The Greensboro Sit-In: A Pivotal Civil Rights Event in the 1960s

Rachel Delaney Kearney

On February 1, 1960, four freshmen from

the North Carolina Agricultural and Technical

College (A&T), an African American

college in Greensboro, took seats at the F. W.

Woolworth lunch counter. Franklin McCain,

Joe McNeill,

David Richmond,

and Ezell Blair

were not the first

colored patrons

to attempt to

February 2. 2 The

receive service

at a segregated

lunch counter and,

similar to those

before them, were the counter on the principle that, if they can be served at the stand-up snack counter and be rung up for their goods at the register, then they can take seats and eat as well. The four friends remained in their seats until the store closed, sparking a sit-in movement determined to persist until it achieved equality. The Greensboro sit-in was a pivotal moment in the civil rights movement that facilitated positive changes in the lives of African Americans in North Carolina as well as other states.

Word of the A&T freshmen’s acts made local news on February 3, 1960, when 27 other A&T students took seats at the Woolworth lunch counter on Tuesday, students failed to receive service once again. When

Lunch Counter Sit-in, Greensboro, NC, 1960. Image from the Library of Congress. the Greensboro

refused service. 1 The four boys did not leave

Daily News asked participants about the sit-in, a student stated that they were “prepared to keep coming for two years if we have to.” 3 The students were reportedly quiet and orderly while participating in the sit-in, many completing schoolwork while they waited. The demonstration by students, unaffiliated with any civil rights organization, quickly received the full support of the North Carolina chapter of the National

1. Frye Gaillard. The Greensboro Four: Civil Rights Pioneers. (Charlotte, North Carolina: Main Street Rag Publishing

Company, 2001), 7. 2. “Negros Fail to Obtain Service,” Greensboro Daily News, February 3, 1960, sec. B.

3. Ibid.

Association for the Advancement of Colored

People (NAACP). The recognition from a national organization bolstered support for the movement and gave the protest additional attention.

The movement steadily grew as more students in the Greensboro area joined in the fight for equal rights. Unlike other sitin crusades that had come before them, the activism of the “Greensboro Four” stuck in

the North Carolina town. The protest once again appeared in the local newspaper, citing that the sit-in had grown to a size of 63 participants from both A&T and Greensboro College, a Methodist university in the city. 4

The Woolworth waitresses continued to refuse

the African American students service. In

response to the growing event, the New York spokesmen for the store responded that “it was the company’s policy ‘to abide by the local custom.’” 5 The company’s statement correlated with the fact that aspects of Greensboro daily life, such as swimming pools and private businesses, were segregated. By this point in the Greensboro protest, both men and women participated in the sit-in. With the number of African American bodies that filled the lunch

counter and the aisle behind it on the fourth day, commerce halted within Woolworth’s. 6

The sit-in remained in the local papers with the activism rattling the social order in Greensboro, North Carolina. By the end of the week, the protest gained not only more A&T students, but also participation from Woman’s College of the University of North Carolina (Woman’s College) students and African American teenagers from Dudley High School. These white female students from Woman’s College stated they felt a responsibility to come support the fight for equal rights. 7 The movement had about three hundred members crowded around the

Woolworth lunch counter. 8 While the activists

for change grew, the opposition against them grew as well. White onlookers began to harass the student protestors, yelling racial slurs and other verbal abuse while they sat at the counter. This did not deter the movement

or make the participants leave their stools. The civil rights advocates planned to act in a respectful, orderly way throughout their passive resistance movement despite the actions of their opposition. 9 With the growth in numbers, the movement spread to another popular Greensboro luncheon counter at the S. H. Kress & Co. store. 10 As tension rose, the

4. “Movement by Negros Growing.” Greensboro Daily News, February 4, 1960, sec. B. 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid. 7. “Aid Given Negroes’ Protest.” Greensboro Daily News, February 5, 1960, sec. B. 8. Ibid. 9. Ibid. 10. Ibid.

attorney for the North Carolina Association of Quality Restaurants, J. Melville Broughton, asserted that the store had the right to deny service to any patrons in a private business and advised the stores to complain of trespassing if the activists refused to leave. 11 By complaining of trespassing, the sit-in students ran the risk of arrest.

The first arrests in relation to the protest came on February 5 when three white men were taken into custody because of their actions towards the protestors. One of the men set fire to an African American’s coat while in

Woolworth’s. 12 In addition to the violent acts, a leader for the Ku Klux Klan, George Dorsett, and an unknown number of other Klansmen, watched over the sit-in in Woolworth’s for the

majority of the day. 13 The presence of white supremacists grew in the stores, attempting to deter the movement by taking up many seats at the lunch counter. The opposition to the movement consisted of white students and

adults, while the sit-in participants were solely students. These students came from multiple colleges, consisting of A&T students, Guilford College, Bennett College, and Woman’s College. The following night, representatives from the participating colleges and the affected stores met to discuss a plan of action but did not come to a conclusion. 14

Racial tension peaked on Saturday, February 7, when both W. F. Woolworth and S. H. Kress & Co. closed their doors

due to a bomb threat. An anonymous caller reported that a bomb, planted in the basement of Woolworth’s, had a set explosion time of 1:30 that afternoon. 15 Police had the building evacuated although the threat turned out to be a hoax. The Kress store closed its doors in

respect to the safety of their patrons, as well. The bomb threat seemed to come at a time

when tensions between the white and black

store-goers had reached an all-time high as taunting, acts of violence, catcalling, and gang had activity occurred. The closure of both stores marked a victory for the African American protestors. In light of the racial tension and threat to public safety, the mayor of Greensboro released a statement describing the race relations in Greensboro and urging the protestors to consider the effects of their actions:

From the day it was founded, Greensboro has been

singularly blessed with good municipal leadership. As a consequence, we have a long

11. Ibid. 12. “White Men Arrested at Sitdown.” Greensboro Daily News, February 6, 1960, sec. B. 13. Ibid. 14. Ibid. 15. “A&T Students Call Two-Week Recess in Protest Here.” Greensboro Daily News, February 7, 1960, sec. A. Page 12

history of sound city government and racial harmony. Sometimes progress is ignored as our attention becomes focused upon temporary problems, and such is the case now . . .

The present situation threatens to impair the goodwill between the white and Negro races which has been exchanged so freely through the years. The first point I wish to make is that peace and good order are essential to the personal civil rights of any citizen, white or colored, and peace and good order will be preserved through our city.

Second, I call upon the leadership of the Negro students and the business concerns

involved to place public interest above personal considerations, even to the extent of foregoing, for a while, individual rights and financial interests, if by doing so a peaceful solution can be evolved which will ultimately satisfy these conflicting factors.

Third, I call upon the citizens of Greensboro who are not directly involved in this situation to maintain a calm support of their community leaders, and in return, I pledge to both sides the full exercise of all the powers of our city government in seeking a just and honorable resolution of this problem. 16

In response to the mayor’s statement, the protesting students met and decided to call a two-week recess in their protests. This recess occurred out of respect to public safety and in the hopes that, during the recess, a solution could be created between the stores and

activists.

Although the Greensboro sit-ins came to a halt, a wave of movements began first across North Carolina and later across the

country. On Monday following the recess at the Greensboro Woolworth store, sit-ins emerged in Durham and Winston-Salem, North Carolina. 17 The new movement of

about forty students, both black and white, first protested in Durham at their local F. W. Woolworth. Shortly after the sit-in began, the store received a bomb threat that resulted in its

closure. The students, from the North Carolina College in Durham and Duke University, moved their protest to S. H. Kress & Co., which closed upon their arrival. 18 The large group then progressed to the Walgreens drug

16. Ibid. 17. “Mass Negro Protests Hit Durham, Winston.” Greensboro Daily News, February 9, 1960, sec. A. 18. Ibid.

store close by, but the management shut down the lunch counter before they could begin their sit-in. 19

The protests in Winston-Salem began with one man, Carl Mathews, sitting at the lunch counter of S. H. Kress Co. requesting service. 20

He, like others participating in the movement, experienced denial when requesting food service, but eventually received a cup of water. As he sat at the counter, Mathews was joined by six other African American students from Winston-Salem Teachers College. As the sit-in grew in Winston-Salem, white opposition came to wave Confederate flags at the protestors. This event became a common part of the resistance from white North Carolinians. As more African

Americans arrived, they brought American flags to wave, which became common among equal rights activists.

The spread of the sit-ins did not stop there, first hitting Charlotte and Fayetteville at their local Woolworth and Kress lunch counters.

Just days later, a sit-in began at the Raleigh Woolworth location. At this point in the movement, the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) sent representatives to North Carolina to advise the young activists on ways to make their protests as efficient and effective as possible. 21 The protests remained orderly, similar to those in Greensboro, but the opposition displayed hostility. In Raleigh, those participating in the sit-in were hit with eggs thrown by a group of white high school and college-aged students. 22 The Woolworth lunch counter closed following the incident and when the protestors attempted to stage sit-ins at five other establishments, they all closed. The Charlotte civil rights activists were met with violent threats as well when the

Kress store received a bomb threat. Similar to

threats before, the bomb was a hoax, but Kress and other lunch counters in the Charlotte area

closed their doors. 23 These counters closing became common as the protest spread across the state. In response to the sit-ins, Raleigh Mayor W. G. Enloe issued a statement that conveyed an attitude of disappointment that the protests were threatening current race relations:

by seeking to change a longstanding custom in a manner that is all but destined to

fail. We are in sympathy with the merchants involved in

that they must, to operate

19. Ibid. 20. Ibid. 21. “N.C. Stores Close Down Counters.” Greensboro Daily News, February 10, 1960, sec. A. 22. “Negroes Splattered With Eggs As Sitdown Spreads to Raleigh.” Greensboro Daily News, February 11, 1960, sec.

A. 23. Ibid.

profitably, follow this custom over which we have no control

. . . I sincerely feel that this unfortunate situation can be immediately corrected. I realize this must be done on a voluntary basis, even perhaps to the extent of yielding certain sought facilities in order to continue other more valuable relations

long enjoyed between all races in our city. 24

On February 12, the Greensboro Daily News informed the public that an integration plan had been proposed to the F. W. Woolworth company from the CORE. 25 The plan called for gradual but complete integration of the Woolworth lunch counters in North Carolina. C. M.

Purdy, the southeastern regional manager of Woolworth, turned down the proposal because “he didn’t feel it could be of value at this

time.” 26 This plan did not deter the movement in the slightest as high school students began sitins at Woolworth and McLellan’s, another local lunch counter, in High Point, North Carolina. 27

This demonstration became known as the first

sit-in initiated by high school students. Both counters closed immediately upon their arrival. New tactics implemented in High Point to prevent sit-ins involved the covering or complete removal of stools from the counters. The lunch counters were used to display merchandise to prevent the protestors from asking for service or using the counter at all. This tactic became useful for managers when the sit-in movement reached Elizabeth City, North Carolina. Similar to other attempts, the Elizabeth City lunch counters immediately closed upon the Elizabeth City State Teachers College students’ arrival.

As sit-ins spread across the state, store’s tactics to deter them did as well. The lunch

counters attempted to deter the sit-ins through threats of trespassing charges. CORE and the NAACP both continued to pledge their full support to the cause despite the possibility of arrest. CORE especially wanted to put North Carolina laws on trial that stated store

owners could refuse service to any persons of their choosing. 28 The NAACP state president, Kelly Alexander, responded to the threat of arrest with the supporting statement of: “In our opinion they have the moral and humane right to be treated equally in a democratic society.” 29

The following day, on February 13,

24. Ibid. 25. “Store Given Integration Proposal.” Greensboro Daily News, February 12, 1960, sec. A. 26. Ibid. 27. “Lunch Counter Strikes Spread to High Point.” Greensboro Daily News, February 12, 1960, sec. A. 28. “Negros’ Protests Still Spreading.” Greensboro Daily News, February 12, 1960, sec. A. 29. Ibid.

newspapers reported that forty-one African American protestors had been arrested at the Woolworth store in Raleigh’s Cameron Village. 30 Cameron Village was a privately owned retail complex and the arrests came after the vice president of the property, William Worth, requested the individuals to leave the entire complex. 31 The arrests occurred as a matter of public safety, but contrary to this, reports emerged that the college students were orderly and many were not demonstrating at the Woolworth store when arrested. It can

be assumed that these arrests stemmed more

from an attitude of white supremacy rather than respect for the well-being of the public. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. responded to the imprisonments, advising African Americans not to panic but instead be prepared to fill up southern jails to achieve equal rights. 32 Despite the large numbered arrest, the movement continued to grow. By February 14, the sitin protests had reached Durham, Charlotte, Winston-Salem, Fayetteville, Elizabeth City, High Point, and Concord, North Carolina as well as spreading to cities in South Carolina, Florida, Tennessee, and Virginia. Picketing protests arose in Harlem, New York, to support those participating in sit-ins in the South and attempted to bring attention to the desegregation movement. 33

The sit-in’s importance received recognition early in the movement when Dr. Fredrick D. Patterson released a statement

in February 1960 in support of the sit-ins. Dr. Patterson, former president of Tuskegee Institute, said that the protests were inevitable as well as:

Segregation on the basis of race, even without tangible inequities, is morally wrong. It hurts all who are a part of it. For it is a needless and cruel

affront to the dignity of one race and an encouragement to arrogance and bigotry in the other. Therefore, both races suffer . . . I hope that this issue will be promptly solved in line with the wise suggestions occurring in the Greensboro daily press. The change in relationships called for is a small one, that I feel confident will be accepted by the citizens of Greensboro if a firm position of no discrimination is adopted and enforced. If such a decision

30. “41 Negroes Charged with Trespassing in Raleigh Area.” Greensboro Daily News, February 13, 1960, sec. A. 31. Ibid. 32. “Negro Told Not to Fear Jail Terms.” Greensboro Daily News, February 17, 1960, sec. A. 33. “Two More Arrested in Lunch Counter Protest.” Greensboro Daily News, February 14, 1960, sec. A.

is not forthcoming, then the quiet, orderly and dignified protest that was so wisely and courageously begun, of course will be continued and could not

be expected to be otherwise . . . I hope that the constructiveminded citizens of Greensboro will offer to the South and the nation the example of wisdom and decency which many over the nation—both Negro and white—are hoping for. 34

Support for the movement grew rapidly but despite this, there were still individuals actively opposed to the protestors. Among those against the protest continued to be North Carolina Attorney General Malcolm Seawell, who advocated for the use of trespassing laws to deter the sit-ins. A surge of violent backlash began to emerge during the movement as well when fights broke out between whites and protestors in Virginia and in High Point, North Carolina. Violence broke out deeper in the South as well in Alabama and Tennessee as the

movement spread and participants got anxious for results. This violence hindered the progress of the movement and did not honor its passive resistance beginnings.

Finally, as February came to an end, Mayor George Roach created the Advisory Committee on Community Relations to work with student protestors on a solution to the segregated lunch counters. 35 The committee’s head, Councilman E. R. Zane, advocated for the integration of the lunch counters and had good relations with the student bodies involved. The councilman

believed Woolworth and other stores involved

would accept an integration proposal if a majority of the Greensboro population supported it. 36 Throughout the month of March, the committee requested that the public send in letters describing their reactions to the possible integration of the lunch counters. The committee received

only 2,063 responses, a disappointment to leader Zane, with 72.8% responding in favor of equality of service on varying levels and 27.2% opposed to service equality. 37 Of those letters that reported opposition to equality, 200 of the 562 responses were duplicates. 38

The responses were not enough to prove the opinion of the majority of the Greensboro’s population, which created the committee’s

34. “Sitdowns Are Held Inevitable.” Greensboro Daily News, February 15, 1960, sec. B. 35. “Gains Seen in Settling Race Issue.” Greensboro Daily News, February 27, 1960, sec. B. 36. Ibid. 37. Miles Wolff, Lunch at the 5 & 10, Rev. ed. (Chicago, IL: Elephant Paperbacks, 1990), 110. 38. Ibid.

first problem. The committee itself could not agree on their end goals either. The owners of the stores, especially C. L. Harris, the owner of Woolworth’s, were opposed to being singled out by this committee and felt no need to be catalysts for change. 39 Woolworth headquarters refused to budge on their policy to comply with local customs and the local managers of both Kress and Woolworth’s rejected the committee’s integration proposals. 40 On March 30, Zane regretfully reported to the involved student bodies that no solution had been

reached. 41

Despite the failure to negotiate, the students and Councilman Zane felt the committee

helped them to understand the conflict better and displayed the students’ ability to present themselves in a tactful manner. The conversation created by the committee’s discussions branched out to other North

Carolina cities affected by the sit-ins. Many interracial task forces were being created in other communities such as Winston-Salem

and Salisbury, North Carolina where the racial barrier had been broken when African

Americans were served at local lunch

39. Ibid., 112. 40. Ibid., 113. 41. Ibid. 42. Ibid., 120. 43. Ibid., 122. 44. Ibid. 45. Ibid. 46. Ibid., 147. counters. 42 The protestors received support from local officials, among whom was a mayor from Atlanta and Mayor George Roach of Greensboro, urging businesses to ease racial tensions .43 Following the failure of the committee, Mayor Roach began taking an active role in the process of integration reaching out to the mayors of Durham and Charlotte as well as the national leaders of

Woolworth’s and Kress’s. 44 He met with store

managers, leaders of the involved student groups, and the president of A&T in an attempt to form positive relations between all involved. 45

The students across North Carolina had

not given up their fight for equality. From April until the summer of 1960, students in Greensboro, as well as other North Carolina cities, continued to attempt sit-ins. After a mass arrest in Greensboro of 45 protestors at Kress’s lunch counter on April 21, the students transitioned to picketing to avoid arrest. 46 The picketing outside of Woolworth’s and Kress’s locations continued for months. Finally, in June, C. L. Harris of Woolworth’s went to the Advisory Committee on Community Relations

to seek a solution. 47 The negotiations went on until July, with both Woolworth and Kress management involved. While working with the committee to decide on integration measures, Harris reached out to other segregated stores as well to attempt to get their participation. He achieved the support of only two other Greensboro stores. 48 Despite the apathy from other stores, Woolworth’s and Kress’s became pioneers of integration. On July 25, 1960, three African Americans were served at Woolworth’s

lunch counter. 49 The integration of both Greensboro stores went seamlessly.

The Greensboro sit-in sparked a mass movement throughout the country that revitalized the civil rights movement. 50

Following the integration of Greensboro’s lunch counters, 27 other cities and counties removed lunch counter segregation across the South. 51 The desegregation occurred without incident which exemplified the fact that fears surrounding integration were fraudulent. 52 With the great success of the sit-in movement, Civil Rights activists were encouraged to continue the fight for equal rights in all aspects of life. The impact of the sit-in on the history of the United States has been compared to events like the Boston Tea Party. 53 The revolutionary action changed race relations, business practices, and activism across America.

Prior to the fight against segregation, white southerners believed that African Americans

were content in their place in society. The sitin movement opened many white southerners’ eyes to the true sentiments of African Americans. Despite their previous ideas, they realized that African Americans desired the

rights they were entitled to as Americans. Once the sit-in movement began, some white Americans finally saw the injustice of segregation that they previously viewed as just a way of life. This called some to action, joining African Americans in their fight towards equality as well as challenging other whites to open their eyes to the discrimination interwoven into long-standing cultural norms. 54 These new sentiments were not only expressed by young white Americans, but many white southerners of all ages realized the error of their ways. Although there were

47. Ibid., 168. 48. Ibid., 171. 49. Ibid., 167. 50. Aldon Morris, “Black Southern Student Sit-In Movement: An Analysis of Internal Organization,” American

Sociological Review 46 (1981): 744, DOI: 10.2307/2095077. 51. “Lunch Counter Pressure Cracks South,” The Chicago Defender, August 20, 1960. 52. Ibid. 53. Sally Avery Bermanzohn, Through Survivors’ Eyes: From the Sixties to the Greensboro Massacre, (Nashville, TN:

Vanderbilt University Press, 2003), 51. 54. Wolff, 152.

still many white southerners who stuck by segregation as the only way of southern life, a great deal of the population’s attitude shifted because of the sit-in movement.

The attitudes of African Americans were

changed with the movement, as well. When the movement began, many older African Americans deemed the movement uncalled

for and unnecessary. 55 They, like many white Americans, thought of segregation as a necessary pillar of southern life. Their children, however, recognized the injustices within society and wanted to pave a way for a better life. As the movement became more successful, older African Americans offered their support. African Americans of all ages participated in the boycotts of the southern stores where the sit-ins occurred. With the participation of all ages, the sit-in movement grew more effective and the civil rights movement gained more support.

The sit-in movement sparked participation in civil rights groups throughout the country. Groups such as the NAACP and the CORE had been around for many years before the sit-ins, but new groups began to emerge as well. This emergence of new groups resulted from the large amount of student activism that occurred because of the Greensboro sit-in. Groups such as Martin Luther King Jr.’s southern Christian Leadership Conference and the Students Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNICK) gained massive support during the 1960s due to youth involvement. 56 SNICK was a direct result of the sit-in movement and

continued to be successful throughout the civil rights movement. With these organizations, the voices of African Americans were finally being heard.

The sit-in changed life in Greensboro in many other aspects besides simply lunch counter attendance. By 1970, Greensboro had African Americans in many government positions, including a legislator, which had not occurred since Reconstruction. 57 An

African American middle class grew in the city as well. A decade later, integrated audiences enjoyed professional basketball and hockey games, college events, concerts, and nightclubs. 58 Although not all life and attitudes by the 1970s had changed, the recognition of the injustice that came with segregation became a well-known factor in southern life.

The Greensboro sit-in ignited a time of change that lasted for decades and helped achieve equality for African Americans in Greensboro

55. Ibid., 153. 56. Ibid., 162. 57. “Sit-In City Marks Decade of Change,” The New York Times, February 2, 1970. 58. Ibid.

as well as the whole country.

The nonviolent, passive resistance used during the Greensboro sit-in encouraged other African American activists to follow suit.

Although not all civil rights activists followed a nonviolent path, it received recognition for being a key element during the fight for equality. When analyzing the Greensboro sit-in, the movement received comparison to other successful activists such Gandhi. 59

The nonviolent ways of the sit-ins gave the civil rights movement a respected image and those participating were admired for their strength. As respect for those involved grew, the movement also gained support which helped more movements toward equality gain momentum.

The Greensboro sit-in which began February 1, 1960 changed the course of the civil rights movement forever. The passive, resistant movement expressed the true feelings of African Americans towards their place in society and the injustices they experienced every day. Although the change did not happen overnight, the Greensboro sit-in led to equality that African Americans had previously never experienced. Without the Greensboro sit-in, the civil rights movement would not have enacted the changes it did in the 1960s as well as the

59. Wolff, 156. decades to follow for African Americans

across the country. n

Rachel Delaney Kearney will graduate from East Carolina University in May 2020 with a double major in Secondary Education B.S. and History B.A. She is a member of the Gamma Phi chapter of Alpha Xi Delta and the history honors fraternity Phi Alpha Theta. This research was performed for her graduate level North Carolina history course taken her junior year. Ms. Kearney plans to become a high school history teacher upon graduation.

Works Cited

Primary

Chicago Daily Defender, Illinois, 1970.

Greensboro Daily News, North Carolina, 1960.

Los Angeles Times, California, 1970.

New York Times, New York, 1970.

Ronald Martin, Robert Patterson, and Mark Martin stage sit-down strike after being refused service at a F.W. Woolworth luncheon counter, Greensboro, N.C. Greensboro

North Carolina, 1960. Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/95512251/.

The Chicago Defender, Illinois, 1960.

Secondary

Bermanzohn, Sally Avery. Through Survivors’ Eyes: From the Sixties to the Greensboro

Massacre. Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 2003.

Gaillard, Frye. The Greensboro Four. Charlotte: Main Street Rag Publishing Company, 2001.

Schmidt, Christopher W. “Why the 1960 Lunch Counter Sit-Ins Worked: A Case Study of

Law and Social Movement Mobilization.” Indiana Journal of Law and Social Equality 5, no. 2 (May 2017): 281–300.

Morris, Aldon. “Black Southern Student Sit-in Movement: An Analysis of Internal

Organization.” American Sociological Review 46, no. 6 (1981): 744–67. DOI: 10.2307/2095077.

North Carolina Advisory Committee to the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights. Black and

White Perceptions: Race Relations in Greensboro. North Carolina, 1980.

Wolff, Miles. Lunch At the Five and Ten: The Greensboro Sit-Ins: a Contemporary

History. New York: Stein and Day, 1970.