍﺵ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ ۳۷‬ﺩﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻧﺠﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﺯﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺗﻮﭖ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺩﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺮﻳﮑﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﭖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺭﺍﺷﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮑﺖ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻴﺐﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻪ ﻭﻳﮑﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻣﻠﮏ‪ ،‬ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﮏ ﻭﻳﮑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺁﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﻳﮑﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪.‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺫﮐﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻳﮑﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺮﻳﮑﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ‪ ۱۶‬ﺩﻭﺵ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫‪PA‬‬

‫‪۱۹‬‬

‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻴﮏ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﮐﻮﺛﺮ ـ ﺩﻭﻳﭽﻪ ﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺐﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺏﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻁ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﮐﮏﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﺶ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﺏ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺁﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ«‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺏ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﺍﻧﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﺁﺏ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۸۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺏ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺏ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﭘﺬﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﮐﻞ ﺑﺎﺭﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺒﺨﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۲۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﮑﻌﺐ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۹۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﻌﺐ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ؟ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ »ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ!« ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺱﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺁﺏ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﺏ ﻧﺎﻟﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺏ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﺏ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﺏ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﺏ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻳﺴﺮﮐﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺬﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺪﺭﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺯﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺏ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ؟ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ »ﺁﺏ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮑﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪ ﺁﺑﻴﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺣﮑﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ…‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻟﻘﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﮑﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻟﻘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﺏ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻲ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ! ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﮑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ!«‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﮑﻴﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺯﮐﺘﻮﻣﻲ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﴼ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۵۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺎﮎ ﻭ ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺠﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﺏ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺑﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺏﺑﺮ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫)ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻏﻼﺕ(‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻋﮑﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺷﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﭘﺮﺁﺏﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﺑﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﴼ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺁﺏ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺑﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺗﺒﺨﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺁﺑﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺸﮑﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﴽ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺎﻻﺏ ﺷﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺁﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺿﺮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ ۱۳‬ﺳﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ ۵۷‬ﺑﻪ ‪ ۶۵۰‬ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮐﻢ ‪ ۴۰۰‬ﺳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﮑﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﭼﮏﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﮑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫»ﻣﻬﺎﺏ ﻗﺪﺱ« ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﭼﮏﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﺪ ﮔﺘﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺪ ﮔﺘﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﮏ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﺒﺨﻴﺮﻱ ﮔﭽﺴﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺏ ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪ ﺳﺪ ﮔﺘﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺏ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪ ﺳﺪ ﮔﺘﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮐﻮﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺨﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺧﺸﮏ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺧﺸﮏ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺍﺭﺗﺰﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺟﺎﺯﻣﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﻫﻠﻴﻞﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻗﻢﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ؟ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﺪ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﻭﺩ ﮐﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻻﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ؟ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻪ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺿﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻠﺐ ﺣﻖﺁﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬

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‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺰﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩﺩﺯﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺁﺏ ﮐﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ ﮐﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻼﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖﻃﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺏ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺁﺏ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻲﺁﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﴼ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ ﻓﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﮑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﺏ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺑﻪﺍﺵ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؟ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ »ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺁﺏ« ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﮐﺪﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﺏ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺁﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﮐﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺏ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻟﻪﮐﺸﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﭽﻪ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﺗﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺸﻨﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺠﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻋﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻫﻴﭻﮐﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﮎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ »ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ« ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻴﻮﺏ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﴼ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻠﻄﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺁﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺑﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺮﻭﻁﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﮑﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎ )ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻳﮏ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ( ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻲﮐﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪۲۰‬‬

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‫روﯾﺪاد‬

‫ﺳﯿﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽو‬

‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬

‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ )ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪ ٣١‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٣٠٣‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻠﺞ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ( ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ«ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ١٤‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﻟﻪﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪١٣٢٠‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ«‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺧﻄﻴﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺗﻔﮑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻻﻟﻪﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٣٢٦‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ ١٠‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻱ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺧﻄﻴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٣٤٧‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﮔﺎﻭ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﻒ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﻟﻮ«‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻣﻴﻨﺎ«‪» ،‬ﭘﺴﺘﭽﻲ«‪» ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺸﻴﻦﻫﺎ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻫﺎﻣﻮﻥ« ﻭ »ﺑﺎﻧﻮ« ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ »ﻋﺸﻖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ« )ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ )ﺣﻤﻴﺪ( ﮐﺎﻭﻳﺎﻧﻲ( ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺷﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺣﮑﻢ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻳﮏ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﻋﺰﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﭽﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻠﺞ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻨﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺼﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٣٦١‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻘﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻼﺩ »ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮏ« ـ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺧﺮﺟﻲ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺶ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺝ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٢٠١٦‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺣﻀﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٢٠٠٤‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪٢٠١٤‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ »ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﻮ« ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﮐﻼﻱ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ‪ ٨‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪» ،٢٠١٦‬ﮐﻤﮏ ﺧﺮﺟﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻱ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﮐﻼﻱ ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺧﺮﺟﻲ ﺷﺶ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﮐﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﮏ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ »ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻞﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺫﮐﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺣﻀﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ‪ ١٥‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﻭﮐﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﮐﺘﮏ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﺷﺶ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﻣﺒﻮﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻴﻮﭘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺭﺩﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺭﺩﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﮐﻬﻨﻪﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ ٦٠‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ‪ ٨١‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ« ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺍﺵ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻦ ‪٢١‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٢٠١٦‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﮏ »ﺍﺭﻭﺍﺡ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ« ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻦ ﻓﻮﻧﺪﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻤﺪﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﻲ »ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ« ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺒﻬﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﮐﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻧﺘﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﮐﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﮐﻬﻨﻪﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٩٦٠‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬

‫‪September 2018‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻮﭺ ﮐﺴﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺲ ﮐﻴﺪ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﭘﻞ ﻧﻴﻮﻣﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﺗﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﻮﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٩٧٣‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻧﻴﺶ« ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺩﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٩٨٠‬ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﮔﺘﺴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒ«‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﻭﺑﻴﮑﺮ«‪» ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻲﺷﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ«‪» ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻧﺠﻮﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺐ« ﻭ »ﻫﺎﻭﺍﻧﺎ« ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٩٨١‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٢٠٠٢‬ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮐﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻦ ﺍﻓﻠﮏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺑﻦ ﺍﻓﻠﮏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺭﻧﺮ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺶ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﺯﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ »ﺑﺘﻤﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﻣﻦ« ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ ٢٠٠١‬ﻭ ‪ ٢٠١٧‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﮎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺳﻮﺀ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﭺ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٢٠١٧‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﻣﺘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻤﮏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺷﺮﻣﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﻫﺮﺍﺳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ ﮔﺎﺭﻧﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻓﻠﮏ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٢٠١٧‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻦ ﺍﻓﻠﮏ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮔﻠﺪﻥ ﮔﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻔﺘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺮﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ‪ ٢٠١٨‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﻓﻮﺭﺑﺰ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ ‪ ١٢٤‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺟﺮﺝ ﮐﻠﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﭘﺮﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٢٠١٨‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ‪ ٢٣٩‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻣﭙﺎﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﮐﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬

‫ﺟﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٢٠١٧‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻮﻥ ‪ ٢٠١٨‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺵ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺟﻮﻣﺎﻧﺠﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﺪ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﻧﻲ ﺟﻮﻧﻴﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ‪ ٨١‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺑﺪﻳﺖ« ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻳﺪﺭﻣﻦ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ« ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻳﺲ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﺭﺙ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ »ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ‪٦٤,٥‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪ ٤‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﮑﻲ ﭼﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ‪ ٤٥,٥‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ‪ ٤٢‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻻﻳﻮ ﺍﮐﺸﻦ‬ ‫»ﻋﻼﺀﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ« ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﮐﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﮐﺸﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ‪ ٤٠,٥‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﺍﻡ ﺳﻨﺪﻟﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ‪ ٣٩,٥‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ‪ ٣٨,٥‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻳﺲ ﺍﻭﺍﻧﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ‪ ٣٤‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ »ﮐﺘﺎﻳﻮﻥ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬

‫ﮐﺘﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ )ﻣﻠﻘﺐ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺘﺎﻳﻮﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﮑﺴﻮﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻠﮏﻣﻄﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ‪....‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻲﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ »ﮐﺎﻓﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ« ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺒﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻮﻗﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻭ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﮐﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﻟﻦ ﺭﻭﮊﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻗﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻠﮏﻣﻄﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﻳﮏ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻠﮏ ﻣﻄﻴﻌﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬

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‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻠﮏﻣﻄﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ« ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﺶ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﺰﺍﺑﺖ ﺗﻴﻠﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻴﺰﺍﺑﺖ ﺗﻴﻠﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻠﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻐﻞ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ!«‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺣﺴﻦ ﮐﭽﻞ« ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﺶ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﭘﺎﮎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﮐﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﺴﻦ ﮐﭽﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ‪ ٩‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ‪ ١٠‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺻﻴﺎﺩ ‪ ١٢‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺩﺭﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﻤﻴﺮﻧﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻭﺛﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻭﺛﻮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﮑﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻫﻤﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﺗﻨﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺷﺐ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﮔﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﮔﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺷﻤﺴﻲ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻫﻤﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﻋﺸﻖ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ« ﻭ »ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﮐﺘﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮐﺘﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!«‬

‫‪۲۱‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺮﮒ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩ« ﻭ »ﭼﺮﻳﮑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﺍ«ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﻟﻨﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ »ﺑﺎﺷﻮ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ« ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﻲ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻝﺭﺣﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻲﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺳﺎﺭﺍ« ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﮑﻲ ﮐﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮐﺶ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٣٧١‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺍﮐﺘﺮ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻋﺸﻘﻲ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ »ﺳﺎﺭﺍ« ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫»ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﮏ« ﻫﻨﺮﻳﮏ ﺍﻳﺒﺴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻭﮊﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﮑﻲ ﮐﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻪ‬

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‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺣﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ »ﺷﻮﮐﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﻭ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺍﻏﻮﺍﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ‬ ‫)ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺮﺯ ﻋﺮﺏﻧﻴﺎ( ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪١٣٧٩‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺷﻮﮐﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ »ﮐﺎﻏﺬ ﺑﻲ ﺧﻂ« ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬

‫»ﮐﺎﻏﺬ ﺑﻲﺧﻂ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱ »ﮐﺎﻏﺬ ﺑﻲ ﺧﻂ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻣﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﻝﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻃﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺘﻦﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺘﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺍﮐﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ »ﺣﮑﻢ« ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻟﻴﻼ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬

‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﺍﮐﺘﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻫﻢﮐﻼﺳﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺒﺶ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻼﻳﻤﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺷﺮﮐﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻗﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﮏ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱﺍﺵ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻩ ﺯﻥ ﻋﺼﻴﺎﻥﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺴﺎﻳﺖ »ﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ«‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺫﮐﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ )ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺻﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ( ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺍﮐﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﮐﺎﺭﺍﮐﺘﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ٤٠‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ٦٠‬ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺧﻠﻖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻕ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺻﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ »ﻣﺮﮒ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩ« ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ »ﻣﻬﺮﮔﻴﺎﻩ« ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﮔﻠﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻫﻢ »ﻫﺎﻣﻮﻥ« ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ »ﻧﺮﮔﺲ«‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺯﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﮑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺍﮐﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺯ »ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ« ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﺎﺷﻮ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺑﺎﺷﻮ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ«‪» ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﭼﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻟﻴﻼ ﺩﺭ »ﻟﻴﻼ « ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻟﻴﻼ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫»ﻟﻴﻼ« ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺳﺎﺭﺍ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯﺧﻮﺩﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺳﮑﻮﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻟﻴﻼﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﭽﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺫﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻱ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮐﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻋﺸﻘﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻼ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺠﻨﻮﻥﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻗﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻼ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺷﻖﭘﻴﺸﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺣﻲ ﺩﺭ »ﺷﻮﮐﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺣﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺮﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻣﺸﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺷﺮﺕ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﺒﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﮐﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻨﻮ ﻓﺮﺷﭽﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﮐﻮﭼﮑﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﮐﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺵ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﮔﻠﺮﺥ ﮐﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ »ﺳﮓ ﮐﺸﻲ« ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﮋﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﺎﻳﻲ‬

‫ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﻠﺮﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪/‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ »ﺳﮓ ﮐﺸﻲ« ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﻠﺮﺥ ﮐﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻼﻳﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻭﺗﻲﻫﺎ‪» .‬ﺳﮓ ﮐﺸﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺮﺥ ﮐﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﮑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﮐﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻳﮑﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺎﮐﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ‪...‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﮐﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻋﺴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺘﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﻭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺣﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺮﺥ ﮐﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺠﺎﻉﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺗﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﺎ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﻧﻮﻧﻬﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻦ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﻲ‪ .‬ﺁﺗﻴﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻗﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻴﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻲﻳﮑﺪﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺁﺗﻴﻪ« ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﻤﺰﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﺬﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ »ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﺎ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ« ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬

‫ﺳﭙﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ »ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻲ« ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺳﭙﻴﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮﮒ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻥ ﺳﭙﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻼ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻥ ﺳﭙﻴﺪﻩ‪ «...‬ﺳﭙﻴﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﮐﺪﺍﻣﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺑﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﭙﻴﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪﺵ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺭﺟﺤﻴﺖ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺑﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﮑﻨﻨﺪ‪....‬‬

‫ﻏﺰﻝ ﺩﺭ »ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﺭﺩ ﮐﻢﻋﻤﻖ« ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺪﻭﺳﺘﻲ‬

‫»ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﻏﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﺲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﺰﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺬﺍﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺍﮐﺘﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻠﻖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺯﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺷﮑﻢ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻨﺶ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺷﮑﻢ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺎﻥ ﺗﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﮏ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪...‬ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪...‬ﻭ ﺧﺐ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺭﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺷﮑﻤﺶ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬

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‫‪۲۲‬‬

‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬

‫‪September 2018‬‬

‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬

‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻫﺪﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﮔﻬﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﮋﺩﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺼﻒ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﮐﻴﻬﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭﺝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ‬

‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﻘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ!« ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﻓﻴﺎﺕ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺴﺪ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﻬﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ «...‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟!« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻫﻤﻬﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﮑﺸﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺗﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺳﻴﺦ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻫﻞ ﭼﻮﻧﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺖ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺁﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻬﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﮐﻦ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺸﻴﻢ!«‬

‫ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺑﺰﺑﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬

‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺑﺰﺑﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺘﺖ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺩﻥ ﭘﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺳﮏ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﮐﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﻓﺤﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺗﻮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﮐﻨﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ!‬

‫ﺑﺎﺷﻪ ﻃﻠﺒﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﻲ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﻳﭙﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﺵ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻪ! ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺒﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪...‬‬

‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻲ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﮑﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺞ ﻳﺎ »ﺍﺱ‪.‬ﺍﻡ‪.‬ﺍﺱ« ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﮏ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ‪ ۲۰‬ﻳﺎ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﮏ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻴﺠﻬﺎ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﮑﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﮑﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺟﻮﮐﻬﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﻧﻨﺪ! ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺁﮔﻬﻴﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﮑﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﮑﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻀﺤﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻬﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻬﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻌﮑﺲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻋﮑﺴﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ۵۰ :‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ!‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻋﮑﺴﻬﺎﻱ ﻟﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ۱۰۰ :‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ!‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﭘﻮﺭﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﮏ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺪ‪ ۱۵ :‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ!‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﭘﻮﺭﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﮏ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ‪۲۰ :‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ!‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﮎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺍﻃﻬﺎﺭ‪ ۲۰ :‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ!‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﮎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳﻨﮋﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﮎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻗﻄﻊ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ!‬

‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﻢ‬

‫ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪» ،‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﻡ ﭼﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺁﺵ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﺷﻲ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻳﮏ ﻭﺟﺐ ﺭﻭﻏﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻠﺖ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩﻡ ﺳﮑﺮﺗﺮﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﭙﺎﭼﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻦ ﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ؟«‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪» ،‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﻡ ﭼﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﻲ!« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﻱ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﺖ ﻳﮑﻨﻮﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ!«‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪» ،‬ﺷﺎﻡ ﭼﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﭼﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﻫﻮﺱ ﭘﻴﺘﺰﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﮐﻨﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﮐﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﻤﺰﻫﺘﺮﻩ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻬﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﻢ!«‬

‫ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻥ ﺷﺠﺎﻉ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺨﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻀﺤﮑﻪ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻋﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﮐﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ!« ﺗﺠﺴﻢ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻗﻴﺎﻓﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﭙﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۱۶‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻧﺼﺎﺏ ﺳﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻫﺎﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﮑﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻠﻬﻠﻪ ﻭ ﮐﺮﮐﺮﻫﺎﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺪ‪ ۳۰ :‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ! ‪ ۳۰‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ! ﺁﺥ ﺟﻮﻥ!‬

‫ﺳﭙﺮﻡ ﮐﻮ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﺑﻮﮐﺴﻢ ﮐﻮ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻤﻬﺎﻡ ﮐﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻓﻠﻔﻠﻢ ﮐﻮ؟‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻲ ﮐﺠﺎﻳﻲ؟«‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻶﻟﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﺏ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ‪ ۲۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺏ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻶﻟﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫»ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻲ ﮐﺠﺎﻳﻲ؟«‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﭼﻪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻬﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻴـﻖ‬

‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻴﮑﺮﺩ؟ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻟﻬﻠﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻣﺎ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﮐﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮐﻮﻟﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻨﮑﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻬﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﮑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻂ ﭼﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﮑﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻣﺒﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻣﺎﻏﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﺳﻂ ﭼﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﻠﻲ ﺻﻔﺎ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ؟‬

‫ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﮏ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ؟‬

‫ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻠﻴﺴﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﮏ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻄﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﺮﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﮐﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﮏ ﮔﺮﻭﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻠﻴﺴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ؟« ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﻔﺮﺳﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻬﺎﻡ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﮑﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪۷۰‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ!« ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺸﻮﻩ‬

‫ﺩﻳﺸﺐ ﺩﻟﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﺨﻨﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻧﺴﻢ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻧﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ »ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻢ« ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺤﺸﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﺴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻬﻮ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﻬﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ )ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ( ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﻱ ﺑﺪﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﮑﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻴﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻳﮏ ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻘﺒﻮﻻﻧﺪ! ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺸﻮﻩ ﻣﻴﺂﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﺶ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻣﻴﮑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻨﻌﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﭖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻧﮏ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﮐﻴﻠﻮ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻴﮏﺁﭖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﮊ ﻟﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﺭﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻮ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﻴﺸﻨﻴﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻧﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ؟« ﺟﻮﺍﺑﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﻤﻮﺕ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﻬﺎﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻧﮕﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻫﺎﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻋﺸﻮﻫﺎﺵ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﮐﺮﺩ‪...‬‬

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‫ﺑﺮﮔﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺭﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ :‬ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺳﺮﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻟﻨﮓ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﻴﺰﺵ ﻣﻴﮑﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺁﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﮎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﮐﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺍﻳﻨﺎﺳﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻪ ﻗﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﺮﮔﻮﺵ ﺩﻭﻳﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺪﺍﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻮ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻫﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﻤﺰﻫﺘﺮ ﻣﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﺰﻩ ﺑﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻴﮑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻏﺎﺭ ﺑﻐﻠﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻣﻴﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﮏ ﻣﻴﮑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺰﻫﺎﺵ ﺑﺪﮎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺠﻮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻳﺪﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﮏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻏﺎﺭﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻐﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻫﺎﻡ ﻳﮏ ﻏﺎﺭﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻴﮑﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻫﺎﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺸﮑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻫﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﺶ ﮐﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺸﮑﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﻫﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﻣﻴﮑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺑﺴﻮﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﺮﻭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻭﺍﺭﻫﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻟﻬﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﻴﺰﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻮﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻱ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻧﺖ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﻴﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻟﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻳﮏ ﻭﺭﻗﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﻑ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺤﻮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺸﻨﮓ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻟﺨﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻭ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺠﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﻳﺸﺐ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺑﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰ ﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻴﺨﻮﺍﺑﻴﻢ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻴﻄﺎﻗﺘﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻑ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﺸﮏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ‬

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‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻴﮑﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻟﻘﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻴﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻢ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺸﮏ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻳﮏ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻡ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻫﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻬﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻟﺬﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻏﺎﺭﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﺸﮏ ﺷﺪﻫﺎﺵ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺲ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻳﮑﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺫﻳﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻴﮑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻭﺍﺭﻫﻬﺎﻳﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺒﻮﺳﻤﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﮑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﮔﺸﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﺭﻗﻬﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﮑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﮎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﮎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﭙﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﻗﺼﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻢ ﻏﺎﺭﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﻒ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻱ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﮐﺒﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺩ ﻫﻴﺰﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﮏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﻭﺩ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﺷﮑﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﮎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪...‬‬

‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬

‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ‪» ،‬ﮐﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺷﺐ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ‪» ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻲ؟«‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ )ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ(‪» ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﮏ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻲ؟«‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻲ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﮑﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ؟«‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ )ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﺱ(‪» ،‬ﻧﻪ ﭘﺴﺮﻡ! ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﺑﺎﺵ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻘﺖ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻪ!«‬

‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﮔﻮﺟﻪ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ‬

‫ﺁﻗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﺑﻴﻬﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﺮﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﮐﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﮔﻴﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺗﻪ ﮔﻮﺟﻪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺷﺪﮔﻮﺟﻬﻔﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﻣﻴﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺗﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﺟﻬﻔﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ‬

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‫ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻴﺰﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﮐﺮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻬﺎﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻮﺟﻬﻔﺮﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﻌﺎﺵ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﭻ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻴﮑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﮏ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻄﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻬﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ!‬

‫ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﮐﺠﺎﻳﻲ؟‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﻘﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪» ،‬ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﮐﺠﺎﻳﻲ؟« ﭘﺴﺮ‪» ،‬ﺗﻮﻱ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪» ،‬ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻠﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ‪» ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﻄﻊ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪» ،‬ﺗﻮﻱ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﮑﻨﻲ؟«‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﮐﺘﮏ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺭﻡ!«‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪» ،‬ﺑﻬﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺧﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻤﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺍﻭﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﮐﺘﮏ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻴﮑﻨﻲ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﮑﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪» ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﻧﻪ؟«‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ‪» ،‬ﻧﻤﻴﺪﻭﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﮏ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﮑﺸﻪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪» ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮑﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻢ؟«‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ‪» ،‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﻕ ﺑﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﻴﮑﻨﻢ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺭﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﺾ ﻣﻴﺸﻲ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺵ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ‪» ،‬ﺁﺥ! ﺁﺥ! ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻴﺰﻧﻲ؟ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻴﻬﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﮐﻠﻔﺘﺎﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻕ‪...‬‬

‫ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺎ )ﺍﺳﻢ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻴﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ(‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ‪» ،‬ﺍﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﮎ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ! ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ «...‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺯ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺷﮑﺮﺵ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻱ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺣﺲ ﮐﻨﻲ!«‬

‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ‬

‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻣﻴﮑﺮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺷﺐ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ ﻟﻮﭘﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﮑﺴﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﭘﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﭘﺮﺍﻳﺰ!« ﺑﻌﺪ ﭘﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺑﻐﻠﻢ ﻭ‬

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‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﺎﭺ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﺶ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻥ ﻓﻀﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻝ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻣﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﭘﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻳﻢ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭼﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﮑﻨﻲ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻪ؟« ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﻣﻤﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻠﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ؟« ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﮎ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺭﺗﻮﺭﻳﮑﻮ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺷﺪﻫﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺮﺳﺎﻥ!«‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﭗ ﺯﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺳﻨﻬﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻳﻢ؟« ﺑﺎ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﻏﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﺁﺑﺪﻭﻍ ﺧﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ؟« ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻩ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺗﻮ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﻱ؟« ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﺑﺪﻭﻍ ﺧﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺧﻮﺷﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ!« ﺑﺮﮒﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﮏ ﻧﻌﻨﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻻﻱ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻧﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺶ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻨﺪﻫﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻮ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ ﻟﻮﭘﺰ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﺑﺪﻭﻍ ﺧﻴﺎﺭ! ﮐﺎﺵ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺖ ﻳﮏ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﮐﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻳﻮﺗﻴﻮﺏ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻫﻴﻠﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻧﺠﻮﺭﻳﺎﺵ ﻧﮑﻨﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ «.‬ﺗﻮﻱ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﭼﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﮑﺮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻐﻞ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻄﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺷﻴﻄﻮﻧﻲ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻡ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺕ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻲ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻧﺘﺮﺱ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﺘﻴﺰﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﭼﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺳﺮﺵ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﮑﺴﻴﺎﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﻳﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺯﺩﻳﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﺵ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﺸﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺒﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻻﻱ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺶ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻋﺒﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﻏﺶ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ ﻟﻮﭘﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﻣﻴﺨﻨﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺷﮑﻤﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺨﻨﺪﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻟﮑﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻬﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ ﻟﻮﭘﺰ‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺥ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﺪﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺸﮕﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻓﻬﺎﺵ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﻳﺪﻱ؟«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ!« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻧﮕﻮ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﺮﺯﻳﺪﻱ‪ «...‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻴﺪﻳﺪﻡ!« ﻣﺘﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺳﺮﻡ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺁﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻋﻤﻬﺎﺕ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﻪ‪ «.‬ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻗﺒﺎﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻏﻴﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻏﻠﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺩﻡ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻱ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪...‬‬

September 2018

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‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ؛ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ـ ﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺍﻳﻔﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮ »ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ« ﮐﻪ ‪ ۳۶‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ« ﻳﺎ ‪Financial Action Task‬‬ ‫‪Force‬ـ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ »ﺍﻑ ﺁﻱ ﺗﻲ ﺍﻑ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۹۸۹‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﺟﻲ ‪«۷‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﺋﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﺪﻑ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ »ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﺋﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻑ ﺁﻱ ﺗﻲ ﺍﻑ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺫﮐﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ «۲۹‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﻞ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ« ﻳﺎ »ﺍﻑ ﺁﻱ ﻳﻮ« ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻮﮎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺻﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻼﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺫﻳﺮﺑﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ »ﺫﻳﻨﻔﻊ ﻧﻬﺎﺋﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ۳۵ .‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ )ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ( ﺍﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۸۰‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ ۲۹‬ﺟﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۲۰۱۸‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ )ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ »ﺭﻳﺴﮏ ﺑﺎﻻﺋﻲ« ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۹‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۰‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻟﺮﻣﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺷﮑﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ‪،‬‬

‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ »ﺍﻑ ﺍﻱ ﺗﻲ ﺍﻑ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ »ﺍﻑ ﺍﻱ ﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻑ« ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻟﺮﻣﻮ«؛ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ »ﺳﻲ ﺍﻑ ﺗﻲ«؛‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﮑﺴﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻑ ﺍﻱ ﺗﻲ ﺍﻑ«‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪» :‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ« ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻀﻢ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﺋﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﮑﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ )ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲﻓﻀﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺜﻴﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺫﻳﻨﻔﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺨﻄﻲ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻑ ﺍﻱ ﺗﻲ ﺍﻑ« ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﻥ ﭘﻲ ﺗﻲ« ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ »ﺍﻥ ﭘﻲ ﺗﻲ« ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬

‫‪September 2018‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﮐﻢ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻢ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‬ ‫»ﺍﻑ ﺍﻱ ﺗﻲ ﺍﻑ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۲۶‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻟﺮﻣﻮ )ﮐﻪ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻁﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‬ ‫»ﺍﻑ ﺍﻱ ﺗﻲ ﺍﻑ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ( ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﻋﻮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﮐﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ ‪ ۱۵۰‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﻋﻴﺒﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝﺷﻮﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﮐﺠﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﭘﺎﮐﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﮐﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ‪۳‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺬﮐﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ »ﺍﻑ ﺍﻱ ﺗﻲ ﺍﻑ« ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۹‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺫﮐﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﻄﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ »ﺍﻑ ﺍﻱ ﺗﻲ ﺍﻑ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺂﻻ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫‪PA‬‬

‫‪۲۷‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻭﺗﺎﺩﻱ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﺝ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﮒ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮑﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ« ﻭ »ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻢ ﺑﺸﻪ!«‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺏ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ‪ ۲۶‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻭﺗﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺗﻮﺋﻴﺘﺮﺵ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺋﻴﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺱ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻭﺗﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﴼ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﺨﻢﻣﺮﻍ«‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ؛ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﻣﻴﻬﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﮐﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮐﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻋﻮﺽ ﮐﺮﺩ؛ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺰﺍﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﮐﻮﺭﺵ ﮐﺒﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲﺍﺵ ﺷﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﻭﺣﺸﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫»ﻣﻲﻣﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻣﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ« ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻲ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺭﺍﺳﺦ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﻨﻴﻦﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺷﮑﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﻣﻴﻬﻨﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺳﮑﻮﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺳﮑﻮﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﮑﺎﻳﮏ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۳۹‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻢﻣﻴﻬﻨﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻭﺗﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬

‫»ﭘﺲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻭ ﺷﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺑﺴﭙﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺘﻮﻥ‬

‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ« ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻭﻱ ﻧﮑﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﮑﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﻧﮑﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮐﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﺎﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺫﮐﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮐﻮﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺖ ﺷﺎﺩ« ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻣﮑﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﮐﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﮐﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﻲ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،۶۰‬ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮑﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬

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‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﻮﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﺲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﮑﻠﻴﻒ ﻏﺎﺻﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻠﮏ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻭﮐﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮐﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻳﺴﮏ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺴﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﮎ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ ۵۷‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻖﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻭﻱ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮎ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﮏ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﻕ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺸﮑﻞﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﺍﺵ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﺬﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﮑﻞ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ ﮐﻤﺎﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺍﺗﻴﮏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﺝ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻻﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﮑﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻔﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻭﺍﮊﻩ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻣﮑﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻣﮑﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﺋﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﮏ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺩﻣﮑﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮐﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﻣﮑﺮﺍﺳﻲﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﺑﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮑﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺶ ﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﻮﻑﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﺑﺴﭙﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﺶ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﮑﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺸﮑﻞﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﻞﺑﺎﻑ‬

‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬

‫‪September 2018‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﺣﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺑﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﺩﺯﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﮏ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺳﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﮐﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﮐﺶ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﺎﮎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺴﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﺒﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﮔﻴﺮﺍ ﺳﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟« ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» ،‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟« ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﻔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻳﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﺋﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺴﻦﺗﺮ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻓﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻪﺍﺕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺁﻥ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ ﭼﺸﻤﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺑﺨﺶ ‪۱۰‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﮐﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﮑﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﮐﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﮎ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﮐﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﮑﻢ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺣﻢ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺯﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺧﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺭﺣﻤﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺒﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻨﻲ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﺋﻲ ﮔﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺑﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻡ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ! ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻲ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻨﻲ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﻋﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺳﻲ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﮏ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺐ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺗﮑﻤﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺤﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻔﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻠﻴﻄﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻨﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﻝ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎ ﮐﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺍﺟﻲ ﻫﻤﺴﻔﺮﺵ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺯﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻇﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻔﺲ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﻥ ﭘﺮﭼﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﮐﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻋﺬﺭ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ «.‬ﺯﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻏﺬﺍﺋﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﺸﺐ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﮎ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﻭﺭﺍﺟﻲ ﺯﻥ ﭘﺮﮔﻮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﺭﺍﮊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮏ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﺪ‪،‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺧﻮﺷﮕﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﮐﺴﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ «.‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺷﻠﻮﻏﻲ ﮔﺎﺭﺍﮊ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﺸﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺧﻮﺷﮕﻞ ﺑﮕﻮ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ؟« ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻫﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺘﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﺵ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟ ﻳﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪ؟« ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺷﻮﻫﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺑﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﮑﺮ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻨﻲ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﻢ ﻏﺼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﻡ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﮐﻠﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻐﻴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻔﺶ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩﮔﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﮒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺴﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺘﺒﺴﻢ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺎﻟﻪﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺧﺐ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺧﻮﺷﮕﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﻣﻴﻢ؟« ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺯﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻡ ﻓﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﮐﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻮﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻴﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺸﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﺋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﮐﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‬

‫ﻣﺸﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬

‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪!.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺭﻏﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻄﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺭﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﮐﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺨﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺠﻤﻌﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺠﺎﻧﺲ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻕ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﮐﻬﻨﺴﺎﻻﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪!.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻡ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﮐﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺸﻖ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻬﻨﻴﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪!.‬‬

‫ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﻧﺨﻮﺍﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﺣﻢ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺗﻢ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﻧﻔﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﮐﻤﺮ ﻫﻤﺖ‬

‫ﺑﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺧﻼﻗﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ“ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮏ ﺟﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﮐﻲ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻬﮑﺸﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺣﻢ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮏ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮏ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻗﺸﺮﻱﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻃﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺗﮑﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺒﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻬﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻗﺸﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺒﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻏﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻼﻳﻤﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻬﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﺭﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻮ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﮐﻮﻫﭙﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺍﻧﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻪ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻬﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﺭﻳﺰﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﻮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺖ ﺑﺮ ﮐﻤﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭘﺮﺍﮐﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺣﮑﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﻏﺮﺏ« ﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ »ﺷﺮﻕ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻱ ﻗﺸﺮﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺧﻼﻗﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﮏ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻴﻨﻪﺗﻮﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻠﻖﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺳﺒﺐ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺸﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻬﻨﻪ ﭘﻮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺯﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻘﻠﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺭﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺠﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﮐﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﮋﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﺪﺩﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ“ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﺩ‪!.‬‬

‫ﻋﻘﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺸﺮﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺪﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﮑﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺶﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻘﺮﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻳﻖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﮑﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻤﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﮐﻮﺷﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ“ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﮎﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬

‫ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻖﺍﻟﺴﺎﻋﻪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻲﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺰﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﺳﺦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻼﻳﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺮﺍﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻼﻗﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﮑﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪۳۵‬‬

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‫‪۳۰‬‬

‫ﻋﻠﻤﯽ‬ ‫روﯾﺪاد ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮژيو‬ ‫‪SHAREit‬؛ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬

‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺗﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻓﺎﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﺗﻮﺙ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺗﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ »‪ «SHAREit‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻱ ـ ﻓﺎﻱﺩﺍﻳﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻓﺎﻳﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻠﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﻭﺍﻱﻓﺎﻱ ـ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ »‪ Beey‬ـ « ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ـ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ »‪ «Send‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ »‪ «Receive‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻫﺎﺕﺍﺳﭙﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺗﺮ« ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺍﻱﻓﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻳﻞﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺳﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻓﺎﻳﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻭﺍﻱﻓﺎﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﺗﻮﺙ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻓﺎﻳﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﮏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ iOS‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫‪ SHAREit‬ﺩﺍﻧﻠﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﮑﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻋﮑﺲ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﻟﻮﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻟﻮﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺎﻟﻮﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﮑﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﮑﻮﻥ ‪ Queﬆions‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺎﻟﻮﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺎﻟﻮﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﻓﺎﻟﻮﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﮑﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺎﺭﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ـ ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ‪ IGTV‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪September 2018‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۷‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﻝﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻮﺭﻧﺎﻝ« ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ »ﺧﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻟﻐﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺁﮐﺴﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﮊﻩ ﻫﺸﺘﮓ ‪ Hashtag‬ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﮑﺮﻭﺑﻼﮒﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۰‬ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ‪ trending‬ﻳﺎ‪trending‬‬ ‫‪topics‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻫﺸﺘﮓ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﺸﺘﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ‪ Trend‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۱‬ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ‪ +Google‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺘﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺸﺘﮓﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺏ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺸﺘﮓﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺘﮓﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﮓﻫﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺸﺘﮓﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﮓ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﺸﺘﮓ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻫﺸﺘﮓ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬

‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۸‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ »ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ«‬

‫‪#‬ﻫﺸﺘﮓ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺘﮓﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﻳﺲ ﻣﺴﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪۱۱‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺘﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺴﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺘﮓ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻠﻴﺪﻭﺍﮊﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬

‫»ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ« ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۸‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻧﻲ »ﺁ ‪ ۷‬ﺁﻟﻔﺎ ‪ «III‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻓﻮﻝﻓﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﮑﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻋﮑﺎﺳﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ‪ ۴K‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﺯﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻮﺭ ﮐﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻱ ﺍﺱ ﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺭ‪» ،‬ﻧﻴﮑﻮﻥ ﺩﻱ ‪ «۸۵۰‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻮﻝﻓﺮﻳﻢ ﺁﻳﻨﻪﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺴﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﮐﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﺰ ‪ ۴۵‬ﻣﮕﺎ ﭘﻴﮑﺴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﻓﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻋﮑﺎﺳﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻱ ﺍﺱ ﺍﻝ ﺁﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫»ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ‪ ۶D‬ﻣﺎﺭﮎ ‪ «۲‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻮﻝﻓﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻨﺴﻮﺭ‬

‫‪ ۲۶‬ﻣﮕﺎﭘﻴﮑﺴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮐﻢ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻓﻮﮐﺲ ﮐﺸﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻧﺎﺳﻮﻧﻴﮏ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﻧﺎﺳﻮﻧﻴﮏ »ﺟﻲ ﺍﭺ ‪۵‬‬ ‫ﺍﺱ« ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﮑﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‪» ،‬ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻡ ‪ «۵۰‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﮏ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﺴﻮﺭ ﺍﻱﭘﻲﺍﺱ ـ ﺳﻲ ‪ ۲۴‬ﻣﮕﺎﭘﻴﮑﺴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﻮﮐﻮﺱ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺎﺭ ‪ Dual Pixel‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭﺍﻱ ﻓﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ »ﻫﻮﺍﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ‪ ۲۰‬ﭘﺮﻭ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ »ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﺋﻴﺪ ﺁﺗﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ« ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪۶‬‬ ‫ﭘﻼﺱ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ۶‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ‪ ۲۲۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ۶‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﭘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ۶‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻳﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ »ﺑﻼﻧﮑﻮ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﭘﻞ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ۶‬ﻭ ‪ ۶‬ﺍﺱ ﭘﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ۶‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ‪ ۲۶‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ‬

‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ‬

‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺯﻭﺩﮔﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺭﻧﮓﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻮﺏ ﭘﻨﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺵ ﻧﺴﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﮐﺎﺭﺩﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﮔﻮﺵﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪....‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﺏ ﭘﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﺯﮎ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺸﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮊﺭﻓﺎﻱ ﺁﺏ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﮐﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻤﻊ ﺑﻠﻌﻴﺪﻥ ﻃﻌﻤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻼﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻲﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻠﻮﮔﺎﻫﻢ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﮐﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﭘﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻧﻴﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﮓ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪» ،‬ﺣﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﺠﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﮑﺸﺶ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻻﺥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻩ ﻫﺎ‪«!!...‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﺎﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮ ﺩﻟﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻫﺎﺭﺧﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﮐﻼﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺁﮐﻮﺭﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺫﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻭﺍﻱ ﻟﻬﺠﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﮑﻢ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﻴﻮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ‪» ،‬ﭘﺸﺖ ﮔﻮﺷﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻱ!!!« ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺠﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺁﺑﺰﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻗﻼﺏ ﺭﻫﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﮑﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﮒ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺸﻲ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻴﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺫﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺁﮐﻮﺭﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻴﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﭽﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﮏ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ!!! ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻱ!«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﻴﻮﻱ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﮐﻮﺭﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻠﺪﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺩﻝﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻗﺮﻳﺤﻪ ﮐﻴﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺧﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﮐﻴﺎ ‪ ۵۲۳۰‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ‪ ۱۵۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۹‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﻤﺒﻴﻦ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﮐﻴﺎ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ‪ ۳,۲‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﮕﺎﭘﻴﮑﺴﻞ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ‪ ۷۰‬ﻣﮕﺎﺑﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻳﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﻠﮑﺴﻲ ‪ ۴‬ﺳﺎﻣﺴﻮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ‪ ۸۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۲۰۱۳‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺴﻮﻧﮓ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ۷‬ﻭ ‪ ۷‬ﭘﻼﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﺣﺠﻴﻢﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ۷‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ۸‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ،۱۰‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۸‬ﻭ ‪۱۰‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻠﮑﺴﻲ ﺍﺱ ‪ ۳‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۷۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﻐﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻴﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻦﺩﻳﻪﮔﻮ ﻭ ﻳﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۴‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻨﮏﻫﺎ ﮐﻠﻴﮏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ »ﻻﻳﮏ« ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫»ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ﭘﺮﻭ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ﭘﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ »ﮐﻮﺭ ﺁﻱ ‪ «۹‬ﺍﻳﻨﺘﻞ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﺱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻼﻩ ﺷﺎﭘﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﮐﻼﻩ ﺷﺎﭘﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﺱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﻣﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﺪ‪«....‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﺵ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺼﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺑﻼﻱ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺯﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻠﮑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺿﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﺻﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﺴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﻭﻧﻲ ﺟﻮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪ ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﮐﻮﺭﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻻﺥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺷﺐﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺕ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻭ ﺟﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺮﺱ!!!«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻮ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮐﻴﺴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻐﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻟﻨﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮊﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲ ﺑﺪﻳﻠﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺣﻤﻞ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﻞ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﭗﺗﺎﭖ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺘﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ »ﺁﻱ ‪ «۹‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﭗﺗﺎﭖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﮐﻠﻲ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﭗﺗﺎﭖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﭗﺗﺎﭖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﻞ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺪ‬ ‫‪ Core i۹‬ـ ‪ ۸۹۵۰HK‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ‪۶‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ‪ ۱۲‬ﺗﺮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﮐﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ‪ ۴,۸‬ﮔﻴﮕﺎﻫﺮﺗﺰ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻪﺑﻌﺪﻱﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ‪ ۶۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ۷۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻝ ‪ ۱۳‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ »ﮐﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻱ ‪ «۷‬ﻭ »ﮐﻮﺭ ﺁﻱ ‪ «۵‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ﭘﺮﻭ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫»ﮐﻮﺭ ﺁﻱ ‪ «۷‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻝ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫»ﮐﻮﺭ ﺁﻱ ‪ «۹‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ‪ ۶‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪۷۰۰‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪۴۰۰‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻝ ‪ ۱۳‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ‪ ۱۸۰۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﭘﻞ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﻞ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﭘﻞ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۲۰‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﮏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺷﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ﭘﺮﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ »ﻫﻲ ﺳﻴﺮﻱ« ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﮐﻠﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ﭘﺮﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ﭘﺮﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫‪September 2018‬‬

‫ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ »ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ١٣٢٠‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻳﺴﺘﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻬﺬﺍ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺷﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﭼﭗ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭼﭗﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﭼﺸﻢﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﭼﺮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﭖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻤﺎ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻮ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺳﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﮑﻲ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﺘﻜﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﻋﺸﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺟﺰ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺪﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﮕﻼﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﺖ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻠﺨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺪﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٣٥٧‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﺷﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻏﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٣٨٦‬ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻥ ﻏﺰﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻝﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺳﻤﻨﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﻠﻚ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﮊﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺧﻼﻑ« ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻮﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﺋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬

‫»ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺧﻼﻑ«‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺐﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﺩﻡ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻢ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻤﺎﻡ ﮐﺰ ﺑﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺴﮑﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﺐ ﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻡ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻴﺎﺩ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻟﻪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﭼﮑﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩﮔﺮ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﮒ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻞﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﴼ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ »ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ« ﻭ ﺭﻣﺰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺳﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺭﻫﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﺮﻱ« ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺳﺮﺍﺋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻻ ﻭ ﻟﻄﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺰﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﻬﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻨﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻟﻄﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﺑﻲﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﺳﺮﺍﺋﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻦﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮ ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺯﻙﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻌﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺳﺮﺍﺋﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻐﺎﺕ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻨﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺍﻱ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻏﻼﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ« ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻟﻄﺎﻓﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺷﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻟﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻭﺍﺭﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺏﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ »ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ« ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺭﺧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻐﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺭﻫﻲ ﺟﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ »ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﺥ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﺩﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻏﻢ ﺩﺭﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺪﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺪﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﮔﻮﺋﻲ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ ﻛﺪﻛﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬

‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﺐ ﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﺎﻥﺍﻧﺪ‬

‫ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺭﻫﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﻏﻼﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻪ‪ :‬ﺩﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺐ ﻧﺎﻟﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻏﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻏﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺪﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﺑﻮﻱ ﮔﻞ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﮐﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻐﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﻋﻘﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻦ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﮐﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻐﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﺁﺭﻡ ﺁﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﻢ ﺭﻳﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﮏ ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﮐﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻐﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻏﻢ ﺩﻝ ﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮐﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺒﺎ ﺣﮑﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺸﻨﻮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺁ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺻﺒﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻲ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬

‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫‪ ۳‬ﺑﺮ ‪ ۱‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﺪ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻣﺎﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﺭﻕ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺟﻲ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﻗﻄﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﺣﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﮔﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻧﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺠﺎﻉ ﺧﻠﻴﻞﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻦ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﺎﻝ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻲﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺸﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﻣﮏ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺠﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻣﺮﮒ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮑﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ‬

‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻣﺮﮒ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮑﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ« ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺿﺪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮑﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ »ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﺳﺎﻭﺍﮎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﺭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ۱۳۴۹‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺠﺪﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺼﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ »ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻮ ﺟﻤﻌﺶ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺗﻴﻤﺴﺎﺭﻭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬

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‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﮎ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ »ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻻﻟﻪﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﭙﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺎﺝ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﴽ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﻣﺠﺪﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ ۱۳۶۳‬ﮐﻪ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﺎﺱ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺳﻂ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﮏ ﭘﺮﺵ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﻔﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ »ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ« ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺠﺪﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۲۷‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ ،۱۳۶۸‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺷﻬﺮ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﮊﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻣﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺭﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﮒ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﭘﺎﺗﺮﻭﻝ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺀ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻟﮕﺮﻱ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ «.‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮑﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﮐﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﮑﻢ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺎﻭﻩ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﮊ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﮏ‬

‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﺭﻟﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﮊ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﮏ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻭﻩ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ‪ ۲۶‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺎﺭﻟﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ‪ ۴‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﮊ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﮏ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﮏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫»ﻧﻮﻟﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ؛ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎﺗﻲ‬

‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮐﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﺪﺭﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻮﺍﮎ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﮐﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻴﺲﺑﺎﺯ ﺻﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺘﺮﺯ ﺳﻴﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍﺟﺮ ﻓﺪﺭﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺴﺘﺮﺯ‬ ‫‪ ۱۰۰۰‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﮎ ﺟﻮﮐﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﺮﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﺪﺭﺭ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺭﺍﺟﺮ ﻓﺪﺭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺮﺯ ﺳﻴﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺗﻨﻴﺲﺑﺎﺯ ‪ ۳۱‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺻﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻣﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻳﺪﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺍﺵ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﺪﺭﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻝ ﮔﺮﻧﺪﺍﺳﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﭘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻝ )ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ( ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻻﻥ ﮔﺎﺭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻤﺒﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺟﻮﮐﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﺮﺯ ﺳﻴﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﮐﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﺪﺭﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ‪ ۲۳‬ﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۳‬ﮔﺮﻧﺪﺍﺳﻠﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻝ )‪ ۱۷‬ﮔﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﻠﻢ( ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺭ ) ‪۲۰‬ﮔﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﻠﻢ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﭻﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ‪ ۹‬ﻣﺴﺘﺮﺯ ‪ ۱۰۰۰‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻱ؛ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۰‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﮐﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺪﻳﻦﻭﻟﺰ )ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺎﺭ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫)ﺷﺶ ﺑﺎﺭ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻧﺖﮐﺎﺭﻟﻮ )ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ )ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ(‪ ،‬ﺭﻡ )ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ(‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺟﺮﺯ ﮐﺎﭖ )ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ(‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻧﮕﻬﺎﻱ )ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ( ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫)ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ( ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻮﺍﮎ ﺟﻮﮐﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﻠﻢ ﻓﺼﻞ )ﺍﻭﭘﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ( ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻮﮐﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﮐﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮ« ﺷﺪﻥ ﮐﻠﮑﺴﻴﻮﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﮐﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﮐﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﺮﺯﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﺮﺯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻴﺲﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﮐﻴﻮ ‪ ۲۰۲۰‬ﺻﺒﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﻮﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻳﻮﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻱ ﺻﺪ ﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﺎﻳﻴﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۳۱‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﻨﺘﺮﺍﻝ ﮐﻮﺋﺴﺖ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﻨﺮﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺷﺶ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺭﻳﻮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﻳﻮﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻟﮏ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ۷۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻳﻮﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﻭﮊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﻟﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻳﺘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻓﺒﮏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮﺳﻴﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮﺳﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻓﺒﮏ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ‪ ۱۹‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺧﺮﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﺒﻮﺭﻥ ﺳﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮﺳﻴﺘﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ »ﻗﺮﺿﻲ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳﻠﺘﻴﮏ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺘﻴﮏ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺗﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮﺳﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ۲۰۱۸‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ‪ ۵‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۸‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﮎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮﺳﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

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‫‪۳۴‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ‪ ۲۰۱۸‬ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪ ۹۴‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ ‪ ۱۸۹‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩﺷﮑﻨﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۹‬ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﮏﺿﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ‪ ۹۴‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﮐﺎﮐﻴﻮﺱ ﮐﺎﮐﻴﺎﺳﻮﻳﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۱۸۸‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﻳﮏﺿﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۹‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﮏﺿﺮﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ‪ ۴۱۰‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ‪ ۹۴‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۳۸۱‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﭙﺮﺍﺩﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۳۸۰‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﮏﺿﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﮑﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﺪﻩ ﻟﻨﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ‪ ۹۴‬ﮐﻴﻮﮔﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ‪ ۹۶‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﺎﻧﻮﺵ ﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﮑﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺣﺬﻑﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﺎﻧﻮﺵ ﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪ ۹۴‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺐ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪۲۱۸‬‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ۲۲۰‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺩﺳﺖﻭﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺐ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ »ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ« ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﮐﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺳﭙﻴﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺳﭙﻴﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﮐﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﭙﻴﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺎﻟﮑﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻞ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﮑﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺳﭙﻴﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻴﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۴‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳﻪ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻃﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻳﺎﺷﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻏﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۲‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﮑﻮﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺷﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻏﻮ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺭﻧﮑﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪September 2018‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻳﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮑﺴﺎﻧﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺗﺴﻴﺎﻧﻮﺳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﮐﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺱ ﮔﻴﻠﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﮏ ﭼﺎﻣﻴﺰﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮐﻮﺑﺎﻳﻲﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻣﻴﺰﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﮎ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺑﺮ ‪ ۱۰‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻼﻱ ‪ ۷۹‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﮐﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﮎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻳﮏﻭﺯﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﻴﻠﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻓﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻃﻼ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻠﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﺍﭘﺴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻠﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﻧﺒﮏ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﺭﻑ )ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ( ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻢ ﮐﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﻳﺪﺭ )ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ( ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﮔﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻣﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﭼﻠﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﺳﺎﻥ« ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻣﻦ ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻣﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻠﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ »ﺳﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻣﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺁﺑﻲﭘﻮﺵ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻣﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﭼﻠﺴﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ‪ ۷۹۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻴﺰﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۶‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮﻳﻮﻧﺎﻳﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ« ﭼﺎﭖ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺭﻳﻦ« ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻣﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﮑﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻠﺴﻲ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻣﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﭼﻠﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﮏ ‪ ۵۱‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺳﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺗﮑﻠﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻠﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻣﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﻻﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۳‬ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻠﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ‪ ۱۴۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻦ ﺑﻴﺘﺲ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﮑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺣﺬﻓﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﺵ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﻮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮐﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺍﭘﺴﺖ ‪۲۰۱۳‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺍﭘﺴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻳﺨﮑﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﻳﭗ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻃﻼ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ۹۲‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﮐﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺗﻔﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ۹۷‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﮔﻠﻴﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺻﻼﻧﺒﮏ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﺒﻮﺭﻭﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ‪۱۰‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﮔﻮﺩﺭﺯﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﮐﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﻳﺪﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﻮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﺵ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ« ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻳﮏ ﻓﺮﺵ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﻮﻑ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ‪ ۴‬ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻨﻴﺴﻲ ﮐﺮﺍﺳﻨﻮﻳﺎﺭﺳﮏ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺵ ﮔﻞﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﮑﻮﻫﺎ ﺗﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﻮﻑ ﺍﺯ »ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﻓﺮﺷﻲ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ‪ ۲۵۰۰‬ﺭﻭﺑﻞ )ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۴۷‬ﺩﻻﺭ(‬

‫ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﻮﻑ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ‪ ۲۱‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﮋﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﭺ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﮑﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻡ ﻗﺮﺽ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ‪ ۱۶-۲۰۱۵‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺑﻴﻦ ﮐﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺮﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۳۵‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ‪ ۱۲‬ﮔﻞ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۲۷‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ‪ ۷‬ﮔﻞ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﻮﻑ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۳۰‬ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫‪I‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪۲۹‬‬

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‫‪For Advertisement Call:‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﭼﻪ ﺣﮑﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ!‬

‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮑﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺎ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﺸﻖ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ؟‬

‫ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮐﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺑﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺿﺎﺀ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺑﺮﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﮐﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺒﺐ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺑﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﮐﻢ ﮐﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺬﺭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﮑﻮﻓﻪ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮ ﻭﺍﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻟﻮﺡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﻫﺮﺍﺳﻴﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﭘﺮﺗﻼﻃﻢ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺩﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﻠﻴﻞﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ!‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺧﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ!‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﮎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖﺑﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ!‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﮒﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﭘﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺑﺨﺶ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻧﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﮐﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﺟﻮﺷﺸﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﺨﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻗﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺻﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺎﻳﮏ ﺭﺍﻩﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺍﺑﺪﻳﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻟﺐ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﮋﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﻴﺪ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺩﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺻﻴﻘﻞ ﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺶ ﺑﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺻﻔﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﺩﻳﻮ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺑﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻳﮑﺪﻟﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﺸﻢ ﭘﺎ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﺴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻣﺘﻢ ﺑﺨﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﺑﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻫﻤﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻣﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ‬

‫ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ »ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ«‬

‫ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻤﻴﻦ )‪ (۲۰‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﮐﻼﺳﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ - ۱‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ _ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۲‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﮎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺴﻞ( _ ﮐﻠﺮﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۳‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻣﻴﺪﻥ _ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ _ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻃﻌﺎﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۴‬ﺧﺎﻟﺺ _ ﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻔﻴﺲ _ ﺧﺮﺱ _ ﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۵‬ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻖ _ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﮔﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ! _ ﺯﻳﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ _ ﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۶‬ﺍﻭ _ ﺁﺩﻣﮑﺶ _ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﭘﺴﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺜﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﺥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻤﻴﺪﻩ _ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺼﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۷‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ _ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ _ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۸‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺭﺑﻌﻪ _ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺟﮏ _ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۹‬ﺳﻨﮓ ﻣﺮﻣﺮ _ ﭼﺮﮎ ﺑﺪﻥ _ ﮐﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ _ ﺗﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۱۰‬ﺑﺎﺭﻳﮏ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ _ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﻠﻴﻢ! _ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۱۱‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ _ ﺷﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻟﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ _ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۱۲‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻌﺎﻟﻲ _ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ _ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ _ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﻴﻠﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۱۳‬ﺳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻳﻢ _ ﻳﮑﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ _ ﻓﻴﻠﮕﻮﺵ _ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۱۴‬ﭘﺎﮎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ _ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ _ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ _ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۱۵‬ﺍﺳﺐ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ _ ﺭﻭﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺡ _ ﺷﺸﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۱۶‬ﺷﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﻪ _ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺰ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۱۷‬ﺳﻠﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺛﻮﻣﻪ _ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺯﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﻞ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬

‫ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱‬ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﮏ _ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺟﺴﺎﻡ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۲‬ﺩﺭﻧﮓ _ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻔﺘﻦ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۳‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ _ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﮋﺩﻩ _ ﺣﺎﺟﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۴‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﻬﺎﻡ _ ﻟﻘﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ _ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ _ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﮐﻔﺶ ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۵‬ﺷﺐ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ _ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ _ ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺮﺍﻥ _ ﺷﮑﻠﮏ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻮﺍﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۶‬ﻣﮑﺎﻥ _ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻃﺎﻟﻊ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﺎﺏ _ ﺭﺍﻏﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۷‬ﻏﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﻕ ﮐﻠﻴﻪ _ ﺯﻳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻳﻮﺭ _ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭ _ ﭘﺮﺯ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۸‬ﺩﻟﻴﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺯﻭﺭ _ ﻧﻮﺷﺎﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ _ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺷﮑﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۹‬ﺧﺸﮏ _ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ‪ . . .‬ﻣﺮﮔﻪ! _ ﻣﺎﻩ _ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﺎﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۰‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ _ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﺪ _ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۱‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﺪﺍ _ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺯﺷﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎ _ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ _ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻴﺪﮔﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۲‬ﺁﺑﻔﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ _ ﺣﻠﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻐﺰ ﮔﺮﺩﻭ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻡ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ _‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﮑﺘﻮﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۳‬ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﻤﺎ _ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎ _ ﺷﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺎﺭﮎ _ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۴‬ﮔﻴﺎﻩ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ! _ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭ _ ﺣﻴﻠﻪ _ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۵‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻴﺮ _ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ _ ﮐﻨﺠﺪ ﮐﻮﺑﻴﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۶‬ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ _ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۷‬ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻱ _ ﺁﺑﺸﺶ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ ۲‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‪:‬‬

‫‪– ۷۳ – ۶۷ – ۴۸ – ۴۶ – ۳۷ – ۳۱ – ۲۸ – ۲۱ – ۱۵ – ۱۰‬‬ ‫‪.۹۱ – ۷۵‬‬

‫‪ ۳‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪– ۴۶۷ – ۴۳۹ – ۴۳۱ – ۳۸۴ – ۲۹۱ – ۲۵۱ – ۱۴۸ -۱۴۶‬‬ ‫‪۸۱۶ – ۷۶۵ – ۷۴۵ – ۶۵۱ – ۶۱۲ – ۵۴۷ – ۵۱۷ – ۴۹۱‬‬ ‫– ‪.۹۱۴ – ۹۱۲ – ۹۰۸ – ۸۵۴‬‬

‫‪ ۴‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪۳۲۵۹ – ۳۲۵۶ – ۳۱۷۶ – ۱۸۳۴ – ۱۳۹۸ – ۱۳۶۰ – ۱۰۹۴‬‬ ‫– ‪– ۴۲۹۳ – ۴۲۸۶ – ۴۰۹۸ – ۳۸۱۹ – ۳۵۱۲ – ۳۴۹۱‬‬ ‫‪۵۴۷۹ – ۵۳۸۹ – ۵۱۹۴ – ۵۱۲۶ – ۵۰۸۴ – ۴۷۹۱ – ۴۷۶۵‬‬ ‫– ‪– ۶۷۲۵ – ۶۲۷۹ – ۶۲۳۸ – ۶۰۷۵ – ۵۷۸۶ – ۵۷۳۸‬‬ ‫‪۸۷۹۵ – ۸۷۴۳ – ۸۵۶۲ – ۸۲۷۵ – ۸۱۲۹ – ۷۸۵۹ – ۷۰۸۹‬‬ ‫– ‪– ۹۵۶۱ – ۹۵۱۸ – ۹۲۱۰ – ۹۱۴۷ – ۹۱۴۳ – ۸۹۶۰‬‬ ‫‪.۹۵۸۶‬‬

‫‪ ۵‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪۵۱۰۳۸ – ۳۸۴۲۵ – ۳۴۰۱۷ – ۳۰۹۷۶ – ۳۰۸۴۷ – ۲۳۴۱۹‬‬ ‫– ‪– ۸۶۱۵۲ – ۸۵۳۴۹ – ۸۳۷۲۵ – ۶۸۱۷۳ – ۵۸۰۶۹‬‬ ‫‪.۸۶۴۱۷‬‬

‫‪ ۷‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪.۶۲۵۴۸۱۹ – ۴۵۸۷۶۲۹ – ۳۹۸۴۷۵۲ – ۳۷۵۹۲۸۱‬‬

September 2018

۳۶

‫‪I‬‬

‫‪PA‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪۲۰۱۸‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۸‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻳﻨﻪ ‪ ۱۴‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺐ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻳﻨﻪ ‪ ۲۱‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻳﻨﻪ ‪ ۲۸‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺱ ﺷﮑﻮﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮑﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻣﻴﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻼﺳﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﮏ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺺ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﮐﻤﺎﮐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻔﴼ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺑﺴﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻴﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪۶۰‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ۶۰‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﮑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ »ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﻟﻨﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﮑﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪۷‬‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ ۳‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻻﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ‪ ۱۵۲‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬

‫‪۳۷‬‬

‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ‪ (۷۷۰) ۸۴۶-۰۹۳۳‬ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ«‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ »ﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ«‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۱۲‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ‪ ۲۲‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺯﻭﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﺮﻳﻨﮕﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ‬

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‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﺭﺟﻴﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺷﺎﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮑﻨﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻭﻱ »ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻴﺸﻮﺩ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﺮﻳﻨﮕﺰ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻻﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﺮﻳﻨﮕﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺳﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﮐﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺼﻢ«‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﻗﺼﻢ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺿﺎ ﮐﻴﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﮑﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ۹‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ ۶‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ »ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺮﻳﻨﮓ« )ﻻﻓﻮﻧﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ( ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ »ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻞ ـ ﺗﻨﺴﻲ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺒﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ۱۲۸۳‬ـ ‪(۶۱۵) ۷۱۵‬‬

September 2018

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‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺴﺘﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﭖ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻠﻴﮏ ﺗﮏ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﺎﺳﻪ ﭼﺸﻤﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﻟﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﮔﺮﻳﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻕ ﻧﻤﮏ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺘﺶ ﺑﺨﺸﮑﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻠﻒ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺽ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪ ﺣﻮﺿﭽﻪ ﻧﻤﮏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﺵ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻴﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﭙﻴﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؛ ﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺠﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺿﻼﺏ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﺸﮑﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺷﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺸﻨﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ« ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺨﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻲ ﺁﺏ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﭘﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻥﺍﻧﺪ! ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺸﻨﻪ ﮐﺎﺯﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻨﮕﻲ ﻟﻪ ﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺲ ﻧﻔﺲ!‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺒﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻏﻴﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﮐﺎﺳﭙﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﻮ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﮕﻮ‪ :‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻧﻔﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺲ ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻳﻘﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺎﺳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺠﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻄﺶ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻲ ﺁﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲ ﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻓﺘﻠﻒ ﺷﺪﻧﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻧﻔﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺲ ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮐﻼﻍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﮐﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺳﻨﻪﺷﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺐﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺘﮏ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺑﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻮﻧﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻄﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﻄﻞ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻧﻔﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺲ ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺧﻨﮑﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻭﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺑﻲ ﺍﮐﺴﻴﮋﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﻔﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﺖ! ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺸﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﮑﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺒﺰﻩﺯﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻩﺯﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﮐﻨﺎﻧﺶ؟‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺭﺩ‬

‫‪۳۹‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻧﻔﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺲ ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﻔﺮﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﭙﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﮑﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﺑﻲ ﺻﺪﺍ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺣﻖ ﻧﻔﺲ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺣﻖ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍُﺳﺮﺍ ﺟﺰ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺰ ﮔﺴﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻨﮕﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮒ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﻳﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻋﻄﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﻳﺦ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﻣﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﺦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻡ‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺴﺘﺸﻮﻱ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻞ ﻭ ﭼﺮﮎ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻫﺮﺍﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﺧﻴﻢ ﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﮐﺮﻭﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺮ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﮐﺸﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺑﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﻲ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻴﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻤﺮﮔﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﮐﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﻔﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻣﮑﺰﻳﮏ ﺟﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻮﭼﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﮐﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮏﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺧﻄﻪﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻱ ﻭﻃﻦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﻮ ﻋﺠﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﺻﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﺕ ﭼﻮ ﺩﻝ ﭘﺮ ﺣﺰﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﮔﻞ ﻭ ﻻﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺳﻤﻨﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻍ ﮔﻞ ﻭ ﻻﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺳﻤﻦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺲ ﺧﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻠﺪ ﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﮑﻔﺘﻪ ﭼﻤﻦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﮔﺮ ﺑﻲﺗﻮ ﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻫﺮﻣﻦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻫﺴﺖ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻮ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺸﮑﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺤﻦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺗﻮ ﻻﻏﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﭼﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﺰ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻐﺎ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﻲﺑﺮﮎ‬

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‫ﮐﺰ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻔﻦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺖ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺥ ﮐﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺎﻧﺪ ﮐﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﺳﺨﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﮐﺰ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻏﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﻫﻦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻨﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻐﺎ ﻭﻃﻦ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻃﻦ ﻣﻦ‬

‫ﺧﻨﻴﺎﮔﺮ ﺧﺠﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﻧﻢ!‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻘﺼﺪﻱ )ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩ(‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﮏ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﻴﺎﮔﺮ ﺧﺠﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﻧﻢ!‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﭼﺸﻤﻢ ﺳﺮﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﺸﻤﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻢ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺾ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺒﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﺸﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺁﺗﺸﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﻱ ﻧﻴﻠﻮﻓﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﮏ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ »ﻓﺮﻭﻍ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ »ﺍﺯﺩﺣﺎﻡ ﮐﻮﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺖ« ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺧﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ«‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻭﺩ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻔﺸﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﻴﺪﻱ ﺳﻮﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﻨﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺎﻕ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ـ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺒﺎﻧﮓ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡﮔﺴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻞﻭﺍﮊﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻫﻦ ﺧﻮﻥﺳﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ـ‬ ‫ﮐﺰ ﺟﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﮎﭼﺎﮎ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﻴﺎﮔﺮ ﺧﺠﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﻧﻢ!‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﮏ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺍ ﻓﺮﻫﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﮐﻌﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺠﻨﻮﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺍﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺷﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻐﻀﺖ ﺑﺸﮑﻨﺪ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺟﻮﺷﺪ ﻏﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﺸﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﺘﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺻﺪ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻏﻢ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﻣﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺰﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﺥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﻟﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺷﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺐ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧـﺪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺯ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﻣﻮﻳﻲ ﻏﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﻱ ﻧﻲ ﻧﻢ ﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﮑﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺗﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻓﺶ ﮐﺎﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻓﮑﻦ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﮔﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺸﮑﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﮔﺮ ﭘﻼﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﺍﺷﮏ ﺷﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺧﺰﺭ ﺑﻨﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻋﻔﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺲ ﺯﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﭼﻮ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﻮ ﺳﺮﺳﺒﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬

‫ﻣﺮﮒ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺞ ﻋﺰﻟﺖ ﮔﻴﺮ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻨﺞ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﻦ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻲ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺖ ﮔﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺷﮑﻦ‬

‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﮐﺎﻣﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮐﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭼﻮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺻﺒﺮ ﮐﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ ﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯ ﺭﻧﺞ‪ ،‬ﮔﻨﺞ ﺷﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻋﻔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺸﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﮎ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺫﻭﻕ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺤﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﮐﻦ ﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮐﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻃﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪﺕ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻦ ﺗﻮ ﮐﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺳﮓ ﺳﻴﺮﺕ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺍﺩﺏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺭ ﺗﻮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺟﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﻄﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪﺕ‬

‫ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﺬﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﺎﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻧﻔﺲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺗﻮ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻨﺸﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻳﻦ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻴﺰﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﮔﺮ ﮐﺲ ﻧﮕﺮﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻳﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺒﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻢ ﮐﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺗﻮ ﻣﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺐﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻨﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺩﺕ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻱﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻋﺠﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻏﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺗﻮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺘﻢ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭ ﮔﺸﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻪ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺪﺵ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻖ ﺯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺟﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻧﺎﻟﻪ ﮐﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﻋﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﺧﺮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺻﺪ ﻗﺮﺹ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﭼﻮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺸﺘﺎﻓﺘﻪﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺕ ﺗﺎﻓﺘﻪﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﮐﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺨﺮ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻳﺎﻥ! ﺷﻤﺲ ﺣﻖ! ﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ـ ﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻥ! ـ ﺑﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺑﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺩ‬

‫ﺭﻧﺪ ﻗﺪﺡ ﻧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺗﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻧﺪ ﻗﺪﺡ ﻧﻮﺵ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻬﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪﻡ ﺧﺮﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺯ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻮﻳﺪ ﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻱ ﻭ ﺯ ﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺷﻨﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺥ ﺳﺎﻗﻲ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻮﻩ ﮐﻦ ﺩﻟﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﻴﺸﻪ ﺯ ﺭﺷﮏ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻏﻮﻝ ﻧﻮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﺱ ﺟﻨﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻩ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﮐﺰ ﭘﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻩ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻏﺮﺽ ﺍﺯ ﺗﮏ ﻭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻩ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻫﺎﺗﻒ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺗﻮ ﺩﻟﺘﻨﮓ ﻣﺸﻮ‬

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‫‪September 2018‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﮐﻮﺭﻭﺷﻲ ـ ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﮑﺮﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ« ﻭ »ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ« ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮐﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻣﺰﻣﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﮔﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﮑﻨﻮﮐﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺶ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ۵۷‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﮐﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ »ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ« ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﮑﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ »ﻧﻔﺖ«‪» ،‬ﻗﻠﺪﺭﻱ« ﻭ »ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ« ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻫﺮﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﮏ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﮔﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻨﺎﻕ ﮐﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ »ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻭﺧﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ »ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ‪ ۲۲‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ ۱۳۹۶‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﴼ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠّﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﮐﻠﻴﺪ ﺗﻔﮑﺮ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ »ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻔﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ« ﻭ »ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ« ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﮏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﺳﻬﻮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﮐﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ‬ ‫»ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ« ﺷﮑﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﮐﻠﻪ ﺗﻔﮑﺮ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﮐﻼﺳﻴﮏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ« ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ »ﻋﻤﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ« ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻋﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ »ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ« ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻼﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ« ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺗﻲ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺒﺮﻩ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ )ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ( ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ« ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻼﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺑﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ »ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ« ﺗﺮﻓﻴﻊ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ« ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺗﺮﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻟﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﴼ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﺗﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ« ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬

‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻳﺮ‬

‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ »ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﴼ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺫﮐﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻣﺘﻘﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪»» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ]ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ[ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ]ﺩﻭﻟﺖ[ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻣﻌﻴﻦﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻃﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﺎﮐﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻋﻬﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ٰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻳﺎ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﮐﻨﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻮﭼﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ« ﻭ »ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﻗﻄﻌﴼ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ »ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺵ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ »ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ »ﺑﺎ ﺩﺑﻪ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ« ﻭ »ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ » ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪ ۱۸‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻲ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﺀ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻩ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﮐﺘﻴﮏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ »ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ » ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﺤﻠﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﺤﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ » ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻔﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺘﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻭﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪﺵ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ـ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ۱۳۹۶‬ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺣﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮐﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻤﺎﻩ ‪ ۹۶‬ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۹۷‬ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﮑﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺍﮐﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﮐﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ۱۳۹۶‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻃﻲ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﻪ ﺗﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ« ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻁ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬

‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﺩ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ‪ ۷‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪ ۱۱‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻭ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﴼ ﺟﺰﺀ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۰۰‬ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﺸﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬

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‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺠﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬

‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻲ ﺩﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻤﺎﻩ ‪ ۹۶‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺷﮑﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺫﮐﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﻣﺘﻨﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ۱‬ـ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﻑ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﮐﺮﺩ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻪ؟! ﻳﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺻﺒﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫‪ ۲‬ـ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﮒ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ‪.....‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺣﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﺗﺨﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻍ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺣﮑﻢ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻳﺎ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﺭﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ« ﻳﮏ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺨﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺷﮑﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ‪ :‬ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬

‫ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺻﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﺸﮕﺮﻱ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻠﻴﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﮐﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؟« ﻳﺎ‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ؟« ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﮏ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮑﺴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻼﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۵۷‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻲ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻓﻌ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺳﺮﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺸﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ۹۶‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺼﻮﺍﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮐﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﮏ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻃﻼ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻮﺝ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺒﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﺍﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷﮑﻞﺩﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﮐﻤﺮﺷﮑﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺌﻴﻦ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺰﻳﺠﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮐﺮﺍﻳﻪﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺑﻮﺳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻋﻘ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﴼ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﮎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮏ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﮎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻼﮐﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺒﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺪﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ )ﺑﺮﻩ(‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺼﺒﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺒﺎﺣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻳﮏ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺷﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ )ﮔﺎﻭ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﮑﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻨﺒﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﭘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ )ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﮑﺮ(‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺼﻤﺼﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﮑﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻏﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺴﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮑﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﮑﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻴﺮ )ﺧﺮﭼﻨﮓ(‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺣﺮﻓﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺮﺳﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﮑﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻔﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﮐﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﺟﻮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺁﺳﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪September 2018‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ )ﺷﻴﺮ(‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻤﻖ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮐﻤﻲ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ )ﺧﻮﺷﻪ(‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺒﮏ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻏﺮﻳﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻌﻤﻖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﴼ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺫﻫﻨﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺲ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﮏ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﺍﻳﺰﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻐﻠﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﭼﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮ )ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻭ(‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻒ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﮐﻮﺷﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺑﺎﻥ )ﮐﮋﺩﻡ(‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪﻭﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺟﺎﻩ ﻃﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭﺳﻮﺳﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺘﻤﴼ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺫﺭ )ﮐﻤﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺑﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺣﺪﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻻﻳﻖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﻤﻲﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻋﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺬﻟﻪ ﮔﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﺨﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻱ )ﺑﺰ(‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺴﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻟﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺯﺧﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﻀﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺸﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻤﻲﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻓﮑﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺟﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ )ﺩﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﮏ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺗﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮐﻢ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ ﻗﺒﻠﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮐﻤﻲﺗﺸﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻓﺎﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ )ﻣﺎﻫﻲ(‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﮑﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﮏ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍﺯﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺷﮑﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﻗﺪﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

CONTINUED FROM COVER PAGE

Al-Monitor predicted in May, the clampdown on forex bureaus and the government’s inability to supply the market with enough hard currency led to a panic and by early August the rial had lost some 60% of its value on the free market. A new CBI governor was appointed in late July. Abdolnasser Hemmati is a respected economist and the former head of the Central Insurance of Iran, overseeing the liberalization of the insurance sector. In the meantime, the new policy package has again led to a multi-tiered regime in which there are essentially three rates: a preferential dollar rate of 42,000 for the importation of basic goods, especially foodstuffs and medicine; a rate on the so-called secondary market, where exporters sell their hard currency holdings to importers and foreign exchange bureaus; and finally a rate in the free market, where the re-legalized forex bureaus are the key players. The regulatory framework for the currency market, announced Aug. 7, includes the following regulations: The sale and purchase of hard currency proceeds from non-crude oil exports is allowed, but must be conducted through the secondary forex market. Forex bureaus are officially licensed to engage in such transactions, but they have to sell hard currency purchased in the secondary market within three days. The exchange rate adopted by the foreign exchange bureaus should be a maximum of 1% higher than the rate agreed on in the secondary market. The forex bureaus are allowed to trade small amounts of bank notes as long as the transaction is recorded in official government registers. All licensed forex bureaus are allowed to: purchase foreign bank notes in accordance with rules against money laundering. sell bank notes based on the defined utility of such notes (such as tourism and medical treatments). convert up to 5% of the hawala (money transfers) they have acquired to bank notes and sell them to their customers. The rates in the secondary and the free market are fluctuating, but they stood at approximately 85,000 and 107,000 rials to the dollar, respectively, on Aug. 27. The differentials between the three rates indicate that the market is still unsettled and that a new balance has not yet been achieved. They also pave the way for the continuation of corrupt practices that undermine healthy economic development. It will take time for all stakeholders to adjust to the new structures. However, existing ambiguities, the weak track record of implementing policy as well as the looming re-imposition of broad US sanctions targeting oil exports and banking make market behavior unpredictable. CBI Governor Hemmati used an Aug. 5 interview to outline the objectives of the new policies: to liberalize the market, increase transparency and contain inflation. He estimated that 95% of the country’s needs would be covered by the official and secondary markets and that only 5% of demand would depend on the forex bureaus. He promised that

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appropriate supervision has been put in place to prevent corrupt dealings and abuse of the multi-tiered exchange rate regime. Hemmati also confirmed that the secondary market rate would be based on a managed float regime. Encouragingly, he admitted that the key problem in the Iranian economy is the money supply and promised to address the issue in future policies. Experts agree that addressing the money supply while trying to manage exchange rates and contain inflation is a near impossible task in an economy that is facing so many structural issues. Therefore, Hemmati’s resolve should be judged based on his success in introducing the needed reforms, especially the creation of a money market that can meet the needs of Iranian industry without relying on banks. Furthermore, to manage the money supply, Iran will require a major overhaul of its financial and capital markets, a genuinely independent CBI and the de-politicization of monetary decisions. Incidentally, former CBI Governor Tahmasb Mazaheri identified these key issues and proposed that the government respect the central bank’s independence, stop telling it to allocate funds to its various projects and stop printing money. However, realistically, the de-politicization of the CBI will be difficult as long as the country is under sanctions. For example, as a direct consequence of the renewed US sanctions, the dollar was first removed from and then re-introduced to the secondary market as the CBI realized that a number of Iranian entities in need of the US currency were forced to move to forex bureaus. This type of zig-zagging confuses stakeholders and creates ambiguities about which the forex bureaus have complained. So where do these recent measures leave the Iranian economy and the rial? With regard to economic development, there will be business as usual, meaning the continuation of interest group economics and a growing potential for corruption and mismanagement. In terms of the national currency, one economist told Al-Monitor that CBI and government officials target for the unofficial rate on the secondary market is 100,000 rials to the dollar. The resilience of the free market rate around 105,000 rials per dollar — 5% higher than the secondary market, a margin that Hemmati has confirmed is fair — seems to indicate a similar expectation among the forex bureaus. Past experience has shown that the Iranian economy will find a new equilibrium around the new rate, but many segments of society will suffer as a result of the consequent inflation. The only positive that may come out of this crisis is that there will be a new phase of stability for the exchange rate. However, if the needed structural reforms are not implemented in the next few years, Iran will experience more such crises in the future. Bijan Khajehpour is an economist and a managing partner at Atieh International, a Vienna-based international strategic consulting firm.

Google Disables Dozens Of YouTube Channels Allegedly Spreading Iranian Propaganda Source: RFE/RL Google says it has disabled dozens of YouTube channels and other accounts linked to an Iranian state broadcaster that it said was running a political influence campaign. Google said on August 23 that its forensic research shows the accounts were set up by people associated with the state-run Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB). The tech giant said it blocked 39 YouTube channels that had racked up a total of 13,466 views in the United States and disabled six accounts at Blogger and 13 accounts at its Google+ social network. The cybersecurity firm FireEye, which alerted technology companies to some of the suspicious activity, said in a report this week that the overall operation originates from Iran and promotes Iranian interests to audiences in the United States and elsewhere. IRIB didn't immediately respond to a request for comment. FireEye said that, combined with Facebook and Twitter moves on August 21 to remove fake accounts allegedly set up by Iran, the Iranian YouTube campaign shows that it's no longer just Russia conducting disguised political influence campaigns on social media. Facebook said it removed 652 suspicious web pages and accounts linked to Russia and Iran, while Twitter said it had deleted nearly 300 accounts. In addition to removing the Iranian broadcaster accounts on YouTube, Google said it has also blocked «state-sponsored phishing attacks» in which deceptive messages were sent to users of its free e-mail service in an effort to trick people into disclosing information such as passwords. «In recent months, we've detected and blocked attempts by state-sponsored actors in various countries to target political campaigns, journalists, activists, and academics located around the world,» Google said. The California-based Internet giant added that in the past year it has strengthened defenses against «actors linked to» Russia's Internet Research Agency, a so-called troll factory in St. Petersburg that has been charged with interfering in the 2016 U.S. presidential election. Tech companies are becoming much more proactive about ferreting out and quashing political influence campaigns by

foreign governments since last year, when Facebook, Google, and Twitter were widely criticized for allowing Russian agents to spread propaganda on their networks during the 2016 presidential campaign. Several companies are now offering specific help to protect U.S. political candidates from Russian hackers and other bad actors ahead of the 2018 midterm elections. Microsoft said this week it's offering an AccountGuard service to federal, state, and local candidates of all parties as well as to party committees and certain nonprofit groups. The company said it might also work with other tech firms such as Facebook and Twitter on coordinated election security efforts, though no agreements have been made. Google last year also launched a protection program for hacking targets such as politicians, journalists, and business leaders. At least one prominent security expert believes it may be too late to stop foreign interference in November's elections. Alex Stamos, who stepped down as Facebook's security chief last week, said in an online essay that U.S. officials haven't taken the threats seriously enough. He cited Microsoft's revelation early this week that it discovered efforts by a hacking group tied to the Russian government to spoof websites belonging to the U.S. Senate and two conservative institutions. Such fake websites have previously been used by the group known as Fancy Bear to trick targeted victims into letting their computers be infiltrated. Stamos said that «in some ways, the United States has broadcast to the world that it doesn't take these issues seriously and that any perpetrators of information warfare against the West will get, at most, a slap on the wrist.» He said «this failure has left the U.S. unprepared to protect the 2018 elections,» though there's «still a chance to defend American democracy in 2020.» The midterm elections in the United States are on November 6, but primary elections have already been held in many U.S. states. With reporting by AP, AFP, and Reuters

September 2018

Journalist Recounts “Inhumane” Living Conditions at Iran’s Great Tehran Penitentiary An Iranian journalist who was detained at Iran’s Great Tehran Penitentiary (GTP) has written about the jail’s “inhumane” conditions, stating in a Facebook post that day to day life there is “beyond the limits of human tolerance.” “The sign above the entrance to the prison in Fashafouyeh says, ‘Great Tehran Penitentiary,’ but the fact is that psychological and physical pressures on the prisoners are so intense that you essentially don’t have the opportunity to ‘contemplate and repent,’” wrote Nader Fatourehchi on August 21, 2018. With an official capacity of 15,000 inmates, the GTP, located in Tehran Province’s Fashafouyeh district, 20 miles southeast of Tehran, is the largest detention facility in the country. It was built in 2015 primarily for holding suspects and inmates convicted of drug-related offenses, but the judiciary has also used it to incarcerate dissidents and anti-state protesters. Since February 2018, more than 200 Sufi Muslims belonging to the Gonabadi Order have been transported to the penitentiary after being arrested at a street protest in Tehran that month. In late August, human rights lawyer Arash Keykhosravi and former MP Ghasem Sholeh Sa’di were also taken there in handcuffs and prisoners’ uniforms that are only used for inmates convicted of violent crimes. Both men were detained for attending a peaceful protest rally. Fatourehchi, a freelance film critic and author, was arrested on August 19 and held at the GTP for one day after he was sued by producer Mohammad Emami for criticizing the “suspicious” financial backers of Emami’s popular historical drama series, “Shahrzad.” In November 2017, Fatourehchi published an article on the Amsterdam-based Radio Zamaneh news website, titled, “Shahrzad: 10 Questions Journalists Are Not Asking,” questioning where the film’s huge budget had come from. He also leads the “No to Shahrzad” campaign on social media. Fatourehchi, who was released on bail on August 20, wrote about his experience the next day. “Paying attention to the living conditions and welfare of ordinary prisoners in Fashafouyeh is a very pressing and urgent matter,” he wrote. “In Iran, nobody is more helpless and destitute than they are. Their conditions are the exact

definition of ‘inhumane.’” “What they are experiencing is beyond the limits of human tolerance, even it were for just a day, and I have no doubt that it is leaving an irreparable impact on their bodies and souls every day,” he added. According to Fatourehchi, about 40 new prisoners are admitted into the facility each day. The new inmates are first kept for four days in the quarantine unit, which he described as a “sewer” without ventilation or washing facilities, and fed “cold macaroni or uncooked yellow rice.” Fatourehchi continued: “More than 80 percent of the prisoners in quarantine are homeless drug addicts who are too weak to stand on their feet. They should be hospitalized, not imprisoned. The stench from body odor and infected wounds is unimaginable and what makes it worse is the vomit left by drug addicts who don’t have the strength to go to the toilet.” Fatourehchi also noted that many of the inmates, who come from poor backgrounds, are rarely able to see their relatives who cannot afford to travel to the prison’s remote location. When their relatives do show up, they have to wait outside for long periods and sit on dirt. In his Facebook post, Fatourehchi included a photo of three cigarettes he had been given during his encounters with detained Sufis in the jail. “As I was leaving the prison, I bumped into some Gonabadi dervishes, including the dear Kasra Nouri, Mr. Entesari and others whose kindness, stature and affection were so deep that it felt like I was looking at familiar faces filled with light that brightened the surrounding darkness.” “I will never forget their loving smile,” he added. Nouri, who was a graduate student in human rights at the University of Tehran before he was arrested, has been sentenced to 12 years in prison, 74 lashes, two years of exile in Salas Babajani county in Kermanshah Province, a two-year ban on traveling abroad, and a twoyear prohibition on political and social activities including social media. Entesari, who was an editor of the Gonabadi-run Mazjabroon website, has been sentenced to seven years in prison, 74 lashes, two years of exile in the northeastern city of Khaf, a two-year ban on leaving the country and a two-year ban on political and media activities.

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Four Christians in Iran Appeal Prison Sentences For Alleged Missionary Activities Four Christians in Iran, including two converts, have appealed their prison sentences for alleged missionary activities, arguing that they’re innocent of the charges. “It is our expectation that the charges will be dropped and their sentences struck down because there is no evidence to prove the charges against them,” Dabrina Bet Tamraz told the Center for Human Rights in Iran (CHRI) on August 27, 2018. “Fondness for Christianity and conducting religious services cannot be the basis for incarceration,” added Tamraz, the daughter of Assyrian pastor Victor Bet Tamraz and Shamiram Isavi, who were both sentenced by a Revolutionary Court in Iran to 10 years and five years in prison respectively. The couple is currently free on bail along with their two codefendants, Christian converts Hadi Asgari and Amin Afshar Naderi, who had been sentenced to 10 years and 15 years in prison respectively. Bet Tamraz, Asgari and Naderi were charged with “acting against national security by forming home churches, attending seminars abroad and proselytizing Zionist Christianity.” Naderi was also charged with “insulting the sacred.” Isavi was charged with “acting against national security by organizing home churches, attending Christian seminars abroad and training Christian leaders in Iran for the purpose of espionage.” Iran’s Christian community, particularly converts to the faith, faces systematic state persecution. To date, there has been one hearing for these Christians’ cases at Branch 36 of the Appeals Court. The four are expecting to appear at two more hearings before the judge makes a ruling. “My father and mother have been given heavy sentences without any evidence,” Dabrina Bet Tamraz said in an interview with CHRI. “The verdict against my father says he attended religious seminars in the US, Sweden and the Netherlands even though he has never stepped foot in those countries.” Victor Bet Tamraz headed the last Persianlanguage church in Iran, the Pentecostal Assyrian church on Sharara St. in Tehran, before it was closed down by local authorities in March 2009. “When the church was still open, the prayers were said in Persian. I speak the Assyrian language but I’m not fluent in reading and writing, so it was easier to recite the hymns and prayers in Persian,” Dabrina Bet Tamraz said. She continued: “Using the Persian language in church cannot be considered a crime. My father and mother never preached Christianity on the streets. When the authorities closed down the church out of

fear, my parents started a communal church at home. It’s not a sin nor a crime or against national security to gather at a home and pray.” All Farsi-speaking Christian churches in Iran are currently banned. Only non-ethnic-Persians, such as Armenians and Assyrians, are allowed to practice their Christian faith. The four defendants were arrested on separate occasions. Victor Bet Tamraz, Shamiram Isavi and Amin Afshar Naderi were among several people who were arrested during a Christmas gathering at the Bet Tamraz residence in Tehran on December 26, 2014. They were later released on bail. Naderi was arrested again on August 26, 2016, along with Hadi Asgari, and a number of other Christian converts after agents raided a private picnic at a garden in Firoozkooh, about 90 miles east of Tehran. “Given that the Appeals Court has upheld heavy prison sentences against Youcef Nadarkhani and four other Christians… we are very worried that the sentences against these four Christians will also be confirmed,” Mansour Borji, the advocacy director of Article 18, a London-based organization that defends Christians in Iran, told CHRI. “We hope that the sentences will be struck down as a result of our campaign and the support of the international community and the cases against other Christians imprisoned for the same reasons will be reviewed as well,” he added. Born to Muslim parents, Pastor Nadarkhani, 41, converted to Christianity at the age of 19. In 2009 he was arrested and sentenced to death for “apostasy” but in 2011 the Supreme Court acquitted him on the condition that he would repent. Nadarkhani refused to renounce his faith and was ultimately released in September 2012. In June 2017, Nadarkhani was tried again for the charges of “assembly and collusion against national security” for allegedly organizing home churches and preaching “Zionist Christianity” along with Christian converts Mohammad Reza (Yasser) Omidi, Mohammad Ali Mosibzadeh and Zaman (John) Fadaei, who were sentenced to 10 years in prison each by Judge Mashallah Ahmadzadeh of Branch 26 of the Revolutionary Court in Tehran. “About a month and a half ago, the police raided their homes and took them to Evin Prison to serve the 10-year prison sentences that were upheld by Branch 36 of the Appeals Court in 2017,” Borji told CHRI. Nadarkhani’s sentence includes exiled to Nikshahr, in Sistan and Baluchistan Province, for two years after the completion of his sentence. Omidi’s includes exile for two years to Borazjan, Bushehr Province, after the completion of his sentence.

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Detained Human Rights Lawyer Nasrin Sotoudeh Refuses to Appear in Court, Begins Hunger Strike

Kurdish Death Row Inmate Sews Lips Shut in Hunger Strike Against Denial of Rights CENTER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS IN IRAN Ramin Hossein Panahi, a Kurdish man in danger of imminent execution in Iran, has sewn his lips shut to protest the denial of his rights by prison authorities. “Unfortunately, our client has sewn his lips… and started a hunger strike for the following reasons,” said a statement dated August 27, 2018, by defense attorneys Maziar Tataei, Hossein Ahmadiniaz and Osman Mozayyan, a copy of which was obtained by the Center for Human Rights in Iran (CHRI).

Sotoudeh Facing Seven “National Security” Charges as Judiciary Continues to Build Case Against Her

Prominent defense attorney Nasrin Sotoudeh has gone on hunger strike and refused to appear in court to protest her unjust detainment in Iran’s Evin Prison and the harassment of her family members and associates by security agents. “In my meeting with Nasrin in prison today [August 26], she gave me the news that because she had refused to appear at a hearing, the assistant prosecutor in the case, Mr. Nasiripour, and two other judicial authorities spoke to her in the Women’s Ward and informed her of the new charges,” her husband, Reza Khandan. told the Center for Human Rights in Iran (CHRI). According to Khandan, Sotoudeh was also informed of three new charges—“urging a referendum,” “assisting the formation of home churches” and “organizing protest rallies”—in addition to the five othersshe was already facing: “insulting the supreme leader,” “assembly and collusion against national security,” “forming groups against national security” and “propaganda against the state” and “espionage in hiding.” Sotoudeh is appealing the five-year prison sentence that was issued to her in absentia for the fifth charge. Security agents raided Sotoudeh’s home and those of her sister-in-law Fatemeh Khandan and civil rights activist Mohammad Reza Farhadpour on August 18. “Given that my communications with the authorities have not born any results, inevitably, I will start a hunger strike on August 25, 2018, to protest various detentions and pressures by the judiciary against my family, associates and friends,” she wrote in a note posted by Khandan on Facebook. “Since my detention two months ago, agents of the Intelligence Ministry have not only illegally detained the esteemed physician Dr. Farhad Meysami, but also searched the homes of my family and friends to find pins made to protest forced hijab,” she added. The raid was carried out by three agents of Iran’s Intelligence Ministry who had a warrant from Branch 7 of the Revolutionary Court in Evin Prison in Tehran. Sotoudeh has been detained in Tehran’s Evin Prison since June 13, 2018, and is facing national security charges for serving as the lawyer of detainees held on politically motivated charges, including women who have taken off their headscarves in public as a form of civil disobedience. On August 22, 60 members of the European Parliament called on Iranian President Hassan Rouhani to forcefully work for Sotoudeh’s “unconditional release.” Seven other human rights lawyers have also been arrested, summoned to court or blocked from taking on clients since February 2018 in a crackdown aimed at disabling defense attorneys from properly defending detainees held on political charges. Iran has a documented history of harassing and jailing lawyers who have taken on politically sensitive cases. In 2010, Sotoudeh was sentenced to 11 years in prison for the charges of “acting against national security,” “collusion and propaganda against the regime,” and “membership in the Defenders of Human Rights Center.” An appeals court later reduced her sentence to six years in prison and she was granted early release in September 2013 after serving three years. In July 2018, the International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI) sent a letter to Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei calling for Sotoudeh’s immediate release.

“1- Being denied his legal rights, such as access to medical treatment outside prison as prescribed by health authorities in Sanandaj Central Prison.” “2- Illegally cutting off telephone contacts with his family and lawyers and preventing visitation.” “3- Being denied the same rights and services as other prisoners.” “4- Illegal and unjust verdicts that must be reviewed within legal frameworks.” Panahi and his family have been repeatedly led to believe that he would be imminently executed since he was sentenced to death in January 2018 by Branch 1 of the Revolutionary Court in Sanandaj for his alleged membership in the outlawed Kurdish nationalist group, Komala. He had also been accused of drawing a weapon against agents of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) but Panahi, 22, has insisted he did not participate in any armed action nor did he reach for a weapon. “According to information received by our client’s family, he was taken by agents from Rajaee Shahr Prison [in Karaj] on the evening of August 26 and we have no information about his situation and condition,” said the statement. “These circumstances have increased fears that his sentence may be carried out in the coming days even though our prior requests for judicial reviews… are still under consideration and it is urgently and logically necessary to heed our demands for his pardon,” added the lawyers in their statement. Iran’s Supreme Court upheld Panahi’s death sentence in April 2018 and his execution was scheduled for May 3 but was postponed after international outcry by the United Nations and rights organizations. Panahi’s request for a case review was rejected by Iran’s Supreme Court but his lawyers have submitted a new appeal. In calling for the annulment of his death sentence, the UN’s special rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, Agnes Callamard, has cited concerns that Panahi was denied access to a lawyer, a fair trial, and that he was mistreated and tortured in detention. Despite his innocence plea, Panahi was charged with “corruption on earth” and sentenced to death under Articles 286, 287 and 279 of Iran’s Islamic Penal Code. CHRI has also called for the annulment of Panahi’s death sentence and for the Iranian judiciary to cease politically motivated executions, stop violating international standards of due process, and guarantee the rights of detainees to counsel of their choice as well as a fair trial in line with UN standards.

Iran's Behdad Salimi happy to bid farewell to weightlifting with gold at Asian Games Report by Tehran Times Iranian super heavyweight weightlifter Behdad Salimi is so happy to announce his retirement from the sport with a gold medal. Salimi bid farewell to weightlifting after winning a gold medal in the 2018 Asian Games underway in Indonesia. Salimi hoisted the 208kg in the snatch and completed a clean and jerk of 253kg. The 2012 Olympic champion won the gold medal with a total of 461kg in the men’s 105kg. The silver medal went to his compatriot Saeid Alihosseini with 456kg (208kg in snatch and 248kg in clean and jerk). Uzbekistan’s Rustam Djangabaev snatched the bronze medal with a total of 455kg. Salimi had already snatched two gold medals in the 2010 Asian Games (Guangzhou) and 2014 Asian Games (Incheon).

“I am very happy to end my career with a gold medal. I wanted to make room for the young weightlifters,” Salimi said. “I fought so hard to win this medal and thank God for winning the gold,” the 28-year-old weightlifter, who has also won two gold medals in the 2010 and 2011 World Championships, said.

September 2018

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September 2018 - Vol 24 - Issue 298

‫ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﺸﺘﻲ‬: ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬:‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬

Will Iran’s hard currency market return to normalcy? Bijan Khajehpour al-monitor.com After months of volatility and devaluation of the national currency, the Central Bank of Iran (CBI) introduced a new policy package on Aug. 5 that so far has failed to calm the foreign exchange market. The daily fluctuations persist and foreign exchange bureaus have been reluctant to buy or sell hard currency, protesting the CBI’s mercurial policies. Thus there is a need to take a closer look at the CBI’s policy package and its potential impact on the economy in general and the value of the rial in particular. There is no doubt that political and psychological factors have unsettled the foreign

exchange market, but it is also clear that the government and CBI have failed to balance supply and demand at this crucial juncture. A closer look at the recent decisions with regard to foreign exchange rates exposes the structural weaknesses that negatively influence the economy. Until April 9, Iran had a two-tiered exchange rate system. The official rate, which stood at about

37,000 rials to the dollar, was used for the importation of licensed goods and services. The free market rate, which hovered around 45,000 rials per dollar in mid-March, was used for all other purposes. It had remained relatively stable since the first election of President Hassan Rouhani in 2013. Since 2015, the Iranian authorities have been promising to unify the exchange rates, but had delayed the plan multiple

times. The sudden pressure on the exchange rate in March this year resulted in a devaluation of the rial and compelled the government to fastforward its unification plan. It announced a unified exchange rate of 42,000 to the dollar and banned forex bureaus from operating. As PLEASE GO TO PAGE 43