The implications of dif�icult colonial history on Anglican architectural heritage conservation in New Zealand
Lara van der Raaij
Student ID: A0297995W
Supervisor: Johannes Widodo
Abstract
Growing awareness of racial injustices in New Zealand has prompted the Anglican Church to confront its colonial past. While many churches are associated with colonial settlement, some are tied to speci�ic contested local histories between Māori and Pākehā. Both the management and conservation of church properties will be impacted by an understanding of an individual church’s connection to colonial history and the discourse of the wider church. The main question asked in this research was how the consideration of dif�icult colonial history in�luences conservation approaches for Anglican church heritage in New Zealand. Anglican Church heritage’ de�ined in this research is heritage-listed Anglican church buildings and the landscape associated with the building. This research focuses on ‘Tikanga Pākehā’ churches due to the challenge of contextualisation for these churches. The overall research objective was to offer recommendations on conservation measures that can assist the interpretation and enhancement of Anglican Churches in New Zealand. A historical survey traces shifts in the Anglican Church’s stance on colonial history, while case studies of four churches highlight the disconnect between intangible and tangible responses to this history. A literature review provides the theoretical background of dif�icult heritage, its implications for New Zealand colonial heritage, and conservation approaches that challenge Western paradigms. The literature gap is the consideration of how dif�icult colonial history impacts thematic groups of ‘colonial’ heritage.
Findings reveal that while intangible responses to colonial history emerge naturally, there were a range of barriers to tangible expression. Churches addressed this dissonance in three ways: desire for partnership management systems, a ‘campus’ approach to new tangible expressions of history, and contextualisation of church land Conservation recommendations include expanding heritage understanding beyond Western frameworks, bridging intangible and tangible expressions through layered interventions and land contextualisation This
Acknowledgements
Thank you to my supervisor Johannes Widodo, for your advice and encouragement throughout my research. Thank you to Luk Ying Xian, for your generous time and effort reading through drafts, and providing insightful comments - these have greatly improved this research. Thank you to Ho Puay Peng and Nikhil Joshi for providing me with the foundational heritage conservation knowledge that is the basis for this dissertation.
Thank you to Reverend Daniel Ross (Pauatahanui) and Reverend Julie Guest (Te Awamutu), for your generous responses to interview questions. Thank you to Anita Evans for sharing your re�lections and sincere insight concerning partnership and Old St Paul’s. Thank you, Reverend Jessie Black, as always, for your support in my faith journey and in grappling with ‘Pākehā guilt’. I have been so lucky to have you as an expert, mentor and friend.
Thank you to my MAArC classmates, for your camaraderie and constructive comments throughout this year. Thank you especially to Jiayi, David, Gabriel, Sharmila, Rithanyaa and Felcia, for your friendship. Thank you to my dear neighbours who have made Singapore a home for me. Thank you especially to Abhijit, for responding to my stress with patience, humour and kindness. Lastly, thank you to my family for your support, and listening to me grapple with Anglican history for years on end.
List of Figures
Glossary
Iwi: (te reo Māori), Māori tribes
Mana whenua: (te reo Māori), “local people with ancestral and occupation-based authority over the land” 1, usually de�ined as speci�ic local iwi (tribes)
Māori: (te reo Māori), The indigenous people of New Zealand, also referred to as tangata whenua (people of the land)
Marae: (te reo Māori), traditional Māori meeting house. The marae typology also has modern forms and adaptions.
Pa: (te reo Māori), Māori village, typically consisting of whare, meeting house, gardens, food storage building, forti�ications
Paariha: (te reo Māori), parish
Pākehā: (te reo Māori), non-Māori New Zealander
Tangata Tiriti: (te reo Māori), Literal translation from te reo Māori is ‘person of the treaty’. This refers to the permission granted to non-Māori New Zealanders to reside in New Zealand as partners in Te Tiriti o Waitangi.
Tangata Whenua: (te reo Māori), ‘people of the land’, used to refer to Māori with ancestral ties to particular locality and Māori in general. 2
Taonga: (te reo Māori), something treasured, sacred, protected in article 2 of Te Tiriti o Waitangi.
1 Kiddle et al., “IMAGINING A DECOLONIZED CITY IN AND FROM AOTEAROA NEW ZEALAND,” 146.
2 Mellish, “Tangata Whenua.”[
Tikanga: (te reo Māori), in the context of the New Zealand Anglican Church ‘3 Tikanga’
Te Tiriti o Waitangi: (te reo Māori), The founding document of New Zealand, an agreement between the English Crown and Māori. Te Tiriti o Waitangi refers to the te reo Māori version of the treaty which was signed by the majority of Māori chiefs. The English version (Treaty of Waitangi) is not a direct translation. In the past two years, public discourse has argued that Te Tiriti o Waitangi should be recognised as the authoritative text of the treaty.
Waharoa: (te reo Māori), entrance to a pā , entranceway, main entranceway
society, due to the dominance of Western-settler paradigms and racial inequalities This research is an extension of personal re�lection on the researcher’s identity as a Christian Pākehā New Zealander. 6
1.1.3 Hypothesis
The hypothesis is that only recently has the Anglican Church’s architecture begun to re�lect its response to colonial history. The exception is churches with a larger Māori community and sites of particularly dif�icult histories. While Pākehā churches will have a political stance concerning colonial history, there will be a gap in the expression of this history in the physical architecture.
1.2 Literature Review and Gaps
1.2.1 ‘Dif�icult’ History versus ‘Dif�icult’ Heritage
The difference between dif�icult history and dif�icult heritage lies in the distinction between history and heritage. As a discipline, history is a process of understanding the past, and analysing how it is interpreted. 7 In comparison, heritage is a dynamic process of presenting the past in intangible and tangible ways, which contributes to identity creation. 8 Both dif�icult history and heritage share the same de�inition of ‘dif�icult’ in this context, meaning that which is irreconcilable with positive, self-af�irming contemporary identity. Both refer broadly to “the history that hurts,” 9 including the “destructive and cruel side of history.” 10
6 I am a Pākehā New Zealand citizen of mixed-race descent. I was born and raised in Te Whanganui-aTara (Wellington). As tangata tiriti, I recognise that Te Tiriti enabled the families of both my parents to emigrate to New Zealand and make a home in this uniquely diverse place. Additionally, I recognise that I have bene�ited from colonial structures (such as the Westernised education model in which this research is conducted).
7 Schrader, “Heritage Is NOT History – or Is It?”
8 Moody, “Heritage and History,” 113.
9 Baker, “The History That Hurts: Excavating 1933-1945”; Tunbridge and Ashworth, Dissonant Heritage, 29.
10 Reeves and Logan, “Introduction: Remembering Places of Pain and Shame,” 1.
1.2.2 Colonial Heritage as ‘Dif�icult’ Heritage
The history of colonialism is inherently dif�icult, as colonialism is characterised by a power imbalance between the coloniser and the colonised, with identities and values in con�lict. Colonialism also ruptures indigenous knowledge and practices, such as “indigenous peopleplace-natural world ecologies”. 11 Colonial heritage encompasses the way in which colonial history is recognised and shaped in the present, encompassing intangible and tangible materialisations. 12 Ongoing contested identities and values associated with colonial history make its heritage ‘dif�icult’. Contested values can arise due to the different cultural worldviews of coloniser and colonised groups, as well as their desires for reparation. In New Zealand, the con�lict between Māori identity and the values of the heritage system have come to the fore in multiple cases. This includes the proposed demolition of the former Aotea Māori Land Court, to build an iwi tertiary institute. The ruling of the Environment Court was in favour of Heritage New Zealand, 13 who argued that the building had high historical signi�icance as the only purpose-built Māori Land Court. 14 Ironically, this only perpetuated the colonial worldview, disenfranchisement of Māori land and expression. This example reveals that the process of reexamining colonial history generates heritage discourse concerning the ongoing impact of colonial paradigms, and the appropriate processes of heritage.
11 Sengupta and King, “Reclaiming Colonial Architecture: Critical Practices of Land, Cities, Buildings and Things,” 6.
12 The intangible materialisation of colonialism includes the way in which it has shaped political and social power structures, suppressed indigenous worldviews, language and practices. The tangible materialisation of colonialism is evident in its impact on the natural and built environment. This includes the shaping of the physical environment through indigenous land dispossession, and proliferation of architecture associated with the colonial-settler worldview.
13 Heritage New Zealand is the of�icial national heritage authority of New Zealand.
14 14 Schmidt, “‘...Who Comes First: [Maori] Interests or Architectural Interests?’: Three Heritage Cases Challenging Identity and Institutions in New Zealand,” 150. The ‘Native’ (Māori) Land Court was an institution formed in the 1800s to give legal land titles to Māori. However, the processes of the Court were de�ined within a colonial legal system and conception of land rights that made it dif�icult for Māori to claim rights to their land. For example, Māori had to prove ownership of their land, pay high amounts to travel to courts, and titles could only have 10 owners which was incompatible with the culture of tribal ownership. This resulted in the labelling of the court as ‘te kōti tango whenua (the land-taking court). Whaanga, “Māori Land Court – Te Kōti Whenua.”
1.2.3 Approaches to Western and Colonial Dominance in Heritage Conservation
The dominance of colonial paradigms is evident in heritage categorisation and narratives in New Zealand, with heritage professionals recognising that heritage processes prioritise colonial structures. 15 Schmidt identi�ies that the AHD 16 in New Zealand promotes a simplistic ‘bicultural narrative’, 17 which can deny transgressions and diverse views on contested heritage. 18
The pervasiveness of colonial paradigms can be addressed by the shift in heritage conservation to consider diversity and living heritage. The 1994 Nara Document on Authenticity that heritage authenticity is dependent on cultural context, normalising a context and community-driven heritage approach. 19 Similarly, the Australia ICOMOS Burra Charter introduced social value as a contribution to heritage signi�icance. 20 In New Zealand, some heritage sites differentiate between social and ‘tangata whenua’ value, to recognise indigenous connections 21 These evolving frameworks support diverse views and challenge dominant colonial narratives. 22 The consideration of intangible and living heritage can also challenge the dominance of Western and colonial narratives in heritage. The Nara Document and World Heritage Operational Guidelines heritage attributes acknowledge the interrelationship of tangible and intangible aspects of heritage. 23 Within UNESCO’s World Heritage framework,
15 Hill, “‘Decolonisation as a Priority and Not an Afterthought,’” 4.
16 De�ined by Smith, Uses of Heritage, 4. The AHD refers to both the dominant Western perspective of heritage, and authorised discourse driven by experts that regulate of�icial heritage bodies. In New Zealand, The primary heritage ‘authorising’ institutions are Heritage New Zealand Pouhere Taonga (HNZPT) and the Department of Conservation (DOC). Heritage protections are provided at a local level by councils through District Plans and the Resource Management Act 1991.
17 Schmidt, “‘...Who Comes First: [Maori] Interests or Architectural Interests?’: Three Heritage Cases Challenging Identity and Institutions in New Zealand,” 139, 143.
18 Schmidt, 140.
19 “The Nara Document on Authenticity,” Article 11.
20 The Burra Charter, Article 1.
21 Cochran et al., “Old St Paul’s Conservation Plan,” 119.
22 Araoz, “Conservation Philosophy and Its Development,” 149.
23 “The Nara Document on Authenticity,” Article 7; Araoz, “Conservation Philosophy and Its Development,” 151.
intangible attributes convey a site’s value and are vital to understanding authenticity. 24 In the context of a colonised society, the recognition of intangible attributes of heritage has the potential to acknowledge indigenous worldviews that in�luence a site, informing intercultural dialogue. The recognition of intangible heritage also extends to an understanding of heritage as dynamic in relation to ‘living’ communities. 25 Christianity can be considered ‘living heritage’, as a religion with intangible beliefs and traditions, with associated living communities, that is expressed in the tangible form of churches. 26
1.2.4 Research Gap
There is a wide range of international research on decolonisation in the post-colonial world. This includes work across law, history and architectural disciplines, and speci�ic to certain post-colonial contexts. In recent years, New Zealand based research has emerged on colonial history and rectifying the impact of colonialism across disciplines (including heritage). Within the body of literature concerning the Anglican Church in New Zealand, historic research has re�lected on the church’s role in colonisation, and the church’s role in addressing ongoing justice in t Church management and law disciplines 27 The gap in the current literature is the consideration of how dif�icult colonial history impacts thematic groups of ‘colonial’ heritage. Additionally, there is a gap in NZ Anglican literature concerning the impact of colonial history discourse on church management.
24 The guidelines include intangible attributes such as: use and function, traditions, techniques and management systems, language, and other forms of intangible heritage, spirit and feeling “Preparing World Heritage Nominations (Second Edition, 2011),” 31–32.
25 “What Is Intangible Cultural Heritage?”; “The Yamato Declaration on Integrated Approaches for Safeguarding Tangible and Intangible Cultural Heritage,” Article 6.
26 Stovel et al., Conservation of Living Religious Heritage, 9.
27 Ruka, Huia Come Home; Brown, Māori Architecture; Reese, “Truth, Repentance and Naboth’s Vineyard: Towards Reconciliation in Aotearoa New Zealand”; Stenhouse, “God’s Own Silence: Secular Nationalism, Christianity and the Writing of New Zealand History.”
landscape associated with the building (including land parcel and ancillary buildings). This research particularly focuses on ‘Tikanga Pākehā’ churches (rather than churches in the Māori strand of the Anglican Church), due to the challenge of contextualisation for these churches. The de�inition of heritage conservation used in this dissertation is from the Nara Document on Authenticity, “operations designed to understand a property, know its history and meaning, ensure its material safeguard, and, if required, its restoration and enhancement”. 28
The suggested conservation approaches will address the ‘understanding’ and ‘enhancement’ of church properties. Technical material conservation is not included in the research scope.
1.4.2 Methods
The principal research methodology is textual analysis. The research methods employed are qualitative, which is suitable for an investigation of how attitudes and conservation approaches of the church communities have changed over time. The literature review provides the theoretical background for the discussion of case study �indings in relation to the manifestation of dif�icult colonial history discourse. The case study research contributes to a full understanding of the past and present situation of each church. Historical information was sourced to understand how each case study is considered ‘dif�icult’ colonial heritage. Email interviews with church leaders identi�ied the current approach to conservation, in relation to the individual approaches to each church’s speci�ic history. Additional video call interviews conducted with experts in Anglican Diocese land research, and heritage church management provide examples of best practice conservation work. The comparative analysis of case studies identi�ied trends in how the approach to colonial history is materialised in intangible and tangible forms.
28 “The Nara Document on Authenticity,” De�initions.
1.5 Research Signi�icance
This research is signi�icant as it addresses a gap in both New Zealand Anglican church literature concerning heritage management, and the conservation approach to colonial heritage of speci�ic architectural typologies. The research will contribute a framework of applied conservation approaches for use by Anglican Churches throughout New Zealand.
1.6 Chapter Organisation
Chapter two discusses New Zealand and Anglican colonial heritage within the context of dif�icult heritage. Chapter three analyses the paradigm shifts concerning colonialism of the wider New Zealand Anglican Church. Chapter four introduces case studies in relation to intangible and tangible materialisations of their dif�icult history. Chapter �ive compares the conservation approaches of these case studies. Chapter six offers conservation recommendations for dif�icult Anglican heritage in New Zealand.
New Zealanders are receptive to learning about colonial history, others have responded to this dif�icult history with hostility and defensiveness. For example, the emergence of Pākehā nationalism, that highlights the place attachment of Pākehā to New Zealand while ignoring the unjust ways in which that came about. 36 The defensive response of some Pākehā to New Zealand’s colonial history demonstrates that this history remains ‘dif�icult’, as it is irreconcilable with positive Pākehā and national identities
Historical and contemporary Māori resistance to colonialism demonstrates how colonial history discourse has materialised. Māori resistance has manifested in the intangible components of belief, traditions and language, including Māori religious movements. Māori have resisted colonial oppression in tangible areas, through resistance to land dispossession, revitalisation of Māori relationships with the environment and architectural expression.
2.2 New Zealand Anglican Church Heritage as ‘Dif�icult Heritage’
In New Zealand, churches are widely considered signi�icant heritage sites due to their age, historical public use and architectural value. Churches feature prominently on the national Heritage New Zealand Pouhere Taonga List as graded historic buildings, which are given statutory protection through their respective councils. 37 The statutory protection granted to historic churches indicates the valorisation of churches in relation to their role in settler history rather than religious signi�icance, as New Zealand is increasingly secular. The valorisation of churches across New Zealand therefore ties into the dominance of heritage of
36 Kiddle et al., “IMAGINING A DECOLONIZED CITY IN AND FROM AOTEAROA NEW ZEALAND,” 4; Schrader, “Heritage Is NOT History – or Is It?”
37 Auckland’s District Plan Schedule of Historic Heritage Places contains 231 listings containing the word ‘church’ (8% of heritage places in Auckland, New Zealand’s most populous city). Auckland Council, “Schedule 14.1 Schedule of Historic Heritage, Auckland Council Unitary Plan.” The Wellington District Plan Heritage Buildings Schedule contains 29 listings containing the word ‘church’, which is approximately 4% of heritage buildings in Wellington, the capital of New Zealand. Wellington City Council, “SCHED1 - Heritage Buildings, Wellington City 2024 District Plan: Appeals Version.”
the settler era, which can at times overlook its negative connotations and historic lack of recognition attributed to the Māori church. 38
The New Zealand Anglican Church has made efforts to recognise its history of af�iliation with colonisation and one might argue this means its history is no longer dif�icult. From 1984 onwards, the mission focus of the New Zealand Anglican Church to itself was redemptive justice; addressing its history and ongoing institutional injustice. 39 A commission was established to consider the church’s role in respect to Te Tiriti o Waitangi, focussing on historical partnership between Māori and Pākehā Anglicans. The commission found that the church’s historic involvement in Te Tiriti meant that it was responsible for ‘re-embodying’ partnership relationships throughout the Church. 40 This was predominantly expressed in the change to the New Zealand Anglican Constitution in 1992. 41 The new constitution identi�ied Māori, Pākehā and Pase�ika branches of the Anglican Church as equal partners with distinct expressions (named ‘tikanga’ in the constitution: tikanga Māori, tikanga Pākehā and tikanga Pase�ika). However, commentators recognise that the three tikanga structure has issues that require ongoing attention. Commentators note the priority given to the distinctiveness of each branch’s religious expression is at the expense of mutuality. 42 This has inhibited the just sharing of resources, and the exchanging of strengths 43 Additionally, the three tikanga structure perpetuates monoculturalism, inhibiting cross-cultural engagement and growth in genuine bi- and multiculturalism. 44
38 Kaa, “Aotearoa Histories: Decolonizing and Reindigenizing Church and Society in New Zealand.”
39 Plane Te Paa, “From ‘Civilizing’ to Colonizing to Respectfully Collaborating? New Zealand,” 70.
40 Plane Te Paa, 70.
41 “History”; Anglican Church in Aotearoa, New Zealand and Polynesia, “Constitution/Te Pouhere of the Anglican Church in Aotearoa, New Zealand and Polynesia.”
42 Plane Te Paa, “From ‘Civilizing’ to Colonizing to Respectfully Collaborating? New Zealand,” 72; Butcher, “From Settlement to Super-Diversity,” 128.
43 Such as Pākehā experience with church management and the “organically grounded theological resource” of Māori. Plane Te Paa, “From ‘Civilizing’ to Colonizing to Respectfully Collaborating? New Zealand,” 72
44 Butcher, “From Settlement to Super-Diversity,” 128.
There are two main reasons why this dissertation argues that Anglican Church heritage in New Zealand is ‘dif�icult heritage’. Firstly, heritage is continuously in the making, particularly considering the ongoing revelation of previously suppressed histories. Secondly contestation occurs between the attachment of the wider NZ public to historic churches and the desire of church congregations to express their beliefs in a ‘living’ way.
Anglican Church heritage remains ‘dif�icult’, as it is in conversation with the ongoing revelation of colonial history associated with the church. In the wider contemporary New Zealand context, colonial history is continuously being exposed and reevaluated in the academic and public discourse. For example, at a national level the scholarship and public awareness concerning the New Zealand Land Wars has increased in the late 2010s 45 In response to the increased awareness of Land War history, sites and memorials associated with the wars have been reactivated as contested sites. 46 The history of colonial injustices speci�ic to different Anglican church buildings and land has only recently gained widespread attention. In the early 2020s, the Anglican Diocese of Wellington embarked on a research project to identify any contention associated with the land ownership of Wellington Anglican churches The intention of this research was to serve as a management resource for the Diocese, to inform how the Diocese could address colonial injustices. However, the research found that the history of each church was highly speci�ic in nature and required parish-speci�ic rather than Diocesan-wide responses. 47 The importance of identifying the speci�ic history of each church is evidence that
45 Kidman et al., Fragments from a Contested Past, 34. . In 2014, a petition was started by high school students advocating for a national day commemorating the New Zealand Land Wars This was later followed by a petition to include the Land Wars in the national curriculum. In 2016, a book about the Waikato War by prominent historian Vincent O’Malley was published, to be followed by his 2019 book on the causes, events and consequences of the New Zealand Wars.
46 For example, a statue of Captain Hamilton, who took part in the Battle of Gate Pa, was the subject of protest in 2018, which highlighted the injustice of contemporary commemoration of war �igures who contributed to the death of many Māori and seizing of Māori land. This discourse with dif�icult history, and its tangible heritage expressions eventually led to the removal of the statue. Te Papa, “Colonial Statues.”
47 Black, Personal Communication about Diocese of Wellington Church Land Research Project.
addressing Anglican colonial history will take time as it is continuously engaging in a cycle of contemporary research and re�lection.
The public backlash to changes to heritage churches demonstrates a con�lict in values between national identity and the living expression of Christianity. For example, following damage to Christchurch Cathedral sustained in the 2010-11 earthquakes (Figure 1 and 2), the Bishop of Christchurch made the decision that the Cathedral be deconsecrated, and at least partially demolished. This decision was supported in an open letter by 70 churches and Christian organisations, stating “God's real Church is the people, and people matter more to God than any building”. 48 However, widespread public backlash eventually led to the decision to restore the Cathedral. 49 A poll of Christchurch residents in 2014 found, “92% of Christchurch residents believed that the Cathedral had always been a vital part of Christchurch’s history and heritage”, and despite its severely damaged state, “51% of Christchurch residents, believed the Cathedral should be restored.” This episode demonstrates
48 Carville, “Church Leaders Back Bishop.” Furthermore, a study group from the Cathedral undertook a tour of Cathedrals internationally, with the intention of starting conversations on what a new Cathedral design that re�lects contemporary Anglican practice would look like. Warren and Mahoney, “Cathedral Conversations / Tour Insights,” 3.
49 In comparison, only 43% of Anglican respondents favoured restoration. Brunton, “Christchurch Cathedral – Research Says Restoration.”
Figure 1: Christchurch Cathedral, the centre of a colonial town. (Cathedral Square, Christchurch, Shown From the Air, circa 1920s)
Figure 2: Damage to Christchurch Cathedral, pictured immediately after the M6.2 2011 earthquake (New Zealand Defence Force, 23 February 2011)
that Anglican heritage is closely tied to wider population identity, resulting in the resistance to change of colonial era edi�ices.
The identi�ication of the wider New Zealand public with Anglican Church heritage has also created con�lict when churches address colonial history in the present. This is the case with the education centre (Te Whare Hononga) built by Taranaki Cathedral. The centre was built to teach local and Te Tiriti o Waitangi history, partly in response to the Church’s historical af�iliation with colonial forces in the Waikato Land War The new building employs a contemporary design which is distinct from the style of the colonial heritage church and vicarage on the site (Figure 3) The building is instead informed by a metaphor of weaving, referencing kete (baskets) and traditional Māori pattern waharoa kopito taniko, “representing change that occurs when peoples or events cross”. 50 (Figure 4) Despite the clear design expression of the building’s reconciliatory programme, its unveiling sparked outrage online The focus of this backlash was the unsuitability of the contemporary design to the style of the colonial heritage structures on the site 51 In this case, the attachment of the wider public to the
51 However, the Cathedral Dean noted that the hundreds who commented on the design were not known to the church community, and subsequently did not accept the public invitation to engage with the church. Martin, “Public Outcry over Taranaki Cathedral Whare Shocks Dean.”
Figure 3: Taranaki Cathedral campus, with Te Whare Hononga in the foreground (Unknown Author, n.d).
Figure 4: Te Whare Hononga Front Elevation, with 1899 Vicarage in background. (Tennent Brown Architects, n.d)
colonial image of the heritage church was not compatible with the distinctly Māori identity of the new building. This implies the resistance of the public to recognise the negative connotations associated with colonial heritage, and redressing of New Zealand history through indigenous expression Similar to the Christchurch Cathedral case, the Taranaki Cathedral case reveals the contested values of Anglican heritage, when the public is not receptive to tangible expressions of heritage discourse, while the Church is attempting to atone for its role in injustice.
2.3 Addressing Wider New Zealand Colonial History
Addressing the national colonial history of New Zealand has manifested in the parallel work of reparation, and (what some scholars call) ‘decolonisation’. The signi�icance of land to Māori culture and as a tool of colonial oppression has made land central to restorative justice in New Zealand. 52 The parallel work of decolonisation seeks to transform the various systems underpinned by ‘Western’ colonial paradigms, addressing the structural inequality between Pākehā and Māori.
In New Zealand, ‘partnership’ is widely acknowledged as a key requisite for addressing colonial history. The signi�icance of ‘partnership’ is derived from the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi, of which partnership (honouring the Treaty relationship between Māori and Crown), participation (of Māori in decision making) and protection are the most wellknown. 53 Partnership requires Pākehā to remain grounded in humility and willingness to learn as non-indigenous partners. 54 This must �irst involve self-re�lexivity, understanding the researcher’s personal position and identity in relation to colonisation. 55
52 Sengupta and King, “Reclaiming Colonial Architecture: Critical Practices of Land, Cities, Buildings and Things,” 12–13.
53 These principles were developed by academics, lawyers and other experts to allow them to be incorporated into law. de Silva, “The Principles of the Treaty of Waitangi, Explained.”
54 Thomas, “Pākehā and Doing the Work of Decolonisation,” 44.
55 Amundsen, “Decolonisation Through Reconciliation: The Role of Pakeha Identity,” 150.
3. Paradigm Shifts in the NZ Anglican Church concerning Colonisation
As a result of the different demographics and Anglican expressions of Tikanga Māori and Tikanga Pākehā , the branches respond differently to their architecture and colonial history.
The Māori Anglican Church has evolved into a contextualised church that is compatible with the Māori worldview. 56 Māori Anglican expression has materialised in intangible forms, namely the hybridisation of Anglican and Māori traditions, and in tangible forms, Māori Anglican church architecture (whare karakia). A prominent example of Māori Anglican Church architecture is St Mary’s Tikitiki, which expresses a grounded Christian theology within Ngāti
Porou culture (the Māori iwi associated with the church) (Figure 5) The church has an English exterior and layout, but decorative schemes and symbolism unique to Ngāti Porou. The carved baptismal font was designed with a representation of Piripi Taumataakura holding up the water vessel (Figure 6). Taumataakura is attributed with bringing Christianity to the Ngāti Porou people. One interpretation of the font’s symbolism is that when children are baptised,
56 Kaa, Te Hāhi Mihinare.
Figure 5: St Mary's Tikitiki Interior, showing kowhaiwhai painting on the rafters, and tukutuku. (Melford, n.d).
Table 1: Main Shifts and Materialisations 59 in NZ Anglican Church concerning Colonisation
Time Period Main Shift Intangible Materialisation
Early
19th C Arrival of Christianity through Missionaries Beliefs:
Spread of Christianity, hybrid adaptation by Māori in relation to traditional culture and beliefs.
Management Systems:
Collaboration between Pākehā missionaries and Māori believers, including Māori evangelists.
Establishment of NZ Constitutional Documents (He Whakaputanga and Te Tiriti o Waitangi), enabled by missionaries.
Tangible Materialisation Relationship (or Dissonance) between Intangible and Tangible Materialisation
Form and Design:
Simple church construction due to limited economic resources. 61 Where funds were available, design was a transplantation of simple English church form, one room with gable roof and steeple.
Materials and Substance:
Use of locally available natural materials including native timbers, and raupo (bulrush). In hybrid Māori-English church
Intangible contextualisation of the church in relation to the Māori worldview began to be expressed tangibly through collaboratively built churches. There was a rich expression of Māori Anglican beliefs in whare karakia, which combined Māori meeting house typology, traditional building techniques and art traditions to
59 The categories of intangible and tangible ‘materialisations’ of paradigm shifts are modelled on the range of heritage attributes recognised by UNESCO. The intangible materialisations include: traditions (and beliefs), techniques, management systems, use and function. The tangible materialisations include: form and design, materials and substance, location and setting.
61 Knight, “Architecture, Church from An Encyclopaedia of New Zealand 1966.”
Mid
19th C Breaches of Te Tiriti leads to breakdown of relationships between Māori and Pākehā (including missionaries)
Use and Function:
Construction of a range of ‘Mission Stations’ throughout NZ. These had multiple buildings which included combinations of missionary houses, churches, schools, Māori houses. 60
design (whare karakia), use of traditional decoration including tukutuku (woven) panels and carvings.
Location and Setting:
Location of early ‘native’ churches and mission stations close to Māori settlements.
express adopted Christian beliefs. 62
Beliefs:
Disillusionment of Māori with missionaries and Pākehā -led church, leading to breakaway of Māori religious movements. 63
Use and Function:
Temporary conversion of some churches for use as military barracks and garrisons. Use of land surrounding churches as graveyards, including graves and memorials to land war casualties.
60 Jones, “Te Waimate Mission House.”
Materials and Substance:
Change to interiors to include military symbols (�lags) and memorials (interior panels, dedicated stained glass windows, grave memorials).
The intangible shift of focus of the ‘mainstream’ church to Pākehā resulted in the Church’s connection to Pākehā and colonial land war narratives. This af�iliation was expressed tangibly in land war memorials (both inside churches and in associated graveyards), including in some
62 Sundt, Whare Karakia: Maori Church Building, Decoration and Ritual in Aotearoa New Zealand, 1834-1863
63 Davidson, “Anglican Church - Missionary Beginnings.”
Late
19th C –early
20th C
Shift of Church’s focus from Māori mission to Pākehā settlers
Traditions and Beliefs:
Transplantation of English traditions to suit increasingly English settler congregations.
Including liturgy (Book of Common Prayer) and English hymns.
Management System:
Transplantation of English church management structure of dioceses and parishes. Led to further fragmentation of Māori church, due to policy of assimilation to Pākehā structures. 65
Form and Design:
Proliferation of Gothic Revival style churches.
Materials and Substance:
Continued use of locally available materials, predominantly native timbers but also brick.
Funding for stained glass windows, altar furnishings often donated by congregants.
Stained glass windows often imported from England.
Location and Setting:
Location of parish churches in centres of Pākehā settlement. Within newly established
cases dedicated stained-glass windows. 64
The shift in the church to a Pākehā settler focus found expression in the transplantation of English liturgies, diocese management structure, and gothic revival architecture. This era of church building coincided with a high in�lux of settlers, solidifying gothic revival churches as a distinctive part of the settler landscape.
64 Nutall, “Stories from the New Zealand Wars.”
65 “History.”
Mid-
20th C International Liturgical Movement, coinciding with Māori
Cultural Renaissance
Traditions and Beliefs:
Beginning of experimental liturgies that addressed international shifts in liturgy, and New Zealand context. Included the use of te reo Māori, shift in language to relate more to everyday experience (equal partnership of men and women, recognition of all baptised people, awareness of NZ’s unique ecological balance). 66
Management System:
Establishment of Māori mission in Auckland, to meet the needs of increasing Māori population moving to the city.
66 McCullough, “ANZPB Introduction / A Multitude of Voices.”
cities, subjected to large scale colonial subdivision linked to varying degrees of land dispossession.
Form and Design:
Increasing experimentation with church design, including expression of New Zealand bicultural context. For example, wide square layouts, broad eaves referencing Māori architecture.
Materials and Substance:
Use of materials of modernism, including reinforced concrete. Introduction of more abstract style motifs, differing from traditional stained glass window design. For example, St James Church Lower Hutt.
There are some prominent architectural examples of engagement with experimental liturgies and contextualisation in New Zealand in this era. They include Futuna Chapel and Holy Trinity Cathedral, Parnell. However, other churches in historic buildings expressed changes in smaller ways, including informal changes to furniture layout.
Late 20th C
NZ Anglican Church Constitutional Reform
Traditions and Beliefs:
Change to liturgy through the creation of the New Zealand Anglican Prayer Book. Re�lecting unique multicultural context of New Zealand, including use of Māori and Samoan language, references to native landscape and Māori concepts.
Management System:
Establishment of three tikanga Anglican Church structure, with three equal partners (Māori, Pākehā and Pase�ika) in decision making.
Materials and Substance: Use of New Zealand
natural and Māori motifs in decorations and liturgical attire.
Into the latter half of the 20th century, the Anglican population of New Zealand decreased, slowing the rate of new Anglican churches being built. Therefore, large intangible shifts towards contextualisation were expressed tangibly through small adaptations including the use of New Zealand native �lora and fauna motifs.
Early
21st C Reexamination of role in colonial history
Beliefs:
Application of Christian concept of ‘covenant’ to commitment to Te Tiriti o Waitangi. 67 Leading
Location and Setting:
Some churches have engaged with the negative impact of colonisation on the NZ
67 Nicholson, The Happy Revolution: A Covenant of Friendship, with Rev. Dr Rangi Nicholson.
The current struggle of the Pākehā Anglican church is expressing the integration of Māori values, commitment to justice concerning
to a wider call for Anglican Churches to address colonial history and support Te Tiriti justice. 68 Practices: Widespread use of Common Grace NZ’s (Christian social justice organisation) workshop resources, educating congregations about Te Tiriti o Waitangi and the implications of current Government actions. 69 Management System:
Land research project initiated by Diocese of Wellington to investigate contested histories of church land, with impact on site management. 70 landscape through engagement with environmental conservation. 71 colonialisation, and multicultural NZ context in tangible form.
68 Ruka, “E Oho! Te Tiriti o Waitangi and the Church.”
69 “Te Tiriti Justice.”
70 Black, Personal Communication about Diocese of Wellington Church Land Research Project.
71 “KAĀINGA | Home.”
4. Case Studies
4.1 Selection of Case Studies
A range of potential case studies were identi�ied based on two factors: their national heritage status and relevant history in relation to colonisation (see Table 3, Appendix). Three of the four selected case study churches are Tikanga Pākehā Te Ana Tapu, Auckland is a Tikanga Māori church (Figure 7-10). It has been included for comparison due to its ongoing expression of indigenisation within the constraints of listed heritage requirements.
Figure 7: Te Ana Tapu Church Exterior, with Tatai Hono Marae in the right background. (Cairns, 2010)
Figure 8: Te Ana Tapu apse pictured during deacon commissioning service, showing woven panels on walls, altar textiles using Māori patterns, the bishop’s staff and liturgical wear as contextualised expressions of faith. (Te Mihana Māori, 2024)
Figure 9: Interior of Tatai Hono Marae (hospitality space of Te Ana Tapu Church) after redevelopment. Pictured are the tukutuku panels woven by members of the congregation (Anglican Taonga, 2009a).
Figure 10: New carved waharoa (entranceway) added to Tatai Hono marae (Anglican Taonga, 2009b)
St Alban’s is a useful case study to examine how churches associated with the expansion of Pākehā suburbs after the Land Wars engage with the ongoing legacy of colonial history. St Alban’s Church, Pauatahanui was built in the 1890s, the latest of the Tikanga Pākehā case study churches. St Alban’s has tangible archaeological remains of the Māori �ighting pa formerly on its land. 77
77 O’Keefe, “St Albans Church, Pauatahanui: Construction of Carpark and Toilet Archaeological Monitoring Authority 2019/128. Report to Heritage New Zealand.,” 9.
Figure 11: Old St John's exterior, circa early 1900s, with graveyard in foreground (Beattie, n.d)
Figure 12: St John NZ Wars Memorial, apse interior (Manatu Taonga - Ministry for Culture and Heritage, n.d).
Figure 13: St Paul's Church Rangiaowhia, with graveyard (St Paul’s Rangiaowhia Church Exterior, St John’s Parish Te Awamutu, 2025)
Figure 14: St Paul's Church chancel interior (St John’s Parish Te Awamutu, 2025)
Figure 15: Exterior of St Alban's Pauatahanui Church (Evans, 2019)
Figure 16: Overlay of Matai Taua pa (now qn archaeological site) on current plan of the church (St Alban’s Church, 2025)
4.2 Overview of Identi�ied Case Studies
Table 2: Case Study Churches, Intangible and Tangible Materialisations of Colonial History Discourse
Case Study
Church Response to Discourse on Colonisation
St John’s
St Paul’s, Rangiaowhia
Church, Te Awamutu Partnership between Māori and Pākehā, guided by concept of honouring those who built the churches (rather) than heritage rules. 78
Intangible Materialisation Tangible Materialisation Relationship (or Dissonance) between Intangible and Tangible Materialisation
Traditions:
Haka and gatherings in St John’s cemetery by Māori honouring buried ancestors.
(Fallen warriors from massacre at Rangiaowhia and Battle of Orakau).
Traditions:
During process of stained-glass window removal (for conservation purposes), both Paariha and parish were present to offer karakia (prayer) together.
Material and Substance:
Replacement of historic cross (that was damaged in storm) with native kauri timber of similar age, and replica
78 Guest, Personal Communication concerning St John’s and St Paul’s Churches, Te Awamutu.
The current intangible expression of partnership with the Māori parish (Paariha) is a materialisation of the architectural history of the building, built by both Māori and Pākehā . However, there is dissonance between the intangible forms of acknowledgement and partnership, and tangible
Partnership between Māori and Pākehā, guided by concept of honouring those who built the churches.. 79
Management Systems:
All work on buildings is done in consultation with Te Paariha o Rangiaowhia (tikanga Māori parish, who share use of St Paul’s Church). There is the awareness that the buildings were built through collaboration of Māori and Pākehā, but Parish of St John’s currently has full ownership and responsibility for the buildings. There is hope for an eventual dual-ownership arrangement.
carving under auspices of Te Paariha o Rangiaowhia.
Location and Setting: Land maintained in a way that is appropriately respectful of sacredness of cemetery to Māori (removal of sheep, bi-annual expert cleaning of graves). Additionally, in 2024, the Anglican Church gifted 4.7 hectares of land adjacent to St Paul’s to local iwi (Ngāti Apakura). This gifting of land was the result of discussion between the parties concerning restorative justice and partnership. The land transfer acknowledges the historic association of the land to Ngāti interpretation and facilities. Rev. Julie Guest expressed the desire of the church congregation to have a tap for use in the graveyard (for use in Māori traditions), as well as dual ownership. Conservation work on the church building was also limited to what was most practical and necessary for safety reasons, due to the challenge of raising funds. 79 Guest.
Taranaki Cathedral Active Educational
about how they, and we could re�lect this [former pa land] in our ongoing conservation”. 81 relationships between people and land/site.
Role of Church in Colonial History Traditions:
Layout of the new education centre highlights importance of oratory transmission of histories, community gathering.
Use and Function:
While the church continues to be used for worship services, the function of the church campus buildings has been extended to re�lect the congregation’s commitment to local justice, education
81 Ross, Personal Communication concerning St Alban’s Pauatahanui.
Design of Te Whare Hononga (new educational centre) in contemporary form that juxtaposes heritage church and vicarage. Design of the timber diagrid structure and ornamentation references woven kete (food basket).
This represents “change that occurs when peoples or events cross”, 82 move towards reconciliation between Ngāti te Whiti hapū and St Mary’s.
Materials and Substance:
The dissonance between the intangible attitude shift of the church congregation (in relation to its history) and the heritage church is resolved through the new educational centre. This is achieved through design and programme. The overall campus also acts to interpret the history of the site, in which each building and memorial has an interconnected meaning.
Sepulchre), Auckland re�lect tikanga Māori
Use and Function:
Extended use of the hall now that it has been reframed as a ‘marae’. Commitment to Māori expressions of community and hospitality.
Materials and Substance:
Adaptation of the colonial gothic church and hall interior to include traditional decorative components of a marae. due to the living nature of the community and its ongoing architectural adaptations.
5. Case Study Comparison and Discussion
5.1 Partnership
Both St Paul’s Rangiaowhia and St Alban’s Pauatahanui highlighted that they had actively sought partnership with Māori in relation to their shared histories on the church sites. St Paul’s Rangiaowhia have reached a stage of partnership with the Māori Parish (Te Paariha o Rangiaowhia) who also use the church building. The partnership has intangible materialisation in the change in management system This includes facilitating shared decision making between parish and Paariha, and change in practices such as the offering of karakia (prayer) to bless building changes. 83 However, this stage of partnership has not yet been reached for Old St John’s and St Alban’s. When comparing these three churches, it is crucial to note that partnership at St Paul’s Rangiaowhia is between two parties actively involved in the use of the site. The basis of partnership depends on the perception of both parties concerning the relevance of the site and its history.
Within the realm of ‘of�icial’ heritage approaches in New Zealand, the Heritage New Zealand owned and managed Old St Paul’s, Wellington is an example of how partnership in heritage works at different scales and across time. As the former Wellington Cathedral and built on former pa land, the church has historically had a relationship with Te Atiawa iwi. In the past, addressing this history was incorporated into the conservation management plan (the Māori history of Pipitea Pa, 84 and a tangata whenua value section) 85 and interpretation in the form of a video exhibition produced in the early 2000s. However, the ongoing dedication to conservation and museum practice has meant that the church’s history is subject to ongoing research and contemporary interpretation. When re�lecting on the most recent interpretation
83 For example, karakia was offered by both groups together during the process of removing a stainedglass window for repair.
84 Love, “The Site of the Church (Pipitea Pa).”
85 Mellish, “Tangata Whenua.”
project, Old St Paul’s Property Lead Anita Evans highlighted the importance of action and pushing through paralysis of not knowing the perfect response. In her experience, partnership with Te Atiawa was based on the formation of a strong relationship at a personal level. 86 This led to ongoing dialogue concerning interpretation, including what information was appropriate and what could be added. 87 This also lays the groundwork for future collaboration. The learnings of this process can inform the conservation approaches of the wider Anglican Church.
5.2 Impact of Resourcing on Tangible Response to Colonial History
The level of tangible materialisation of colonial history differed across the case studies, which can be attributed to the location and size of the church, as well as the assessment of the ongoing impact of history. Of the church case studies, St Alban’s, Old St John’s and St Paul’s Rangiaowhia had the greatest dissonance between intangible and tangible expressions of approaches to colonial history. In the case of Old St John’s and St Paul’s (Te Awamutu parish), physical interventions on the church building and on the grounds is limited by the challenge of raising funds, and lack of available funding support. Physical interventions on the buildings were limited to the highest priority practical measures including the repair of a stained-glass window for at Old St John’s, and the installation of sprinkler systems in all churches. This may also be the case for St Alban’s Pauatahanui, due to the location of the church on the outskirts of the closest city. Due to limited resourcing, the focus has been on expressing history through intangible means
86 This was the consequence of having an initial introduction to the relevant person, and that both parties were the ‘right’ people to form a partnership relationship. The continuation of the creative and productive partnership �irst involved going to the iwi partner with research the Old St Paul’s team had already completed, so that there was something they could bring to the table to discuss.
87 Evans, Personal Communication concerning Old St Paul’s Land Research Project.
In comparison, the churches of Taranaki Cathedral and Te Ana Tapu may be better resourced and have been able to implement larger scale building projects. Both churches are in larger population centres and are prominent churches within their respective dioceses. The alterations to both church properties focused on ancillary buildings, which created the effect of a campus of buildings that interpret each other.
The campus approach of Taranaki Cathedral (Figure 17) and Te Ana Tapu (Figure 18), a collage of different buildings and land features, tangibly represents layers of site history and heritage discourse. This approach allows for a range of features to coexist in physical dialogue with each other. This implies to the visitor the complexity of a site, with layers of history that can be read. This relates to the notion of ‘palimpsest’, which has been used in heritage to conceptualise how remnants of different eras interact with each other in a process of ‘cultural layering’. 88 In the case where one palimpsest is associated with dif�icult history, the addition of new cultural layers can communicate a response to this history that re�lects contemporary intangible discourse.
88 Logan, “Cities: Palimpsests of Cultural Memory and Their Management,” 30.
Figure 17: Aerial view of Taranaki Cathedral Site, with key buildings labelled. (Taranaki Cathedral, n.d).
Figure 18: Aerial view of Te Ana Tapu Site, with buildings labelled (Google Earth, 2022)
Taranaki Cathedral has layering at a campus level of buildings, and different memorials. The heritage church, colonial style vicarage and halls are in dialogue with the new education centre (Te Whare Hononga) which is intentionally a contemporary stylistic juxtaposition. The buildings are also in dialogue with the surrounding graveyard, which contains a range of different memorials including the Waikato Warrior’s memorial (in the form of a bronze toki). Due to the juxtaposition of elements at a streetscape level, the contextualised approach of Te Whare Hononga demonstrates to the wider public the living nature of the church and its history.
Te Ana Tapu has layering at a campus level, and at a �iner grain architectural level. At a campus level, the main church building and the hall are of different historic periods and stylistic expressions. The main church building is a colonial gothic revival edi�ice, with the only local adaptation being the use of timber. In comparison, the addition of a waharoa (traditional entranceway) to the hall indicates the contextualisation of the church (Figure 10)
At a �iner grain, there is a wealth of historic layering of interior elements, with decorative elements on and behind the altar employing Māori symbolism and techniques. (Figure 8 and 9). The increased interior layering is the natural result of the more regular interfacing of the interior with the church community and their expressions of contextualised faith
19: Spectrum of Materialisations - Responses to Colonial History (Author’s Own, 2025)
The comparison of the campus approaches of Taranaki Cathedral and Te Ana Tapu reveals a spectrum of physical interventions, from large to small scale. Intangible responses can also be
Figure
added to this spectrum, as these responses are the most �luid and naturally implemented as the �irst step of addressing history. This spectrum (Figure 19), can be used to propose interventions that materialise colonial history discourse, thereby enhancing the heritage property and wider understanding of its history.
5.3 Approach to Land
A common characteristic of the churches was the sacred approach to the land, which demonstrates a contextualised response to living heritage This is particularly evident in the response of churches with associated graveyards (Old St John’s, St Paul’s, Taranaki Cathedral and St Alban’s, of which only St Alban’s has an active graveyard). The graveyard land is considered ‘living heritage’ due to the ongoing signi�icance of the graves and memorials for the living, and the recognised signi�icance of the spiritual connection to ancestors and the land. For example, there continues to be haka and gatherings of Māori at the memorials of their ancestors buried at Old St John’s, and the memorial for the Waikato warriors at Taranaki Cathedral was given new culturally symbolic expression The responses of the Te Awamutu and Pauatahanui parishes demonstrate different contextualised conservation approaches to land: facilitating indigenous worldviews and practices directly and �inding a shared ‘New Zealand’ approach through natural conservation. The Te Awamutu parish has acknowledged Māori worldviews through the improved upkeep of St Paul’s graveyard and intention to install a tap for ritual use at St John’s. St Alban’s engagement with natural conservation is indicative of the widespread acknowledgement of New Zealand’s unique environment, and the accessibility of knowledge associated with natural conservation. Importantly, the approach to conservation in New Zealand is in conversation with Māori worldviews. 89 Awareness of the range of contextualised approaches to the cultural landscape in New Zealand can assist 89 Chick and Laurence, “Mapping the Services and Bene�its of Indigenous Biodiversity and Historic Heritage in New Zealand: An Exploration of Spatial Datasets,” 68.
Tikanga Pākehā churches seeking their own expression of contextualisation In the wider New Zealand context, urban design has increasingly involved the introduction of native planting for holistic human and environment wellbeing, increased visibility of local Māori symbolism and design ethic, and making shared histories visible. This could also be expressed in a spectrum of conservation approaches to land (Figure 20).
Figure 20: Conservation Approaches to Land, to Express Shared History (Author’s Own, 2025)
area). Historic Waitangi Tribunal settlements may also impact how any historical disputes continue to impact the land. For this reason, Dioceses may wish to support their parishes by employing a dedicated researcher to undertake this research for the whole Diocesan area, as exempli�ied by the Diocese of Wellington Land Research project.
Shared Histories:
This is an important step to acknowledge the cultural interconnectedness of New Zealand heritage, which can serve as the basis for expressing the contextualisation of the church. However, this requires deep research into the speci�ic history of the church across time, historic, social, scienti�ic and artistic sources. For example, this could involve details concerning how the church was constructed (who was involved, what materials were used, what building traditions and styles were drawn on, how was money raised). The operation of the church, including its change in demographic, expressions of faith and outreach over time are often well documented by parishioners with a passion for history. However, contemporary updates to this research should consider diverse perspectives or dif�icult history that may not have been considered in this ‘insider’ account of history. Looking at the wider history of the area could be a starting point to investigate the church’s place in colonial history. For example, how did the church respond to nearby Land Wars, to local land disputes and Māori displacement, or Māori urbanisation?
6.1.2 Points to Consider in Understanding Site ‘Meaning’
Tangata Whenua Value:
Consideration of ‘tangata whenua value’ in the heritage assessment of the site acknowledges the non-Western context of how land and buildings are conceived of in New Zealand. This includes the consideration of ancestral ties of Māori to land, especially if the land was originally built upon, actively cultivated, associated with important events, or if there are burials. While some of this information may be uncovered in historical research, ‘tangata whenua value’ is best assessed by those with connection to the living knowledge and tradition of local iwi. This is exempli�ied in the Old St Paul’s conservation plan, in which the tangata whenua value section is written by Liz Mellish (Te Atiawa). 90 The perception of ‘tangata whenua’ value of the site to local iwi, will most likely impact the degree to which they would like to be involved in decision making concerning the site, and willingness to invest time in partnership.
Wider Community Value:
It is important to understand the wider community value of the church, to ascertain where con�lict may arise and where there are gaps in public knowledge of history. Wider community value may already be expressed in interactions with the church. For example, a church with a graveyard may be actively visited as a site with ongoing signi�icance for descendants.
Engagement of the wider public with the church for non-religious reasons (such as community events, weddings, funerals), may result in emotional attachment to the symbolic function of the church, that could con�lict with non-traditional change.
90 Mellish, “Tangata Whenua,” 119.
Natural Value:
On the other hand, the recognition of the natural value of the site and its interrelationship with other heritage values could contribute to greater public acceptance of change. This could include an understanding of the ‘original’ natural ecosystems of the site, such as forest or wetland, as well as how (and why) this has changed in relation to the current condition. The widespread support of natural conservation by New Zealanders creates an opportunity to engage the local community in learning the history of the church, supporting heritage interpretation and contextualisation (Figure 20).
Current Congregation Value:
As living heritage, it is important to understand how the current congregation relate to the church, including their perception of the ongoing relevance of the church’s history. This can reveal the current priorities of the church’s faith expression. It is also important to understand any gaps in the knowledge of congregants concerning the history of the church, as certain aspects of ‘dif�icult’ history may require reappraisal as directed by the Diocese.
Consideration of Intangible and Tangible Expressions of History and Meaning:
The site’s meaning (including the interpretation of the church’s history) may already be expressed in intangible and tangible ways. By acknowledging the existing ways in which meaning is expressed, church management can also identify what aspects of meaning are neglected. The identi�ication of meaning and history of the church that is not currently expressed informs the basis of property ‘enhancement’.
6.2 Conservation Approach to Property ‘Enhancement’
The conservation priorities for Anglican Church heritage in New Zealand, identi�ied through the case studies, are adequately expressing the meaning of heritage for the current church community. It was identi�ied that a powerful form of interpretation was the tangible
expression of colonial history. This included both changes to the material of the church building, and the approach to its setting.
6.2.1 Points to Consider When Determining Mode of ‘Enhancement’
Partnership (Management Structure)
There are multiple factors for church management to consider in their approach to partnership. Partnership requires Pākehā doing the work of self-re�lexivity and learning their own histories, to bring something to the table for discussion. A challenge for heritage management is the expectation for partnership when these relationships cannot be established. This highlights the importance for church leaders to know their speci�ic church’s history, the purpose of heritage interpretation, and engagement with the wider community. Wider Anglican Dioceses could assist churches within their purview, through providing centralised specialist research, and resourcing for churches to undertake more speci�ic historical research. Discussions could �irst start within the congregation about how this history should be expressed, to respect the living nature of the community. The proposals of congregation can then be taken to Māori partners as the basis for constructive discussions and further ideation. Partnership relies on relational ties between individuals. The wider Dioceses could encourage individual church leaders in partnership through an initial introduction to iwi partners that they have existing relationships with.
Bridging the Gap between Intangible and Tangible Expression
It was found that the degree to which each church was able to express its history was tied to resourcing. Therefore, it is recommended that each church consider tangible expressions of history on a spectrum, progressing from low resource interventions to high resource interventions as their expression of history continues to develop over time. Each of the proposed interventions on the spectrum can be conceived of as ‘layers’ which express the contemporary community’s understanding of history. Regardless of the scale of the
intervention, the addition of a contemporary ‘layer’ materialises the discourse between different eras of history, thereby both acknowledging and addressing the dif�icult aspects of history.
Approach to Land
The wider site of a historic church building likely has a higher tolerance for change than the building and can engage with more forms of interpretation. It was found in the case studies that different churches were more compatible with different modes of response to land: namely natural conservation, facilitating indigenous practices or contemporary expression. While there are a range of accessible resources for natural conservation in New Zealand, it may be useful if resources are prepared which speak to the interrelationship between natural conservation and Māori worldview. This could help parishes re�lect on how ongoing land practices express an active commitment to justice. The interventions identi�ied in the case studies (upkeep of grounds, provision of taps, appropriate memorials) were simple to implement, but could be supported by a centralised fund to support the uptake by a wider range of churches.
The main contribution of this research is a survey of tangible and intangible materialisations of the New Zealand Anglican Church’s approach to colonisation over time, and for case study churches. Additionally, recommendations were made for the conservation approach to dif�icult colonial Anglican heritage in New Zealand. The recommendations included a change to the process of understanding a property, to acknowledge wider perspectives and values outside the ‘Western’ conception of heritage. The recommended modes of enhancement through heritage conservation are bridging the gap between intangible and tangible expression through layering of tangible interventions, and contextualised approaches to land This research was limited by the lack of site visits and opportunity to form in-person relationships with Churches and church leaders. These components would have contributed to greater detail of the conservation management challenges for churches and nuances of the dynamic nature of intangible and tangible heritage materialisations. It is recommended that future research should focus on the speci�ic challenges for small churches, due to their limited resourcing and funding. Research to produce conservation management frameworks, and areas that would bene�it from the creation of Diocesan funds would greatly bene�it the conservation outcomes of these communities.
8. Appendices
8.1 Interview Questions
• How have different heritage-listed churches approached their ‘dif�icult’ colonial histories, and how has this changed their understanding of their heritage?
• How has the ‘of�icial’ approach to heritage conservation taken into account contested colonial heritage (evident in the church conservation plans)?
• Has there been a shift from the ‘of�icial’ conservation approach by the church in response to their role in decolonisation?
8.2 Case Study Overview
Table 3: Relevant Colonial History and Conservation Approach of Selected Case Studies
Name of Church Heritag e Status Relevant History in Relation to Colonisation Past Conservation Approach
Old St John’s Church and St John’s Church, Te Awamutu
1 Originally built as part of mission station, serving a majority Māori population. Subsequently site of contention in relation to Waikato
Both Old St John’s and St Paul’s churches have been maintained according to the early 1800s architecture, without large alterations over time.
The congregation of St John’s outgrew the old
Reason for Selection as Case Study
Interesting example of how New Zealand Land Wars had been addressed in the past (unusual that memorials to
town. Built from timber donated by local Māori. Missionary teacher Taati Te Waru was commissioned to construct steeple. 93
Similarly to St John’s, the church was abandoned by missionaries in the 1860s. The church sheltered Māori during attack by colonial forces in Waikato War.
The church was left empty following the abandonment of Rangiaowhia settlement at end of Waikato War. Subsequently, taken over by the Anglican Diocese in the 1870s.
93 Jones, “St Paul’s Church (Anglican).”
vicar of both churches as the more important in terms of bicultural history, as well as current partnership with Te Paariha o Rangiaowhia.
grounds (and church building which predates 1900AD). report is publicly available through the Archaeology Digital Library, which houses reports produced by archaeological authorities.
Taranaki Cathedral of St Mary’s 1 The church was used as garrison for British troops in Taranaki Land War, contributing to wrongful land dispossession and con�lict. Known as the ‘Garrison Church’, due to its collection of garrisons on display from 1870s2010s. 96
There have been multiple attempts to acknowledge and repent for the church’s connection to the land wars. In 1972, a carved memorial was unveiled at St Mary’s, as a reminder of the land wars and as a symbol of peace between Māori and Pākehā. 97
The most recent development for St Mary’s was a complete campus project, sparked by the earthquake-prone status of the heritage church building and vicarage. A new education centre focussed on Te Tiriti, Te Whare Hononga (meaning the house that binds), was completed before
The most recent and prominent of the interventions of the discussed case studies. The construction of the new education centre garnered media attention, and some negative public comment (for its design).
96 “Our History.”
97 “Kia Aroha Carving.”
Te Ana Tapu (Church of the Holy Sepulchre), Auckland
1 Church transitioned from Pākehā
parish church to Māori Mission in 1960s, contributing to Māori cultural renaissance and decolonisation of the Anglican Church structure. There continues to be a unique Māori expression of Anglican faith as a church.
strengthening, as part of the broad vision of reconciliation and education for the cathedral. 98
Both the church and hall (Tatai Hono Marae) were entered on HNZPT Heritage List in 2006. However, they were recognised as heritage sites prior to 2006, evidenced by the commission of condition reports from Salmond Reed Architects (Conservation Firm) in 1999 and 2004 respectively.
Alteration and restoration of the former hall (now marae, meeting house) indicated a shift in the conservation approach.
The church has been maintained in accordance with ICOMOS NZ conservation principles and the architectural signi�icance recognised by HNZPT.
While the church has undergone little physical change since its construction, the social value and intangible associations with the building have changed over time. When the church transitioned
98 “Cathedral Strengthening Project.”
from a Pākehā parish church to the home of the Auckland Māori mission, the cultural values, beliefs and use of the building changed. The community that meets in the building shifted to Māori, particularly those in the 1960s who had moved to urban areas. The church is also a unique expression of Māori Anglican faith with church services are largely conducted in te reo Māori, and traditional woven panels (tukutuku) have been used to decorate the walls of the apse. The 2009 alteration and restoration of the former hall (rededicates as Tatai Hono marae, meaning ‘bounds together’) indicated a shift in the conservation approach. This included the addition of new elements including a waharoa (entranceway) that changes the architectural layout
8.3 Unselected Case Study
Table 4: Old St Paul’s History and Notes on Case Study Selection
Name of Church Heritage
Status Relevant History in Relation to Colonisation or Decolonisation (For Unselected Case Studies) How has history been addressed?
Old St Paul’s, Wellington 1 The church was constructed on former Māori pa (village) land that was wrongfully taken and gifted to the church. The iwi of the pa was eventually completely displaced. Forgiveness of the responsibility of OSP in the land dispossession of Te Atiawa iwi is documented in the Port Nicholson Block Settlement. 100 Additionally, one of the church’s stained-glass windows (tripartite, west end of the aisle), Previously, land was included in the history section of the CMP. Land was also included within the conservation site in the policy section. 102 However, the conservation of the church has until now focussed mainly on the church building as a stand-alone monument, with the grounds being maintained
100 Cochran et al., “Old St Paul’s Conservation Plan,” 119.
102 Cochran et al., “Old St Paul’s Conservation Plan,” 238.
Notes on Potential Use as Case Study
Owned by New Zealand Government, managed by national authority: HNZPT.
The church remains consecrated, but is no longer part of the Anglican church. However, could be a useful case study to understand the ‘of�icial’
was donated by the Wellington Veteran Corps in memory of two Pākehā men who died in the Taranaki War battle Te Ngutu o te Manu (New Zealand land wars). 101 Today, the rear of the church property borders the rear of Pipitea marae, an urban multi-tribal marae.
without much consideration of the meanings associated with the land.
The OSP team is currently undertaking a new land research project, tied to heritage interpretation outcomes.
AHD approach to dif�icult colonial Anglican heritage.
101 Nutall, “Stories from the New Zealand Wars.”
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10. Image References
Figures not listed are author’s own.
Figure 1:
Cathedral Square, Christchurch, Shown from the Air. circa 1920s. Black and White Photograph, 16 x 21 cm. Christchurch City Libraries.
Tennent Brown Architects. Photo of Te Whare Hononga with Vicarage in the Background. n.d. Photograph. https://tennentbrown.co.nz/projects/maori/te-whare-hononga.
Figure 5:
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https://teara.govt.nz/�iles/33484-pc.jpg.
Figure 6:
Figure 13:
St Paul’s Rangiaowhia Church Exterior. 2025. Photograph. St John’s Parish Te Awamutu.
