The livelihood value of forest in Ethiopia

The livelihood value of forests in Ethiopia

THE LIVELIHOOD VALUE OF FORESTS IN ETHIOPIA Non-Wood Forest Products for the Food Security of Rural Households

Jose Luis VIVERO POL1 Agricultural Attaché, Delegation of the European Commission to Ethiopia, P.O. Box 5570, Addis Ababa. Fax: 251 1 612877 E-mail: jose-luis.vivero@deleth.cec.eu.int

Abstract This paper examines the present role of Non-Wood Forest Products (NWFP) in food diet and income diversification of rural poor households in Ethiopia. Non-farm activities based on NWFP represent a high percentage of total income among poor rural households, being especially important for rural women, the poorest sector of farmers, and during periods of hardship and droughts. The involvement in these activities is fundamentally determined by the educational level, the availability of raw materials, market isolation and transport costs; and the importance usually lies more in its timing than in its magnitude. These activities have a number of important characteristics in common: small size, household-based, accessible to the poorest; labour intensive, and few capital. Specific sections are devoted to the importance of NWFP to household diet (medicinal plants included); as well as the contribution of animal resources (honey, civet farming and game hunting) and non-wood forest products (bamboo, natural gums, wild spices, essential oils, botanicals and wild mushrooms) to income diversification and forest-based small-scale enterprises. Women´s role in forest-based activities is examined, outlining the importance in generating income independent from their male counterparts.

The poorest classes of pastoralists remain very much dependent on these NWFP present in the bush, here called non-livestock activities.

Technical Notes The term “Forest” will be applied in this paper in its broader sense, embracing closed forest, open forest, woodland, shrubland, scrub, savannah and abandoned lands with high vegetation cover.

In spite of a more academic approach and for the sake of a better understanding, we will use the term “Non-Farm Activities” for all those not directly coming from the farm (either crop or livestock) and hence for all NWFP mentioned in the text.

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All views expressed in this document are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of the European Commission.

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The livelihood value of forests in Ethiopia

THE LIVELIHOOD VALUE OF FORESTS IN ETHIOPIA Non-Wood Forest Products for the Food Security of Rural Households JOSE LUIS VIVERO POL2 Agricultural AttachĂŠ, Delegation of European Commission to Ethiopia, P.O. Box 5570, Addis Ababa.

E-mail: jose-luis.vivero@deleth.cec.eu.int Introduction It is only in recent years that the role of forestry in food security has been receiving attention as a result of the increasing realization of the dependence of rural people on trees and forest to meet important needs like food or income. Non-Wood Forest Products (NWFP hereinafter) have, in Ethiopia, long played significant roles in subsistence and culture, providing food, medicines and building materials.

The concept of income diversification and its incorporation into the food security programmes have provided greater scope for trees and tree-related systems to be considered as a useful asset to fight against food insecurity. The primary objective of this paper is to identify and better understand the importance of NWFP in the income diversification strategies adopted by poor households in rural areas of Ethiopia. Therefore, this paper draws together information on household foods and income which are actually derived from NWFP, focusing particularly on the impacts on the poor and women.

Box 1. Definition on Non-wood Forest Products NWFP include all goods of biological origin, as well as services, derived from forest or any land under similar use, and exclude wood in all its forms. NWFP can be harvested in their natural environment, or produced in forest plantations or on trees outside the forest. The products range from being used as food or food additives (nuts, mushrooms, wild fruits, leafy vegetables, medicinal plants, spices) and as plants materials (fibres, creepers and flowers) and plant derivatives (bamboo, natural gums, cork, tannins and essential oils) to animals (game, bees) and animal products (honey, silk).

FAO (1995) Research results in sub-Saharan countries suggest about 15 million people could be engaged in forestbased activities. The employment in forest-based small-scale enterprises has to be seen within the broader framework of non-farm activities for income diversification. Non-farm earnings to African farm households are substantial, and they range from 22% to 93% depending on the countries (cash and in-kind income). The sample average share over the 25 case studies is 45% (Reardon 1997). In Ethiopia for 1989-1990 it was around 36-40%.

The practical and direct contribution of NWFP to the livelihood of the poor comes in different ways, namely as: forest products supplementing farm production, filling in seasonal shortfall in food and income, and providing a buffer during hardship periods. In addition, they contribute to improved 2

All views expressed in this document are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of the European Commission.

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The livelihood value of forests in Ethiopia

agricultural practices by providing shade and shelter for some other crops. Farmers tend to prefer this kind of farming partly because some crops such as coffee or cardamon are shade loving. Suffice to mention at this point what coffee cultivation under forest cover adds to the value of Ethiopian forests in terms of agricultural production. Furthermore, some food crops such as beans, yams, fruit trees and potatoes perform well in these shady forest/farm marginal areas contributing substantially to household food security. Besides the environmental values, cultural and religious values from trees and forests are quite evident in those patches surrounding Ethiopian churches, especially in the northern Highlands (Amhara and Tigray), usually called sacred groves. Nevertheless, values of the forests for the local people have declined in recent times when compared to the last century.

Poverty, food security and forests in Ethiopia Ethiopia is presently the poorest country in the world3. Furthermore, being one of the most densely populated countries in Africa, and having the lowest yields for most of the crops, it inevitably faces chronic food insecurity, exacerbated by the recurrence of drought periods. An estimated 50% of the country’s population is food insecure, or below poverty line, and more than 40% of them survive with less than one dollar per day. The contribution of agriculture to GDP is higher in Ethiopia than the average of sub-Saharan countries (50% in Ethiopia compared to 25% in sub-Saharan Africa). The new economic patterns have not increased the resilience of the local economy to ride out the bad times, that is, the years when rains fail. As an example, in Meda Welabu Woreda in southern Oromia, the sources of food for poor households in good years are as follows: 40% own crops, 25% purchase, 20% social networks, 10% milk, and 5% wild foods. The latter share is to be increased until 15% in bad, drought years (Bush & Alemayehu 2000).

In Ethiopia, environmental degradation and deforestation have been taking place for hundreds of years.

Trees have been, and still are, cleared at an alarming rate to open up land for agriculture 4. The major reason for this is the increasingly intensive use of land for agricultural and livestock production, but tree cutting for fuelwood and construction materials also plays a role. More than 90% of nation’s total energy comes from biomass, with fuelwood being the highest component. In addition, Ethiopia has the largest population of livestock in Africa; thus grazing pressure has increased the rate at which tree and shrub species are becoming scarcer.

Forest products, such as gums and incense, resins and spices, or honey and wax from beekeeping, play an important role in the consumption patterns and income diversification of rural communities in Ethiopia. The role of these products in rural communities is yet poorly documented. Some of Ethiopia's forest products are exported, including honey and about half of the officially traded volumes of gums and incense, although they also have an important local market. Hence, they are the cash forest products that can contribute a major share to rural household economy. Much harvesting of forest products is undertaken by populations who combine this with some form of agriculture, and is taking place not in pristine forests, but in secondary forests, bush fallow or farm bush (as mostly happens in Ethiopian highlands and lowlands). In many situations, fallow vegetation, farm bush and even the forest itself are actively managed by local users to conserve or encourage species of value, and to make the resource easier to use.

The importance of non-wood forest products to poor household economy

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Based on a recently produced World Bank classification.

Between 1955 and 1979, Ethiopia has lost 77% of the forest it had in 1955, and the forest cover has continued to decline to present.

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The livelihood value of forests in Ethiopia

Large numbers of rural households in Ethiopia continue to generate some of their income from forest product activities. Thus, in recent years, there has been increasing interest in the contribution that forests make as a source of local rural employment and income (non-farm activities). This interest has been reinforced by the argument that, as much local forest use comprises non-wood products, it is likely to be less ecologically destructive than timber harvesting, and therefore a sounder basis for sustainable forest management.

In Ethiopia, non-farm forest-based incomes represent an important element in the livelihood of the poor. In several areas the population density and the natural resources depletion are such that agriculture cannot possibly remain the only source of income (RESAL 2000). Furthermore, the situation is unlikely to improve as pressure on the land increases with the population growth. It therefore becomes essential for rural households to look for non-farm activities to supplement income through cultivation. These households resort to non-farm activities not only to increase total income, but also to offset the effects of sharp fluctuations in income flows during the year (Berdegue et al.

2000), which is one of the characteristics of rural poverty. Non-farm activities based on NWFP have become dominant in the case of rural women’s employment. Moreover, many studies are consistent in showing that educational level is a powerful determining factor in attaining access to non-farm employment and income; as well as infrastructure investments such as roads, electrification, irrigation, usually being prior determinants.

The importance of forest income usually lies more in its timing than its magnitude (Arnold & Townson 1998). For many Ethiopians, the money earned from collecting, selling or processing forest products provides an essential input to household income enabling them to buy food and invest in future food production (i.e. purchase of seeds, or tools). The particular products involved vary from region to region depending on markets, local traditions and the types of forest resources available in the area. These activities, however, have a number of important characteristics in common: a) Small in size and householdbased, b) Accessible to the poorer sections of society, c) Labour intensive, d) Few capital inputs and e) Direct benefits to the local community (Falconer & Arnold 1991). Small NWFP enterprises are prominent where there are dispersed rural markets for simple, low cost products, and where high transport costs protect them against competition from urban supplies (Ethiopia perfectly matches this scenario). They also occur where there are raw materials that can be effectively tapped on a small scale.

NWFP and rural household diet Foods from forests and other tree systems constitute an important component of household food supply. In many areas, dietary deficiencies and monotony of normal grain-dominated diets are reduced or avoided, through this "hidden harvest". Some forest food, especially leaf vegetables and wild animals, are used on a year-round basis whereas other important use of forest foods is in meeting seasonal food needs. Trees have always been important in emergency periods, especially in times of drought, famine and wars. They provide foods for consumption when crops fail, as well as products which can be gathered for cash income (i.e. frankincense).

Wild p lant food Wild food consumption is still very common in rural areas of Ethiopia, particularly with children (i.e. fruits from Ficus spp, Carissa edulis and Rosa abyssinica). The consumption of wild plants seems more common and widespread in food insecure areas where a wide range of species is consumed. The linkage has given rise to the notion of “famine-foods� (Getahun 1974), plants consumed only at times of food stress (drought, war and other hardship). This should raise even greater concern when looking 4

The livelihood value of forests in Ethiopia

at the frequency of recent famine events in the country and the extent to which subsistence agriculture is still the norm. Famine foods characteristically are more energy-rich; however they often require complicated and time consuming processing, and they have an uninteresting taste. Wild yams (Dioscorea spp) are commonly used famine foods. Consumption of wild food has been reported from a number of places in the Simien Mountains, mainly wild plants considered as 'stress-food' for hardship times (UNDP-EUE 1999).

Edible wild plants make a major contribution to dietary intake of rural people during times of food shortage5. Hence, the consumption of wild plants is a necessary part of the strategies adopted by people in order to survive a harsh environment (Guinand & Lemessa 2000). Relying to a greater degree on wild-food plants during periods of food shortage does not mean that wild-food plants are a substitute for cultivated staple food crops. They are rather a supplement. These wild plants are collected in uncultivated areas such as bushes, forests and pastoral land. For instance, Konso people still have and use a well-developed knowledge concerning which wild-food plants can best provide a dietary supplement in periods of food shortage. Poor farmers also collect leaf litter from selected broad leafed trees such as Erythrina, Croton and Cordia species grown on farm boundaries and grazing areas, and applied it to augment soil fertility (Eyasu 1998). In Borena zone, Oromia, wild foods are critical to the poor households survival, since they contribute approximately 15% of a household’s needs in the bad years; and only 5% in good years (Bush & Alemayehu 2000). Surprisingly, it was noted that in bad years supply was constrained by the competition between humans and monkeys.

In southern Ethiopia, some wild-food plants, considered as typical famine foods (i.e. Arisaema spp and Huernia spp) are purposely cultivated on farm fields to be available and used at times of food shortage.

One of the most common and well-known typical famine-food plants is Portulaca quadrifolia, usually considered as an infesting weed. Even though considered a crucial famine-food plant, the species can neither be tolerated nor domesticated on-farm due to its aggressive behaviour. Some indigenous wildfood herbs found on farmers´fields, like Amaranthus spp and Solanium khasianum, are mostly wildlings, which germinated in home gardens and farmlands and are usually not given much attention. But they are consumed at any time like any other cultivated crop, and thus have the potential for becoming useful staple crops.

Often wild-foods are considered to be a low-status food and are therefore taken as a source of shame for those who eat them. In normal times only children6, women and the poorest families collect and consume regularly wild-food. Women frequently collect wild-food when they are on their way to fetch water, to collect firewood, to go to the market and when walking home from their fields.

Honey The annual production of honey in Ethiopia is some 24,000 MT, equal to about one third of the total honey production in Africa7. Of the total domestic production, around 20% is used as table honey in rural areas, 55-60% is used in the production of tej (a local beverage), and the remaining part is sold in the market of Addis Ababa. The potential for honey and wax production has been seriously reduced by the destruction of the natural vegetation which provides the sources of nectar. Nowadays, honey production in Ethiopia is still mainly based on traditional methods using hives made from naturally occurring materials suspended on trees to attract swarms of local bees. Production from traditional hives is low and averages 8 kg of honey and 1 kg of bees wax per hive annually. The use of modern box 5

More than 80 plant species have been identified as wild-food species in SNNP region, with 30 out of those assigned as famine-food plants (i.e.

Arisaema flavum, Sterculia africana, Dobera glabra, Syzygium guineense, Moringa oleifera, Piliostigma thonningii, Balanites aegyptiaca).

6 Forest foods are eaten in particular by young herders during the day when they are in the bush.

7 World trade in natural honey is of the order of 300,000 tonnes. Ethiopia is fourth in beeswax and tenth in honey production (Fichtl & Adi 1994).

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The livelihood value of forests in Ethiopia

hives could yield about twice as much honey. Honey quality could also be improved through better transport and storage. There are good markets for honey, both locally and abroad .

Box 3. Honey production in Borena Zone, Oromia Honey production is widespread in the zone and it is sold in the markets. Almost 40% of households have traditional beehives. Yields vary with the rainfall, in good years one hive can produce about 5-6 kg of honey. As a household with beehives typically owns 2-3 hives, then the potential annual income from honey can reach 100-150 ETB. Prior to the drought, when maize prices were relatively low, sales from honey could purchase an estimated 1-1.5 quintals of maize or roughly 10% of a poor household’s annual food needs. In fact, not all the honey is sold and usually around half will be kept for household consumption. Among the efforts to promote apiculture-based income is the establishment of smallscale honey and wax processing and packaging cooperative.

Bush & Alemayehu (2000) Medic ina l p lants The forests are a good source of products wi t h medic ina l va lue (leaves, barks, roots, fruits, etc) and hence the linkages between forestry medicine and nutrition are extremely important. On record there are 600 species of medicinal plants constituting a little below 10 percent of Ethiopia's vascular flora. They are distributed all over the country, with greater concentration in the south and southwestern part of the country. The woodlands of Ethiopia are the source of most of the medicinal plants, followed by the mountain grassland/dry mountain forest complex of the plateau. Forests provide the only medicines available to a large proportion of Ethiopia’s population. Over 85 percent of the rural population, plus an increasing number of the poor in urban centers employ many of the available plants. The value and role of these traditional healthcare systems will not diminish in the future because they are both culturally viable and expected to remain affordable while the modern healthcare service is both limited and expensive. Many plants chosen for their traditional medicinal qualities have high concentrations of vitamins and minerals which can help counteract illnesses caused by dietary deficiencies. Many intestinal diseases cause malnutrition by preventing the absorption of food by the body. Traditional medicine collection takes place at two levels: by specialized healers and by household members. Knowledge on plants that treat most common diseases in the area is shared by most of the household members, making it necessary to consult a specialist only when the case is complicated.

One could easily bring well known examples of trees with medicinal uses, namely Hagenia abyssinica or Balanites aegyptiaca. Hagenia abyssinica (Kosso), formerly one of the commonest high-altitude forest trees in Ethiopia nowadays reduced to some scattered trees in mountain areas, is highly appreciated and locally used for its medicinal purposes (bark, flowers and roots). It is used as a powerful drug for intestinal parasites. The fruits of Balanites aegyptiaca contain saponins. These are lethal both to the snails which act as the intermediary host of bilharzias and to the water flea which harbours the guinea worm.

Planting these species along irrigation banks could do much to prevent the occurrence of the diseases (Wickens 1986). The efficacy of a few of these plants has been scientifically determined, but the safety and efficacy of many others in the treatment of various diseases remains underdeveloped (Girma, 1998). Leafs of Cloisonne amisata, Lippia adoensis and Ficus sur are used by birth attendants to wash the body of pregnant women after delivery. It is interesting to note that a high proportion of plants are used for their leaves, which indicates that they are being used in a sustainable way.

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The livelihood value of forests in Ethiopia

Contribution of wild animal resources to forest-based income Although hunt ing still provides a part of meat consumption in some lowland areas of Ethiopia (SNNPR and Oromia, Borena), it is worth noting that, unlike many other African countries, most Ethiopians do not consume animals like ducks, pigs, donkeys, horses, snakes, rabbits, rats, cats and dogs. Orthodox Religion represents a major non-negligible constraint to the use and consumption of wild plants and animals (Guinand & Lemessa, 2000). Game hunting, commonly called safaris, despite being an activity not much developed in Ethiopia so far has considerable potential in some areas (mainly SNNPR) and for some bush species (big antelopes, gazelles and warthogs). There are just a few safari companies operating in the country and only one of them is running a controlled hunting area.

Should those companies take into consideration local people’s interests and should they share some benefits with those communities, game hunting could be an interesting alternative income source for those rural people living in remote bushland and forest areas.

Civet musk for the perfume industry has been produced in Ethiopia for many centuries. Nowadays, Cive t fa rming is a small traditional cottage industry mainly in the lower parts of the western highlands and Sidamo in SNNPR (Graham, 1997). Musk is extracted from the male civet every 9-12 days with each animal producing up to 1 kg a year, worth 165 USD per kilo. The average number of civets per farm is about 15, making civet farming a profitable venture for a smallholder. Moreover, there is a pilot project of ost r ich fa rming in Abiata-Shala National Park in Oromia. Considering the interesting revenues to be raised from ostrich meat and feathers, joint ventures could be explored as an option to be developed between National Park authorities and private entrepreneurs.

Ser icu l ture (the rearing of silkworms) with appropriate mulberry, silkworm races may become a promising income source alternative to be developed. Wild silkmoths can also provide some revenues for the farmers (Nayak, 1999). It has been found that the promotion of wildsilk harvesting results in the protection of the natural habitat, which then leads to more flowering, and hence more honey production. Moreover, other insect-derived commodities such as cosmetics, pharmaceuticals, and fibres could be explored so as to find out their suitability for the Ethiopian context.

In recent years, non-extractive activities, such as eco- tour ism, have emerged as important sources of income that can encourage conservation. Tourism is a leading economic activity in much of Africa, especially in the east and south, and is centered around protected areas (IUCN, 1999). Eco-tourism (i.e. bird watching) is the fastest-growing sector in the tourism industry worldwide, and if carefully managed, can return income to local communities and motivate conservation. Like forest-based extractive enterprises, these non-extractive activities require policy support through enforceable forest tenure and access, development of people's skills and legal mechanisms for ensuring that benefits return to local communities.

Contribution of non-wood plant resources to household economy Bamboo is a fast growing and high yielding perennial plant with a considerable potential to the socioeconomic development and environment protection of Ethiopia. The two indigenous species present in Ethiopia are African Alpine Bamboo Arundinaria alpina and Lowland Bamboo Oxythenantera abyssinica.

Its growth is amazingly fast, since in 3 months it can attain a full height of 6-8 m, and in two years is ready for harvest. Ethiopia is one of the richest countries in the world in bamboo resources with about one million hectares of highland and lowland bamboos (Luso Consult 1997), representing 67% of the African bamboo resource and more than 7% of the world total. Despite the continuously growing demand for bamboo as source of materials for construction, industry, energy, food and feed, its 7

The livelihood value of forests in Ethiopia

potential remains almost unexplored. Moreover, bamboo has high soil conservation properties, as it forms a complex root network. Based on detailed studies carried out in Ethiopia (Luso Consult 1997), it would be possible to harvest safely one third of the total stock every year on a sustainable basis (3 million tones of oven-dry biomass). This could be used to supply part of the particleboard, fibreboard, pulp, furniture, construction and energy requirements of the nation. The present use of bamboo in Ethiopia is very low, mainly limited to tukul (hut) construction, fencing and to a lesser extent for the production of furniture, containers r water transport, baskets, walking sticks, agricultural tools, beehives and household utensils (Kassahun 2000). Its potential for industrial use has yet to be popularized, as it is presently undertaken in many tropical Asian countries.

Frank incense, also named gum olibanum, is the dried, gummy exudation obtained from various species of the tree family Burseraceae (Boswellia spp). Main producing countries are Somalia, Ethiopia, Southeast Arabia, and India. There is a related genus Commiphora reputed for their commercially valuable resins, named gum myrrh and gum oppoponex depending on the species. Gum-bearing trees form one of the most widespread vegetation types of the country (Acacia-Commiphora). One can find those trees in Amhara (western part), Oromia (black incense of Borena), Somali region (gum olibanumogaden and gum myrrh), Afar region (gum myrrh and oppoponex) and Tigray (gum olibanum of the highest quality).

Gum olibanum is directly tapped from wild populations, always in lowland areas (malaria-prone) and scattered in very steep and remote slopes, a condition which makes their harvest very hard and difficult. The degradation and cutting of the woodlands for charcoal and agriculture is severely affecting this resource at an alarming rate. Frankincense and myrrh have different applications as fumigation agent for religious purposes, fixatives for chewing gum and others, flavours and fragrances in perfumery, pharmaceutical uses (tooth paste, plasters). In Ethiopia, incense is mainly used in religious rituals and in traditional coffee ceremonies to produce aromatic smoke. The cleaning and grading processes are carried out by women. Gum drops are classified according to their size and purity in seven grades, with the first four for exportation and the rest for local market. The 1999 harvest amounted to 7,000 MT and nearly 3 million ETB were paid to harvesters and cleaners. In the period 1996-2000, the figure of exported gum reached 2714.5 MT, producing an equivalent of more than 28.7 million ETB in foreign currency.

Box 4. Gum olibanum in Tigray Boswellia papyrifera is the second most important export item in Western Tigray. Collection of gum olibanum from the species was found to be very important in that it generates income for the government and creates job opportunities for thousands of people. It is worth noting that Tigray has quite skilled people to harvest the gum. The growth of the species on wastelands is also of paramount importance since it is making an economic use of the wastelands in addition to protecting the soil from erosion. The estimated potential gum production in the region (an average of about 17,700 MT per year) was found to be very high as compared to the average exploitation to date (less than 25%) and the annual demand at the national level (about 6,000 MT). A review on the use of gum olibanum in the production of various industrial outputs in perfumery, pharmaceutical, plastics industry revealed that there is a high potential for the use of the gum. In spite of the benefits derived from the species, its stock is deteriorating.

Gebre Markos (1998) The export revenues of these different natural gums should not be neglected considering the fact that Ethiopia is a country with a paramount dependency on coffee foreign revenues. Moreover, the social 8

The livelihood value of forests in Ethiopia

importance of the sector is quite considerable in many areas. Most of the people employed to harvest the gum come from the poorest and most destitute sections of the rural population, given their livelihood features: they live in remote and very often neglected areas (negligible food aid, no rural road network), marginal areas with low soil fertility, high slopes and high erosion incidence. One cannot forget the interesting direct impact of the cleaning process on rural women’s income, since due to tradition, women are the only cleaners of raw gum. And last but least, as a consequence of this cleaning process, there is considerable room for agro-processing micro-enterprise development, so as to increase the value added of the final market product.

Wild sp ices harvesting and spice cultivation are widespread in many areas of Southern Ethiopia, namely SNNPR zones Sheka, Kaffa, Bench Maji, South Omo and Gamo Gofa (Jansen 1981). The total supply of spices from Shekicho-Keficho zones to the regional and national markets in 1999 was about 1,208 MT. There is no much control from government side, as the business is entirely carried out by private dealers. Commercial species such as Aframomum angustifolium (Korerima) and Piper capense (Timiz) are found as indigenous species in Shekicho-Keficho and Bench Maji forests and woodlands.

Oi l -bear ing p lants 8 play an important role in the traditional nutrition of the Ethiopian, as they are a major source of energy and proteins. Traditionally pure oil is only prepared for medicinal purposes, for tanning leather and wood, and for greasing hair and body (Seegeler 1983). For other purposes, the seeds are usually consumed entire. Particularly with poor people and on fasting days, the stew to be served with the injera is prepared with onions, ground pulses and spices, with the addition of roasted and crushed oil-seeds. During such fasting periods, no food whatsoever of animal origin is eaten so that the oilseeds are the only source of fat and of fat-soluble vitamins. As an agro-industry, the essential oil sector could play an important role in the nation´s agricultural economy, especially in the above mentioned areas. The most important aspects to be considered if success is to be attained are consistency of supply of planting materials, quality control, plant diseases and technology selection.

Marketed medic ina l p lants are also a source of revenue for poor households in rural areas of Ethiopia. A small part of the collected plants are used in the treatment of diseases, but most of them are sold as crude herbs in the markets. Even though there is some literature in traditional medicine, it does not include any economic value of plant medicine that generates income for people who practice it for their livelihood. Some examples can be provided, namely Hagenia abyssinica (30 ETB/kg), Croton macrostachys (15 ETB/soup spoon) and Olea africana (80 ETB/soup spoon).

Other group of natural products that may have a considerable impact in rural poor livelihoods are botan ica ls (p lant mater ia ls wi th insect ic ida l proper t ies ). The use of plant botanicals can be one possible alternative to the use of conventional/chemical insecticides. Amhara region has a wide variety of these plants like Azaderachta indica, Acokanthera schimperi, Datura stramonium, Eucalyptus globulesi, Melia azaderach, and Phytolacca dodecandra. Chrysanthemum cinerariaefolium and Chenopodium ambrosioides present a high efficiency against Sitophilus zeamais (a maize pest), almost equivalent to chemical pesticides (Worku, 2000). Moringa stenopetala are used by women in Sudan and Ethiopia to clarify turbid water. The seeds of the tree contain natural coagulants which can clear water, thereby improving the health of rural communities. The fruits of Balanites aegyptiaca contain saponins. These are lethal both to the snails which act as the intermediary host of bilharzias and to the water flea which harbours the guinea worm. Botanicals can also provide a local-produce which is an environmentally friendly weapon against malaria mosquitoes and other vector-borne diseases. Even these plant products

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They are crops in most cases, with some essential oils extracted from wild species from the forest.

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The livelihood value of forests in Ethiopia

serve as sources of mosquito repellents and insecticidal compounds for modern industry. One of the best known trees is Neem (Azadirachta indica) the so-called “health-maker tree”.

There is scantily available literature on edible mushrooms and their consumption in Ethiopia, even though wi ld mushroom consumption is a common practice in rural areas. In Wolayta area, SNNPR, mushrooms are highly appreciated and considered as a delicacy. It is also worth mentioning that in certain areas of the country, people are very skeptical about mushrooms (associated to hyenas, buried animals, skin diseases and thunderstorms). Mushrooms contain about 30% protein on a dry weight basis and could be considered “protective food” because their richness in certain vitamins and the essential aminoacids required by the human adult. Mushrooms could be grown in traditional brick pots, available in markets relatively cheaply, for a family scale production (Dawit, 1995).

Women’s role in income earning activities based on NWFP In many households of Ethiopia, women accounted for roughly half the proprietors and workers in forest-based activities. Ease of entry, and being able to combine many of the activities with household tasks, mean that they are often an important source of the income that women need, and they can be more dependent on such income than men (FAO, 1997). Hence, the forest products have also a strong gender component, since many activities undertaken in the forest are considered as women's duties.

The most conspicuous difference between the roles of men and women in rural Ethiopia is in the collection of fuelwood and building materials. Whereas fuelwood collection is almost entirely the responsibility of women, building materials are collected by men. Women also collect food plants when they are allowed to enter the forests for fuelwood. As a general trend, both men and women collect medicines from both the forests and their landplots, basketry is made by women whereas woodcarving, bamboo and reed utensils are men’s duties. Commercialization of forest products also has a gender dimension. One could generally conclude that women’s participation in commercialization of forest products is more centered in the villages while men participate in selling forest products in both rural and urban areas.

A realistic intervention of stakeholders interest will have to take into consideration the different roles played by men and women in forest products collection and marketing. Some of these activities provide one of the means through which rural women generate income independent from their male counterparts. This not only improves household welfare but also contributes to the emancipation of women from social oppression which sometimes results from lack of economic independence from men. The involvement of women and women's groups is particularly important in rural areas, where men's migration for work and traditional roles combine to make women key forestry resource managers and important catalysts for change. Forest-products programmes should have direct support for women (i.e. credit and training targeted for women’s groups in NWFP) as central components.

The pastoralists’ case: non-livestock activities from the bush Many pastoralists in Ethiopia, and particularly in recent years, diversify their economic activities outside pastoralism and agriculture in order to spread the risks of natural and man-made disasters. A broadening of the household economic base is fundamental to reducing food insecurity and vulnerability. The importance of food and income diversification in the drylands emphasizes the importance of seeking alternative foods from trees and forested areas. Bee products and edible mushrooms are examples already mentioned. Other products, from animals as well as plants that could be sold for cash or retained as capital assets, such as timber, oil-producing plants, medicinal plants, etc, also need research both for domestic use and for sale (Bruns et al. 1995).

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The livelihood value of forests in Ethiopia

Box 5. The economic significance of Cordeauxi a edul is in pastoral areas Cordeauxia edulis, Qud, is a leguminous shrub found in semi-arid bushland on sandy soils of Somali region and Hararghe (0-600 m). The roots go deep to tap underground water. Both, leaves and seeds are used. The seed is eaten raw, roasted or cooked. It has a sweetish agreeable taste and high nutritive value. From the leaves, a tea is brewed and the extract is also used as a dye. Being used as firewood, fodder, bee forage, soil conservation, live fence and tannins. It used to be a common tree in Somali region where nuts were used as food by pastoralists and leaves as an infusion. Nowadays it has become rare due to over-exploitation during famine. It has potential as a food crop to be planted in the driest areas of the region.

Azene et al. (1993) The precise strategies used by different groups of Ethiopian pastoralists to cope with drought and the resulting food shortage are tailored to their own natural environment and to the resources available to individual households. For the poorer classes of pastoralists, these non-livestock sources of income (other than sales of livestock and their products) are in many cases more important than income from livestock. Amongst Somali pastoralists, the poorest households get up to 40% of total income from non-livestock sources (SCF 1998), largely consisting of migratory labour earnings, sales of charcoal or other bush products as frankincense and myhrr. For Borana pastoralists, this percentage is around 30%.

Collecting and selling of gum arabic and frankincense is another pastoral drought coping mechanism employed for reacting against hard times (Ugas & Eggenberger, 1999). Actually, many pastoralists do not store and carry food over long distances, but rely on the seasonal products of forested areas. In Hararghe zone, Oromia, people often consume fruits from a widely spread cactus species Opuntia ficusindica so as to face the food shortage situations. Children and women collect the ripe fruits with a long wooden stick with a large nail at the end (Guinand 2000).

Conclusions The contribution of NWFP to food security in Ethiopia is significant, diversified and valuable. Forests and woodlands contribute to food security of poor households by providing NWFP that contribute to enrich the diet, diversify income sources and create employment in forestry enterprises. Furthermore, most Ethiopian households, both rural and urban, depend on fuel wood for domestic energy supply.

However, under current practices, these contributions are not sustainable. Only by assigning economic value to forests, people will be encouraged to conserving and utilising forest areas in a sustainable way.

For many vulnerable households, entry into such activities occurs principally in situations where they are unable to obtain sufficient income from agriculture or livestock, in what are called non farm activities. For such households, these activities comprise an important part of their survival strategy, forming part of their “safety net�. Therefore, the importance of these NWFP in the food security net of poor, rural, vulnerable households is extremely important, and should be further assessed in order to determine the magnitude of their support and, hence, to draw some guidelines to better address this aspect of food security in Ethiopia. For instance, as the educational level is a powerful determining factor in creating accessto NWFP employment and income, different programmes on capacity building, skill training or forestry advocacy could be undertaken so as to promote forestry activities for income diversification in different rural areas and villages of the country.

The contribution to rural livelihoods of animal resources (honey, civet farming, game hunting, sericulture and eco-tourism), and non-wood forest products (bamboo, natural gums, wild spices, oilbearing plants, medicinal plants, botanicals and mushrooms) has been presented and their importance for income diversification and forest-based small-scale enterprises has been outlined. As well as the 11

The livelihood value of forests in Ethiopia

importance of wild food plants as famine-foods during hazardous times. Once the importance of NWFP for the rural household economy has been assessed and valued, these topics should be promoted to becoming a component part of integrated food security programmes or other development or food security related programmes... Several examples are drawn as follows: small forest products enterprises could be promoted through small credits, petty trading of bamboo baskets could be boosted in urban areas, mainly Addis Ababa; or the gum arabic and incense sector can be targeted as a joint initiative between food security programmes and private sector initiatives. The collection, processing and marketing of forest products can be improved through capital investments on a small scale. Growth of NWFP activities can come from promoting the creation of new micro-enterprises.

Others, such as carving and some traditional medicines, are able to maintain market share because there are no modern sector equivalents. In short, much household and artisan involvement in the production and trading of forest products is in labour-intensive, low-return, activities associated with poor, stagnant rural economic conditions. The ingredients to foster involvement include a combination of improved education, better transport and communications, easier access to markets and financial services to rural communities. The forest-based activities form part of a larger body of rural non-farm activities that act as a sponge absorbing those unable to obtain employment, or sufficient employment, on their own farms or as labourers. Besides, they use the forest and NWFP as a reserve which can provide more income, and subsistence goods, in times of hardship. Clearly, forest products are one of the main coping mechanisms that poor households have in Ethiopia, and their importance should not be overlooked or underestimated. Active government, community and individual commitment is necessary to maintain these systems and their role in sustainable farming systems and, most importantly, the conservation of biological diversity in the rural landscapes.

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The livelihood value of forests in Ethiopia

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