State and Land in Ethiopian History by Richard Pankhurst (1966)

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Monographs in Ethiopian Land Tenure No. 3

STATE AND LAND IN ETHIOPIAN HISTORY

SEP 1 7 1ffl:i

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Richard Pa11khurst r :f-'J

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B. Sc. (Econ.), Ph. D. ' .

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Publislzecl by THE INSTITUTE OF ETHIOPIAN STUDIES and TI-IE FACULTY OF LAW

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flAILE SELLASSIE I UNIVERSITY in assocjation with · OXFORD UNJVERSITY PRESS

Addis Ababa 1966

40583

Copyright by The Institute of Ethiopian Studies and Tbe Faculty of L�\.V Haile Seilassie I University 1966

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All rigl1ts reserved, including the right to reproduce this book or portions thereof in any forn1

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Prir1ted at Central Printing Press Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

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Contents Editor's lntrodt1ction Al1thor's Preface • • •

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HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION I. The State . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..

II. The Scriptural Si:1nction of tl1e State ANCIENT

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III. Secltlar Land Policies i11 the Aksumite Empire • IV. Early Land. Gra11ts to tl1e CI1urcl1 • • • V. Traditional Explanations for tl1e Origin of CI111rcl1 Land •

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TllE MIDDLE AGES

VI. The Structt1re of Traditional Land Ten11re

VII. Secular La·nd Grants • • • • • • VIII. Grants to 1:.oreigners • • ...

IX. Cl1t1rch La11ds • • • • • • • • • X. Royal Lands • • • • • • • • • • XI. ViJiei11-Lord Relations • • • • • XII. Taxatio11 • • • • • • • • • • • XIII. TJ1e Exactions of tI1e Troops • • XIV. Tl1e N10,1 ing Capitals • • • • • • •

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TIIE SEVENTEENTI-I AND EIGI-ITEENTI-I · CENTURIES FROl\1 TIIB FOUNDING OF GOND1\R TO THE DAVIN OF THE NThTETEENTH CENTURY Tl1e Establislunent .of Gondar • • • • • • • . . . • • • XVI. Sect1lar Land Gra11ts • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • XVII. Land Ownersl1ip by Foreigners and Minority Groups.

XVIII. Ch11rcl1 Lands • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • XIX. Lancllord-Tenant Relatio11s and Taxation • • • • • • •

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THE EA LY NIETEENTl-1 CEN1'URY DOWN TO TllE lllSE OF TI-IEODORE

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XXI. XXI. XXIII. V XX.I .

XXV. XXVI.

Tl1e Land Policy of Ras Gugsa. • • • • • • Land Ten11re in the Northern Provinces • • Land Tenure in Sl1oa • • • • • • • • • • • • Ch11rcb La11ds • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • The Rights of Foreigners • • • • • • • • • Peasa11t Obligatio11s ancl Taxation • • • • • The Exactions of the Troops • • • • • • • •

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THE LATER NINETEENTH CENTURY FROM TEWODROS TO MENILEK XXVII. Tl1 e Atte1111Jted La11d Refortns of the Emperor Te\vodros • • XXVIII. Tl1e Egyptian Occ11pation of Hara.r • • • • • • • . . . • • XXIX. Tl1e Policy of tl1e E1111Jeror Yohannes IV • • • • • • • • •

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TI-IE ERA OF MENILEK XXX. XXXI. XXXII. XXXJII. XXXIV. XXXV. XX.XVI. XXXVII. XXXVllI. XXXIX. XL. XLI.

Tl1e Str11cture of Sl1oan La11d Tent1re • • • • • • • • • • • • Laocl Me�1sure1ne1Jt i11 Shoa .. ... . . . . .. ... ...

Menilek's Reocc11patio11 of tl1e So11tl1ern and Soutl1-western The Establisb1ne1Jt of Addis Abj1ba . . . . . . . .. . . ..

La11d Reforn1s 011tside Addis Ababa • • • • • • • • • • • • Tl1e Encling of Peasa11ts' Obligati·ons to the Soldiery . • • • Land Alloca.tions for Public Transport ... . .. . .. • • • The Position of Foreigners . .. ... ... ... ... • • • Tenant Obligations ... ... . .. . . . . . . ... • • • Taxation ... . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. • • • • • • • • Itnlian Expropriation Experiments in Eritrea ... • • • • • • Italian Policy in Western Eritrea . . . ... • • • • • • • • • •

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Tiffi EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY XLII. XLIII. XLIV. XLV.

Pre-War La.nd Reforms of the Emperor Haile Sellassie . .. ...

Addis Ababa City Legislation and the Law Affecting Foreigners .

Land Reforn1 in Eritrea Prior to World War II . ... ... ... .. . ... ... ... . . . .. . . .. . . . . ..

Conclusion

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Editor's Introduction

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today n1ay be 011 tl1e brink o .f a n1ajor 1Jrogram of land refor1u. In Etl1iopia .

1961 I-Iis I111perial 1vlajesty Haile Sellassie I stated for Ethiopia 011e of the main principles u11derlying n1odern la11d reforn1 progran1s: ''the fru.its of the farmer's labour mt1st be enjoyed by l1i111 v,1hose toil l1as procl11ced tl1e crop." Tl1e Second Five Year Developn1ent Plan ( 1963-1967) assun1es tl1at the soltition of major land reform proble1ns is ''a prereqt1isite for starti11g tl1e process of m.odernization of agrict1lt11re'', a process to wl1icl1 bigl1 priority is give11. Since tl1e p11blication of the :Plan FAO ex1 Jerts l1ave .Provided tl1e I111perial Etl1iopia11 Government witl1 detailed recon.11nendations on a series of JJartictilar problen1s associated with land reforn1: a1n.011g others, tl1e ca.rryi11g ot1t of a c::1dastral survey and the registr,ttion of rights over land; tl1e i111prove1uent of landlorcl-tenant relations; tl1e eli111i11ation of co111n1t111al ten11re; a11d. tl1e 111odernization of tl1e land taxation syste111. 111 1965 a La11d Refor1n and Developme11t At1thority was created as an auto11on1011s a11thority of the I1111Jerial EtbioJJia11 Government and ea.rly in 1966 tl1e a1Jpoint1nent of a Mi11ister of La11d Refor111 a11d Ad1n.inistration ,vas a11notL11ced.

Tl1t1s tl1ere exists i11 Etl1ioJJia today a co111n1itn1e11t to laud refor111 i11 pri11ciple; expert advice 011 JJarticular n1east1res whic.11 wou.ld be appropriate as part of a pro­ gram of refor1n; an.d a gover11111ental orga11ization s11itable for carryi11g ot1t these or other 111easures, JJrovided tl1e \Vill to do so exists. Yet as all concerned \Vith land reform recog11ize, any effective progran1 11111st be clesig 11ecl witl1 JJrese11t land tenure syste1ns i11 111incl. Understanding of tl1ese systen1s c::111 con1e i11 at least two ways: tl1rougl1 l1istoric�1l stt1dies ,vl1icl1 illt1n1i11ate t11eir origins and concept11al bases, or thro11gl1 field stt1dies providi11g i11for111,1tio11 and analysis of the conte1n1Jorary systen1 of a IJartic11lar locality.

To facilitate s11cl1 u11derstaodi11g the I11stitt1te of Et11iopian Stt1clies and the Fact1lty of Law of I-Iaile Sella.ssie I University began i11 J965 the pLLblication of a series of 111011ograpl1s 011 Etl1io_pia11 la11d tent1re. ·r1,e first 1noo.ogra1Jl1, a11 l1istorical study by Dr. G. \V.B. I·lt1ntingforcl, is fln introduction to a11d translation of 011e l1undred land cl1arters of n. ortl1ern Etl1jopia. Tl1e second, a field stt1d.y by Dr. I-I.S. M·an11, provides detailed infor1natio11 011 the land te11l1re syste1n of a sL1b-district (n1ektel wiiriiclc1) of Sl1oa province - i11for1natio11, for exa1nple, on tl1e types of tentire f ot1nd there, tl1e size of l1oldings and provisio11s of te11a11cy agreements.

Dr. Pa11l<l1urst's work is tl1us tl1e tl1ird 111onograph of the series and the second. l1istorica.l stt1dy. J-fjs tI-1e1ne is broad: the role of tl1e State i11 controlling ancl al­ locating rights over la11d tl1rot1ghot1t Etl1iopia11 history. As tl1e study shows land re­ forn1s i11 Etl1iopia are 11ot pec11ljar to tl1e t\.ventietl1 ce11tt1ry. Recasting of the te1rure system, fundamental c11ange i11 the tax system and introdt1ctio11 of la11d n1east1re111ent a11d registration I1ave bee11 ca.rried ot1t before in variot1s regions of Ethiopia. By and J,1rge tl1ese earlier tra,nsforn1atio11s vvere l Jolitically n1otivated: economic clevelopV

ment to raise the Jiving standard of t11ose working the soil was not then an objec tive. Today the primary goal of land reforn1, itself only one aspect of agraria n reform, is an increase in agricultural productivity with a consequent advance in the standard of Jiving of farmers. Nonetheless knowledge about earlier reforms in the context of tl1e then prevalent land tenure systems will l1opefully contribute not only to scl1olarship in general-this contribution is undoubted and significant-but also to planning for the more economically motivated land reforms of the future.

Addis Ababa June, 1966

Harrison Dunrung Edjtor, Land Ten11re Series

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Author's Preface The present volt1111e is a11 attempt to set the relatio11ship between tl1e State and land tenure in Etl1iopia i11 some sort of historical perspective. Attention l1as tht1s been deliberately foct1sed 011 this proble1u to tl1e exclusion of many other significant aspects of ct1stomary land tenure.

The student of Ethiopian. affairs cannot but fail to be impressed by tl1e major role played by the 1nonarcl1y in the syste1n o� land holdi11gs over the long span of the country's recorcled t1istory. It is important to remember, hov;1ever, that the po\vers of the Emperors were 11ot static bt1t :fl11ctuated greatly in the last half n1 illenium or so for wl1icl1 \Ve possess relatively good historical records. This had a significant effect on land tent1re. Tl1e opening chaJ)ters endeavour to trace the chang­ ing fortt1nes of tl1e monarcl1y as well as to exa1nine the theoretical basis of its authority as for1nt1lated in conte111porary writings.

Tl1e second and f�1r larger part of the work is i11tended as an exa1nination of the manner i11 \vhicl1 tl1e State affected the system of land te11ure from Al<slllnite times to tl1e eve of the Italian invasion of 1935. A chronological approacl1 ha.s been attempted ,vherever possible \Vitl1 a view to ex1)laining the sig11i.ficant changes as well as tl1e conti1111ity wl1icl1 l1as characterised the l1istory of Ethiopian land te11ure.

The pages wl1ich follow are concerned vvitl1 a n111nber of distinct tho11gh related matters, namely tl1e allocation of land by the soverejgns to tl1e nobility, provincial governors a11d otl1er officers of State; la11d. grants to churches a11d mo11asteries; the operation of royal far1ns; tl1e establisl11nent of State capitals and their effect on systems of land ten11re; la.nd ow11ersllip by foreigners and minority g1·o·ups; taxation, tribute, Jabo11r service a1Jd other obl.igations based on or related to the holding of land as ,veil as landlord tenant relatio11s generally.

Consideration is also paid, in the later cl1apters, to la11d proble111s related to the develo1 )n1ents of the Me1lilek-I-Ia.ile Sellassie l)eriod, inclt1ding the emergence of a n1 arket econon1y, tl1e founding of Addis Ababa, tl1e bt1ilding of roads and tl1e railway, and, in tl1e case of Eritrea, the irnpact of foreign rule, as well as to tl1e legislation of tI1e J)eriod w 11ic.h vvitnessed the found,ttions of a 111odern State.

Addis Ababa February, 1967

Richard Pa11khurst Director, Institt1te of Ethiopian St11dies

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PART ONE HISTORICAL. INTRODUCTION

I TI�IE ST ATE Job Lt1dolf, the seventeentl1 centL1ry German .historian and per11aps tl1e founder of modern Etl1iopian Studies 011ce declared tl1at: ''TJ1e Pov1er of tl1e Abessinian Kings is absoltrte, as "''eJI in Ecclesiastical as Civil Affairs." 1 Ex 1Jlajning that these powers i11 practice often fell sl1ort of tl1is tl1eoretical absolute, he nonetheless adds: · o·minion over tbeir ''So great a11d so t1bsolt1te a Power, and so u11co11trotilable a o St1bjects, 011e wot1ld think, sl1ot1Jd render tl1e Kings of Ethiopi,1 v,1stly Potent: and so it wo11ld, if other tl1ings were correspondet1t. " 2 Lt1dolf's qtialification was signi­ ficant, for tl1e sovereig11's at1tl1ority it1 fact varied greatly fro1n a.ge to age and from province to provi11ce a11d reqt1ires detailed scr11tiny.

Tl1e position of the Emperor was JJrobably at its strongest i11 the fot1rteentl1 and. fifteen tl1 ce11tt1ries. The Emperor Amda $eyon I (I 3 I4-1344) for exa1nple, see1ns to l1ave brool<ed no interference fro111 l1is nobles. Tl1e royal chro11icle of tl1e reign records tl1at dt1ring ot1e of 11is campaigns tl1e governors a1Jd cl1iefs begged him to return to l1is co11ntry, argt1ing tl1at tl1e rains \Vere approac]1ing and tl1at tl1e army was i11 grave danger of perishing i11 a hostile la11d. A111da $eyoo, h. o\vever, silenced tl1em, declari11g: ''Do not re 1Jeat in front of me \1/}1at yo11 l1ave jt1st said, becat1se I \\1 ill not leave ,vllile these i1npio11s 1VI11slims n1ake ,var on 1ne.. . . I l1ave con­ fidence i11 tl1e l1eJp of Goel."3 ·The supre111acy of tl1e 111011arcl1y at tl1is time is furtl1er evident from the writ­ ings of a a. Egyptian courtier, lbn Fadl Allal1 (d. 1349), \Vho, calling Amda $eyon ''a most valiant King," explai11ed that l1e exercised extensive control even o,1er the M11sli1n s11lt,1nates to tl1e east a11d. soutl1 of Sl1oa. 4 The rt1lers of those territories, thot1gl1 hereditary, were said to l1ave obtained tl1eir ,111tl1ority ''011ly upon bei1Jg invested by the Ki11g of A1nl1ara," i.e. the E111_peror of Ethiopia. When one of them died t11eir male relatives l1a.stened to tl1is rt1ler a11d ''did everyt11i11g tl1ey cot1lcl to wi11 his favo11r, as it ,vas l1e ,vl10 chose to wl10111 l1e would confer power." 5 T11e supre111acy of tl1e n1011arcl1 ,vas even 1nore apparent during tl1e reign of the En1peror Zara Yaqob (1434-1468) ,vhose chronicler says tl1at his m.aster i11spired ''a great terror a111011g the people of Etl1iopia'', wl10, ,¥hen l1e appeared, ''fled be­ fore l1in1 and took 11p a craintive and respectft1l position. " 6 So far fron1 allowing l1is officers of state a11d provincial governors any in­ depende11ce Zara Yaqob instittited a reig11 of terror in \Vl1jch n1any innocent _persons are said to ]1ave perisl1ed. All positions of power, including provincial governorships, 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

J. Luclolf, A Ne1v flistory of Ethiopia (J�o11don, 1684), p. 198.

Ibid, IJ, 202.

J. Perruchoi1, "l-Iistoire des gt1erres d'1-\mda Syon, roi q'Ethiopie" Journal Asiatiqu� (1890), pp.

347-8.

Gauderfroy Den,ombynes, fbn Fa(// al O,nc11·i Masaiii, al ;1bsar fi 11,fan1a/ik el A,nsar (Paris, 1927), p. 2?, Ibid, pp. 1-26.

J. Perruchon, Les c/1ro11iques de Zar'a Ya'eqob et de Ba'ecla lvfaryarn (Paris, 1893), pp. 4-1,6 44., 75-6. 94-101.

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, re 11 -Yl­ \Ve o wh s ce ni d an s ? er l1t ug da � n were later entrusted to the Emperor's ow n. ig re ve e so th to e i bl s on sp re ctl )' r di rs ce offi � _ ever, subseqt1ently replaced by a class of rity Za ra :7aqob was ho t au l c1a 1n ov pr of ns io sit By appoi 11ting hi s own n1en to po tintry. Troops c le 1o wl e th er ov l ro ? nt co of re s11 ea 1n _ able to a ttain a considerable tl1a � every­ g 1n s1s ha np ?1 es. inc ov pr e . th of st mo in d ere t ar , \Vere at tl1e san1e time qu . all s: the re cla de ler nic ro ch e tl1 , gn rei ve so e th to te ina rd one was entirely subo ' ng. ,,7 people trembled before the redoub table power of th e ki to tal re?rga n!­ a e iev ch to 1 io1 sit po gl1 ou en g on str � a in Zara Yaqob was tl1 t1s 11s 1 e tsid ou t s lef \Va 111g oth ''n d, tol are we ch, wlu in ent 1m 1 sation of the gover tl1at tl1 e EmJ?ero r wa s s ,v , ned cer con ure ten d lan as far � as , ul t e res Th ." authority states probably able to exercise his theoretical rights very extensively; tl1 e clrron1cle 8 except, g," kin e 1 l t of use tl1e for d rve rese _ tl1at the ''revenues of Ethiopia were an ort t imp the to d cate allo e wer cl1 whi oa 1 Sl 1 fron es enu rev the , t1gh eno ntly ifica sign monastery of Dabra Liba.nos.9 Zara Yaqob's remarkable policy of ce11tralisation. was, 110,vever, at least tem.po­ r arily abandoned by his son, Ba'eda Maryam (1468-1478) whose cl1ronicle re,,1eals that llis control of tl1e country was substa11tially weaker than that of l1is f,1ther.

Tl1is may be seen from the fact that tl1e impor tant provi11cial nobles wl1om Zara.

Yaqob l1ad replaced by his ow 11 nominees were reinstated in tl1eir former positions, 10 thereby, we 1night presume, regairung tl1eir landed estates.

TJ1e position half a. cent t1ry later was \1ividly described by the ·Portuguese priest, Francisc) Alvarez, the first significa11t foreign traveller to Etl1iopia, wl10 gives us some insjgl1t into the S)'Stem of a.pJ )oii1t1ne11t and disn1issal of governors and other officials. Alvarez, \Vho spent six years' in tl1e cot1ntry in tl1e 1520's a11d thus affords us many a glunpse of politic::11 life in Etl1iopia immediately before the fa 1 not1s invasion of Ah1nad Grail, tells us, for example, tl1at tl1e BaJ1arnagas, or ruler of tl1e nortl1ern coast,11 province, \Vas freq11ently cJ1ar1ged at the Emperor's J)leas11re. Tl1e appoi 1 1tn1ent, he explains, ''does not last lo 11ger tl1a11 \vl1at the Prester Jo1111 pleases. For i11 our tin1e, \Vl1icl1 was a stay of six )'ears, tl1ere were here four Barnagais, tl1at is to sa.y, ,vben we arrived Dori was Barnagais; be died and at J1is death tl1e crown ca1ne to Bulla, h.is so11, a youth of ten or twelve years of age, by order of tl1e Pres ter John (i.e. En1peror]. When they crowned hi1n lie \Vas at once st1n1moned to court, and wl1ile l1e \Vas at tl1e cot1rt Prester John took away his sovereignty and ga.ve it to a noble gentlen1 an, \Vl10 \Vas named Arraz a11ubilat�. Tl1is m,L 11 l1eld it two years and tl1ey took fro 1 n bi111 tl1is lordship and n1ade h�m the �reatest lord of the court, wl1ich is Betudete, and tl1e lordsl1 ip of Barnaga1s was grven to anotl1er lord." 11 <?bserving that the governor of �egre had at tl1at time also been but recently a1)po1r1ted, Alvarez says that the offic i al concerned had tl1erefore ''not finished visit­ ing all his land \vllich are under his orders a11d rule."t2 ..On this system of frequent :1p1Jointment and dis1nissal of prov 1·nc1'al r11I ers, whi ch pr evente d the en1ergence of a powerf11l class of noble landowners, tl1e Portu­ _ guese priest concludes: ''The Prester John deposes tl1en1 and appoints then1 wI1e11_ Ibid, pp. 7-10, 16, 45-7, 94-5, 101.

Ibid, p. 101.

Ibid, p. 101.

Ibid, pp. 111-112, 169.

C.F. Beckingham and G.W.B. Huntingford, The Prester John of the Jnclies (Can1 bridge, 1961), I, 114.

12. Ibid, I, 173.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

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ever he pleases, with or without cause; and on this account there is no ill humour here, and if tl1ere is any it is secret, because in this period that we remained in the cot1ntry I saw great lords turned out of their lordshlps, and others put into them, and I saw tl1em together, and they appeared to be good friends. (God knows their hearts). And in tl1is country, wl1atever happens to them, of good fortune or of loss, they say of all of it, that God does it. "13 The manner in . \Vhich the Emperor overawecl his governors is well portrayed

by Alvarez. Describi11g tl1e recall of provincial officials, the ,vay in which they were obliged to l1umble themselves before entering the sovereign's presence, and the general uncerta.i11ty surrounding their position, he declares: ''A lord approaches the cot1rt with gre,1t po1np and takes up quarters at least a leagt1e from the Court, and there he often stays a 1nontl1 or two months without stirring; and tl1ey treat them as if tl1ey \Vere forgotten as long as tl1e Prester chooses. Tl1ey do not, l1ow足 ever, refrain \Vl1ile tl1us forgotten from co.ming to the Cot1rt a11d speaking to the other lords, bt1t not with po1np or robed, but with two or three 111en, and stripped fron1 the waist u.pwards, and with a sl1eepskin over their shoulders, and so they return to tl1eir tents u11til tl1ey have per1nissio11 to come. When tl1ey get tlus permission, tl1ey enter ,vitl1 great pomp, and playing kettledrums and instru足 ments, enca1np in tl1eir place, wl1ich is already ordai11ed for each. Wl1en l1e en足 can1ps he still does not appear clotl1ed as when he 111akes his entry, bt1t walks abot1t as before his e11try, naked fron1 tl1e \Vaist t1pwards, althot1gl1 at his entry he came clotl1ed and with great pomp. So they conm1only say: 'so a11d so is not yet in favour ,vitl1 our lord, for l1e still goes about stripped'. And so as soo11 as l1e l1as any speecl1 from tl1e Prester, l1e comes out dressed, and then they say: 'So and so is i11 ot1r lord's favot1r'. TJ1en it is divulged and said ,vl1y he was st1mn1oned, and sometimes and often tl1ey rett1rn to tl1eir lordsl1i1 Js, and at otl1ers not. If tl1ey return to them tl1ey are sent a,vay more quicl<ly; and if tl1ey are taken from tl1em, they let tl1em go five, six, and seven years ,vitl1out going away from tl1e Court. By 110 n1,1nner of mea11s can tl1ey go from the Court witJ1out permission, so obedient are tl1ey, a11d so n1t1cl1 do they fear their King; and as tl1ey 11sed to be acco1npa11ied by 111any JJeople so no,v are they neglected, and they go about on a mule ,vitl1 tvvo or tl1ree men, becctt1se tl1e n1any people ,vho t1sed to accompany tl1e1n belo11ged to tl1e Iordsl1ips that l1ave bee11 taken away fron1 them, and they transfer tl1emselves to tl1e 11ew lord; and this we used to see every day." 14 Empl1asing the essenti,11 weakness of the provincial rt1ler's position vis足 a-vis the sovereig11 Alvarez tells tis tl1at a governor ''wl1en he sets out fro1n tl1e land of wl1ich l1e is lord,.. . does not leave either wife or children or any property there because lie goes away in tl1e expectation of 11ever rett1rning, since ...tl1e Prester gives wl1en he pleases, and takes a,va.y wl1en he pleases; and if he l1appe11s to take it avvay, fron1 tl1at 1noment they take from 11im whatever they find belonging to hin1 in t11e Iords11ip; tl1at is to say tl1e lord who co1nes to succeed hin1 in this place. For tl1is reason they carry everything away witl1 them withot1t leaving anytl1i11g, or at least ,vithout putting it in another lordshi1J. 15 Notwithstanding the in1n1ense po\vers of tl1e sovereign the monarchy had its inherent weaknesses, particularly when it ca111e to the s11ccession. This is clearly apparent from Alvarez wl10 observes that t1ntil tl1e reign of Lebna Dengel all tl1e En1perors ''had five or six wives, and they had sons by them or by n1ost of them.'' There were in 13 .

14.

15.

Ibid, I, 116.

Ibid, II, 445-6.

Ibid, II, 445.

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conseqt1ence n!a 11y pote11tia � clai1 11ants to � he tl1 ro� e. ''011 tl1e d�atl: of �l:e �re�ter," tl1 e _ , .

P. ortuguese priest explains, 1 t was often s,11d tl1 at tl1 e eld est born 1.nl1� r1ted '. otl1 ers sa.y . d ; otl1 ers tI1 at lie wlio appeared to tl1e Prester tbe 1nost a1Jt a11 d prt1de11t,_ 111 her1te _ _ say that he in11 erited w11 o liacl 111 ost SUIJIJort." 16 A1Jpare11tly l1 11nself of op1n1011 th::1t tl1e latter assertion was tl1e 1nost correct Alvarez records tl1at l1e h�td bee� , told by tt1e Abt1na, or l1ea d of tl1e cl1urcl1, tl1at l1e a.nd tl1e Qt1een Motl1er Eleni I1ad pla ced Lebna. Det1 gel on the thro11 e ''because tl1 ey l1ad all tl1e great 111 e11 and all the treasure in tl1 eir hands." ''Thus it a1Jpears to 111 e," Alvarez conclud es, ''tl1at besides pri 1nogenitt1re, sttJJporters, frjendsl1 i1Js and treasure e11ter i11to tl1e qt1estion."17 Elsewhere, revealing \Vl1 0 Leb11a :De11gel's st1pporters b.a d actt1ally bee! .1, 0-tvarez says tl1a t tl1e ''electors'' were six in n11111 ber, and co1nprised two eccles1ast1cs, the Abt1r1a and the abbot of tl1e i1nporta11 t monastery of Dabra Libanos, tl1 e lords of Shoa and A1nl1ara, a1 1d tvvo otl1er u11specified cot111cillors. 18 The fact tl1 at tl1e sovereign tl1t1s o\ved l1 is successio11 11ot to tl1e l1ereditary princi J)le, but to the backi11g of so111 e or all of tl1 e 11 obilit)1 a11 d l1 igl1 er clergy was, it would see1n, of no mean iroporta11ce; it gave the ''electors'', or \Vl1 oeve.r aclually had a say in tl1e selection, a strong ince11 tive to cl1oose a so\1ereig11 f,rvour::1bJe to tl1eir own interest ratl1er tl1a n. to that of tl1e mo11 archy as st1cb. On 1 nany occasions tl1ey wot1ld i11 fact select a cl1ilcl or other weal< cand idate t1nlik:ely to challe11ge tl1 eir ow11 authority a11d t1sed tl1is d evice to strengtl1 e11 tl1eir own position in tl1 e St,1te. At such ti1nes the lords 1Iai11 ed a fir11 1er control over tl1eir lands tl1 a11 \Va s the case wl1en a povverft1l sovereig11 \Vas 011 tl1 e tl1rone. �

Tl1e Etl1 ioJ)ian 11 1011 arcl1y faced one of its greatest trials i11 1527, in1 111 ed iately a_fter tl1 e Portl1gt1ese d eparl11re, wl1 e11 Lebr1a De11gel's ernpire was overru11 fron1 tl1e east by tl1e great M usliro co11 qt1eror Al1111a d Gran, wl10, witl1 the l1elJJ o f. guos obtai11ed fron1 the Arabs, occtlJ)iecl virtual!)' the entire cot111try. A. s a st1bseqt1ent Etl1iOJ)ia11 cl1ronicle declared, ''victory favoured tl1e Jvf t1sli111s... . Tl1ey do111 inated t.l1e cburcl1 of Ethiopia," a11 d were ''victors in all the b,1ttles in tl1e e,1st, \Vest, nortl1 an d sot1tl1 a11d destroyed all tl1 e cht1rches.. . . 1na11y of tl1e faithful re11 ounced their faith in tl1 e Cl1urcl1 a.11cl e111 bra.ced tl1e religio11 of tl1e Muslin1 s; scarcely one i11 ten. retained his faith." 19 The victories of Gran led_ to tl1 e te1nporary collapse 01· botl1 State a11d Cl1 L1rcl1 , but after a decade a11d a l1alf of figl1 ti11g Lebn.a Dengel's son, G�il,t\vdewos (I 5401559), succeecled, \1vitl1 tl1e l1elp of tl1e Portuguese, in defeati11g tl1e invad er i11 J 543.

'Tl1e 111 onarch)1 \Vas tl1 en restored , a11d tl1e royal 1Jrerog,:1ti\1es \Vere largel)' revived .

Tl1e reig11 of Galt1wdewos is said to l1 ave been one of peace ,111d reconstrL1ctio11 as is declared by tl1e royal cl1 ro11 icle wl1icl1 11 otes tl1at ''11 0 011e thougl1t 01· risi 1 10l� � agait1 st l1is authority, and accord reig11ed i11 l1 is palace." 20 Galawde\.\1 �s and tl1e n1onarcl1s of tl1 e next fe\v centuries enjoyed ,,ast a ut!1 ority, thot1gl1 tl1e period after tl1 e de �eat of Gran \Vitnessed tl1 e beginning of tl1e expansio11 ?f the Gallas \.\1110 �ere d estined to overrt1n co11 sid erable stretcl1 es of tI 1 e country 111 tl1 e 11ext generat1011 or so. .

Serious weaknesses in tl1 e monarch.y ,vere nooetl1 eless aJ)parent duri11 g tl1e reign of tl1 e E11 1peror Sarsa De11gel (1563-1597), one of tl1e 111 any SO\'ereigt1s wllo ca111e 16.

17.

18.

Ibid, 1,241. lbid,J,243, Ibid, I, 243n.

20.

Ibid, p. 148.

19. W.E. Conzelman, Chronique cle Galawcle1vos (Clauclius), roi cl'Ethiopie (Paris, 189 5) p. 123.

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to the throne as a cJ1ild. The nobles seem to have taken advantage of bis minority to strengthen their position vis-a-vis that of the sovereign. The chronicler of the reign insists, for exa1nple, tl1at Taklo, the governor of tl1e in1portant . province of Dan1ot, assun1ed tl1e title of Dajazmac witho11t being given it by tl1e king.21 The monarchy, tho11gh st1bject to freqt1ent diffict1lties, partic11larly over the suc­ cession a11d d·uring tl1e reign of weak kings, retained its age old authority throughout the seventeentl1 and eigl1tee11tl1 cent11ries, wlucl1 \Vit11essed s11ch in1portant events as the conflict with the Jesttits a11d tl1e establishme11t and growtl1 of Gondar as the capital of tl1e real1n.

The powers o:f the monarch in the early seventeenth cent11ry were described by the Jesuit writer, :tvianoel de 1-\l1neida, \.Vho showed tl1at tl1e Emperors of that time still exercised the rigl1t to appoint local rulers in m11cl1 of tl1e co11ntry tJ1ot1gh in son1e areas provincial dynasties l1ad come into existence. The E1nperor, he says, ''confiscates and grants all tl1e lands as a11d to whom he cl1ooses, tl1ot1gl1 there are some, cl1ietly in Tegre, tl1e lordsl1.ip a11d government of wluch 11e does not take a\v. ay from tl1e fan1ilies a11cl desce11dants of tl1eir first O\V11ers." Such provincial families, be says, i t1clt1ded tlJat of the Bal1arnagas, (whon1, i t will be recalled, was said to be centrally appoi11ted at the -time of Alvarez), as well as the local governors of the northern provinces of Serae, Sire and Ta111ben and the gover11or of Dambya nortl1 of Lake Ta11a. In this last-n1entioned provinc �e provincial office, Aln1eida says, ''never passes fro111 the race and descendants of the former lords \V]10 used to O\Vn and govern it."

Notvvitl1standi11g this te11de11cy to 111ake appointn1ents only witl1iu tl1e rt1ling provincial f,1n1ily cl1anges of governorship were said to be freq11e11t-an indication, no doubt, of tl1e sovereign's overall paramo11ntcy: ''Tl1e E1J1peror," Almeida explains, ''takes away tl1ese posts from son1e, and makes changes, and gives the111 to others of tl1e san1e fan1ilies, every t\vo years and so111eti1nes every year, ancl even every t,vo montl1s." 22 Reverting to this question in a11otl1er co11text the Portt1g11ese Jes11it observes: ''It is so usual for tl1e En1peror to exchange, alter ancl tal(e away tl1e lands eacl1 ma11 holds every t\vo or tl1ree years, sometin1es every year a11d even many tin1es in tl1e cot1rse of the year, tl1at it Cfttises no st1r1)rise." ,..fl1e significance of st1cl1 frequent appointment of officials, ,vas not lost on Almeida ,vl10 o·bserves: ''For tl1e kjng. . . i t is use.f11I that tl1ey sl1ould all be so dependent upon 11i1n. So it comes about that, some fron1 fear tl1at the lands he has bee11 given 1na.y be taken awa.y, otl1ers in tl1e ho1Je of getting tb.ose they l1ave not, all serve hi111 in peace and war and each one gives him presents in accordance with his ability, for 11st1ally lie who gives n1ore gets ro.ore and l1e wl10 gives less gets less. '' 23 Dee1Jly critical of this state of affairs, Almeida goes on to argue that it was liable to lead to all sorts of abt1se. ''Tl1e worst tlung," he says, ''is that these and other governorships of all his kingdoms and provinces seem to be sold rather than given. No one receives them except by giving for them an amount of gold which is more or less the income and profit the aspirant and applicant hopes to get from them. As there are al\vays many applicants those who give most for 21.

22.

23.

C. Conti Rossini, Historia regis Sarsa Dengel -(Paris, 1907), p. 28.

C.F. Beckingbam and G.W.B. Huntingford, So,ne Records of Ethiopia 1593-1646 (London, 1954 ), p. 72.

Ibid, pp. 88-9.

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tllen1 usually receive then1.1�11ey give n1ucl1 111ore than th� y can boues�Iy d� rive fr 111 � tlie111 and so as not to be at a loss, they fleece the peo�le, . d1spos1ng of t11e hose �ho lesse; offices and the governorsl1ips of particular p}aces _ and terr1tor1es to � pron1ise and give most in return f?r them. So 1t t? all �erely a11 a11ct1 011. Since _ t11ese governors are the lords and Judges and hol� 1n tl1e1r hands abs.ol11te control . over tl1e lives and. property of tl1e whole poJJUlat1on, generally speaki1 1g, they are all plunderers rather tl1ao governors." 24 Significant as tl1e above arg·ument 1 11ay be it does _ not in\ 1� li�ate the point iliat tl1e sovereign's freql1ent exercise of his right to ap_po1nt prov1: 3c1_al r11lers _cur­ tailed tl1e powers of the lords, thereby preventing tbe111 fron1 establ1sbJ11g l1e�ed1tary ownersl1ip of tl1e lands wliic]1 t11ey thus governed onl1 on . a ten1porary basis. The disposal of the land, as we shall see, therefore ren1ai 11ed 1n l,1rge meas11re a IJro­ rogative of the crow11 .

The establishment of Go11dar around 1636 as tl1e pern1,:1nent capital and the conseql1ent abandonment of tl1e tradition whereby the sovereig11 travelled \'Vjt]1 l1is col1rt from provi11ce to province n1ay well in the long run have produced a signi­ fican.t sl1ift i11 t11e balance of J)ower by increasing tl1e itn.portance of governors in the vicinity of the city, tl1ereby reduci11g tl1e influence of tl1e crown.

Royal power was nonetheless still considerable during tl1e tin1e of Yol1annes I (1667-1682) and Iyasu I (1682-1706) and see1ns to have been strengtl1e11 ed, at least ten1porarily, dt1ring tl1e reig11 of the En1peror Bakaffa (1721-1730) \Vhose cl1ronic Jer notes that bis master ''nominated and dismissed'' his offi cials '',1s l1 e wisl1ed'' and gave IJOsitions to t11ose \vl10 wa11ted tl1e111 ''witl1out anyone rerninding hi1 n or speak­ ing to l1in1 of it." 25 J,:1n1es Brt1ce, tJ1e eigl1teeotl1 centt1ry Sc ottish traveller and l1istoria11, attacbecl 111ucb. i111port,1nce like AI111eida to tl1e policy of frequent appoi11t­ n1ent a11d disn1issal, observing tl1at Bakafl'a by adopting the practice ''cut off tbe greatest part of the an.ci ent 11obility near Go11dar'' and thereby ''saved his cot1ntry fron1 an aristocratical or de1nocratical usur1Jation," botl1 of \Vl1icl1 co11Id I1a.ve ''struc]<: at the root of the monarcl1y. '' 16 Describing tl 1is syste111 of ap1Joi11t1nent the Scotsn1an else,vl1ere ren1arks that ''i 11 tl1e beginning of every reign, a great cl1 ange of ofli.cers 11s11ally takes JJ!ace.

A few of those, wl10 were instrument.ii in electi11g the king, retain their places, or are preferred to l1igber. B11t 110 European cot1rt cl1anges its servants oftener tl1ar1 the AbyssiDian." 27 Tl1e reign__of Bakaffa see1ns to have 1nade a. deep i111pression on his subjects.

Bruce, Vi1l10 v1s1ted tl1 e co11ntry a. co11ple of generations later, 11oted that tl1e sove­ reign's memory wa� ''odious'' a111ong the nobility, ,111d tl1 at for 1nao.y years after tJ1 e cleatl1 of the k:i11g ''tl1ere were people of credit at different ti 111es fou11 d ,vl1 o said they had n1et J1i111 at sundry places alive," tl1 ere being ''a ge11eral belief'' tl1at l1e was ''still alive'' and \.Vo11Id ''apJJear again in a]l his terrors.••2s B,1kafl"c1 \Vas succeeded by l1is son lyasl1 II (I730-1755), real pOVi'er bein a IJO\\'­ ever, exercised by tl1e old l<jng's wido\v, the EmJJress Mentewab \Vho a;�ordii1 o • to Br11ce put ''tl1e principal offices of state in tl1e l1:1nds of JJe;sons ;ttacli ed t� 24. Ibid, pp. 72-3.

25. I. Guidi, Anna/es Iohannis I, lyasu I et Bal<affa (Louvain, 1905), pp. 315-16.

26. J. Bruce, Travels to Discover the ,')ource- of the Nile i,1 the J1ears 1768-73 (Edinburgh, 1790) .

II, .. . . 607.

27. Idem, 3rd edition of 1813, ID, 16. ' 28. Idem, 1st edition of 1790, IT, 597, 607-8.

• . .

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her family.'' 29 I-Ier position was, however, challenged by the nobility who at th.is period were getting not.icibly stronger. The Scotsm.an tells of one rebellion. of nobles who are said to have included the ''principal men in Gondar," persons ''possessed of great riches and dependencies througl1out the whole kingdom." 30 On another occasion the people o.f Damot rebelled, demanding that they should be given a governor from among the sons of tl1e country, which, they claimed, was by then already the practice in G· ojam, Amhara, Bagemder and Tegre. 31 It is clear ·that a significant change in this respect l1ad occt1rred since tl1e period of Alvarez and Almeida.

The monarchy s11ffered a severe blow d11ring the reign of Iyo'as (1755-1769) when Mika'el Sel1t1l, tl1e po,verft1l gover11or of Tegre, was given the title of Ras and took over Gondar, establisl1ing what Bruce described as ''a 1uilitary government," fo11r officers being appointed ''to give force to the sentences a.ud proceedjngs of the civil jttdges." The noble on seizing power is said to have made a public speech in which l1e ''expressed n1ucl1 surprise tl1at both king a11d q·ueen had not dis­ co,1ered that they were equally 11nfit to govern. ''32 Brt1ce, whose visit took pla.ce dt1ring Mika'el's paran1ountcy, leaves no do·ubt as over all Abyssinia'' was to tl1e rea.sons for it. Observi11g that 1v1ika'el's ''su periority . due to fire-arms, 33 l1e observes: ''\.vhat, in special manner, makes the riches of Tigre is t11at it lies nearest the market, \vl1icl1 is Arabia; and all the merchandise clestined to cross the Red Sea n111st JJass tl1ro11gh tl1is prov.i11ce, so that tl1e gover­ nor 11as the c11oice of all comn1odities.. . . The strongest male, the most beautiful female slaves, tbe purest gold, tl1e largest teeth of ivory, all must pass tbrot1gh l1is ha11d. Fire-arms, n1oreover, wl1ich for many years have decided \¥110 is the 1nost powerful in Abyssinia, all these co1ne from Arabia, a11d not one can be pur­ chased witboL1t his knowing to whom it goes, a11d after havi11g h.:1d the first refL1sal of it.''34 Ras Milca'eJ, who ,vas tl1t1s tl1e ricl1est and most powerfL1l man in the real1u, deposed Iyo'as in 1769 and gave the tl1rone to Yohannes II, tl1e brother of Bakaffa, and an old n1an of over seventy years of age. Finding tl1is candidate t1nsuitable to 11is pt1r1 Jose, l1e replaced 11.im a few months later by tl1e later's fiftee11 year old son Takla H:ay111;;111ot (1769-1'777). Bruce says tb:1t by this period ''the cl1oice of tl1e king," ,vas ofte11 n1ade ''according to tl1e \Vill of the 1ninister, wl1icl1 passes and that the 111i11ister's ''inclination and interest being to for that of tl1e [Jeo ple,'' . govern'', 11e very ofte11 cl1ose a11 i11fa11t ''wl1on1 tl1ereafter lie directs, n1ling tl1e kingdo1n during tl1e n1inority, \vl1icl1 generally exl1a11sts or is eqt1aJ to the ter1n of l1is life."35 Ras Mika�el's position was vvell described by a rebel of that tin1e \Vho compl­ ained ''tl1at the Ras was really lcin.g, had subverted the constitution, annihilated all differences of rank a11d person, and tra11sferred the efficient IJarts o.f govern111ent into tI1e hands of l1is o,v11 creatlires." 36 Power was no\v firn1ly in the ]1ands of a n1an vvho sl1ortl)' before l1ad bee11 no n1ore tl1a11 a r11ler sl1bject to instant dismissal by the cro\v11.

29. Ibid, II, 607.

30. Ibid, ll, 56, 59.

31. I Guidi, A11nales Regu1n lyasu II et Jyo'as (Louvain, 1912), p. 47.

32. Bruce, op, cit, IJ, 683-4.

33. Ibid, I.IT, 91.

34. Ibid, III, 251-2.

35. Ibid, III, 262-'.3.

36. Ibid, IV, 79.

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Despite tI1is tist1rpation o� power it is si.�nificant. that the se1�bla11ce. of mon­ archy was retained. Takla Haymanot was st1ll offic1ally En1pero_1 and 1n tl1eory retained all his prorogatives. Brt1ce, who was fully aware of this fact, says that ''the kings of Abyssinia'' i11 hjs day were _ still tl1eoretically ''above all Ia\Vs'', 3� and , that royal conlllla□.ds, uttered in the tl11rd person by tl1e Qal A�e, a lc1nd of imperial herald ''11 ad tl1e force of law. ''38 Tl1ougl1 tl1e Emperor often l1eld con­ sultatiot1s befo;e deciding on a policy, we are told that he ''often'' p11nisl1ed the n1ajority ''by seodjng tl1em to prison for voting against l1is se11ti1nents." 39 Ras Mika'el was in due course defeated by an allia11ce of nobles who i11 this period seem to have been rapidly increasing in JJower, and 110w a JJpo inted themselves to the principal posi tions of state with scarcely any reference to tl1e Emperor Takla I-Iaymanot.

Tl1is En1peror, tl1011gh at times forced to a1Jpoint and dis1niss offi.cia ls at t11e dictate of 011e or otl1 er of the great lords, at other ti1nes endeavoured to fight against them. Bruce quotes him on one occasion as proudly declaring that God had preserved tl1e race of Solomon, 40 while ''11othing but the n1 emor)' of those who oppressed tl1em re1nains loaded with curses of mankind." Tl1ese words, tl1e Scotsman con1 1ne11ts, \VOt1ld l1ave been ''noble'' ]1ad tl1e Emperor only been ''at tl1 e I1ead of an. army to enforce them," but tl1 is \Vas not tl1e case. 41 After n1t1ch figl1 ting witl1 tl1e nobles, the unfortt1nate Emperor was eventt1ally clefeated by them and in 1777 wi tl1drew as an anchori te to the desert of Waldebbct. 42 This abdica tion marked a decisive stage in tl1e gradual decay of tl1e monarcl1y in \Vl1icl1 central a,utl1 ority colla1)sed, tl1e provinces beca111e virtt1ally indepet1dent ao.d power fell into the l1ands of tl1 e 111iisafe11t, or princes.

Tl1 e s11bseque11 t E111peror Ttikla Giyorgis (I 784-1800) is said for a mo1nent to have been in a l)Osition to revi ve the prestige of tl1e 1nonarchy. TJ1 e French traveller Arnauld d'Abbadie was told several generations later tl1 at th.is En1peror's cot1nsellors J1ad 11rged hin1 to restore tl1e constitutio11 of his ancestors, btit tl1at Takla G iyorgis had 11ot dared to do so, and was therefore considered by tl1e people as their last reaJ En1 peror. 43 Be tl1at as it n1 ay l1is reign see111s to have bee11 ineffecti ve, as n1 ay be see11 fron1 tl1e fact that l1e lost and regained tl1e throne half a clozen ti1nes. 1�.h e . cl1 ro?-Jcle �f tlus perio �l reports . that one of tl1e nobles preve11ted run1 from entering h is ca1)1tal at the time of 111s accession, wl1ile another noble made l1is own provincial ap1)ointn1ents appare11tly \Vitho11t refere11ce to tl1e Emperor. 4 4 The pttJ)pet cl1aracter of n1onarchy in tllis JJeriod may ft1rther be seen i n the 1atio 1s 011 obser\ oojcler's h tl1e En11)eror De1n�tros (1�00-1) of \Vli on1 we read: � � � -First th_ey bro11gl1t him _ t� tl1� Royal �alace \v1tho11t lus conse11 t. After tl1at they turned b1m 011t, ai:id, �r1ng1ng 1n �akla Ha)1mat1 ot, made hi m ki ng over the other, and _even yet a third t1me drove him ot1t 01· the Royal Palace when J1e Ii ad done notl11ng wrong."45 37. Ibid, III, 280.

38. Ibid, III, 279.

39. Ibid, III, 275.

40. The Etlliopian n1onarcby, as explained in Chapter 2, clain1ed descent from K"ing Solo111011 and and the Queen of Sheba.

41 . Bruce op. cit. IV, 260.

42. l-I. Weld Blu11dell, The Royal Chro,iicle of Abyssinia 1769 -1840 (Can1 b rt·dge, 1922). . dan la ,. ur 43. A. d'Abba ct·1e, .Douze ans de se1o Haute-Ethiopie (//b;,ssinie) (Paris, J 868), p. 141• s 44. Blundell, op, cit, pp. 232, 424, 430.

45. Ibid, p. 470.

-8-

,

Througbo11t much of this period two Of more Emperors were nominally on the tl1rone in different· parts of the country. The chronicler, perturbed by this un­ precedented situation, oli one occasion observes: ''See, men, that time was as' no ti.me had been, for tl1e kingdom was split in two." 46 Later, reporting the existence of five Emperors, one at Gondar, and four others in exile in the provinces, he declares that they were ''all sons of kings'' and had been ''scattered like dust be­ fore a wind." ''Alas," l1e exclaims, ''woe in 1ne ! :rv1y inwards are wrung, and my bowls are torn on account of those atrocious deeds.... Wl1at avails that kingdom that was snatcl1ed a\vay by 11nderli1Jgs ?''" 7 A sig1.1ificant feature of tl1e tin1es was the rise of Ras Ali Guangt1l, a Galla cllief, as ruler of Bagen1der and the power behind the throne. The chronicler re­ veals that this cl1.ief l1ad us11rped tl1e powers of tl1e sovereign and ''appointed l1is ow.n brothers,... raising then1 to bigh offices."48 Ali, who died in 1788, was suc­ ceeded by his brotl1er Aligaz (d.1803) and later by his nephew G·ugsa !vfersa (d.

1825). A dynasty of Galla rulers th11s came into existence at Gondar.

As rulers of the city and the real power behind tl1e Emperors the new dynasty so11ght to destroy the position of tl1e traditional nobility and to reassert for them­ selves tl1e traditional powers of tl1e sovereign. They did this by depriving the lords of any l1ereditary claims to land ownersllip, and by proclaiming instead that all land belonged. to tl1e crown.

Ali and his s11ccessors were, however, unable to control the whole country so

that the years of their rule were a period of civil war i1.1 \Vl1ich the provincial r11Jers further strengthened tl1eir position.

The weakness of govern1nent during mucl1 of this time was evident to a cl1ro­ nicler who evidently regretted tl1e old days. Discussing the always significant q11estion of appointment, he exclai1ns: ''we do not kno\v what appointments were made, becat1se not a single appointn1ent \Vas permanent." 49 Tl1e only appoint1nent of ,1ny duration, we ,tre told, was made ''witl1out tl1e per11lission of the Negus.''.

Writing of another series of appoint1nents the scribe sadly records that he did not know ,vl10 was given a position ''as for each office tl1ey appointed three or four eacl1 day." 50 In fl later passage we are infor1ned tl1at tl1e En1 peror Egwala $eyon (1801-1818) SJJe11t l1is time ''doing nothing, his a11thority as Negus maintained only by tbe ar111s of tl1e Galla." 51 Developing tl1e same tl1eme the cl1ro11.icler elsewl1ere declares: ''The history of tl1e kings is defective [now J and tl1e reason of this deficiency is that tl1ere was no Negt1s \V]10 l1ad JJov,;er to loose or to bind, to appoi11t or dismiss.. . . Notlung took place in tl1e habitations, since notl1i11g was do11e good or bad, no appointn1ents ru1d no dis1nissals; for tl1ere \.Vas a11 authority over tl1� Negt1s in the l1ands of a Gall1:1, wl10 ,vas called Dajazmach Gt1gsa." 52 Deploring tl1is st,1te of affairs tl1e cl1ro11icler elsewhere exclaims:· ''See, now, o men, 110\-v tin1es l1ave cl1anged.. . . nothing like it had ever l1appened.. . . Today 46.

47.

48.

49.

50,

Ibid, Ibid, Ibid, Ibid, Ibid, 51. Ibid, 52. Ibid

JJ. 401.

,

p. 471. p. 365. p. 473. p. 439. p. 476. p. 478.

. ..

{'

..

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�

.,

to d lor om wh 011e ay aw en tak and us m fro of alo p hel is I It kep has d e Go sinc he had given tl1e u11 ction of tl1e kingship.. .. there l1ad been many _ rulers �ver us 1n tl1e ktngEtyop·ya.. .. Today, in 0 11r tin1e, there is no 011e to set order· for ,,53 . s111s our y b . us from y awa far dam, for we have turned God Deeply n1 oved by the collapse of tl1e mo_nar�l1y tl1e auth_or observes tl1at at tl1is time ''there was no one to say, 'How 1s 1t that the kingdo111 has become contemptible to striplings and slaves? How is it that the �n_gdom is a I�uglting stock to the uncirc11mcized from the very beginning? I-low IS It th,1t the l<-1ngdom is tl1 e image of a wortl11ess flower that children pluck in the aut11111n rai11 s?' '' Develo1 )ing this theme of woe, the poor chronicler conti11ues: ''I indeed lament as I ponder ov�r the kingdon1, for I was present in tl1at day, in its trial and t� ibula­ tion. And I weep always without ceasi11g, as Racl1el wept because of her ch1l�re�, and as Isra.el were in bond.age of old in tl1e hands of Pl1are'on (Pharoah); It 1s afflicted, for the children. of Israel i11 these days s 11b111it to sla.ves \Vliile I weep without ceasing." 5 '4 The 11 ineteentl1 ce11 tury thus dawned on a divided and war-torn cou11try in which tl1ere was no ce11 tral authority, the governors of the principaJ provi11ces l1 av­ ing eacl1 acquired n1 ost of tl1e J)owers hitherto l1eld by tl1e sovereig11, i11cluding, as will be see11 , extet1 sive powers over the allocation of land. The state of aff,:1irs early i t 1 the cet1t11ry was described by the British traveller, I-Ienry Salt, wl1 0 declared: ''Tl1e present st,1te of Abysisinia 1nay \Vith j11stice be con1pared to tl1at of E t1 gland previously to tl1e tin1e of Alfred, tl1e governn1 ent of the co 11ntry being for1ned on tl1e 111.odel of a co1nplete feudal syste1n.''

Elaborating on this tl1 eme the Englisl1man, who l1 ad no belief in the inevita­ bility of progress, drew a pessinlistic pictt1re. I-Ie declared tl1at ''the dissensions an1ong tl1e several chiefs, the 11surpation of power by a fe,v of the 111 ore consider­ i:lble of the nobles, and tl1e degraded condition of tl1e sovereign .... too stro11gly bear 0 11t the co1nparison tl1 ough I fear tl1 at the result of tl1e str11ggle in \1/bicb Abyssinia. l1as for so Jong tin1e been engaged, is not likely to terminate in so favourable a manner as that \Vl1icl1 ens11ed in our own co11ntry." 55 Salt's pessimism, tho11gl1 seemingly j11stified at the tin1 e, \Vas in fact exaggerated, for tl1e nineteenth and early t\ventietl1 cent11ries were destined to ,vitness a great political transforn1 ation in Ethiopia co111parable to tl1e erosion of fe11dalism in E 11rope.

The situation in tl1e n1 idd.le of the nineteenth century was explained by tl1 e Britisl1 Cor1s11l, Walter Plowden, in a report for 1852 in whicl1 he discussed the power of Ras Gugsa.'s grandson Ras Ali, the ruler at Goodar. This Ras, he said, still claimed ''the rigl1t as then possessed by l1 im, of appointing all otl1er Cltiefs of Provinces, and officers of every kind, at his will and pleas11re, '' and, ''l1aving a sufficient co1nmanding force at h.is disposal," w,1s, ''in fact, n1aster and king of the country, tl1e form even of consulting the Emperor 11aving been disregarded for many years.''

Ali's control was, ho,vever, by no means absolute as tl1e power of the tradi­ tional nobility was not broken. ''Amidst the conflicts. .. of great fan1 ilies ...whose name will at any moment conjure into existence a n11merous army for rebellion or rapine," Plowden says," ''tl1e Ras is obliged to e1nploy a subtle and tortuous 53. Ibid, p. 405.

54. Ibid, pp. 469-70.

55. H. Salt, A Voyage to Abyssinia (London, 1814), pp. 486-7.

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policy, rather than violence, in order to retain his control over those fierce warriors, his equals by birtl1, impatient of a superior, and in some instances sufficiently powerful to be nearly independent." Ali's position, he concluded, thus resembled that of Louis XI of France vis-a-vis his rebellious vassa.ls. 56 Far away to the soutl1 King Sabla Sellase of Shoa (1813-1847), who all practical pt1r_poses independent o·f Gondar, also enjoyed considerable as is evident from his frequent a :p_pointment and dismissal of provincial ''These .freqt1ent changes," observed the British envoy Major Harris, ''were to counteract collusion and rebellion." 57

was for powers, officials. designed

Ras Ali's position was a few years later challenged by tl1 e dynamic personality of Kassa, the futt1re Emperor Tewodros, or Tl1 eodore (1855-1868), wl1 0, thougl1 not of ro)1al descent, soon asst1med the imperial title and adopted the name of Tewodros, it having been pro_pl1esied long before tl1at ''a ruler of tl1is name would be a world conqueror and bri11 g about an era of unexemp]ed peace and prosperity before the final cata.strophe tl1at wo11ld e11gulf tl1e world. ''58 Tewodros, who ,vas on a o. y sho,ving a ren1arkable n1 onarch and bas been likened to Peter the Great of R11ssia, 59 so11gl1t to reunify the empire, reassert tl1e old i111 perial autl1ority, a.nd destroy the powers of the lords. His character and objectives ,vere described by Plo,vden ,vho noted in 1855 that the king was ''per­ suaded that he is destined to restore the glories of Etlliopian Empire and. to acllieve great conquests." 1 ewodros, he added, was ''peculiarly jealous, as n1 ay be expected, of his sovereign rigl1ts, and of anything tl1at appears to trench on tl1 em . ''60 Plowden, who was a deep admirer of this reforming geni11s, sot1gl1t to compare tl1e role of Tewodros in Etl1io1Jian history wit11 tl1at of the Et1ropean rulers of the Middle Ages. He observes: ''Tl1e ard11011s task of breaking t11 e power of the great feudal Chiefs-a task achieved in Europe only during the reign of many consecutive Kings he l1as con1menced by chaining almost all who were dangerous, avowing his intention of liberating them w11 en l1is power shall be consolid,1ted. He has placed the soldiers of tl1 e di:fferent provinces 1111der the command of his o\.vn tr11sty fol­ lo\vers, to ,vhom he l1 as give11 ltigh titles, b11t no power to jttdge or to JJU11ish; thus, in fact, creati11g ge11erals in. place of fe·udal Cllieftains more pro11d of their birtl1 tl1an of their n1 onarcl1 , ancl org,1nizing a new nobility, a legion of ho11ot1r dependent on l1i111self, and chosen for its daring a11 d fidelity. " 61 Thougl1 largely concerned. ,vitl1 1nilitary matters Tewodros also wished to bring peace to his war-torn land, and. to i11stitt1te an extensive policy of land reform.

Plo\vden quotes l1im as eXJJressing tl1e desire ''to co1 1vert swords and lances i 1 1to ploughshares a11 d reaping books,'' a11 d to ''cause a plough-ox to be sold dearer tha11 the noblest w,1r-horse'',62 vvlule tl1ere is mt1ch evidence, as will be seen, of his wish to reduce the extent of cht1rch lands.

Tewodros, l1 ovvever, largely failed in achieving his objectives for he was obliged to spend the greater _part of l1is time in fighting his n1 any internal enemies, chiefly 56.

United Kingdom, fiot1se of Commons, Correspo11cle11ce respecting Abyssinia 1846-1868 (London, 1868), p. 67.

57. India Office, Bombay Secret Proceedi1igs CLXXXIX, 2060 K, Harris, 22.2. 1842.

58. Blu.ndell, op. cit. pp. 515-17.

59. C. Markham, A History of t!ze Abyssinia,1 E.Ypedition (London, 1869), pp. 293, 354.

60. Correspondence respecting Abyssinia, pp. 150-1.

61. Ibid, p . 150. Vide also p. 167.

62. Ibid, lJ, 151. Vide also I-I. Duftoo, Narrative of a Journey througfz Abyssinia, (London, 1867), p. 137.

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nobles ailXiotls to retain their powers. So far from acl1ievin� stabil_ity tl1e_ confl icts , if anything grew \1/orse as tJ1e years progressed. Ai1 � r111� 01an pr1e� t, f?1n1otJ1eos, describi11g the latter years of the reign, st1111s up the s1tuat1on declar111g t11at wl1 en tl1e Emperor made an expedition to tJ1e east the peoples of t?e ,vest rebelled, and _ that when J1e marcl1ed to tl1 e w�st it was the t111·11 of tl1ose 10 the east to rise. 63 Tl1eodore's atten1pts at reorganisatio11 finally can1e to an end in 1868 \.vl1en he com1nitted st1icide at Magdala after l1is defeat by the Britisl1 ex1 Jeditio11 led b)' Sir Robert Napier.

Tbougl1 the E111peror's suicide was followed by a further period of civil ":'ar his successor the Emperor Yohannes IV of Tegre (1871-1889) managed to esta.? l1sl1 peace, as well as a fair measure of control over the co11°:try. I-I� was t]1us 111 a far better position than bis predecessor to restore tl1e En11 J1re to its former grea.t­ n.ess as well as to reconstitute the power of the n1onarcl1y at the expe11se of the provincial rt1lers. A.B. Wylde, a so1netu1 1e British consul, noted at tl1e end of the reig11 that ''tl1e country King Johannes ruled over a.t llis deatl1 greatly improved d11riog the tin1e l1e was on the tl1rone. '' 64 Y0]1a□nes was succeded as En1peror by Menilek II (I 889-1913), tl1e f011nder of n1odern Etl1iopia, wl1ose achievements included tl1e in11 Jort of large quantities of fire-arms, the defeat of the Italians in the era of the Scran1ble for Africa, the ope11i11g 11p of diplom.atic relations witl1 foreign po\vers, and tl1 e reconquest of tl1 e territories to the so11th, as well as the establishment of 1nany 1nodern institutio11s, sucl1 as the railway, several roads, tl1 e first telephone and telegr.:1JJl1 system, a national c11rrency, postage stan1 ps, a 11 ational bank, tl1 e first school and tbe first hospital.65 Menilek also laid tJ1e fo11ndations of 111oder11 Etl1iopian gover111nent by re­ asserting l1is paramou.ntcy over tl1e great provincial families, and was tl1e first Emperor for almost a centt1ry and a l1alf to ap1 Joint ,:111 tl1e governors of provinces.

Th11s the Ducl1 es11 e-Fournet 1nission 01· 1901-3 argued tl1at there were 110 longer local l1 ereditary r11Iers i11 the provinces, all the governors being depe11de11t on the Emperor whose autl1ority was ''t1nlimited ;''66 tl1e first United States e11voy, Robert Skinner, describing tl1e new sitt1ation crea.ted by Menilek, confirmed a year or so later that ''Rases are nominated, transferred, and dispossessed by the Emperor at l1is ,viii.''67 Tl1e Frencl1men Baro.is, writing in 1908, dre\v a sin1i]ar pich1re. 1-Ie pointed out that Menilek bad replaced tl1e ''great almost independent provincial chiefs'' by ordi11ary govert1ors who received orders from l1 i1n; in this \Vay, he adds, the Emperor bad ''restored tl1e ce11tral at1tb,ority'' and ''ruined the old feudal syste1n whicl1 had been the cause of so many intesti11e str11ggles." 68 Menilek tl1us succeeded in re-establishing the position of the 1non,1rchy, breaking in the IJrocess much of the powers wl1ich the nobles and JJrovincial rulers l1ad usurped. He thereb)' created a power str11ctt1re at least s11perficially rein1nisce11t of that described al111ost four ce11huies earlier by Alvarez. Tl1e En1peror tl1us once again exercised considerable J)ower in all n1atters, inclt1di11g the a.llocation of la11d, 63.

64.

65.

66.

67.

68.

P.S. Dimotl1eos, Deu.x ans cle sejour e,1 Abyssinie (Jerusalem, 1871), II, 149.

A.B. Wylde, A1odern Abyssinia (London, 1901), p. 44.

R. Pank11urst, "The Reign of Menelik: an Era of Innovation," Tari/,, I, No 2, 17-29.

J. Duchesne-Fournet, Mission e11 Ethiopie (Paris, 1908), I, 242-3.

R.P. Skinner, Abyssinia of Today (London, 1906), p. 147.

J. Barois. "Impressions de voyage en Abyssinie," Bulletin de l'Institut EgJiptien, 5 serie, JI, 35.

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Another innovation which took place towards the end of the reign was the institt1tion of the cot1ntry's first cabinet; ministers were appointed with ten portfolios, na1nely for the palace, war, finance, jt1stice, com1nerce, foreign affairs, the interior, agriculture, p·ublic works, and post, telephones, and telegraphs.69 The first cabinet, tl1ough at the outset weak and inexperienced was historically important. The British envoy Thomas Hol1ler reported at the time tl1at the Ministry was ''in the main composed of quite unimportant people'' and tl1at ''none'' of them had ''tl1e vaguest ideas of their dt1ties." He no11etheless added: ''T11ere seems to be no doubt that Menelik has formed tl1e Mi11istry in all since.rity, and hopes n1t1ch from it." Hohler, for bis own part, too. k a pessin1istic view, predicting that the Ministry ''like most things in Abyssinia, excepting old ct1sto1ns, wot1ld soon fall into dist1se and decay and so collapse of itself." Tl1is view \Vas, however, as it turned out, t111justified, for tl1e Emperor persevered vvitl1 t11e cabinet, making new appointments from time to time, and tl1us enabling tl1e new instrument of Government to becon1e an ac­ cepted institution of the State. 70 The move111ent of modernisation and centralisation, first envisaged by Tewodros and later initiated by 11enilek, gained strength dt1ring the st1bsequent reign of the Emperor Haile Sellassie I \vl10 asst1n1ed the imperial throne in 1930, having becon1e Regent fot1rteen years earlier in 1916. Tl1is period, whicl1 was rudely brot1gl1t to an end by tl1e Italian invasion of 1936, witnessed several important innovations, inclt1ding the introduction of tl1e aero 1Jlane, tl1e expansion of the road network, and the establisl1,ment of scl1ools and l1ospitals. Tl1e IJeriod was also significant for the first legislation against slavery, as well as for efforts to reform landlord-tenant relations and taxation. Other developments of the periocl were the granting of the first Constitution, the introduction of a Parliament, tl1e institution of centrally ap­ pointed governors in tl1e provinces, and the creation of a civil service 111ore or less on modern lines. The State n1achine tl1us began for the first tin1e to asstime its modern cl1aracter.

The Emperor Haile Sellassie discussed so1ne of these developments dt1ring l1 is subsequent exile in England. I-Ie declared tl1at, being ''convinced tl1at feudal govern­ ment was dan1aging for tl1e state," l1e l1ad begtrn from 1917 to '':1bolish the fet1dal overlordsltips'' in Wallo, Goja1n, Bagen1der, Yejt1, Walaga and Jim111a, cl1oosing as provincial ru.lers in tl1ose provinces persons ''who were servc111ts of my o,;vn Government''. 011 the evolt1tion of cei1tral gover111uent lie explai11ed tl1at formerly tl1e ministers had possessed no offices, beit1g obliged to carry out all their dt1ties in tl1eir own homes. He bad accordingly had offices bt1ilt for eacl1 of the n1inisters and l1ad given the111 regulations ancl books obtai11ed fron1 Et1ro_pe, engcLging foreign advisers moreover to gt1ide tl1em in tl1eir work. Tl1e significance of thjs early trained, or semi-trained, ci,,1il service was not lost 011 George Steer, a Britisl1 observer of this period, wl10 declared tl1at it constituted the Emperor's ''main weapon of re­ form.''71

69.

70.

71.

Pankhurst, "The Reign of Menelik: an Era of Innovation," p. 24.

Foreign Office, 401/10 I-Iohler, 28. 10. 1907, 30. 10. 19067. Vide also Hervey, 31. 12. 1908.

Vide also Barois, op, cit, p. 36.

G.L. Steer, Caesar i11 Abyssinia (London, 1936), p. 73.

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II

THE SCRIPTURAL SANCTION OF Tl-IE STATE Though the Ethiopian State underwent many vici� situ� es in �he cour� e of . its . l ong Iiistory it tended to maintain a consistent theoretical JUStificat1on for 1ts exist­ ence, invoking tl1e Script11res both to a.cco11nt for its origin and to support and justify its authority.

Tl1e Etl1iopian sovereigns, at l east since tl1e Solomonic Restoration of the late thirteenth century, cl aimed descent from Solomon (c.974-932 B.C) and the 9u� en of Sheba, and hence association with the house of David and the rl1l ers of B1b? cal times. The story of the Queen's visit to Jert1sal em and tl1 e birth of 11er son Men 11ek, the founder of tl1 e Ethiopian royal family, was enshrined in the Kebra Nagiist, or ''Glory of Kings'', written duri11g the reign of the Emperor Yekuno A1 11lak (12701285) by Isbaq ''tl1e poor man'' who states tl1at he based it 01 1 an earlier text in the library of tl1 e Partriarchs of Alexandria. 1 The Kebra Niigiist also provided a theol ogical defence of the monarchy based on the argu.n1 ent tl1at the sovereign was annointed by God wl 10 botl 1 created and destroyed kings. ''It is not a seemly thing to revile tl1 e king," the book declared, ''for l1 e is an11oi11ted of God. It is neither seeo1ly 11or good.''

Turning to the relationship betvveen God and the kjng tl1 e Kebrii Niigiist argued that the AI1nighty would always support a good king. ''If he doeth that which is good'', it decl ared, ''l1e wil l not s11ffer loss in three kingdoms: First, God shal) overthrow for l1im 11.is enen1y, and l1e sl1all not be seized by the l1and of bis enemy. Secondl y, God shall make l1im reign witl1 Him and His righteousness, and sl1all 1 nake 11i1n to sit on I-Iis rigl1t l 1aod. Thirdl y, God shall make l1im to reign upo11 earth with glory and joy, and shall direct his kingdom for him, and shall bri11 g down t11e nations under his feet."

Tl1e case of the bad king was, however, also considered, for the Kebrii Niigast ""'ent to on declare tl1at if tl1e sovereign ''treated God lightly, and doetl1 not tl1at which is good, and dotl1 not himself wal k in the path of 11prighteousness, God shall work as I-le pleaseth against bin1; on earth He will n1ake his days to be few, and in heave11 (sic) his place of abode shal l be the .habitation of Sl1eol with the Devil. And on earth he shall enjoy neither health nor gl adness (and he shall l ive) in fea,r and terror, without IJeace and pertrubation."

The Kebra Niigiist, anxious presumably to rul e out any exct1se for insubordina­ tion, insisted tl 1at its injuctioo against revil ing the sovereign appl ied irrespectivel y of wl1 ether or not the king had the st1pport of Lord. ''It is not a good thino-," it declared, ''for any of tl 1ose \vl10 are under the dominio11 of the ki11g to re�l e l1in1 for retributio 11 bel ongetl1 to God.'' In the past, it expl ained, tl1e peopl e of Israel l1ad ''revil ed tl1 eir kinos'' and thereby ''provoked their propl 1ets to wrat11 ," even as they had later crucifi�d tlieir S�viour:. Bel iev_iog Christians, _tl1� read_er is told, shot1l d ''dwel l i11 peace, with their king without sickness and sufler1og, \1/Itbout l1 atred and offence'', for tl 1 eir sovereign 1. E.A. Wallis Budge, The Queen of Sheba and lier only son Menyelek (Londo 11, 1922), passim.

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•

''loveth God'' and ''removeth not from his heart the thing of righteousness''; his enemies, moreover, wo111d ''be scattered by the might of the Cross of Jesus Christ."2 The supremacy of the sovereign was likewise clearly laid down in the country's legal code, the Fethi:i Nagiist, or ''Law of Kings'', which proclaimed the divine right of kings in much more precise terms based on the Scriptures.3 Translated from an Arabic text written in tl1e thirteenth century by a Copt called Ibn al Assal, this document recalled tl1e words of Moses: ''Tho11 shalt in any wise set him king over thee whom the Lord thy God shall choose; one fro1n among tl1y brethren shalt thou set king over thee: tl1ou mayest not set a stranger· over thee, who is not thy brother. ''And it s11all be, when he sitteth upon the throne of his kingdom, tl1at l1e shall write him a copy of tllis law in a book, out of tl1at which is before the priests the Levites. ''4 The King, the Fet/1a Niigast declared, sl1ould receive respect and obedience as laid down in the Scriptures, for Christ had commanded: ''Render unto Caesar the things \Vhich are Caesar's; and u11to God the things that are God's'',5 while St. Paul, in his Epistle to t11e Romans, had written: ''Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers. For there is no power but of God: the powers that be are ordained of God. ''Whosoever therefore resistetl1 the power, resisteth the ordinance of God; and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation. ''For rulers are not a terror to good works, but to evil. Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power? Do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the sa1ne. ''For be is the n1inister of God to thee for good. B11t if thou do that wl1ich is evil, be afraid, for he is tl1e minister of God, a revenger to excute wratl1 upon him tl1at doeth evil. ''Wherefore ye m11st needs be s11bject, not only for wrath, bt1t also for conscience sake. ''For this ca11se pa.y ye tribute also: for they are God's ministers, at­ tending continually llpon this very tl1 ing. ''Render therefore to all their dues: tribute to wl1om trib11te is due; custom to whom custom; fe::1r to whom fear; honour to w11om honour." 6 The principle of monarchy, \Vl1ich \Vas tht1s j11stified in tl1e Kebrii Niigiist, was never seriously qt1estioned in traditional Etl1iopia. Tht1s tl1e leaders of rebellions almost invariably clain1ed to be figl1ting not on their· own bel1a]f bt1t on that of one or other prince of the royal line. D11ring an insurrection whlch tool<: J)lace against tl1e Emperor Sar�a Dengel in I 566, for example, the rebel, Fasilo, is ql1oted as declaring: ''If I make a king reign my follo\\1ers \vil1 not foresake me, becat1se the people of Etliiopia love to have a king."7 Spiritual autl1ority for the principle of monarchy is invoked in many an Ethio­ pia11 manuscript. The fifteenth ce11tury life of King Lalibala, one of tl1e usurping rulers of the Zag\ve dynasty, observes, for example, that one cannot ascend the 2. Ibid, pp. 64-5.

3. I. Guidi, II 'Fetha Nagast' or Legislazione dei re (Roma, 1987), pp. 467-75.

4. Deuteronomy, XVIII, 15, 18.

5. Matthew, XX1I, 21.

6. Romans, XIII, 1-7.

7. Conti Rossini, 1-Iistoria Regis Sarsa De11gel, p. 4.2.

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throne except by the will of God an. d that if this will_ n1 anifests it�e1� it cannot fail to acco111plish its design. Tl1e author elsewl1ere cla111;1s tl1at Lalibala had no desire to retain tl1e tlu·one for his son, and, on con11)let1ng t]1e famous cb11rcl1es in Lasta expressed tl1e \Vis11 tl1at ''God should take back tl1ese royal functions a11d rest�re tl1e1n to the l1 ot1se of Israel,'' i.e., the So]omonic dy11asty. 3 The cl1ro­ n i cler goes 011 to aver t11at tl1e usurper had give11 Biblical justificatio11 for tlus proposal, citing tl1e Lord as having said that it was for the ho11se of Israel that He I1ad created all tl1e nations, that I-le had c11 osen it a1no11g all peoples, and that I-le had pro1nised David that He ,vou]d place l1 is posterity on l1is tl1 ro11e. 9 The royal cl1rooicles of later reigns contain n1any staten1ents and argt1n1 ents en1pl1asis i t1g tl1e divine sa11ction whicl1 lay behi nd the sovereigns of tl1eir day. Thus the cl1ro11icle of Zara Yaqob (1434-1468) describes this En1peror as ''tJ1e anointed of tl1e Lord," 10 and that of Iyasu II (1730-1755) traced tl1e sovereign's descent as far as Solo1J1on and even Adam and Noal1, 11 \VlliJe tl1e chronicles of tl1e Go11 dar period contain many argt1n1ents remi11iscent of tl1e Fetl1ii Nagiist.

Tl1e chronicle of Yoha1Jnes I (1667-1682), for example, quotes fro1n the Epistle of St. Peter: ''Fear God. I-Ionot1r the King," 12 as well as from St. Paul's Epistle to t}1e Ro111a11s: 13 ''Let every sot1l be i11 st1bjection to tl1e l1igher J)ov1,1ers: for there i s no power b11t of God, and tl1e po\vers that be are ordainecl by God. Therefore he tl1at resistetl1 the po¥ler, \Vitl1standeth tl1e ordi11ance of God." 14 The cl1ro11icle of Iyasu I (1682-1706) like\vise q11otes the i11jt111ction, ''Fear God. Honot1r tl1e King," and goes on to ask: ''I-low can one l1onour a ki11g of the ortl1odox faitl1 \Vl10 111arches in tl1e l)atl1 of the Apostles, if' not by obe)1i 11g bis orders?'' 1�11e answer, according to the c11ronicler, \.Vas clear, a1Jd n1ea11t that ''tl1e order of tl1e ki11g i s tl1e order of God, a.11d to obey tl1e order of the king is to obey the order of God." 15 16 st1pport, divine 1nonarcl1y tl1e give to s011gl1t also II Iyast1 of cl,roujcler The .. c1t1ng, for example, the injunctions of Davi d agait1st raising one's ha11d. against the ano.i nted of the Lord. 17 Tl1i s then1e \.Vas also repeated in tl1e cl1ronicle of lyo'as (1755-1769) 18 \.Vhicl1 quoted tl1e \Vords of San1t1el: ''Stretch not fortl1 thy l1and against tl1e Lord's anoi11ted, for he wl10 la.yeth his hand on the Lord sh,111 not be pt1ri fied from his stai11." 19

An origin �I a11d n1ucl1 _ more sopl1i sticated j11stification of tl1e n1onarchy was, how �ver, also 1n �or1)orated 1n tl1e cl1ronicle of Iyasu II.20 Drawn frorn the Etbiopic vers1011 of tl1e h. istory of Alexander tl1e Great, it sougl1t to explain and rationalize the so,,ereign's actions by asking the qt1estion \Vl1icl1 the Gree.k conqt1eror is said 8.

9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

J. Perr11cho11, Vie de Lafibafa, roi d'Ethiopie (Paris, 1892), p. 81.

Ibid, p. 127.

Idem, Les Clironiques de Zar'a Ya'eqob et de Ba'eda Maryarn, p. 3.

Guidi, Anna/es .Regum lyasu II et Iyo'as, pp. 3-6.

I. Peter, II, 17.

Ron1ans, X11I, 1-2.

Guidi, Anna/es Iolzannes I, Iyasu I, et Bakaffa pp. 41-2.

Ibid, pp. 169-70.

Guidi, Anna/es Regu,n J;,asu II et I;1o'as, pp. 73. 113.

I, Samuel XA'VI, 9, 11; San1ueJ, I, 14.

Blunde11, op. cit. pJJ. 311-12.

I, San1uel, XXVI, 9.

Guidi, A1111ales Regu,n Iyasu II et Iyo' as, pp. 59-60.

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to have put to the wise men of Persia, namely: ''Who ... maketh thee to labour in all these wars? And why dost tho11 gatl1 er together all (these) possessions? For 1 ain witl1 thee, and that they ren that none of them will t�ou knowest after death _ will per1sh; ft1rther, thou knowest not who will ·be king after thee."

Alexander's reply, very simply, was that it was the will of God tha.t kings sbo11ld rule, and that they served Flis purposes. ''This," Alexander said, ''is the decree of God Aln1igbty, tl1 e Gloriot1s and Exalted, and it is He who directeth kings according as l1e desiretl1 , and they beco1ne, as it were, servants of Him who doeth according to I-Iis will. I-le raisetL1 up kings an.d to 11im tl1at worketh rigl1 t­ eot1sness I-le sl1 eweth I-li1nself gracio11s, and 11i1n that worketh wickedness and in­ iqt1ity }le clestroyeth. It is I-le w110 maketh ki11 gs to rule, and it is He who openeth out to tben1 tl1e whole world, and it is He wl10 gatl1eretl1 together ricl1 es for them.''

Discussing his own conq1 1 ests Alexa11 der is supposed to I1 ave spoken in fatalistic yet, in tl1 e Etl1iopian context, higl1ly significant ten11s, on tl1 e qt1estion of the st1c­ cession, declaring: ''I l1ave opened ot1t tl1 e bot1ndaries of migl1ty lands and cou11tries, and I have subdt1ed the k . i11gs of the eartl1 e,,erywl1ere, in tl1 e e:1st and in tl1e west, ir1 tl1e sot1tl1 and in tl1 e 11ortL1, and I have gathered together riches. And I sl1all leave (all) tl1 ese tb.i11gs to whomsoever con1 eth after me, even as I l1 ,1ve received the1n fron1 lum tl1at was before me."

De,1elo1Ji11 g a more pl1ilosopllical expla 1 1ation for his own actions as king, as well as for tl1ose of perso11s in 1nore menial walks of life, Alexander sot1 gl1 t to a11 swer the question why people should toil rather tl1 an enjoy a life of ease. Finding the answer, like so many otl1 er Etl1 iopian atrthors, i11 the Bible, b. e cleclared that ''God Almigl1ty, the Gl.oriot1s a11 d Exalted, l1 atl1 decreed tl1 ese tl1i 11gs in I-Iis creatures that His good \vill and pleasure may be (,vrot1ght) in the world, for if I-le had not desired us to do them and l1ad not helped us tl1erein, tl1en notl1 j 11g whatsoever wot1ld l1 ave been accomplisl1 ed by 11s. I fincl that 1ny sot1l Ioveth ease, and tran­ qtrility and peace, a 11 d rest, bt 1 t tl1e ,vill of God desireth battle, and tl1e gathering together of ricl1 es, and toil, and tl1 e going into JJer.il and destruction; and if I ,vere to seek deatl1 \vl1en da11 ger pressetl1 harcl upo11 me, I should not find the 'rvay tl1ereof. A11 d n1 oreover, it is 11ot of my o,vn wish that I do tl1 ese tl1 ings, for it is God Almigl1ty ,vl10 movetl1 me tl1 ereto. If God Al1nighty, tl1 e Gloriot 1s and the Exalted, were 11 ot (to place st1cl1 tl1 ot1gl1ts) jn the l1earts of n1 en a11 d so n1ove them to labo11r, tl1e work of tl1e world would never be carried on. A11d if God I1ad 11ot i111pla11 tecl the love of gathering toget11 er, and of l1oping, and of labot1ring tl1 erei11, none of the worl<s connected witl1 the sowing a11 cl tl1e planting of tl1e world \VOttld ever be do11e, and n1 en wot1ld be ,veary of toil wl1erein they labo11 r, a11 d they would never desire tl1 e fatigt1e of jot1rneying or travelling by land or by sea. And if n1 en did 11ot tl1 ese thi11gs tl1en 11one of them \vould find a11y­ thing which he desired either for his claily bread, or for the improvement of l1 is condition and tl1 e world would in a short tin1e be destroyed, and the race of men wo11ld d{e ot 1 t a11d conJe to a 11 e11 d. For this reaso11 God Almighty hath \Villed that n1 en sl1 all do tl1 e \Vork wl1ich is in tl1e world, and f.[e batl1 ordained that the children of Adan1 sl1 all toil for the i111proven1 ent of their position and for the mt1tt1al advantage, tl1 at the good will and pleas11re of God Almighty, the Glorio�s and Exalted, i11 respect of condition and ordinances of tl1 e world 1nay be acco1npli­ sl1ed thereby. "21 The i1nportance attached to tl1e Solomonic descent in the early eigl1teentl1 centt1ry 1 nay be illustrated by tl1e brief reign of tl1 e Emperor Yostos (1711-1716), 21.

E..11.. Wallis Budge, The Life a11c/ Exploits of /1/exander the Great (London, 1896), pp. 423-5.

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is o th tsid er t ha t _ ys s ho w � e, dg Bu . � ge ea lin a nobleman wl10 could not claim royal e, as bl a v, la ai e lin ic on m lo So � e th of an m no n came to the throne at a time wl1e ed hi m ''the c uc s 11l wo sil Fa � n so s 11.i � at th d ce un _ notes that when Yostos anno ­ ere ey th Th e. lin 1c 1ou lon So e th of g ,, kin a soldiers ... were furious ... for tl1ey \vanted ­ ery ev on 11J re1 he I, ll: as Iy of n so e th :V t, wi Da fore insisted on gi ving tl1e throne to he s via n; rso pe s hi 1n red to res en be d ha ne l i one rejoiced, for the Solomonic crowned amid universal rejoicings. "22 Witl1 tl1e collapse of the monarchy and the rise of the nobility in tl1e e�gh�eentl1 century the Scriptural authority of Government nevertl1eless ·underwent . a s1gn1ficant transformation, being invoked on bel1alf of the lord who actually wielded power just as if he was a sovereign.

This d.evelopment is clearly a.pparent at t he tin1e of Ras Mik:a'el Seb11l. A chronicler of that time, discussing that chief's choice of Takla Hayn1anot II as Emperor in 1768, frankly ad mits that Mika'el was not fulfilling the wishes of the prev ious sovereign, Iyo'as I, but was making his own deci� ion and. t�ereby, it is suggested, full.filling the will of God. The chronjcler does thls by quoting the Ras as declaring that it was the Father, the Son and the Holy Spiri t \Vl10 granted a Kingdon1,23 a clear indication tl1at the old theories formulated in support of monarchs could be invoked on behalf of king breakers and. makers. Tl1e chronicler indeed gives Mika'el h is full support; he declares that the Ras was ''appointed by God alone'', and describes him witl1 sucl1 lal1datory epitl1ets as ''prince of mangates," ''prince of won.derful n1en'' and ''thl1nderbolt prince o f. tl1l1nderbolts." 24 Similar Scriptural j11s tification was employed on behalf of other rl11ers Olltside the royal line. Tl1us we find a cbro11icler declaring that tl1e Galla chief, Ras Aligaz, was ''appointed by the will of God,"25 and adding: ''truly was the appointment of Ras Aligaz from tl1e Lord, for everyone bowed themselves under his foot. And when he \Ve11t forth to war there \Vas 110 one wl10 co11ld stand llp before l1im.'' 26 The cl1ronjcle in fact gives the appointment of Aligaz exac tly the same Scrip­ tural a11thorit)' as if he were a king. It claims that tl1e Ra s ''governed the whole world for be was appointed by the voice of God." In Sllpport of this statement it goes on to explain that ''the Bible says: They shall not appoint a ruler except by the will of God. When there is an a.ppointment of rulers before the Lord it is not rigl1t that they should be d i sloyal to l1im, for tl1at is to strive against God:''27 Some kind of utilitarian jl1s�ificati on of Government at least slightly remini ­ _ scent ?f tl1at of t�e Eng�s11 philosop�er Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679), but withal very different fron1 1t, was 1ncorpor,1ted 1n at least one of the cl1rorlicles. Its alithor who states tl1at Ras �ligaz, achie_ved tl1e ''miracle'' of bringing pe,1ce to the coun� try, conunents tl1at ''1f a ruler IS good the times are good, and if a ruler is a estructi on of a city is by tl1e b�d one the times are bad," ad�ing that "th � _ � . er and the l1fe of a city IS 1n the goodness of her ruler." , dness of he ru wicke ! � _ In s11pport of tl11s view the chronicler tells of a ''Ki11g amo1 1g Kings'' wI1o said to a '' V:ise man amon_g wis� men,'' . ''How is t !1e goodness of tl1e time to be reckoned?'' ; the wise man replied, The times are indeed as art tl1ot1, if tl1o11 art evi l tlie 22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.

E.A. Wallis Budge, A History of Ethiopia (London, 1928 ), IJ, 438-9.

Blundell, op. cit, pp. 203-4.

Ibid, pp. 206, 221-3, 226.

Ibid, p. 393.

Ibid, p. 401.

Ibid, p. 392.

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times are evil, and if thou art good the times art good." This view, we are told, had the support of the Bible wherein it was stated, ''As is the ruler so is the land. '' 28 During the period of the masafent several of the chiefs also laid claim to Solomonic origins. This descent was claimed, for example, by both King Sahla Sellase of Shoa and Ras Webe of Tegre. The importance of such claims appears to have been also recognised by Ras Ali, the Gal]a ruler of Bagemder and his mother the Empress Manan. Budge declares that this wise lady .knew that ''sooner or later the people ,vould rise against him ...because he did not belong to the Solomonic line''. She there[ore ''ordered the genealogists of the royal house to search for proofs i n their archives that Ali was a descendant of Solomon and the Queen of Sheba. Naturally the scribes discovered doc11ments which proved beyond all doubt that Ali was a legiti1nate occupant of the tl1rone, and they produced a pedigree which satisfied their astute mistress." 29 With the revival of royal power under Tewodros (1855-1868) Scriptt1ral autho­ rity for tl1e monarchy was once again invoked. Tl1 e missionary Stern informs us that the Emperor to,vards the end of his reign ordered the learned men to trace out liis descent from Solo1non by way of the Emperor Fasiladas. 30 The tradition th11s re-established was continued by later Emperors. Tl1us the chronicle of 11enilek II contained chapters going back to tl1e Queen Sheba and Solomon, 11 wl1ile the Emperor Haile Sellassie I's decree establishing the Constitt1tion of 1931 stated tl1at the Emperor had been ''called to the Empire by the Grace of God," Article III expressly stating that his line descended ''without interr11ption from the dynasty of Menilek I, son of King Solomon of Jert1salem and o.f the Queen of Ethiopia, known as the Queen of Sheba."32 The Emperor's descent from David ,vas likewise referred to a few years later in the ne\vly constit11ted. Parliament when �al1afe Tazaz Afawarq, the President of tl1e Chan1 bers of Deputies, in addressing the sovereign recalled the Psalrns: I will not lie 11nto David; I-Iis seed sl1all end11re for ever, And I-Iis thone as the s11n before me.

It shall be established for ever ,ts the 1 11 00n, And as the faithf11I witness i11 the sky. and went on to describe him as the ''ligl1t of Etliiopia,"33 The Scriptt1ral sanction for the monarchy, its 01-ig ��s and fu?ctio!ls, wa� thus . . a fundamental and well nigh per1nanent ·basis of polit1cal tl11nk1ng 10 tra ?1t1onal Ethiopia, the idea of the divi11e right of kings . a� cor�ing very clos� ly WI th t�e actual practice of Etliiopian Government an? a_d1run1strat1on, and bearing, �ts will be seen, a significant relationsl1ip with certain 11nportant aspects of land ten.ure.

28. Ibid, p. 417.

29. Budge, ,'1 Jfistory of EtJ,iopia, II, 484-5.

30. I-1.A. Stern, The Captive Nlissionary (Lo11don, 1868), pp. 99-101.

3 l. Gucbrc Sellassie, C/1ronique clu reg11e cle lvfenelik II (Paris, 1930-1), I, 1-20.

32. M. Perham Governnze11t of Etl1iopia (Lo11don, 1948), PP· 409, 411.

33. E. ColJon1b�t, L'Ethiopie 111oder11e (Dijon, 1938), P.281; Psalms LXXXIX, 35-6

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PART TWO ANCIENT TIMES

m

SECULAR LAND POLICIES IN THE AKSUMITE El\1PIRE r=-·our knowledge of tl1e Aksumite Empire is in genera� �nsuf_Iicie11t . to e1:1able us to speak with precision on tl1e systems of land ten11re existing 1n ancient t1n1_es. _ There is, however, evidence that the warrior kings of that period had exte11s1�e powers, though the extent to wl1ich they interfered in matters of land ten11re ts uncertain.

Tl1 e powers of the Aksumite r11lers may be s11r1nised from an inscri1Jtio11 �ho11�l1t to date from the first century A.D. in ,vbicl1 a sovereign of unkno,vn 1dent1ty tells of various campaigns in wluch l1 e reports that l1e ''n1ade wru· 11pon the f?l­ lowing nations, and by force reduced tl1em to subjection." Tl1en follows a brief acco11nt of several campaigns. In one of tl1 ese, aga.inst tl1e Gaze, Agan1e ::1nd Sigye peoples, the king says that he ''extracted tl1e half of all tl1at tl1ey possessed,'' while after another can1paigo, against tl1e Sesa people, h.e claims to have selected ''tl1e best of their yo1111g n1en and their women, with their sons and daugl1ters and. all that tl1ey possessed." At tl1e e11d of the figl1tit1g tl1 e king apparently aclopted a policy of clemency for J1e says that upon tl1e s11bmission of l1is enemies he ''restored tl1eir territories to tl1em, subject to tbe _payment of trib11te. Many ot11er tribes besides these submitted of' their own accord, and became likewise tributory."1 A11otl1e.r glimpse i11to tl1e ancie11t \vor1d is afforded by one of the inscriptions of the En1pe.ror Ezana \-\111 0 is believed to l1a\1e reigned in the fo11rth cent11ry A.D. It seems to contain a reference to the q11estion of land tenure and s11ggests t11 at tl1e sovereign's po\.ver in tl1at field was co11siderable.

Tl1e insc1iption, which \Vas carved in sto11e on Ezana's behalf, states that the Bega J)eOJ) J e, \Vho are believed to have inhabited the lowland co11ntry of JJresent­ day western Eritre,t or eastern St1dan, l1ad rebelled and that Eza11a tl1ereupo11 sent J 1is brothers, Sl1aiazana and I-Iadefan, against them. Tl1e brotl1 ers n1 ade \Var on the rebels and subdued tl1em, captt1ri11g six trib11tary ki11gs and many can1 p-followers as well a large nun1.ber of cattle a11d J)ack anin1aJs.

Tl1e priso11ers \-\1ere tl1 er1 brought to Ezana's presence, and, accordino to the inscriptio11, \Vere well treated, being given a large q11antity of meat, grtiain, and br �ad, as _well as beer, wi11e tlnd \Vater,. to dri?k on tl:e jot1rney. Eventuail}', on be1ng re �e1ved by Ezana, they were prov1ded with all kinds of food and apparel, after \Vlncl1 tl1ey were allo\.ved to depart, and, the inscri JJtion says, \-\'ere ''settled in a district . belonging to our dominion, wl1ich is C,llled Matlia(?). And. \�le coin­ n1 anded again that food should be given to them, and we granted to tlie six kings 25,140 cattle.'' 2 Our understandi11g _of . the a?ove incidei1t, wluch rests exclusively on the brief inscription above cited, 1s 1ns1lfficient to allow us to speak witl1 too 111uch certainty 1. J.W. McCrindle, The C/1ristian TopographJ1 of Cos,nas, an Egyptian 1vfonk (London 1929)' pp. . 61-4 . . ' Eh u• ry o'r 2 . Budg e, A i:-i1sto t iopia, I, 245-6.

1

-20-

abo11t its implications. One moclern writer has, however, seen it is an unmistakable case of settlen1ent policy, arg11ing that what Ezana in fact did was to transport the Bega ''from their original d.ry home and arid territory, where they could be Jjttle more than robbers," to ''one of the fertile areas'' of the Akst111ute en1pire, the En1peror havi11g tl111s ''exercised remarkable wisdom in statecraft.'' 3

3 . E.S. Pankhurst, Ethiopia, a Cult"r "' al

1 r i·sto,·y ri, .

(Woodford Green, 1955), p. 50. ·

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IV

EARLY LAND GRANTS TO TI-IE ClIURCI-I Tl1 ougl1 we possess no docll?1 entation on th� state of land tenure during tl1e Aksumite period there is a certain amount of ev1dence t� suggest tl1 at tl1� Cathe­ .. _ dr. al of St. Mary at Akst1m, the monasteries of Abba Gar1n1a and J?ab�a Damo and several other religious establishments received grants of land at tl1 1s time from the State.

Tl1 e traditional practice, as will be explai11ed n1ore ft1lly in a later chapter, _ _ with land was for the sovereigns to endow cathedrals, cl1t1rches and n1onaster1es as well as to give land to tl1 e ecclesiastics in attendance upon then1 . Wh_en_ e�actly tl1is practice originated is obsct1re, tl1 ougl1 it sl1011ld be noted tl1at Chr1st1an1ty 1s_ believed to have becon1 e the State religion of the Aksuniite En1 pire during the reign of Ezana in the early fourth century. The Byzantine writer .Rufi.nus states that Frumentius, the young Syrian responsible for tl1e conversion, l1aving acqL1ired influence witl1 Sofya, the Queen n1otl1er of tl1at time, t1rged tl1 e Christian n1 erchants ''to esta.bUsl1 conventicles in various places wltich the:y 1night resort for prayer'', provided tl1 em with ''whatever \Vas needecl, supplj1ing sites tor buildings and in every way pro1notiog the gro\vtl1 of tl1 e seed of Christianity in tl1 e cot1ntry." J_,ater, on bei11g co11secrated. Bisl1 op of Ethiopia by St. Atl1ar1asit1s, tl1.e Patriarch of Alex­ andria., Frt1mentil1s is said to l1a,,e ordai11ed priests a11 d deacons and bt1ilt churches ''and so introd11ced tl1 e Cl1 ristian Religion into Etl1iopia." 1 Towarcls tl1e end. of the fifth or beginning of tl1 e sixtl1 centt1ry a large nt1n1 ber of n1 011 k:s found their way to Etl1iopia \\ ]1 ere they translatecl the Scriptures and fou□ded cburcl1 es and monasteries. TJ1 e best known of these 111 on1<s were the Nine Saints: Abba Alef, Abba Sehma, Abba Aragawi, Abba G�iri1na, Abba Pante]ewon, Abba Liqanos, Abbft Gt1ba and Abba Yemata, \Vl1 0 are said to l1 ave arrived during tl1e reign of the E1nperor Al Ai11eda; they are believed to l1 a.ve been of Syrian origin and to l1ave come fron1 Co11stantinople. These l1 oly me11 playecl an important role in tl1e establisl101 ent of n1 onasteries. Th11s Abba Alef fot1nded that of Bel1za, Abba Aragawi tl1at of Dabra Damo, Abba A.fse that of Yel1 a a11 d Abba Garima th.at of Madara. 2 Several otl1er monasteries are tl1ot1gl1t to have been founded at abol1t tl1is tin1e, amo11g then1 that of Enda Abba J\1ata i 11 tl1e Sen1eo­ zana area of Eritrea, said to have been established by a rnissio11ary fron1 Syria,3 ancl tl1at of Da bra Si11a in tl1 e country of tl1 e Mensa, by a. certain Y ol1 a11nes from Egypt.4 The establishment of sucl1 ch11rches and monasteries appears to have been accompanied by extensive grants of land .

1 e Etltiopia11 cl1urcl1 has preserved information on clt least seven la11d grants Tl . . believed to l1 ave been made by AksuIIllte r11lers. Tl1e documents on wl1ich tI1ese grants are said to have been recorded were written n1 any centt1ries later, but may 1

Ludolf, op. _ cit. pp. 250-1; Budge, A History of Ethiopia, !, 147-8; PankJ1 urst, Etlriopia, a Cultural Hrstory, pp. 56-7.

2. I. . Guidi, La clr �esa abissina e la clriesa russa (Roma, 1 890), p. 6; Budge, A History of Etlrio­ p1a, I, 152, -59-60.

3. C. Conti Rossini, Prirrcipi di dirirto consuetuc/inario c/ell'Eritrea (Ron1a, 1916), p. 394.

4. Ibid, p. 413.

1.

-22-

weJl have been based on then existing records or on an accurate oral tradition.

It is of course also possible that some at least of the scribes, intentionally or not, introduced an element of wishful tl1inking into their \VTitings. Bruce's state1nent that the grants ''tl1ough expressed in legal for1n are probably all forgeries,'' how­ ever, appear obviol1sly untrt1e. 5 Tho11gl1 there is in the last analysis no way of proving or disproving the authenticity of tl1e documents the evide11ce at present would suggest that they are probably substantially correct. G.W.B. I:-Iunti11gford. has indeed cogently argued that these ''charters'' should be rega.rded ''as genuine records of grants preserved· botl1 in the books and in the traditions of the CatL1edral of Aksum and the convents.''

He adds tl1at ''tl1e probability of gen·uine transmission of early kings of a sanction cla11se invoking a curse on 'any 011e who violates or infringes this charter' confirms the s11ggestion that these are gen11ine redactions of early grants preserved at first in tradition.''6 The seve11 Aksun1ite land grants of wl1ich we have record are a]J of consider­ able importance. Two are said to l1ave been written by the E1nperor AbreL1a and A�beh.a, two brotl1ers wl10 are believed to have rt1led at the time of the intro­ duction of Christianity and I1ave been often identified as Ezana and one of his brothers, 7 t\VO by tl1e E111peror Gabra Masqal, a sovereign of the sixtl1 century, and three by the En1peror Anbasa Wedem, a subsequent r11ler \V11ose reign is dif­ ficult to date. The gifts attribt1ted to Abreha and A�bel1a, as well as those of Anbasa Wedem, were to tl1e Cathedral of Seyon at Aksum, while those of Gabra Masqal \vere to tl1e convents of Abba Garima and Dabra Damo.

The first of the gifts of Abreha and A�beha to the Cathedral at Aksum, lists two groups of territories granted to the Catl1edral, a11d states that these grants had been made i11 order tl1at tl1e roya.l donors should be cond11cted to heavet1 and that tl1eir children, \Vl10 would sit on the throne of David, should be blessed.

Lest anyone should atte111pt to deJ)rive the Catl1edral of its lands two pra.yers were appended, eacl1 applying to one grou.p of tl1e donated lands. One of tl1ese prayers asked tl1at anyone transgressi11g tl1e grant sho11ld be ct 1rsed by tl1e Fatl1er, Son and I-Ioly Spirit; the other invoked a si111ilar ct1rse from St. Peter and St. Paul.8 The seco11d of AbreL1a and A�beha's land gra11ts specified a ft1rther gro11p of lands ,vhicl1 were granted to the Cathedral, a.nd likewise states that the grant was made in order tl1at the do11ors should be taken to heaven. The charter also prayed that any one violating it wo11ld be cursed by Peter and Pau]. 9 Gabra Masc.1al's grant to the covent of Abba Garima specifies the various lands with. ,vbjcl1 it was e11do\vecl, but includes no comments or curses. The grant to Dabra Damo, on the otl1er hand, declared thc1t the Emperor had arranged with the Abuna, or head of the churcl1, that anyone, whether chief or governor, neigh­ bour or stranger, enteri11g the lands in qt1estion, would do so on pain of ex­ communicatio11.10 To m.ake this tl1reat permanent it was explained that the curse 5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

Bruce, op. cit., 3rd edition p. 17.

G.W..B. Huntingford, Land Cl1arters of Norther,1 Ethiopia (Addis Ababa, 1965), p. 3.

Some writers have identified A.braha with the fourtl1 century Emperor Ezana in which case A�bel1a may be assumed to have been Shaiazana, while_ others have ta�en the view . th:t t ASbeha was the san1e as the sixth century ruler Kaleb. V1de Budge, A History of Eth,op,a, I, · 258; Pan'khurst, Ethiopia, a Cultural History p. 57.

C. Conti Rossini, Liber Axumae (Louvain, 1954), p. 20.

Ibid, pp. 20-1.

Ibid, p. 21.

- 23 -

would be repeated by Ga.bra Masqal's successors, beca.tise, like 1111n, ''the)' would all have the spirit of the Lord. " 11 The existence of both the above grants of Ga.bra Masqal is recognized i11 at least two later works: a l1onlily composed by Yohannes, a fifteenth century bisl1op of Aksum and a fifteenth or sixteenth century life of Abba Aragawi, one of the nine saint;. The latter document gives us a revealing glin1pse of tl1e n1anner in which the land grants were probably often 1nade. It relates tha� at th� begi11�ing of his reign Gabra Masqal visited Abba Aragawi and b:�ged 111s blessing, sa.y�ng, ''0 1:.atL1er, bless n1 e and n1 y kingdom and all my ar111 y . Tl1e l1oly 111an replied, ''May God bless your reign as He blessed the reign of David and. Solon1on your ancestors and as He blessed the reign of yo11r fatl1er Kaleb. Mal' J-Ie prolong yo11r days, protect your soldiers and put to fligl1 t your enemies and tl1 ose ,vl10 l1ate you. May the good whicl1 you think of doing to the ch11rches a11d orphans be accomplished!'' The 1nonk t11 en gave liis advice as to how the Emperor could render his ki11gdom strong and overcome l1 is er1emies, after wl1ich the two men discussed the building of the convent, to which Gabra Masqal later gave innumerable presents.

Subsequently, on the death of the monk, the En1peror is said to l1ave called to­ getl1er all tl1 e monks and to have made liis grant of land, enn11merating the various districts and villages he was presenting; l1e then called upon tl1 e Abuna to pro­ claim tl1e exco1nn1unication of anyone attempting to ust1rp the lands in question. 12 TL1e three decrees of tl1e En1peror Anbasa \Vedem either confirmed l1is pre­ decessors' grants of land to tl1e Catl1edral at Aksum or gave it certai11 new lands.

In one of these decrees there was a prayer that anyo11e violating its terms sl1ould be cursed by tl1e Father, Son and Holy Spirit, wl1ile in another version the king is said to have declared that l1 e l1ad given the land not by the bearer of tl1 e royal word or by any governor, but by his own n1outh tl1at l1e migl1t be t,1ken to l1eave11. A prayer ,-vas added tl1at anyone violating tl1is decree sl1ould be cursed tl1roughout the centuries by the Father, tl1 e Son and the Holy Spirit, by our La.dy Mary and by Peter and Paul. 13 Etl1 iopian traditions and legends confirm this J)icture of tl1e granti11 g of Ia11d b)1 tl1e rulers to religious establishn1ents. One tradition, for example, states that one of tl1e ni11e saints, Abba Pantalewon, settled near Aks11n1, apparently in the late fifth or early sixth centt1r)1, and spent 45 years in prayer and penitance. On l1is deatl1 tl1 e En1 peror G· abra Masqal is said. to l1 ave establisl1ed a convent on tl1e spot and to b.a,,e assigned it tl1 e district of Gandabt,1 near Adwa, as well as the region of Teratnoi. 14 Another traclition, en1bodied in t!Je Gadla of' Iyast1s Nlo'a states tl1at tl1e famous convent of St. Stepbanos _ .in Lake I-Iayq came into existence in the e,1rly a en century, sevet1tl1 w 1 b1sl1op, Abba Salarna Azeb, visited tl1e island and certa11 � _ wished to occupy 1t. The people of tl1e area at that time are said to I1ave wor­ 1icl1 lived in a large tree on the ·island, feeding tl1e reptile a wl ent ser shiped p _ _ daily w1tl1 milk and 111eat. The good bisl16p, l1owever, l1lessed tl1e island v-ri.tl1 I,is cross, w]1 erel1pon the serpent is s11pposed to l1,1ve fled; Abba Salama tl1 en ,vent 11 .

12.

Ibid, p. 22.

C. · �?nti Rossi �, L' o,n �lia cli Y �ha1111es, vescovo rl'Alcsu,n, p. 167; I. Guidi, "ll gadla Ara­ _ Att1 �1896), 84, 93; Marc Antoine van den Oudcnrijn des Freres ga�1 , AccademL � de1_ L11:ce1,� Precbeurs, La Vie de Saint Za 1vf1cl1ael Araga1vi (Fribourg, 1939), iJp. 53-4, 64.

13. Conti Rossini, Liber Axun1ae, pp. 22-3. .14. G. Villari, "I 'gulti' deUa regione di Axun1 ", Rassegna Econo,nica dell 'Afri�a Jtaliana (1938), XVI, p. 1439.

- 24 -

to t11e king, and, telling him of the miracle, asked permission to build a church on the island. The monarch agreed to this request, granting giilt, or tributary lands, for the support of the new establishment. 15 The thirteenth century Emperor Lalibala is said to have made two grants, in 1209 and 1225, to the con.vent of Enda Abba Mata in the Semezana area of â&#x20AC;˘ Eritrea. 16 The sovereign's almost complete freedom of¡ action in the allocation of la.nd is clearly e.mphasised in a fifteenth centt1ry life of Lalibala which claims, as a proof of this kings' 11nusual cle1nency, that when building l1is famous rock churches be paid the landow11ers in gold for whatever land lie required. ''This," tl1e chro­ n.icle observes, ''was on bis part a great kindness, for if he had wished to take it who co11Jd have stopped him as king?'' 17 All the abo\1e evidence indicates, we wot1ld s11ggest, that tl1e conversion to Christianity was followed by the extensive but piecemeal granting of land by the sovereigns to the various ch11rches a11d mo11asteries. By tl1e early sixth century it was possible for a contemporary traveller, the Egyptian monk Cosmos Indicopleustes, to observe tl1at ''everywhere'' in Ethiopia and Aksum and in the cot1ntry abot1t it there ,:vere ''cl1urcl1es of the Christians and bishops, martyrs, monks and recluses, where Gospel of Christ is proclaimed ." 18

15.

16.

17.

18.

A. Pollera, Lo stato etiopico e ta sr,a chiesa (Roma, 1926), pp. 231-2.

Conti Rossini, Principi di r.!irilio co11suetudinario c!ell'Eritrea p. 395.

Perrt1chon, f/ie de Lalibala, roi cl'Ethiopie, p. 123.

Mc Crindle, op.cit., p. 120.

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V

TRADITIONAL EXPLANATIONS FOR THE ORIGIN OF CHURCI-1 LAND Church ownership of li1nd see111s to have had its origin in tl1e Emperor's right to allocate land, it being tl1e practice fron1 early times for rulers, as v,1e h_av� � een, to □1ake grants of lands to cb11rcbes and n1onasteries, as well as t� 1nd1v1dual bishops, priests and other ecclesiastics. Tradition tends, 110\vever, to claim t�� t on one or otL1er occasion in tl1e past tl1e entire country was in some way part1t1oned betwee1.1 State and Cl1urcl1, the latter instit11tion receiving a tl1ird of tl1.e l(ingdom. 1 One tradition, recorded by the French traveller Paul Soleillet in the 1880's, dates tl1is division of ]and to the very beginning of the Solomonic dynast� w�en Paga11 Etl1iopia is supposed to have embraced Jt1dais1n. According to tl11s view Menilek I, son of Solomon and the Queen of Sheba, travelled to Jer11salem to see his fatl1er and subseque11tly took back with hin1 a group of Jevvish nobles and priests. On returni11g to his native cou11try the yo11ng ma11 is said to have divided the land it1to three equal parts: one l1e retained as Crown land, the second lie gave to tl1e nobles vvl10 l1,1d accon1panied hin1 fro111 Jerusale111, \Vl1ile the third part was allotted to tl1e Je\vish priests, that is to say members of tl1e tribe of Levy, whose property, after the conversion to Christianity, is said to l1ave become cl1t1rcl1 lar1d. 2 Anotl1er traditio11, tl1e earliest known exposition of \vl1icl1 see1ns to 11a.ve been i11 tl1e seventeeotl1 ce11tury, clai111s tl1at tl1e extensive creation of church land took place over two tl1011saud years later at tbe tirne of tl1e Solon1onic ''restoratio11'' of tl1e late thirteenth century. Tl1e belief is tl1at arou11d 1270 Nakuto Laab, the last of the Zagwe, a lit1.e of 11surper kings, was overtl1ro\vn, in favo11r of the E111peror ),,ekLtno An1lak, a. prince who had fo11nd refL1ge in Sl1oa and clairned direct desce11t fron1 Menilek I. Tl1e cl1ange in ruler is said to l1ave been etTected witl1 the l1elp of Abun,1 Takla Hayman.at, a.n ecclesiLtstic closely associated witl1 tl1e Shoa11 monastery of Dabra Libanos, who st1bseque11tly was n1ade a saint.

Accordi11g to this accoL1nt tl1.e cht1rcl1 was then given a tl1ird of tl1e co11ntry, presumably as a reward for Takla Haymanot's help in acl1ieving the restoration of Solon1onic rule. Etl1io1Jia11 111anuscri 1Jts written l1c:1lf a 1nillenium after the JJeriod they are supJJosed to describe state tl1at Yekuno A1nla.k ''gave to Takla Hayn1anot the third part of his kingdo111,"·' wl1ile Bruce, writing a century or so later, says that a . treaty \Vas signed between Na'ak11to La'ab and YekLtno An1lak wl1icl1 specified i11ter alia tl1at ''ooe-tl1ird of the kingdo1u sl1ot1ld be a_ppropriated and ceded ab­ solutely to tl1e Abuna hi1nself, for the n1aintenance of l1is o\v11 state, and for tl1e support of tl1e clerg·y, convents a11d churches i11 tl1e kingdo111." This, Bruce adds, in Abyssinia, called the era of partition''.,. ''became afterw �rds ::1n era, o�- . epocl1, .

Tl1e above version of the or1g10 of cl1urcl1 land, we n1ay a.dd, l1as found many supporters, being accepted for instance in Gabra. Sellase's cl1ro11icle of tl1e reign R. Pankhurst, I11troduction to the Econornic flistory of Ethio1;ia (London, 1961), pp. 62-4.

P. Soleillet, Voyages en Ethiopie (Rauen, 1886), p. 304. Vide also Guebre Selassie OJ) cit ' · '· . ' 11, 610.

3. Br u ce, �p. cit. II,. 2 . V�d� �}s� R. Basset, Ettfdes .sur I'hist ire c�'Et!1iopie, (Paris, 1882), pp.

-9 l 0. 99 , C . C ont1 Ross1n1, D 1 un nuovo cod1ce della cron?1ca et1op,ca," p. 5.

4. Bruce. op. cit., I, 533-4. Vide also Pollera, op. cit., p. 232.

1.

2.

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of Menilek II which states tl1at Yekuno A.mlak gave Takla Haymanot ''a third of his kingdon1." 5 Outlining the developments in the millenium and a half which separated the end of the Zagwe period from his own day Bruce declares that this what he calls ''exorbitant'' grant was i n the passage o.f time greatly reduced ''as we may naturally suppose, upon different pretences of n1isbehaviour, true or alleged, by the king or l1is ministers. ',' 6 A third, and far less well known, tradition accepts the story of Yekuno Amlak's gift to Ta.kla Hayn1anot, but gives pron1 inence also to an Ethiopian monk, Zena Marqos, the founder of the monastery of Dabra Besrat in the Morat regio1 1 of Shoa, who was later sanctified. The life of tl1is saint, which Cerulli believes to have been written in the late sixteenth or early seventeentl1 centt1ry, claims that on his death the Emperor Newaya Maryam (1372-1382) called together the monks of Dabra Besrat and told then1 tl1at he gave them a tl1ird of l1is possessions, explicitly noting that tl1is fraction was based on what remained to hi111 after his predecessor Yekuno An1lak's gift to Takla Haymanot. Referring to bis own gift to h.ave assured th.e monks that tl1e land was their Ne\vaya M,1ryan1 is st1pposed . property and that of their successors ''for ever."7 All st1ch accot1nts of the origin of ch11rch Jand must, at least in the present state of our knowledge, be treated witl1 reserve. The history of the Qt1een of Sheba is so ren1ote and documentation for the period so scanty tl1at it \vould be 11nwise to attacl1 too muc11 significance to tl1e legend cited by Soleillet which was writte 11 down al111 ost three tl1011sand years after tl1e period it purports to describe.

It should moreover be noted t11 at neitl1 er the Kebra Niigiist, or ''Glory of Kings," the n1ore or less official Etl1iopian l1istory, nor any of the main legends of the Q11 een of Sheba story, contai 1 1 any reference to s11ch an allocation of land by Menilek I.8 Tl1e second tradition, wl1icl1 claims tl1at the Cl1 11rch received its land at tl1e tin1e of the accession of Yekuno Amlak, rests perl1 aps 011 sot1nder foundatio11 s, being asserted by a nt1111 ber of Etl1iopian manuscripts albeit written fot1r centt1ries or so later. It sl1 011ld, however, be ernphasised that tl1e Jives of Takla Hayn1anot, one of \llbicl1 was re1Jrodt1ced in tl1 e early seventeenth century by the Portug11ese Jest1it Almeida, 9 contain no reference either to the change of dynasty or to the cl1 t1rch acquisition of la11d. Ht1ntingford indeed l1 as observecl in a rece11t study of this question tl1at ''it see1ns tl1at it was not u11 til the seventeenth centt1ry that Tak1a I-Iayn1 anot was drawr1 into the field of po\ver politics. Tl1e earlier documents say no more than that l1e Iived in tl1e tin1e of Yekt1no Ainlak." 10 The tradition of Zena Marqos, tho11gl1 s11perficially confirming tl1 e story of Yekuno Amlak's gift to Takla Haymanot, is itself so 11nsupported as to be of

5.

6.

7.

8.

9. l O.

Guebre SeJlassie, op. cit., I, 24.

Bruce, op. cit., I, 534-5. Vide also Correspondence respecting r1byssiuia, p. 605.

E. Cerulli, Gli atti di Zena Marqos (Roma, 1962), pp. 200, 204, 211.

Budge, The Quee,z of Sheba and /1er 011!; so,z A1enJ1elelc, passim.

M. de AJn1eida, Historia de Etl1iopia a Alta .ou Abassia, Chapt�rs 16 and 17; "Vie de Takla Haymanot" in Duches11e-Four11et, op. cit., .l, pp. 338-43!; V1de also C. Conti Rossini, "II . gadla Takla I-Iaymanot seco11do Ia redazione waldebbana .

G. W. B. I-Iuntingford, "The '\veal th of kings' and the encl of the Zagwe Dynasty," Bulletin of tlze School of Oriental a11cl African Studies, XXXIII, Part 1. p. 1, Vide also Guidi, Anna/es Regu,n lyasu II et /;,o'as, p. 78.

1

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little significance except as an indication of the prevailing tende11cy of ecclesiastics to incorporate qt1ite dubious claims in their writings . .

It sl1ould be en1pl1 asised that tl1ere is little contemporary eviden.ce to st1ggest tl1 at the Church ever O\\'ned anything approaching a third of the country, On the contrary the Etl1iopian royal cl1 ronicles, the narratives of foreign travellers, and the records of individual ch11rcl1es, all indicate that chu.rcl1 land \Vas far less extensive, and bad its origin in piecemeal gifts from tl1e sovereigns rather tl1an i11 any single or¡ original allocation.

It is clear further1nore that tl1 e area of church land \Vas by 110 means rigid, that sovereigns from ti111e to time granted new lands to tl1e Cl1 11rcb. and that cl1urch lands were similarly liable to lapse. Bruce, discussing this phenomenon, goes so far so to observe: ''It is a fundan1ental constitution of tl1e n1onarcl1y of Ethiopia that all lands belong to the king; and that there is no su.ch thing as cl1urch-lands in this country. Those tl1 at the king has given for tl1e n1a.intenance of ch 11rcl1es and 1nonasteries are resumed every day, at the instance of, and for the convenjence of i 11d.ividuals, and new ones granted in tl1 eir stead someti1nes of a greater value, sometimes a less. A lay-officer, appointed by the king, ciivides to each mo 1 1k or priest, b.is quota of the revenue, applying any overplus to otl1er uses, whicl1 is, we may suppose, often putting it into his own pocket." 11

11. Bruce, op. cit., ll, 356.

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PART THREE THE MIDDLE AGES FROM THE SOLOMONIC RESTORATION TO THE ESTABLISIIMENT OF GONDAR

VI

THE STRUCTURE OF TRADITIONAL LAND TENURE. Ethiopia's traditional systen1 of land o\vnership was of crucial importance to the country's economic and social life, for besides determining questions of tenure and social class it was the basis of administration, taxation and nulitary service.

Two threads, tl1ose of uniformity and diversity, can be clearly discerned. On the one hand the existence of a strong and l1ighly centralised monarcl1y had at one time or another established certain basic institutions througl1 out the realm, wl1ile, on the other, reasons of geography and history combined to prodt1ce imn1ense regional variations. ''Great diversity," as Mal1tama Sellase, sometime Etbiopian Minister of Agriculture, comments, ''rest1lted from tl1e fact that each province was autonomous and the local governn1ent itself i1nposed such. taxation as it tl1ought fit.'' The situation, Margery Perham exclaims, was ''a.t least as intricate as in early medieval England'', bt1t lacked any Doon1sday Book ''to give a clear point of departure and none of tl1e excessive unravellings of generations of scholars to help the inquiries." 2 Perl1aps the most unifying factor in land tenure was the granting of la·nd by the sovereign on the the basis of administration, taxation and military service.

The system of land tenure, it may be argued, had its roots in the co11ntry's economic and social conditions. Tl1 e prin1ary agric11ltural character of the economy and the large and highly developed social l1ierarchy necessitated an extensive syste1n of trib11te, taxation a11d rent based on t11e land, while the absence of a n1oney economy and tl1e non existence of agricultural slavery linuted it to pflyments in kind and certain types of service.

TI1e Emperor cot1ld grant reven11e fro1n the land by waiving his own rigl1ts of taxation in favot1r of local r11lers, me1nbers of tl1e royal family, tl1 e nobility, or priesthood as well as to religious establisl1ments. S11ch land was known as gult and enabled its holders, \Vl1ether or not they took any direct or indirect part in prod11ction, to receive the dues which wo11ld otl1erwise have been allocated to tl1e State. The g11lt l10Ider tl1us received taxes or tl1e equivalent thereof not rent in the normal sense of the word. Tl1e distinction is i1nportant wbe11 it is borne in mind that tl1e E1uperor could create gult in any part of !he count�y merely by transfering llis taxation rigl1ts to a tltlrd party; no confiscat1on was involved, nor was there necessarily any cha.nge in the property relations of the area: landlords could continue to receive t1nd. tenants to pay rent, be it in cash, kind or labour, in precisely tl1e same way as before. 3 Mahteme Se!Jassie Wolde J\1askal, "Tl1e land Systen1 of Ethiopia," Ethiopia Observer, I, No 9� p. 283.

2. Perl1arn, op. cit., pp. 277-8.

3. R. Peri.oi, Di qtta dal Mareb (Fire11ze, 1905), pp. 9, 48; Conti Rossini, Principi di diritto co11st1etudi11ario dell'Eritrea, pp. 115-16 I.

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Tl1ougl1 tl1e grant of revent1e, i.e. fro1n gi,lt lands, wl1en given to churc11es at1d rnonasteries was often of a more or less per1nanent character, secular grants were normally �evokable at the En1peror's pleasure and ofte1;1 given 011 the ex­ _ pectation that the recipiant would serve tl1e soverei� by adniin1s�er1n¥ the country, _ raising a11d co111n1anding troops, or s111Jplying prov1s1ons botl1 111 tlllleS of peace and war.

T.I1e Emperor could also allocate the land itself rather than tl1e taxes thereon.

Such grants, as \Ve sl1all see, were rigidly linlited by the amot1nt of ! an? actually at the Emperor's disposal for, as Conti Rossini observed, tl1ougl1 Etl11op1ans often declared tl1at ''everytl1ing belongs to the king'' and that ''the land belongs to tl1e king'', such words were ''very far :fron1 expressing a jt1ridical concept'' and could not ''be taken literally''. Tl1e Italian Ethiopicist went 011 to quote a gro11p of Eritrean elders who l1ad very significantly declared: ''The state1nent tl1at tl1e land belongs to the Goveron1ent is made in order to affir111 that tl1e eartl1 belongs to the king i11 tl1e sa1ne way as the heavens belong to God. \Ve all11de to tl1is state­ ment \.vl1e.n we wisl1 to enhance the power of tl1e Gover.1Jment, but we do 11ot tl1ereby inte11d to refer to tl1e ownersllip of tl1e fields. Tl1e above pl1rase. . . refers 01tly to that ki11d of conm1a11d or gover11n1ental s11premacy \vl1icl1 relates to tl1 e imposition of taxa.tion on the soil and preve11ts tl1e abuse of pov,1er and tl1e exer­ cise of violence. B11t no 011e can take away 011r Iancls; the Government awards rank, oflice and. gi,lti, and can take tl1en1 a\Va)', but no one ca11 deprive 11s of our la.ads exce1Jt i11 case of confiscatio11 resulting fro1n s11cl1 cri111es as we n1ay co1111nit." 4 Royal la11d allocations could take t\VO essential for1ns based either on per1na11ent and i11heritable tenure l<11own as rest \v: itl1 virtually no obligations attached, or on te111porary 11ot automatic,1lly i1tl1eritable te1111re \Vl1ich carried witl1 it a wide variety of clearly s1Jecified obligations, tl1e types of la11d in this category being referred to in ter111s of tl1e duty involved.

Rest, tho11gl1 obtaina.ble as a gTant fro111 tbe sovereign n1ight also be inherited from ancestors whose title might have developed from original occupation or con­ tjn11ous ow11ersl1ip over many centuries. Tl1e princiJJle wl1ereby private IJro1Jerty th11s can1e i11to existe11ce \Vas clearly recognised in tl1e Fetha Niigast, Cl1apter XXX\7 11 of whjcl1 laid down tl1at a person obtained ownersl1ip rigl1ts by tl1e mere fact of cultivating 11nocct1pied Iand. 5

Altl1.ot1gl1 rest lands vvere traditiot1ally . inherited, inl1erita11ce was held to be subordjante to the E1nperor's theoretical para1nountcy over all land. Th11s in the case of treason or gra,,e misconduct the owner \Vo11ld 11s11ally forfeit tl1e la11d and 11.is heirs wo11ld be disinherited.

The quantity of rest land w]1ich co11ld be allocated by a11y monarcl1 was un­ like gi,lt land, rigidly limited, for it tended to be co11fi11ed to previously unallo'cated lands, ne\vly conquered lands, or lands \vluch l1ad for one reason or anotl1.er re­ verted to the cro\VD..

•

. . Lands . allocated_ by t�e sovereign o? . a t �mporar� basis were 11st1ally granted for spec1�c service. Thus ad 1U1ll1str::1tive offic1als, 11s11ally n1e1_11bers of the m 1 eturn _ _ _ es�ates, being expected in return to govern the coutltr)', nob1l1ty, wo11ld receive l arge _ collect tl1e taxes and raise armtes. Peasants, 01_1 the 0th.er l1a11d, wotild receive sn1a.ll Conti Rossini, Pri11cipi di diritto consuetudinario dell'Eritrea, JJp. 111-12.

5. Guidi, ll 'Fetlta Nagast' o legislazione dei rei, p. 361 .

4.

•

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plots of land in retl1rn for which tl1ey had to fulfil a variety of clearly defu ied lesser duties, suc]1 as making and carrying ten.ts, woodcutting, bugle playing, etc. as well as being under the obligation of going to war. Lands granted 011 the basis o:f service were likewise alloted to servants of the ch11rch, priests, deacons and others.

Tl1ough peasants co11ld receive land. fro111 and perform services for the sove­ reign directly they could also stand i n an ide11tical la11d-service relationship to otl1er and l1olders, above all nobles and cl1urch111en .

Whilst la11d ,1llocated i11 retL1rn for services was a temporary form of tenure it could be inl1erited, even by wo1nen, in cases wl1ere the heir was able to con­ tinue the service in return for which tl1e Iancl had been allotted.

The Emperors, beside waiving tl1eir revenue rights on gi,lt lands and granting land on a l1eriditary or ternJJorary basis, '-Vere tl1emselves owners of crown lands.

S11ch lands \Vere farmecl by tenants ,vl10 in return were given allotn1ents of their own, usually on a temporary ten11re.

The land of Etliiopia and tl1e revenues tl1erefrom, were tl111s in tJ1e ba11ds of four n1ain categories of persons: firstly, tl1e sovereign \Vho owned crown land and in 011e way or another dispensed land to tl1e other three categories; secondly, the royal fan1ily and nobility i11 general, \:vl10 co11ld receive land eit.ber in perpetl1ity or temporarily or be given tl1e proceeds of taxation fro1n gult lands; thirdly, t11e Ch11rcl1, or n1ore correctly individ11al religio11s establisl1ments or ecclesiastics, who might possess gi1/t, in effect the taxes from certain lands, or actual la11d ow11ersh� p; fo11rthly, tl1e .peasants, who co11ld l1old land permanently as rest, wheth�r obtain­ ed from the sovereign or inl1erited on tl1e basis of traditional ownersl11p, or on temporary basis in ret11rn for specific services rendered either to the sovereign or to another land holder.

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VII

SECULAR LAND GRA..NTS Secular land grants were made to a wide variety of perso11s, i11clt1ding members of the royal family, nobles and soldiers.

One of our earliest references to the royal practice of granting lands is to be found in the chronicle of Zara Yaqob (1434-1468) wllich states tha� on de­ feating a rebellion in the Mt1slim province of I-Iadya. the Emperor gave 111s troops lands in that area. 1 Tl1e cl1ron.icle or Zara Yaqob's son, Baeda Maryam (14681478), Iike,vise refers to a royal grant of land to tl1e governor of Gojam. 2 Alvarez, several generations later, reported that tl1e t,vo sons of Lebna _Dengel (1508-1540) were said to have been gi,,en large areas of gult la11d, ''that 1s," he says, ''entailed estates or fiefs, with large reven11es assigned to them. " 3 Elsewl1ere l1e mentions ]and wl1icl1 l1ad been allocated to ''tl1e Prester's trun1peters'', 4 JJresum­ ably in return for their services.

Lebna Dengel is know11 to have made land charters in favo11r of a n111nber of secular persons. These grants differed. somewhat in terminology and seen1 to l1ave JJrovided several different types of tenure. One of the n1ost permanent types of charter was granted to a certain Saf Sa.gad \vho received an estate wllich ,vas described a.s ''hereditary JJroperty." Tl1e text stated that it was given as a. 111emorial to tl1e recipient's fati1er wl10 had died the d.eatl1 of a 111artyr.5 A sligl1 tly different type of cl1 arter was given to Robel, the governor of Tegre, a certain official named Belulaza11, and one Habta Ab who l1ad lost a relative, presumably on the Emperor's behalf. Each of t11ese charters stated tl1at the land was to belong to the grantee, his childret1 and his children's childre11, bt1t gave 110 express gt1arantee of inheritance beyond the tb.ird generation. 6 A11 a1Jparently more te111porary grant was made to Ze111aJ, the governor of B11r, \Vho received land for llimself, his ,vife Ad Ka.mu and his son Sebhat La'ab, bt1t made no reference to the rights of any grand cllildren. 7 Several otl1er cl1,1rters specified only tl1e recipient. Gra11ts of this kind were made for exam .ple to a certain won1an described as the great grand-daughter of the Em1Jeror Dawit 1 8 and to Takla Iyasus, a sometime governor of Tegre. as ,vell as to several other officials.9 All the above charters contained prayers against transgressors si1nilar to tl1ose employed in tl1e grants to churcl1es and monasteries. Tht1s the charter given to Saf Sagad pra.yed tl1at anyone violating or enfri11ging it be ct1rsed by tl1e mouth of the Father, Son and Holy Spirit, as well as by the power of Peter and Paul, 1. Perruchon, Les chroniques cle Zar'a Yaeqob et de Ba'eda MarJ1arn, pp. 22-3.

2. Ibid, pp. 160-1.

3. Beckingharn and Huntingford, The Prester Joh11 of the J1idies, I, 248.

4. Ibid, I, 253.

5. Conti Rossini, Liber Axumae, p. 36. Vide also A.A Mont i delJa Corte, La1·b 1 ea l (Roma, 1940), • pp. 136-40.

6. Conti Rossini, Liber Axu,nae, pp. 38-40, 49.

7. Ibid, p. 42.

8. Ibid, p. 35.

9. Ibid, pp. 34, 40-1.

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while that to Takla Iyasus similarily prayed that the transgressor be cursed by the Father, Son and Holy Spirit for ever. 10 Further grants are known to have been made by later rulers. Thus there is record of Lebna Dengel's son, the Emperor Galawdewos (1540-1559), granting a charter to a noble called Sebha.t La'ab. This grant was renewed half a centUI')' or more later by the Emperor Sar�a Dengel (1563-1597) who laid down that the land at Sebhat La'ab's bequest should henceforward be ''an hereditary estate for his children." 11 The chronicle of this reign also · reports that some of the Emperor's soldiers were allocated land in Gojam, but gives no information on the ty·pe of tenure involved.1 2 There is evidence at tl1is time of several land disputes occasioned at least in part by tl1e disturbed character of tl1e reign when the amo11nt of land at the sovereign's disposal n1ust it1cidentally have been much Cllrtailed by the nortl1\¥ard advance of tl1e Galla peoples. Tl1e royal chronicle states tl1at tl1e followers of Rom Sagad, tl1e governor of Sboa, on or1e occasion entered and devastated the fief of the E111 peror's grand1notl1 er, Sab]a Wangel, tho11gh Sar$a De11gel later succeeded in forcing t11 em to restore tl1e loot whicl1 they had ta.ken. 13 At ]east tl1ree of tbe Emperor's cl1arters also contai11 reference to difficu]ties over tl1e land. In one we read that Sebhat La'ab b ad seized certain property by force, while two others, as \Ve shall see, refer to litigation over cl1urcl1 land. 14 The E111 peror Susneyos (1607-1632) also granted several land charters, son1 e \Vith rat11er u1111sl1al features. T.he cl1ronicle of liis reign contains the text of a land c]1 arter whicl1 he gave to l1 is brotl1er Ras Se'ela Krestos who was the viceroy of Gojam and a f,tnatical Roman Catholic. It is the only s11cl1 document known to b.ave granted l1 ereditary land to a rnember of tl1e royal fan1 ily and states that the Emperor l1ad given the Ras ''a perpetual grant of land'' which should be recognised by all persons then ,1Jive, as well as those who can1 e thereafter, and. declared that the grant l1ad bee11 made because of the prince's ''great 1a·bours in the cal1se of the ki11gdon1," the ''n1 any times b.e fo11ght with m11ch bravery'', ,1nd ''the victories wl1ich b.e had often gained over the G,1ll,1s and all tl1 e enemies of our kingdom''. 15 ..

Two otl1er cl1arters granted by Sus11 eyos are also of special interest in that they refer to ow11 ership of land based 011 purcl1ase. They were given to two persons, Ehv1a Krestos and Elyos, whose ide11tity is 1mcertain, and state tl1 at the recipients were entitled to lands \Vhich tl1ey l1ad p11rchased with their O\Vn gold. Botl1 cl1arters contained tl1e usual t)1pe of prayer that a11yone transgressing th.em be c11rsed by tl1e Fatl1er, Son and 1-Ioly Spirit, by the 1nol1th of tl1e Metropolita11 and by the n1ot1tl1 of ottr Lady !vlary the n1 otl1er of God. 16 Tl1 ougl1 land granted by cl1 arter was often inheritable, most of the estates obtained fro.111 the Crown were of only temporary tenure and could be taken back at the sovereign's pleas11re. Cl1anges in land holding were particularly f reql1ent in 10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

Ibid, pp. 37, 41.

Ibid, p. 54.

Conti B.ossini, Historia Regis Sarsa Dengel, p. 53.

Ibid, pp. 31-3.

Co11ti Rossini, Liber rlxu,nae, p. 52.

F. J\'1. E. Pereira, Clzronica de Suse,,yos, rei cle Etiopia (Lisboa, 1892), p. 286; Bruce, op. cit.

3rd edition, Ill, 422-3.

Conti Rossu1i, Liber Axurnae, pp. 56-7.

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cases wI1ere grants were 111ade to governors and officers of state ,vho held their position on only temporary basis. Thus Almeida, who, as we l1a,1e seen, was very conscious of the frequency of appointn1ents and dismissals, observed of tl1e effects on land tenure that ,cofteo one man plot1gl1s the soil, another so,vs it ancl anotl1er reaps." The result, l1e adds, was that ''no one ...takes good care of tl1e lancl he enjoys; tl1ere is not even a11yone to plant a tree because he kno,vs that he wl10 pla11ts it very rarely gathers the fruit." 17 Such insecurity of tenure \Vas, ho,vever, by no means f11Jly the r¡uJe, for some of the big landowners almost certainly enjoyed a m.ore permanent type of tent1re.

Bahrey, an Ethiopian monk wl10 wrote in 1592-3, informs us of tl1e existence of seniage/le, or elders: wl1om he describes as a class of ''lords and hereditary la11d­ owners \vho share tl1ejr land \vith their labourers." 18 Sucl1 landowners appear to 11ave had more than merely temporary tenure.

17. Becldngham and Huntingford, Son1e Recorcls of Ethiopia, pp. 88-9.

18. Ibid, p. 126.

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i

..

VIII GRANTS TO FOREIGNERS

Foreigners thro11ghout tlus period were given land on exactly the same tern1 s as nationals of the country, that as to say ii1 the n1ain at_ the pleasure of tl1e king.... .

0 �1r . first refe �ence to t11e residence of foreigners in Etl1 iopia in tl1 e Middle Ages 1.s 1n tl1 e evidence of Brotl1er Tho.mas, an early sixteentl1 centt1ry Ethiopian traveller to Italy, wl1 0 stated tl1at tl1e Emperor Lebna Dengel (1508-1540) l1 ad given a Venetian painter called Bicini tl1e ''city'' of Sogra in tl1 e province of Fatagar.

It was tl1 e Emperor's policy, tl1e san1e informant adds, to settle ''i t1 st1ch city or land all tl1e skilled perso11s ,vbo come from vario11s parts.'' 1 The En1peror Gala wde,v<)S (I 540-1559) is likewise said by his chro11icler to have given ''many lands'' to the Porlt1guese wl1 0 had assisted hin1 i 11 defeating Gran. 2 11 1 a letter to King Joiio III of Portt1gal the Emperor declarecl that these ''Franks'' l1ad ''n1t1cl1 property and ricl1es'' ,vl1 ich he bad give11 tl1em ''where tl1 ey desired it." He added tl1a.t a certain Ferniio d.e Sousa, wl10 had served l1 1 1n vvell, had in particular received ''n11 1ch land a11d property." 3 The Jesuits subseq1 1 ently obtai11ed la11 d fro1n tl1 e En1peror S11sneyos (1607-1632) at Fren1011a in Tegre, as \Vell as in ot]1er JJarts of the En11Jire. Pero Paez, 011 e of t11 eir nt11nber, has left an intriguing accol1nt of the manner in \Vl1icl1 his colleag11es obtained land near Lal(e Tana and of tl1e diffi.cl1lties they enco1111tered before tl1e En1peror too]( tl1 e 11nusual step of grantir1g tl1 em an estate on permanent te 11ure.

I'aez says that S11sneyos on one occasion asked about their place of resiclence, and heari11g tl1 at they l1ad no fixed place of abode, asked tl1en1 to tell l1im wl1at land they 1nost preferred, promising to give it tl1em. Tl1ey replied that they wo11ld lil<e an estate by Lake Ta11a wjth easy access to one of its islands 011 \Vl1icl1 tl1 ey co11Id store their property sholtld tllis IJrove necessary, and expressed a liking for �1araba, a JJ!ace \Vhere a nt 1mber of Portt1g11ese were alre,:1dy i11 reside11ce: 1 The E1nperor asked his people wl1 etl1 er there \Vas a11y land in this area which could be give11 to the Port11guese. flis advisers answered that there ,vere some very goo cl lands tl1ere wl1icl1 h,1d formerly belo11ged to a relative of his a11d vvere then in the possessio11 of one of l1is followers, and that there was an isla11d near­ by. St1sneyos immediately declared tl1 at tl1is land v"VOt1ld very \Vell st1it the Fatl1ers, a n. d according!)' co111n1a11ded tl1 at it sl1ot1ld be given tl1 em, a.dding that he ,v_ot1ld grant the existing occupa11 t otl1er land else\v]1ere. The Portug11ese tl1ere11pon kissed the sovereign's 11and for the favo11r l1 e l1 a.d besto\.ved 11pon the1n.

On visiting the said area, however, they encountered ''great resistance." Tl1e person �vho held tl1e Jand made many exc·uses, created all sorts of delays, and I. 2.

3.

4.

0.G.S. Cra\.vford, EtJ1iopian Itineraries, circa 1400-1524 (London, 1958), pp. 91, 161-3.

J. Pern1ch.on, "Le regne de Gala,vdewos," Revue Semitique (1894), p. 266. .

R.S. Wl1.ite,vay, The Portuguese Expedition to .1Jbyssinia in, 1541-1543 (Londo11, 1902), p. llP. P. Pais, .flistoria da Etiopia in C. Beccari, Reru1n Aethiopicaru111 Scriptores Orienta/es (Romn, 1903-17), I, 160-1.

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finally threatened forcibly to resist the Emperor's official who had. come down with the Port11g11ese to arrange tl1e transfer. This recalcitra�ce was due, Pae� says, to the fact that their opponent was confident tl.1at he enJoyed_ the Emperor s �avour, as he was very brave in battle and had given long sen11�e. An_ actual cl�sh of of arms would have ensued, we are told, l1ad not tl1e Jesuits decided tl:a.t it was better to return to the capital to speak with the Emperor. This . they did, whe�e­ upon St1sneyos expressed himself ,,ery angry, and despatcl1ed an important courtier to throw out the noble and hand the Jest1its the estate.

It st1bsequently transpired tl1at part of the land claimed by the . Jesui! s belonged to anotl1er owner who also made difficulties, in partic11lar absenting himself fron1 the property, apparent!)' witl1 tl1e vie\v of delaying any settleme11t until he could persuade the Emperor to ratify his positio11 or even, the Portu.g11ese thougl1t, to grant lJim the wl1ole of the estate in question. ''As he was a great man,'' Paez 11otes, ''tb.e Fathers temporised and adopted soft words.'' It s0011 became apparent, l1owever, that tl1e noble was adament, and the Portu.gt1ese, expecting a clash of arms between their followers and those of tl1e lord, decided to ask tl1e Emperor's brother, Yamana Krestos, to intercede with the sovereign on their behalf. The prince in due course went to l1is brother, saying, ''Sire, 11p to this time that 1nan l1as failed to djvide tl1e land with the Fatl1ers and is on tl1is account giving m11ch trouble to their men." Susneyos is said to have accepted lus brother's plea, and to have declared that the lord, if allowed to re111ain in occupation, wo11ld create continuous trouble for the Jesuits; l1e accordingly expressed l1is intention of up­ 5 l1im from the area and of giving him other land elsewhere. rooting • Son1e time afterwards the Jesuits asked tl1e Emperor's permission to spend the winter i11 tl1e lands \Vbich l1ad th11s been given to tl1em. Tl1ey took the occasion, Paez records, of requesting permanency of tenure. This was i1nportant, l1e says, because ''when these Emperors give lands it is understood tl1at it is only at tl1eir pleasure, that tl1ey often take tl1em away from some people to give then1 to otl1ers."

On taking leave of the Emperor, Paez told hi1n that since l1e had given them such a safe residence they desired that lie would do tl1em the favour of gra11ting it in perpetuity in order tl1at they migl1t not in f11ture have to move from one JJlace to another. Susneyos, it is said, ''answered tl1at he would do so very willingly."

Pa.ez, wl10 observes that sucl1 permanent grants of land were seldom conceded, relates tl1at it was the rule 011 s11ch occasions, for tbe Emperor to order a captain and two 1nagistrates, to go rot1nd tl1e land in question, beating on tl1e kettle dr11n1s and playing 011 tl1e 'pipes. These officials would then erect on tl1e borders of tl1e land great piles of stones, in one of which piles they would bt1ry the head of a goat, making a proclamation to the effect that tl1e Emperor l1ad granted the said land for ever. This was done, Paez says, in front of many young boys who were brougl1t_ to tl1e spot to serve as witness�s, the idea bei11g that tile yo·ungesters would 1n the future remember and explain what had been done ' no use being ._ 6 made of writing.

Tl1e above account, as given by Paez, provides the only refernce we I1 ave of a . permanent grant of land to a foreigner in this period, though grants of this kind were, as we have seen, . ?ften made to tl1e church and s01netiines, though rarely, to members of the nobility. Bruce, who wrote a century and a 11aif or so later, was perhaps unduly sceptical. Commenting on the above account 11e declared 5. Ibid, I, 161-2.

6. Ibid, I, 162-S.

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that ''without contradicting the form of burying the goats heads, I shall only say, I never saw or l1eard of it, nor is there such a thing as a· gift of land in per­ petu111n in Abyssinia."7 It should, however, be born in mind tl1 at co·nditions by then were ve.ry different, the rulers of the late eighteenth century having no such reason as the Roman Catholic convert, Susneyos, to give privileged treatment to foreign missionaries .

•

'

7.

Bruce, op. cit., II, 266.

_. 37 -

IX CI-IURCH LANDS The relation between Cl1urch a11d State is apparent 11ot only from the_ records of ecclesiastical esta blisl1ments but also fron1 royal cl1.ronicles wl1 icl1 contain n1any references to the grants by tl1e Emperors of land to ecclesiastical e�tablishments: Tl1ese gifts of land were al.most i11variably written down, and, accord111g to Conti Rossini, were know11 as cliibdabe. 1 Tl1e thirteenth century Emperor Yekuno Amlak, according to cl1urcl1 records, followed Lalibala's footsteps in granting lands to the Eritrean co11\1ent of ?n?a Abba M.ata. Ft1rther grants to the same institution were made by several prov1nc1�l rulers, including two successive governors of Endarta, as \Vell as by Queen Bele11 Saba tl1e wife Yekuno Amlak's grandson An1da Seyon (1314-1334.)

The chro11icle of An1 da Seyon, a far more detailed work than any pre\1ious cl1ronicle, gives us an understanding of tl1e then existing relationshiJJ between Cl1t1rcb and State. l t reveals tl1at the Ernperor v. as firn1 lj wedded to the orthodox faith and expected all Christians to give hirn tl1 eir loyalty and devotion. 2 1

1

The clltonicler relates, for exan1ple, a typical occasio11 wl1en Amda Seyon, wl10 was engaged in n1t1cl1 fighting with Muslim enemies, exl1orted l1is troops to figl1t for Christianity, asking wl1y men \.Vl10 knew tl1e Fat11er, Son at 1d Holy Spirit ar1d ]1ad been baptised in their na 1 ne and sanctified by tl1e blood of Cl1rist were afraid of infidels. I-le 11rged l1is soldiers to put all their confidence in God, addi 11g: ''As for 1nyself I l1ave swor11 by tl1e livi11g God, creator of l1 eaven and earth, that despite tl1 e rain and the heat I \vill not ret11r1 1 to my cot1ntry before I have an.­ nil1ilated. tl1e infidels, by the power of Jesus Cl1rist, the son of God, n1 y lord, a11d, wl1etl1er we die or live, we \vill always be in the hands of God.'' These words, we are told, revived tl1e courage of tl1 e troops to wl1on1 tl1 e King declared that tl1e defeat of tl1e Muslin1s was foretold by no less an a11tl1ority tl1an the I-loly Scriptures. 3 On another occasion, recalling how David ba.d killed Goliatl1, tl1e Emperor urgecl 11is 1nen r1ot to have any fear in the face o1� the infidels. ''The God of t]Je Christians," he said, ''will come to our aid ... victory is not assured to a large army nor defeat to a smaJI 011e; it is God \Vho decides tl1e outcome of battles."-4 It was surely only to be expected tl1at a sovereign so devoted to religion and who n1ade appeals for Cl1ristian support in l1is \vars sl1ot1ld also have been generotis in his st1pport for tl1e Church. The chronicle, which is mainly concerned with military matters, l1as, I1owever little to say on this question, a.nd tl1ough several land grants to the co 11 ve11t of Enda Abba Mata l1ave been attributed to An1da $eyon, Conti Rossini is of opinion tl1at their dating is probably apocryphal.s Conti Rossini, "Besua 'An1lak e il convento della trinita", Accedemia dei Lincei, Rendicontl, XI, p. 7 & o.

2. Idem, Principi di diritto consuetudinario dell' Eritrea, p. 395.

3. Perruchon, "Histoire des guerres d' Amda Syon," pp. 352-4.

4. Ibid, p. 452.

5. Conti Rossini, Pri,icipi di diritto consuetudinario dell' Eritrea, p. 396.

1.

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The relationship between State and CI1u.rch, becomes better docun1ented in tb.e next few regions wl1 en the Emperors are known to have made extensive grants of land to the Church.

At least half a dozen land charters for tl1e next I1 alf century or so are said to have been made. An1da �eyon's son, Newaya Krestos, also known as Sayfa Ared (1344-1372), is on record as having given land to the catl1edral of Aks11m and to Abba ·Madhanina Egzi of the nearby mo.nastery of Dabra BankuaJ. Tl1 e charter \V h . icb embodied tl1e gra11t to tl1 e cathedral at Aksum \Vas characteristic of many issued in tl1e next few ce11 turies. It stated that tl1e grant I1 ad been made for the conIB1en1oration of OLtr Lady Mary, that the E.mperor had given it n . ot through a 11 y official or governor bt1t by l1is own moutl1 , and tl1 at he prayed that any transgressor, \Vl1 etl1er 11iibi1rc1 eel (governor of AksL1 n1 ) or governor of Tegre, be ct1rsed througl1ot1t tl1 e ce11tt1ries by t.I1 e mot1tl1 of Peter and Paul. 6 T11 e charter granted to Abba :i\1adhanina stated tl1at it \Vas made in order that tl1 e Emperor ,vo11ld be condt1cted to l1eaven, and prayed, once again, that anyone violating the tern1s of tl1e agreen1e11t be cursed by tl1 e power of P . eter a11d Paul as \Veil as by the 111outh of tl1e Father, Son and Holy Spirit. 7 The probable background to the latter grant may be gathered from a legend ,v11 ich declares tl1 at Abba Madbani11a, or Madhanina Egzi, \.Vas a partict1larly I1oly man fro111 Akele Guzay who was brot1ght to Dabra Bank11al by tl1 e Archangel Gabre'el. Many 1 11irac1es are attribt1ted to tl1 e monk. It is said, for example, tl1 at while l1 e spe11t l1 is time in prayer and penite11ce bis donkey \Ve11t by itself to fetcl1 him water. This went on for seven years at the end of wl1icl1 t11 e ani1 nal was killed. by a lion, wl1on1 the monk _p11 11ished by obliging it to co11ti11ue tl1e donkey's labollr for a furtl1er seven years and later 1nade his pern1anent servant. 8 At1other tradition bolds that the same Emperor also gave lands to tl1e convent of May Berazio whicl1 is said to l1 ave fou11 ded by his ancestor Emperor Bahr Asgad (1294-1297) wl1 0 gave 11p l1 is thro11e to become a her 111it. 9 Sayfa Ared's son, D,1wit I (1382-1413), is believed to .l1ave made several more grants, tl1e texts of three of \.Vl1 icl1 are rtvailable, 11 a111ely to tl1 e convents of D�ibra I-Ier1110, the locality of whicl1 is uncertain, Quayasa near Aksu1n, and Dabra Bizen in Hamasen. Tl1e grant to Da.bra Her 1110 stated tl1 at it was made in order that the donor \vould go to l1 e,tve 11, and contai11ed tl1 e prayer that any transgressor be cursed for all ti111e by the power of Peter ancl Paul, by the .mot1tl1 of tl1 e Father, Son and Holy SJJirit and by the 111 ot1th of all the prophets and apostles. The grant to Qt1aya.sa listed over :fifty J )ieces of la11d vvl1icl1 the co11vent was to rec�ive, wl1ile tl1at to Dabra Bizen ex1Jressly stated tl1at tl1e grant ,-vas of rest, or herecl1tary property. 10 Dawit's son, Tewodros I (1411-1414), is said to have reversed tl1 e policy of 1us forefatl1ers an·c1 is 11ot kno,vn to l1 ave granted any land charters to tl1e Cl1L1rcl1 .

Bruce sa)'S that ''the :first great i11vasion'' of c1111rcl1 .la� d . took place in tl1 is reign . _ a11d tl1 at Tewodros ''far fro111 losi11g popt1Jar1ty by this infract1on, l1 as ever been reckoned a model for sovereigns." 11 Th.is Emperor's reign \Vas indeed so popular, 6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

Idem, Liber A,,--rumae, pp. 23-4.

Ibid, p. 24. \1illari, op. cit., p. 1440.

Ibid, Pl), 1440-1.

Co11ti Rossini, Liber A,--ru111ae, pp. 25-6. Vide also idem, II gad/a Filpos e ii gad/a Yohannes di Dabra Bizari (Roma, 1901), pp. 164-5.

Bruce, op. cit., I, 534-5. Vide also Correspondence respecting Abyssinia, p. 605.

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Bruce clain1s, that it was considered '<before all others tl1e n1ost fc:1vo�rite epoch'' in the co11ntry's history, it being ''even confidently believed'' that Tewodros was to ''rise again and ...reign i11 Abyssinia for a thousand years." 12 Tewodros' brotl1er Yeshaq I (1414-1429) seems to l1 ave aba.ndoned this ap­ paret1tly anti-clerical policy for he is knov,in to have n1 ade at least two grants to the CJ1urcl1. His chronicle records a gift of territories in Sire, Tamben and Sarae to Dabrii Abay, a convent nortl1 of tl1 e Taka.ze, while tradition t� lls tl1at __I1e . fo1111d­ .

13 The gift to Dabra Abay ed a11d endowed the convent of Tarata in Bar11qua. is stated to have been made in order tl1at be be cond11cted to l1ea,,e11. A }Jrayer was included once ,1gain to tl1 e effect that any transgressor be cursed by the Fatl1er, Son and Holy Spirit.14 Yeshaq's brother, Zara Yaqob (1434-1468), was probably a.n even greater s11p­ porter of the Church. The cl1ronicle of his reign reveals tl1 at I1 e founded nun1erous cl1urcl1es and monasteries, endov.,ing then1 rich.ly witl1 land. Thus at tl1e tin1e of l1is coronation be fo11nded and e11do\ved a convent at Aksun1, as tl1e chronicle says, ''to per1 )etuate J1js own 1nemory as well as tbat of 11 is children and tl1e chil­ dren of 11is cbjldren," giving the cliief J)riest an extensive piece of land.15 TJ1e spirit of the ti1nes can be seen fron1 a couple of incidents reported in tl1e chronicle. On one occasio11, we are told, a light aJ )peared in the sky and re 1nained visible for several days, as ,1 result of \vl1icb. tl1 e king became ''greatly attacl1ed to the place'' wl1icl1 he called Diibra Berl1an, or mo1111 tain of ligl1t, b11ild­ ing a ''n1agoifice11t cl111rch'' tl1ere in honour of tl1 e Saviour. 16 011 a11otl1 er occasion a serious plague broke out when so ma11y people died at Dabra Berl1 an tl1 at ''no on.e was left to bury tl1 e dead." The Emperor tl1ereupon built a cht1rcl1, Beta Qirqos, as it was said tl1 at tl1 ere would be no plague, drought or deatl1 near a shrine. 17 Other religious institutio11s established a.nd endowed witl1 lands by Zara Yaqob, according to the cl1ro11icle, i11cl11ded the two cl1urcl1 es of Makana Go] and Dabra Nagwadgwad at Tsahaya in An1 l1ara, a monastery for tl1 e 11 1onks of Dabra Libanos, the ch11rcl1 of Maka11a Maryam at Dago, the cl111rch of Dabra 11et1naq at Tag11lat, tbe t\1/0 cl1urches of Martula Maryam and Asada iv1ika'el in Fata.gar, the ch11rcl1 of Dabra Sel1in in Enzfirda, and tl1e churcl1 of Madhane Alam at Dabra Berhan.18 The ch_ronicler, describing the establishment of these ch.11rches a11d n1onasteries, n1 akes it clear tl1at grants of la11d were always involvecl. Thus at the c]1urch of Makan�i Maryam, it is said, tl1 e Emperor displayed ''especial favot1r'', granting it a large amo11r1t of land and establisl1ing priests tl1ere to give praise to God. At Dabrii Seb.in J1e gave the priests ''hereditary property to ass11re their existence as well as lands to celebrate the n1en1ory of the Virgin and that of ltimself''. At Dabri-i Nag\1/adgwad be presented the priests witl1 ''a vast land to celebrate tl1 e memor)' of 011r Lady Mary, as well as that of J1imself, his fatl1er a11d l1js n1other."I 9 ..

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.

Bruce, op. cit., II, 64-5. 011 the legend of Tewodros vide Blu11dell, op. cit., pp. 515-17.

Villari, op. cit., p. 1442.

Conti Rossini, Liber Axumae, pp. 26-7.

Ibid, p. 51-2.

Ibid, pp. 70-1.

Perruchon, Les Chroniques de Zar'a Ya'eqob et de Ba'eda MarJ1arn, pp. 73-4, 93-4.

Ibid, pp. 52-7, 67-8, 71-2, 83, 87-8, 90-3.

Ibid, pp. 54, 68, 87.

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> Dabra of monks aJso Libanos s generosity, The Emperor the in shared • e T? chro111cle states that tl1e Emperor ordered that they should receive all the reve11ues of Shoa \Vl1 ich '11ad hitherto been allotted to tl1 e Sii}ziifii la,n, or provincial governor, as well as to tl1� troops. 20 On anoth.er occasion tl1e monks were given 500 ot1nces of . gold, 111any rich vestments and 2,000 I1 ead of cattle, as well as 100 (undefn1ed) t1n1ts of land at Alat, to celebrate every n1onth tl1e joint memory of the birtl1 of Christ and of one Ztira Yaqob's victories. 21

Church traditions confirn1 Zara Yaqob's great st1pport for religious establish­ me11ts. It is stated, for example, that l1e founded the cl1 t1rch of Nlary at Dabra Cerbe by Lake Ta11 a, a11 d enclowed the convent of Dabra Gannat in Adet. 22 Tl1 e latter monastery is st1pposed to have been founded by a certain Abba Tawfilda Madl1en of Akele Gtizay who, l1aving expelled the Falasas, or Jews, from the area, received tl1eir lands fron1 tl1e King wl10 also ordered tl1e \Vl1 0Ie of Adet to provide trjbt1te. Tl1ese obligations, as we sl1all see, were later curtailed. 23 Records a .re extent of a.t least nine land cl1arters believecl to have been granted

by Zara Yaqob, four to the catl1ed.ral of 1-\kst1m, two to the convent of Mal1bara Maryam near Akst1m, and one each to tl1e co11vents of Dabra Bize.11, Malago in Sen1 en and Ma)1 \Vayn, south "''est of Akst1n1.

TI1 ree of the grants to tl1e cathedr,11 at Akst11n contain expla11ations as to the reasons ,vh)' tl1ey were 1nacle. 011e says tl1 at it was to co111 memorate 011r Lacly 1-1,1ry, for the celebratio11 of tl1e l1 011rs, and to condt1ct tl1e En1peror to the kingdon1 of heaven, tl1e second to perpetL1ate Zara Yaqob's memory a11 d for tl1e s11p1Jly of incense, and tl1 e tl1ird to perpetuate the n1 emory of St. l\tlary. All fot1r cl1arters contained the custo111ery curses on tra11sgressors. Tl1 e first asked that they be c11rsed by tl1e mouth of Ma,ry, tl1e 1noutl1 of Peter and I>,1t1l, and by the mo11th of tl1 e Father, Son and Holy Gl1ost, for ever; tl1e second. carried an inj11nction forbidding anyone from approaching tl1 e lancls in qt1estion and pr,1yed tl1at anyone wl10 clid tl1is wot1Id be accursed; tl1e tl1ird. invoked c11rses from the 1not1tl1 of Peter and Paul, \-·vhile the fo11rtl1 prayed that a11y transgressor be cursed like Aryos the a_postate and Sirnon tl1e n1agician of Samarya.

The two cl1arters granting lands to tl1e co11 vent of M:ihbara Maryam were cot1ched in su11ilar te.r1ns. One stated that Zara Yaqob 11ad granted the la11 d. by the "''ill of God and tl1 ro11gh the be11ovelence of tl1e S011 and fioly SJJirit 11ot by the n1011tl1 of any official or gover11or but by his own mo11tl1, ancl prayecl that any transgressor be c11rsed for all ti111e by tl1e Fatl1 er, S011 a11 d Holy Spirit as well as by our L.ady Mary, the 111otl1er of God. The seconcl cl1arter stated tl1at it was made for tl1e En1 peror's co111me1noration an. d tl1at ? f 011e Abba l)1as11s an? � e­ clared that Zara Yaqob had ma.de an agreement \-V1t�1 tl1 e people of tl1 e d1strrct that no one might enter the land, be he gover11or, official or possessor of a l1 orse.

Tl1ere was a prayer that anyone violating tl1 e agreement wot1ld be cursed by Peter a11d Patil.

Zara Yaqob's for example, that prayed that any explicitly that the

other cl1 a.rters were not dissimilar._ Tb.at to Dabra Bi��n stated, it was made for the commemoration of one A� ba F1l1pos, and be acc11rsed; a second text of this . charter stated transgressor : land in q11estion was con1posed of rest, or hered1tary property,

20. Ibid, p. 101.

21 . Ibid, pp. 90-2.

22. Villari, op. cit. pp. 1442-3.

23. Ibid, p. 1441.

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as well as gi1lt, or lands yielding tribute. Tl1 e charter gran� i11g land to the convent , of Malago stated tl1at it was 111ade for tl1e corome1uorat1on of Father Tewod:os, and invoked the curses of t]1 e Fatl1er, Son and Holy Spirit on any transgress1on.

The charter given to tl1e convent of May Wayn prayed once again that any tra1 1s­ gressor be cursed by tl1e Fatl1er, tl1 e Son and the I-Ioly Spirit, as_ well as by Peter and Paltl, and added for good n1 easure: ''Whosoever destroys [tl11s document] rnay his name be destroyed in tl1e kingdom of beaven''. 24 Anotl1er in1 portant land grant said to l1ave been n1 ade by tl1is E1:11peror was to tl1e co11vent of Dabra. Maryam in tJ1 e Kol1ay11 area of Eritrea to \1/l11ch l1 e gave a large number of villages, many of which were to be taken away fro111 it almost ba]f a milleniun1 later. 25 Zara Yaqob's son, Ba'eda Maryam (1468-1478), was also assiduous in. his s11pport for the cJ1 11rcl1. Tl1 e chronicle of lus reign relates, for exai:nple, tl1at iv hen tl1 e priests o.f a place called Dabra Zayet brougl1 t 11 im gifts of cattle, sl1eep and chic­ kens l1e ret11rned them with tl1 e message that the clergy \Vere l1e11ceforward exempt fron1 all contrjbutions of this kind. 26 He also made many mo 1 1etary gifts to pro­ DJinent ecclesiastics, despatcl1ing t\VO successive presents of 500 011nces of gold to tl1 e l1 ead of the monastery of Dabra Libanos and a11other 500 ol1nces to tl1 e monastery of Dabra Dama, as well as making many other u11specified gifts to variol1s otl1 er n1011asteries and c11urches. Tl1e church of Atronsa Egzetna Maryam is said to have been specially privileged, being give11 ''many lands'' as well as all tl1e wealtl1 wl1icl1 tl1e E11 11Jeror bad received in l1 is youth or acq11ired since his accessio11 . 27 Ba'eda Marya.m also followed l1is fatl1 er in establishing a11d endo\.vi11g 11uu1ero11s cl111rcbes, .including tl1ose of Dabra Parac1litos, i\1eshala Mar,:tym, Dabtarc1 Maryan1 and !\.1at1bara Marya111; 11.e also .reb11ilt 1:nany other ch11rches whicl1 11ad been destroyed i 11 previous periods of figl1ti1 1g. 28 Nu 1nerol1s land grants \Vere made. The cb 11 rcl1 of Dabra Paraqlitos, for exa111ple, received ''a vast stretch of la11d'', tl1e reve11l1res of wllich were designed ''to celebrate tl1e 111emory of the Virgin Mary'',29 \Vhile tl1. e eccle­ sjastics of tl1e ch11rcl1 of Dabtara !v1aryam obtained 1,000 meas11res of land a.t Sala1u. 30 Ba.'eda Maryan1 is kno,vn to l1ave n1ade a land cl1arter in favour of the convent of !vlay \1/ayn, ,vhich, as we l1a.ve seen, had already received one from his fatl1 er.

Tl1e cl1arter states that it ,vas given for the Em1Jeror's o\vn comn1emoratio11, as well as that of Mary. 31 Ba'eda Maryam's son, Eske11der (1478-1494), contin11ed tl1e tradition of erecting churcl1es. He completed. that Antronsa Maryan1 began by l1is fatl1 er and b 11ilt anotl1er i1nporta 11t cl1urch called Dabra Meshawe. 32 24. Conti Rossi 1;ll, Liber Axumae, pp. 27-31. Vide also iden1, II gad/a Fi/pas e ii gad/a Yohan.nes, pp. 164-5; idem, ''Besua 'Arnlak e il convento della trinita", p. 8n; idetn, Principi di diretto consue1udiJ1ario dell' Eritrea, pp. 401-2.

25. Conti Rossini, Principi di diritto consuetuclinario dell' Eritrea, p. 396.

26. Perruchon, Les chroniques de Zar'a Ya'eqob et de Ba'erla Maryan1, lJ, 118.

27. Ibid,pp. 123, 144, 179, 181-2.

28. Ibid, pp.121, 127,130,132,136,148, 169-70, 173, 177.

29. Ibid, p.123. Vide also p. 130.

30. Ibid, p. 132.

31. Conti Rossini, Liber Axumae, pp. 31-2.

32. Budge, A History of Ethiopia, II, 320-1.

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Eskender's son, Na'od (1495-1508), is said to have given a monk called Be�u'a Amlak the land on which the Eritrean convent of Enda Sellase near Egala was later btlilt.33 A life of the holy man written in 1510 states the King ca_ n1e to Gura from Amhara, and, seeing Be�u'a Amlak's holy deeds, offered him land.

Be�u'a Amlak, however, is said to have replied, ''I do not want any, for I am a secluded monk; but allow me this monastery to be my residence and a founda­ tion for my followers." He then said to King Na'od, ''Build Makana Sellase in your dominion so that you may receive your reward in the Kingdom of God." The Emperor then gave the monks a n11mber of estates, while th.e monks are said to have purchased another large piece of land with eigl1ty pieces of silver. 34 Na'od's son, Leb11a Dengel (1508-1540), was also a great cl1urch bu.ilder, and is known to have made at least tl1 ree grants to tl1 e cathedral of Aksum, as well as to the co11vents of Dabra Libanos, Dabra Bizen, Mahbara Maryan1, Dabra Bankual, and May Wayn, all of \Vhich had received land charters from previo11s rulers, and a n111nber of other convents, namely Dabra Lagaso in Torat, Abba Yonas near n1odern Addi Ugri, Beta Pantalewon and 1-Ialle Luya near Aksum, Dabra Barbare near Amba San�iyt, Dabra $eyon in \Valdebba, and Dabra Ma'ara near Ha,vzen. Land wa.s also granted by cl1arter to several ecclesjastics great and small.35 The charter to tl1e con,1ent of I-Ialle Luya states tl1at it was given after tl1e Emperor bad questioned its m.onks ,:1bout tl1e condition of their convent, the documents expressly forbiddi11g the destruction of the text on pa.in of excomn1un.ica­ tion by the tongue of the Apostles.36 One of tl1e charters gra11ted to an in­ dividual ecclesiastic established something in tl1e natt1re of hereditary property for it states tl1at it was given to tl1 e said i11divid11al Dafla ''for his piligrimage to Jeru­ salem, and for his children and l1is cltlldren's chilclren. ''37 Anotl1er charter given to one of the priests contai11ed a c11rse against anyone who destroyed the doct1ment, praying that any such JJerson sl1ould be removed from the book of life and c11rsed for ever. 38 ,L\. furtl1 er land charter draw11 up at abot1t this ti1ne, possibly for the cathedral at Aksurn� states tl1at the grant was made by a cert,tin woman called \Valattti Maryam ,vbose exact status is ho,vever 11ncertain but may ,veil have been an Empress or princess. 39 Several other institution.s see1n to l1ave been given gi,lt in tl1is reign, among tl1em the in1port,1nt convent of Dabra M'arqorewos in nortl1 er11 Tegre.40 Our first eye witness descri 1Jtion of ch11rcb ownersl1ip of land was penned in this rejgn by Alvarez. Disc11ssing tl1e important mo11astery of Dabra Bizen in the country of tl1 e Baharnagas, tl1 e Portl1gl1se traveller observes: ''The re­ venues of tltls monastery are very large; those \Vhich I saw and l1eard of are, c]1 jefly, tl1is mountain i n wl1ich the)' sow mt1ch millet, barley, rye and tC?fi (fef), and all tl1ese pay d11es to the 111onastery, and they are called Gz1ltz1s (gult) of the monastery." ffe goes on to sa.y tl1at on travelling inland from Da·bra Bizen he

33. Conti Rossini, "Besua 'Amlak e il convento delle trinita," p. 8.

34. Viele also Conti Rossini, Principi cli diritto consuetudinario dell' Eritrea, pp. 410-11.

35. Conti Rossini, Liber .rlxu,nae, pp. 31-50; idem, Il gac/la Filpos e il gad/a Yohan11es pp. 164-5.

36. Conti Rossini, Liber Axu,nae, p. 43.

37. Ibid, p. 41.

38. Ibid, p. 45.

39. Ibid, pp. 32-3.

40. Perini, op. cit., p. 127.

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discovered tl1at the town or village of Ca1iia(?), five da.ys' journey inland, also belonged to the n1onastery. ''Besides tl1at town," 11 e ad.ds, ''tl1 ere were a l1undred villages all belonging to tl1e monaster)'.... We were also sho\vn ma11y of the otl1 ers, and they told 11s tl1at every tllfee years they paid a horse to tl1e mouaster)', and tl1 at each village clid tl1 is, wl1icl1 makes tl1irty-tl1Tee l1orses every year." 111 order to be certain of tl1ese facts J1e i1 1q11ired of tl1e Alaqa, or l1ead of the monastery, who told l 1i1 11 tl1at tl1 e payn1ent of horses ba.d been fixed by tI1e Em.peror . to whom the villages had forn1 erly belonged, but tl1at l1 e l1 ad given tl1e rigl1t to receive them to tl1e cl1urch, since \Vben tl1 e villagers had had to pay fifty cows for every l1orse. Tl1 ey also paid dL1es in fruit. Fifteen da.ys' jot1rney to the s011tl1 , .111 tl1 e kingdon1 of Tegre, there ,vas another ''very large tow11'' belonging to the 111onastery of Adet, whicl1 paid every year sixty l1orses and ''an infinite n L 1n1 ber of d11es a.nd custo1ns." In tl1is district tl1ere vvere ''always 111ore tl1 an a tb.ousand friars. " 41 Elsewl1ere describing a couple of cl1t1rches at Dabarw,1, in tl1e country of tl1e Bal1 ar11agas, Alvarez reports: ''tl1ey have got 11 1ucl1 land belonging to tl1e J)riests, and they put it to goocl t1se and divide the revenues of' tl1e la11 ds an1 ong tl1 em­ selves. '' E111pbasising tl1at tl1e priests were on the \vhole prosperous be adcJs tl1 at tl1e Bal1ar11agas ''gives what is necessary for the cl111rcL1es, s11cl1 as ornaments, wax, butter, incense i11 sufficient q11antity, a11d he SUJJplies then1 with everything. "42 Alvarez also re1Jortecl on the cburcl1es of A1nhara 1Jrovi1 1ce, dec]ari.11 g ''tJ1ere are very 111 a11y villages ... and in all of tl1e1n cl1 11rcl1 es." I-le says tl1 at tl1e princi JJal cl1 urcl1es, L 1sually tl1ose wl1ere an ErnJ)eror was b11ried, l 1 ad each been endowed by the res1Jective sovereign witl1 ''Jarge reven11es." Tl1e c]1urch of Niakana Sellase, wl1ic]1 had been b11ilt by Lebna Dengel's fatl1 er, Na'od, l1 ad for instan.ce been give11 as eodown1.e11t ''the wl1ole'' of tl1e kii1gdon1 of An1 J1 ara ''\vitbout one span re111aining wl1 ich does not belong to ch L1rches. " 43 The Cl111rc]1's ,vealth i11 tl1 is period is con:fir111ed by Al1mad Gran's cl1 rouicler, Arab l:;- aqih, wl10, besides descril1ing 1 11.1told ricl1es i n many o f. the ch L1 rcl1es and monasteries cJain1 ed tl1at tl1e Ecage, the i11digeno11s head of the Ch11rcl1 and cllief of tbe 111 011ks of Dabra Liba110s, ''possessed a qt1arter of tl1e kingdom.''44 TJ1e wealtl1 of tl1 e Cl1 urcl1 wot1ld aJJpear to have bee11 closely related to its great 11olitical. po,ver. Alvarez, as we l1ave seen, declared at tliis ti111 e that two ecclesiastics, na 1nely tJ 1e Ab11na and the abbot of Dabra Liba110s, \Vere amo11 g the six ,:electors'' responsible for cl1oosing the s11ccessor to tl1 e tl1rone, and qt1 oted the Ab11na as openly declaring tl1 at he and the Empress Eleni l1 ad 1nade tl1e Emperor Lebna De11gel king ''because tl1ey had all the great n1 en and all the treasure in their hands."45 Despite tl1 e ge11erosity of Lebna Dengel and his predecessors many of the priests and, above all, tl1e monks, see111 to ha.ve been obliged to ,vork in agri­ culture on their own behalf. Brotl1 er TJ1 omas, an Etl1iopian 1nonk fron1 A 11got, stated i11 Italy in 1523 tl1at tl1e monks and priests of l1 is co11ntry u11 dertook ''rr1a­ nt1 al labo11 r like donke:ys''."' 6 Alvarez confirn1 s this accot1nt, at least as far as the 41. Beckingham and Huntingford, The Prester John of the Indies, I, 93-5.

42. Ibid, I, 119.

43.

44.

Ibid, I, 256.

R. Basset, Histoire de la cor1quete cle l'Abyssinie (XVJe siecle) par Chihab el-Din .,4/z,ned ben Abele/ Quader sur110111e Arab Faqih (Paris, 1897-1908), p. 439.

Beckingl1arn and Huntingford, The Prester Joh11 of the Inclies, I, 243 & n.

45.

46. Crawford, op. cit., p. 169.

- 44-

monasteries were concerned. He· says: ''all the. . . friars and nuns dig in this cou 0__ try, and they sow wl1eat and barley, ,vhicl1 they eat, for the monastery gives them little." He cites two act11al cases, namely the n1onasteries of Yekuno Amlak in Angot and Dabra B i. zen in Tegre."7 The f orn1er, · he says, had ''not got large re·ven1 1es'', but possessed ''a great n 11mber of friars and nuns'' and ,vas · therefore presumably not over well supplied." 8 His reference to Dabra Bizen was n1ore explicit, for l1 e says tl1 at tl1 e n1onks ''go into t11e forests collecti11 g tl1eir millet, both that grown by' their own labo1 1 r, and tl1 e produce of the dues paid to tl1 em by those wl1 0 so\v i n tl1ese mo 1111 tains a11 d forests. ''49 A.nother PortL1g1 1 ese report o·f tl:us period, discussing the condition of the monks of Dabra Bizen, i11dic1ites that disputes over ch 11rcl1 lands and tl1eir revenues were 11ot 11nknown even in the relatively stable time of Leb11a Dengel. Th11 s the a11tl1 or of the Carta clas 11ovas of 1520 stated that men1bers of .his party had asked the monks wl1 etl1er tl1 ey \Vere in receipt of tithe, to wl1 icl1 the latter gave a negative reply, where at tl1 e visitors de1na11 ded ''wl10 co]lected them?'' One of tl1e monks answered that this was done l,y the Bal1 ar11 agas ''tl1011gl1 they kne\v that God · 11t they did not gi,1e them .had comma11ded the111 to be given to tl1 e CI1urcl1; b to tl1 em." Tl1e Portuguese tl1en i 11quired 11 0\v tl1 e monks s11pported themselves.

Their infor1nant answered: ''By t11e toil of tl1 eir 11 ands'', a11d showed the tools they used, \.vl1 icl1 , \Ve are told, ''were rather poor''. 50 The autl1or of tl1 e Carta goes on to say that tl1e monks declarecl tl1 ey existed entirely by t11 eir ow11 efforts a.nd adds: ''They live by tl1 e sweat of tl1eir bro,v and tl1e labot 1r of t11 eir hands.''

Elaborating on tl1 is staten1 ent 1 1 e addecl: ''They dig, clear tl1e land, ancl so\v. Tl1 ey l1ave many n1aize fields or1 tl1e 1not 1 ntai11s. Tl1 ey do n1 t1cl1 breeding of cattle, a 1 1d have many n1t1les also of tl1 eir own for breeding, wb..icl1 tl1 ey \Vill sell for tl1e needs of tl1eir n1 aintenance, for tl1 e alms, tl1ey say, 1nust be little or notl1 i 11 g; for since tl1ey do not ride 0 11 beasts, tl1 ey will 11 ot need tl1 en1 for any other purJJose''. 51 The invasion of Al1m. a d Gran, ,vl1 icl1 bega ·n in 1527, ca1 1 sed the cl1 urch to fall on evil days; ma11y JJriests and mo11ks ,vere killed, l,trge numbers of Cl1 ristians abat1doned tl1 ei1· faitl.1, and innt1merable cl1t1rcl1es a11 d mo11a.steries were destroyed.

Tl1is destrt1ction is described in great detail by Arab l:;-aqih. 52 Eventually, J 1 owever, in 1543 Lebna Dengel's son, GaJa¥.1de,vos (1540-1559), s11 cceeded, as we have seen, in defeating tl1 e enen1y. TI1e a11cient Cl1ristian state was restored; tl1e Emperor, accordiog to his cl1 ro11 icler, tl1 en ''reco11str11cted tl1e cl1urcJ1 es wl1ich l1ad been des­ troyed a11d ope11 ed tip tl1 ose wl1icl1 l1ad been closed''. 53 Galawde'\-vos gra11ted at least three land cl1arters to the cl1 urch, in more or less tl1e sa111 e n1 a1111er as l1is f'orebears. Tl1 ese cl1 a.rters were addressed to tl1 e monks of vVaJdebba a11 d to the convents of Dabra Bizen and May Barazyo. 54 Several of tl1 e s11bseq11ent rulers also granted land cJ1 arters to tl1e cl1urcl1. �fh 11 s Lebna De11 gel's son, Mi11as (1559-1563), 1nade a new grant to the convent of May Barazyo, 55 wl1 i]e the Emperor Sar�a Dengel (1563-1597) ga, 1e gra11ts to tl1 e catl1 edraJ 47.

48.

49.

50.

51.

52.

53.

54.

55.

Beckingham and I-Iuntingforcl, Tire Prester John of the Indies, J, 201.

Ibid, I, 201.

Ibid, p. 70.

I-I. T11omas, The Discovery of Abyssinia by tire Portuguese in 1520 (London, 1938), p. 79.

Ibid, p. 80. Vide also Ahneida, op. cit., Bool( II, Chapter XIX. Basset, lf.istoire de la co11quete {!e l'.r-1byssinie, passim.

Conzelrnan, op. cit., IJ, 173. Vide also pp. 150-3, 163.

Conti Rossin.i, Liber Axu111c1e, pp. 50-2; ide111, Jl gac//a Filpos e if gad/a Yolzannes, pp. 164-5.

Centi Rossini, Liber Axumae, p. 52.

of Akst1 111 and to tl1 e convents of Dabra Lagaso, Madara and Dabra Maryam ni Sarae as ,veil as to tl1e Neb11ra Ed or governor of Aksum. 56 Two of these grants see1n to have been prompted by pr�vious dispu �es about _ Sar�a of 1 re1g1 disorderly the in red 1 1 c De11gel. land or other 111atters, which had oc .

Tl1us the c l1arter give11 to Dabra Lagaso states tl1 at the people of the ne1ghbour­ l1ood !Jad attempted litigation against the monks, declaring tl1at tl1e ,vho]e of the land in q11estion was their l1ereditary property, bt1t tl1e monks l1ad b� ·o11gJ1 t_ 43 witnesses to testify tl1at in 111.ost of the area there was no rest, or l1 ered1tary title, and tl1at tl1 e land \Vas gult, JJaying gebr, or trib11te, and b ' elo�ged to tl1 e 1 !1 onastery. 57 The cl1arter to Madara likewise makes reference to a d1s1J11te occasioned by a certain scribe called Ton1as ,vl10 claimed tl1 at I1e I1ad bee.n appointed by the King.

The monks, however, brougl1 t witnesses to prove tha.t neitl1 er the scribes nor any other officials, except the abbot, \Vere a1Jpointed by the sovereig11, b11t only by tl1e .inonastery.58 Notwitl1sta 11 di11g the continuance of royal gifts tl1 e landed possessions of tl1e chur cl1 n1 ay well l1ave been considerably curtailed in this period, and i11 tl1 is c on­ text tl1e above 1J1 entioned references to land disp11tes are do11btless significant. Tl1 e northward adva□.ce of t]1e Gallas, wl1icl1 ga.ined mo111entun1 after tl1e defeat of Gran in tl1 e 1nid-sixtee11tl1 century, also had in11Jortant conseq11ences. The cl1urcb was auto11 1aticaJly deJJrived of almost all its property in Gall,1 occt1pied areas, while the shrin'ki11 g of tl1 e e111 pire resulti11g fro1n the Galla ,1dva11ce 111ay ,veil l1 ave led to a. general shorta.ge of land in wl1 ich tl1 e E1nperors were also ten1JJted to resort to tl1 e co11 fisca.tio11 of cl1urch la11d. Tl1 is at least was the OJ).i11ion of Al1 neida, ,vl1 0, discussing tl1 e question in tl1e early seve11 tee11 tl1 ce11 tury, notes tl1 at n1a11 y of the n1 onasteries "formerly ow11 ed n1 11cl1 .la11 d, of wl1icl1 little ren1ai11 s to the111 today, otl1ers owned less and lost it from variot 1 s ca11ses. So1J1e were robbed by tL1 e Galla, others by tl.1e E11 1perors."

Writing of tl1 e 111 onastery of Da.bra Libanos, for exarnple, l1 e notes: ''The Galla have seized nearly all tl1 e land belo1.1 ging to it, as tl1 ey i11 vaded the cou11 try frorn tl1 is side, and took J)Ossessio11 of the kingdo11 1s, and neigl1bot1r.ing provinces." Tur11 ing to the confiscations effected by tbe sovereigns, be adds: ''Seeing that tl1 e Galla robbed tJ1 en1 of so n1 any k . ingdo111 s, tl1 ey took possessio11 of tl1 e 11 1011 asteries and ch11rc]1 es in order to bestow then1 01.1 the soldiers who defended tl1 e kiogdo111 . Ma11 y were lost ·by tl1 e 1nonks tl1 e111 selves, by sale, or by gift to laymen together with vario11s rigl1ts, many also were seized by laymen by force or fra11d."59 The Ron1 a11 Catholic E1nperor Sus11 eyos (1607-1632) w.11 0 came to tl1 e tl1 ro11 e at the e11 d of tl1 e 111ai11 period of Galla advance, \Vas particularly desirot1 s, as n1igbt be expected, of 1i1niting the extent of lands l1eld by the ortl1 odox cl1 urcl1 .

Tl1 e chronicle of the reign contains several refere11 ces to l1is efforts to a1)propriate c l111rc l1 property hitl1 erto belonging to tl1 e crown, bt 1 t suggests th:1t tl1is ledto consi­ derable opposition fron1 the clergy, particularly at Dabra Liba11 0s \vl1 ere tl1e sove­ reign was driven away by tl1 e n1onks.60 Manoel Barradas, a Jes11it v.,riter of the period, reported that tl1 e En1 peror i11 l1 is efforts to i11 trod11ce the Ro111 an Catl1 olic faith seized a major part of tl1e lands belonging to tl1 e monastery of Dabra Bizen

56.

57.

58.

59.

60.

Ibid, pp. 52-6. lbid,p.54.

Ibid, p. 58. Vide also B.M. M.S. Orient 650, 7a, 7b, 16b, 135b.

Almeida, op. cit., Book II, C!Japte.r XIX. Pereira, op. cit., pp. 13, 22-3, 40, 43, 68, 89.

-46 -

whlch did not ret11rn to it even after Susneyos abandoned l1is atten.1pts at con­ version. Once church lands had been siezed by the chiefs and soldiers, tl1 e Jesuit conunents, it was very diffic11lt for the old owners to get them back. 6 t Pollera, a modern Italian scholar, attempting to explain the motives for the Emperor's action, arg11es that Susneyos ''sup_pressed many ecclesiastical gz.1/ts'' instit11ted by the earlier rulers Galawdewos and Sar�a Dengel ''in ord.er to give the land to his soldiers who 11 ad assisted l1is rise to the throne'' .62 Susneyos was, however, unable to convert the co11ntry to Roman Catholicis1n or to effect any s11bstantial ex.propri,1tio11 of ch11rch land. He abdicated in 1632 and was succeeded by his son Fasiladas (1632-1667) who was a firm supporter of the ortl1odox faith.

The wealth of the cl111rch a 11d tl1e organisation of 1nonastic lands in the early seventeentl1 cent11ry \Vas disc11ssed by several of the Jes11it writers of tl1is :period.

Tht1s Almeid,1 states tl1 at tl1e Abu 11 a l1 eld three or fo11r large estates as gi,lt and tl1at his lands in Tegre were said to yield forty to fifty 1-vaqets, or 011nces, of gold a yea.r, or a val11e of four of five l111nclred patacas, while tl1ose in Dambya supplied hi1 n witl1 sufljc.ient provisions for tl1e upkeep of his ho11sel1 old. Furtl1er lands in Gojan1 were, on. tl1e other l1 a11d, of little val11e to hi 1 n as they were near to the Bl11e Nile a11d at t]1at time subject to attac.ks by the Gallas. Those of tl1e Abuna's tenants wl10 \Vere exempted. fro1 n labour service were expected to pay one or t\vo bars of s:1lt a year, a cl1arge whicJ1 , Almeida says, gave tl1e ecclesiastic a reven11e of n1auy tl1ousand pieces. 63 T11e 111ost importa1 1t religio11s establishments were also abundantly supplied with land. Barradas states tl1at the n101 1astery of Dabra Bizen .had large a11 d good lands, not only in its vicinity but also far away i 11 Sire, while tl1 e mo11 astery of Abba Garima near Adw,1 possessed 1 11 a11y excellent lands, if anything larger than thos· e in tl1 e Portug11ese provjnce of Aleutejo; some \Vere gzt!t and gave tl1e whole of tl1 eir reven11es to tl1 e monks, \Vl1ile others paid half to the governor of Tegre. Tl1 e Emperors of for1ner tunes, Barradas adds, had been as generous i1 1 g.iving lands to the ch11rcl1 as those of l1 is O\Vn day were anxious to get so 1ne of the1n back to meet tl1e needs of t11 eir soldiers wl1 om tl1 ey wisl1 ed to satisfy. 64 T]1 e organisation of mor1astic land ctnd tl1 e systen1 of inheritance concerning it \.V,1s also described by Almeida. Disc11ssi 11g tl1e role of tl1e m.onks l1e observes that ''from aln1ost irn1nen1orial tin1es, it \.V,1s tl1 eir c11ston1 to divicJe a monastery's land amongst its 111e1nbers, ,tlways setting aside a large portio11 for tl1e S11perior, which formed as it �1ere the property of tl1 e Abbot; eacl1 111 onk st1pported and clotl1 ed himself from the lat1d vvl1 ich fell to his sl1are, a11d fro111 aln1 s or gifts made by pare11ts a11 d frie11ds." Turning to the q11estion of inherjtance a 111 011g the n1onks, Aln1 eida conc]11des: ''Wl1en a monk died IJOssessed of anything obtained by tea.cl1i11g or writing books, a11 d not derivecl from the monastery, such possessions were in­ .l1erited by his relatives; but llis landed property re\1erted to the 1nonastery. As, O\Vi11 g to tl1 e prevalent licentiousness, 111 onks �req11ently ha � cl1� ldre11, any son of a 1nonk takino tl1e l1abit. as they usually did, tl1e son 111 h.er1ted the 111onastery lands \Vhich ]1j� fatl1er l1ad ow11ed. This law still obtains. " 65

61 .

62.

63.

64.

65.

.

Beccar1, op. c1·t ., IV . 243, 268. Vide also 234.

Pollera, op. cit., p. 24-7.

Beccari ,op. cit., VT, 162-2.

Idem, IV, 243, 268. Vide also 234. /'.\.lmeida, op. cit., Boo!{ II, Cl1apter XIX.

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X •

ROYAL LANDS Besides gra1Jti11g lands to variot1s nobles, ecclesiastical establisl1ments and so forth, the Emperors of Etl1iopia also traditionally own ow. n ed estates of tl1eir . .

Alvarez, disct1ssjng this questio11 in tl1e early sixteentl1 century, reported tl1at tl1ere were ''many cro,vn lands belonging to the Prester, in wl1ich a great qt1antity of bread is gatl1ered, ,:vl1icl1 is given to ho11ou.rable persons, and the poor, and to poor monasteries and cl1urcl1es. '' 1 Elsewhere, elaborati11g on the san1e then1e, he adds: ''We k11ow for certain, and by seeing it in n1a11y parts, tl1at tl1e Prester Jol1n l1as in most of l1is king­ don1s Ia1·ge farms a11d estates, like the cro\vn lands in ot1r parts. TJ1ese estates, or crown lands, are ploughed and sown by l1js slaves, witl1 his own oxe11."

In an atten1pt to clarify the status of tl1ese so-called ''slaves," \vho \1/ere per­ l1aps more akin to serfs, the Portuguese priest sornewl1at obsct1rely ren1arks tl1at tl1ey obtained ''their provisions and clotl1es from the King (sic), and they are n1ore free tl1au any otl1er JJeople, and they co1ne originally from slaves, a11.d tl1ey n1arry one a11other." 2 Almeida in the sevet1teer1th century also n1entio11ed tl1e existence of royal estates, of tl1is ki11d, observi11g tl1at ''tl1e E1nperor l1as s01ne lands like crown la11ds fron1 wbic11 11e raises ten or twel\1e tl1011sand loacls of J)rovisions." 3 No details are l1owever a.vailable on the tlctual oragnisation of these fanns in. tl1is period.

1.

2.

3.

Beckingham and Huntingford, The Prester Jolut of the Indies, II, 512.

Ibid, I, 248.

Idem, So,ne Records of Ethiopia, p.87.

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XI VlLLEIN-LORD REJ.J ATIONS The important qttestion of villein-lord. relatio11 is almost entirely ignored in the Ethiopian chronicles and receives btrt scant attention from the early travellers.

The Ethjopian 1nonk Bal1rey, 011 e of the few local writers to refer to the m.atter, n1 entioned i n 1.592-3 tl1 ,1t the gabaraivi, or labourers, lived on ·t11 e fiefs of the lords, but gave no infor1nation on their obligations. 1 Alvarez tl1 ot1g.l1 devoting only two se11 tences to tl1e question, st1ggests that tl1 e ordinary people were in a depressed co11ditio11 which hampered agricultural produc­ tion. fle observed that ''nobody fro111 the conm1 on people may kill a cow (eve11 thougl1 it js his own) withot1t leave from the lord of the country," a 11 d expressed . fruit and more ct1.ltivation in the cot1ntry, tl1e vie\v tl1at ''there wo11ld be n1 11c h if tl1 e gre,tt 1ne11 dicl not ill-treat tl1e people, for they take what tl1 ey l1 ave, and the latter are not willing to JJrovide 1nore than tl1ey reqt1ire and wl1 at is necessary for them. ''2 The villeins may well l1 ave stre 11 gtl1 ened their position in tl1e subsequent period of political disorders. A century or so later tl1e Jesl1it, Pero Paez, declared that villeins had for111 erJy given tl1 eir Jords a tl1 ird of tl1e crop, at1 d, i 11 so.01 e areas, a certain amo11nt of cloth, as \Vell as a JJOt of honey and a fovvl at Easter a11 d at Iviasqal, tl1 e feast of the cross. Dt1ri11g tl1e reign of Sar�a Dengel (1563-1597), 110\v­ ever, it l1ad been discovered tl1at the villeins were !tiding a considerable proportio11 of tl1 e har,1est fro1n tl1 e lords, \vl10 accordingly obtained only a. s1nall amo11nt of grain. Tl1 e said En1 peror l1 ad there[ore decided tl1 at before the crop was harvested the fields should be visited by a co111111 issio11 co111 posecl of a. jt1clge, a landlord and t\"\10 or three otl1 er persons. Tl1e duty of tl1 is comn1ission was to decide tl1 e an1ou 11t of prod11ce to be give 11 by each villei11. Tl1 e commission, Paez says, 110 longer insistecl on tl1 e third, but 011ly 011 abo11 t a :fiftl1 of the crop. 3 Traditio11al society cLppears to l1 a.ve been deter 111 ined to keep tl1e villein i 11 l1 is place. The Jesuit .Barradas reports tl1 at 011 one occasion a gro11p of peasants asked ltim to inte1·cede on tl1eir behalf \Vitl1 tl1eir gover11or Takla Giyorgis, b11t tl1 e latter, l1 e says, replied with ''reaso11 a 11 d justice'' as follows: ''Father, these viJlei�s are like camels· tl1ev always cry, \Veep, and groan when tl1ey are loaded, bt1t 1n tl1e end they ri�e \vf'th tl1e bl1rde11 that is pL�t on the111 a.nd carry it.'.' Barradas, for his _ part, accepted this observ,rtion, bt1t, pt1rst1111 g t!1 e analogy be� \.v� en v1lle1ns an � can1 els, . made the follo\.ving perti11ent reply: ''That 1s trt1e, b11t 1t 1s also somet1n1es true that they fall witl1 th.eir burde 11 , a11d tl1 en the O\Vner loses both tl1 e camel and the load. '' 4

I. 2.

3.

4.

Beckingl1an1 and I-Iu11tingford, So111e Records of Ethiopia, p. 126.

Idem, The Prester Jo/111 of the Jnclies, II, 515.

Beccari , op. cit., II, 285.

Ibid, IV, 187.

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XII TAXATION Taxes on the land \Vere traditionally paid in land, i.e. in grain, honey, butter, cotton, and livestock, as \Veil as in labo11r in the forrn of service. 1 Thougl1 several observers of this period endeavoured to assess the total taxation paid by the various provinces and districts2 we possess relatively little data on the amount paid by the individual land ow11er or peasant either in kind or labo11r.

Some information is, l1owever, available on the tax on grain and cattle.

Almeida states that the peasants of Darnbya, Gojam, Bage1uder and son1e otl1er provinces paid an annual tax of one load of grain per l1ead. Most of this, he says, did not go to the E1nperor but to various nobles, as well as to soldiers not i11 possession of land and to the lords and ladies at court.3 A. cattle tax, according to tl1e same observer, had been established in tl1e mid­ dle of the sixteentl1 cent11ry, the owners of cows l1avi11 g to pay a trib11te of one animal in ten every three years, i.e. at tl1 e annual rate of one in tllirty. AJemida stated that this tax was called ''b11rni11g'' beca11se tl1 e cows cl1ose11 for tl1e Emperor were bran.ded \Vith fire. He add.s, b.ovvever, tl1 at tl1e word ''bt1r11i11g'' also s11ited tl1 e action of tl1e rne11 who collected the tax as they were ''usually captains and n1ilitary 111e11, ,111d the E111peror, in addition to the lands l1 e I1 as given tl1 em, usually divides n1ost of these CO\VS a111ong then1 . In collecting this trib11te they use so m11ch violence agr�inst tl1e peasants tl1at they rt1in and cons11n1 e then1 ." 4 TJ1ougb informatio11 on tl1e Iabo11r de1nanded in tl1is period is lacking it seems to l1 ave included a. fair an1 011nt of 1nilitary service. Alvarez states, for exan1_ple, tl1at tl1e En1peror could n1obilize as 1nany as l 00,000 men in two days and tl1 at ''every 1nan brings with them vvhat l1e is to eat." 5 Thougl1 knowledge of later centuries would lead one to believe that tl1is obligation fell on tl1e broad 111ass of the population Bal1rey c11rious]y enougl1 observed at tl1e encl of the sixteentl1 ce11tury that tl1 e giibaral,vi, or labo11rers, had ''no tho11ght in taking part in vvar. ''6 Barradas, on the other l1 ancl, states tl1 at the villeins \Vere compelled to :figl1t and tl1 at they were subject to a fine if tl1 ey failed to go to war. 7

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

Pankl1urst, Introduction to tlze Eco11on1ic History of Ethiopia, p. 187.

Ibid, pp. 186-8.

BeckinghanJ and Huntingford, So,ne Recorcls of Ethiopia, pp. 87-8.

Ibid, p. 88.

Idem, The Prester John of· t/ze Indies, II, 447.

Idem, Some Recorcls of Ethiopia, p. 126.

Beccari, op. cit., IV, 187.

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xm TI-IE EXACTIONS OF THE TROOPS Besides having to pay vario11s types of tax the Ethiopian peasant was tradi­ tionally expected to supply tl1 e soldiers witl1 whatever they wanted and it was custon1ary for tl1 e latter i11 passing througl1 the countryside to seize \vhatever provisions they nlight req11ire.

Tllis b11rden on the peasantry is described botl1 in tJ1e chronicles and in the writings of foreign travellers. Tl1e cl1ronicle of the Emperor Eskender (1478-1494) notes, for exan1ple, tl1at tho11gl1 the sovereign \'Vas valoroL1s ''l1is soldiers ruined. all tl1 e people," 1 wl1ile the chronicler of Sar�a Dengel (I563-1597) states tL1at on one occasion his n1aster declared: ''If I prolong my stay in Tegre the country \Vill be r11ined beca11se OL1r soldiers are n11mero11s, indeed innumerable." 2 Half a ce11tury later Al111 eida, describing the sa1ne phenomenon, observed that it was ''a very l1eavy b11rden on the poor peasants on \Vl1om it falls'', and adds: ''Big companies of 111 en, soldjers and lords bringing many servants co1ne daily to quarter tl1emselves in small villages. Each one goes into the l1 011se he likes best and turns the O\Vner into tl1 e street, or occupies it \Vitl1 llim. Someti1nes it is a ,vido\v or a n1 arried won1ac1 whose h11sband is a\vay, and then by force l1e gets at not 011ly food and 11 er proJJerty, bL1t her l1ono11r." 3 The rest1lt, ·as described by Ludolf, tl1 e seventeei1th cent11ry German l1istorian who bad disc11ssed tl1 e matter witl1 l1is Etl1io1Jian friend Gregory, was tl1at ''tl1e po\1erty of t11 e soL1ldiers impoverishes tl1 e co11ntries tl1ro11gl1 wl1icl1 tl1ey march. For in regard it is a d.iffic11lt thing to carry Provisions over s11cl1 steep and rL1gged Nlountains and long ways, tl1ey take by force wl1at is not freely given to tl1 em; and by tl1at 111 eans lay \.Vaste tl1 eir ow11 Co11ntries no less than ene1nies, wl1 ereby the poor co11ntry people \Vere constrained to turn S0L1ldiers, and so taLtght to deal with others as t.l1ey \Vere dealt with tl1 e1nselves."4

1.

2.

3.

4.

al Asiatique (1894), urn Jo ," od Na de et II on Sy 1da An d' er, nd ske J. Perrucl1on, ''I-listoire d'E p. 357.

Co11ti Rossini, .flistoria Regis Sarsa Dengel, p. 94. . 79-80.

Beckingham and 1:runtingford, So,ne Recorcls of Ethiopia, pp Ludolf, op. cit., pp. 217-18.

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XIV

TI-IE MOVING CAPITALS Tl1 e land situation tl1rot1gl1out n1t1ch of tI1 e Middle Ages was influer1ced by the absence of a permanent capital, a. factor wl1icl1 prevented tl1e e111er gence to any great extent of ur ban proper ty i11 la11 d.

It shot1ld be en1pl1asised that after t}1e aba□don11 1� nt of Akst1� 1 �� 1ere was no long establisl1 ed. capital. Several ca1)itals, sucl1 as Lal1bala a11 d J?abra Berl1 an, at one tin1e or a11otl1er existed, but most existed 011 ly for a few reigns.

It was customary for tl1e rulers of tl1is period not to govern. tl1 e cot1ntry from a fixed centr e, b11t to spend a. lar ge part of. their tin1e rnarchi?g fro111 !)lace to place, mal'Jng tempor ary baits where they thougl1t fit before mov�11g on else,¥bere.

Thou.gh a few n1onarchs established fixed residences tl1ey were 1n most instances abando11 ed by tl1eir successor in favour of an alternative J)lace of abode.

The situation in this per iod wa.s \vell summed UJ) in th.e cl1ronicle of Galaw­ dewos (1540-1559) wllich obser ved. tl1at the rulers traditionally travelled fro1n camp to ca.n1p ''u11til their last resting place'', 1 ,vhile Ludolf ro11ndly declared that reports of any royal city in. Ethiopia \Ver e ''meer Fables'' beca11se ''tl1e Kings of I-Iabessinia live co11tinually in Tents''. 2 Tl1e royal ca111p, \Vl1ich on accotint of its size resemblecl a capital, caught the i11 1agi11 atio11 of many for eign a11tl1ors. AJn1eida, \Vriti11g i11 tl1e early seve11teenth cent11ry, obser ved tl1 at it migl1t ]1 ave as 111a11y as eigl1 t or ni11e tl1011sand l1uts, and adds: ''The Emperor's tents, fot1r or five very large tents, ,1re placed in tl1 e centr e. A l1a 11clson1e open SJ)ace is left and tl1 en on tl1e left l1and and on the rigl1t, before a11d bel1i11d, follow te11ts for two churcl1es \Vbicl1 he takes witl1 ]1im, tl1 ose of tl1e ca1)tains and soldiers in accordance witl1 tl1e con1 ma11 d to wbicl1 tl1ey belong, tl1ose fro111 tl1 e va11 g11ard in, fr ont, and bel1ind tl1ose fro111 tl1e rearg11ard, some of tl1ose f ro111 the wings ot1 tl1 e rigl1t and otl1ers on tl1 e left. Wl1 en tl1e \Vl1ole ca111p l1as been dis1)osed in tl1e w�1y I describe it occ11pies a very large n1 eadov.1 at 1d is certai11ly a splendid sigl1 t, eSJ)ecially at nigl1 t witl1 tl1e great n11111ber of fires tl1at are Jit." 3 Tl1e arr a11ge1nent of tl1e ca111p, \Vl1icl1 w,1s very n1etl1odical, and reflected tl1e l1ier a.rcl1ical cl1aracter of tl1e State, \Vo11ld be repeated witl1 ,1l111ost 11 0 variation f. r om l1 alt to ��:tlt. .L11dolf, desc�ibi11g tl1is plJenon1 e11on decl,1r ed that ''1�be Can1p­ Master... having chosen 0L1t l11s Gro1111 d, l1e fixes a pole ir1 tl1 e Eartl1 \Vitl1 tl1 e Roy,11 Banner at tl1e TopJ) upo11 tl1e sight \.Vhereof, tl1ey tl1 at 1neas11re for tl1e N'obility set lll) their Masters �odgi11 gs. 1?-fter tl1em tl1 e Co1nmon So11ldiery, ar1d . ?tl1 ers that folio� tl1e Can1 p either for V1ct11als or else 11po11 bt1 si11ess. And t!1t1s 1n a fe,v 11011rs t1111 e the \.Vhole Can1 p a1)pe�1rs in the san1e Order as it was be­ eve r y one k.nows llis place and l1is pr oportion, tl1 er e being never any fore. For _ alternation of tl1e Order, b11t tb.e same Streets and Lanes, tl1e san1e clistarice of Tents, so tbat were it not for tl1 e variation of the Pr ospect otl1er Mo11 11tains, otlier 1.

2.

3.

Conzelman, op. cit., pp. 149-50.

Ludolf, op. cit., p. 214.

Beckingham and Huntingford, Son1e Recorcls of Ethiopia, pp. 79, 82-3.

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Rivers, and anotl1er Face of the Country, you would think yourself still in the same place. ''4 Study of the traditional royal camps or moving capitals of former times is of direct bearing on the history of land tenure. Two points emerge. In tl1e first place the camp was temporary. There is no evidence to st1ppose that tJ1e establish­ ment of a can1p led to tl1e creation of perma11ent forms of land tenure or to anytl1ing more than the te111pora.ry s11spension of ownership rigl1ts in the area covered b y it. Persons given land for their tents l1 ad no claim to it after the army moved to a new l1alti11 g ])lace, and as soon as the sovereig¡n and his men had departed the former c11ltivators could ret11rn as before to their fields. Tl1ough the troops might well have ravaged the area; as \Vas indeed their custom, no problems of land expropriation were at any stage involved: The second poi11t about the tempora.ry capital is that the various sections of the camp \Vere inva1¡iably allotted on a hierarchical basis to the nobles who led the arn1y. Tl1 ese lords tht1s co11stituted a potential class of 11rban landowners who were excl11ded fro1n ownersl1ip rigl1ts as long as the army was more or less on the marcl1, b11t were destined to emerge as great owners of land as soon as the royal camp evolved into a pern1 anent capital.

4.

.Ludolf, op. cit., !JP, 214-15.

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PART FOUR TI-IE SEVENTEENTI-1 AND EIGI-ITEENTI-I CENTUFJES FROl\1 TI-IE FOUNDING OF GOND1\R TO TI-IE DAWN r OF THE NINE fEENTI-I CEI�TURY

xv •

THE ESTABLISI-Il\tfENT OF GONDAR

The establisl1ment of Gondar around 1636 was an event whic}1 marked an important break with tradition. 1 Tl1e city was the first permanent capital �or perh�ps half a n1illetlium, as well as incidentally the first for which we have all)' 1nformat1on on lat1d ownership.

The economic significance of the city is appa1·ent when one considers that Bruce stated that by tl1 e late eighteenth centt1ry it con1prised no less than ten thousand fa1nilies in ti1nes of peace 2 ,vhicl1 wot1ld i 111ply a populatio11 of perhaps sixty or seve11ty thousand people-far n.1ore than a.ny otl1 er urban centre of tradi­ tional Etl1iopia. 3 The city was fot1nded. by the E1nperor Fasiladas (1632-1667) who, we may assume, establisl1ed his camp there in tl1e traditional manner. 1�11is presu111ption would suggest tl1 at the pri11 cipal lords were allotted Janel i11 tl1e area and that, as was s11bseqt1ently tl1 e case in Addis 1-\baba, a very higl1 ly concentrated. form of land ownersl1ip thus can1e i11 to existence. TI1 is view seems to be confirn1ed by Bruce who declares tl1 at i11 11.is day ''near one l1alf of tl1e to,v11'' be.longed to two brothers, E11geda and I-Iaylu, the sons of Esete, a sometin1 e governor of Damot, by the sister of the Emperor Iyo'as I (1755-69). 4 T·I1e san1e observer elsewl1 ere remarks tl1at dt1ring a civil war of tllis period tl1 e nobles opposed to Ras Mika'el Seht1l ''l1 ad n1 ost of then1 great JJroperty i11 the to,vn'', and, as a. res11lt, ''did not Vi1isl1 to be obliged to figl1t tl1 ere." 5 The establis.hn1 ent of Gondar as the fixed capital of tl1 e realm seems to have produced a stabler and more settled type of life tl1 an l1ad existed when, as a cl1ro11icler sa)1 S, tl1e n1lers marched from place ''ttntil tl1 eir l.:1st resting place." This neVi' stability is symbolized by tl1e erection of palaces and bridges hitl1 erto un­ kI1 own in Ethiopian history, as ,veil as by a noticible develop1nent of commercial agrict11ture and trade in tl1e st1rrot1nding cotintryside.6 Land tenure seen1s aJso to have been affected for it is in tl1is period, accord­ ing to tradition, tl1at the land system ,vas reorganised in the province of Bage111der and a system of measurement institl1ted. The modern Ethiopian writer and minister Mal1tama Sellase relates that this was carried 011t d11ring the reign of the Emperor Iyast1 I (1682-1706) whose. bot1ndaries, he says, can still be seen.7 At tl1at period I. R. Pankhurst, Introduction to t/1e Econornic History of Ethiopia, pp. 137-42.

2. Bruce, op. cit., II, 198, 380-1.

3. Pankhurst, Introduction to the Eco1wn1ic History of Ethiopia, p. 155.

4. Bruce, op. cit., IV, 230.

5. Ibid, IV, 112.

6. Pankhurst, Introduction to t/1e Economic HistorJ' of Ethiopia, pp. 149-58, 275.

7. Ma.hteme Sellassie, op. cit., pp. 156-8.

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the person w110 had first put the land under cultivation was recognised as the proprietor. When the land was subsequently measured the owners were allowed one-third of the area they were occupying, the other two-thirds returning to the State. Of this amount, one-half was given to the churches and the other half. was retained by the State. Provincial tradition refers to this as a triple division a.mong the niigas, or one that reigns, i.e. the governn1ent, the angas, or one who caused to reign, i.e. tl1e original O\v11ers, and the qiidclas, or servants of the church.8 Private owners, according to Mahtama Sellase, also gave son1e additional pieces of their land to tl1 e Ch11rch to ens11re that ch11rches wo11ld be established on their estates and undertook to maintain at tl1eir own expense the clergy \Vho officiated in tl1ese churches. To provide against any f11h1re 11ncertainty concerning the owner­ ship of the land on wllich s11ch cl1urcbes stood tl1e priests paid a nominal rent to the landowner.

The rest of the land ap:propriated by the State was distributed in part to nobles and soldiers by way of salary a.nd in part to tenants, or giibbars, w.110 in return for it had to pay a tax in ki11d, mainly it1 honey or salt. \Vhen the land allowed to a soldier ·or peasant was vacated by lum it was given to ar1otl1er who 11ad to pay the tax; if be c11ltivated only a part of tl1e soil l1 e gave a fifth of l1is produce. I-le had no more to pay if l1 e converted to pasture the part of bis land wl1 ich had lair1 fallow.

A peasant \Vl10 did not pay tax, b11t handed to the local chief or to the

soldiers a fiftl1 of l1is produce, co11ld become the owner of the land. The in such cases belonged to the Governme11t, b11t if, after paying a tax in for some years, be asked for the right of ownerslup it was ofte11 accorded to The local chiefs, however, \Vere often un'\villing to agree to s11cl1 transfers as prefered. to receive a third of tl1e JJeasant's produce.9

land kind hi 1n. tl1ey

The pt1rchase o_f land wl1icl1 seen1 s to l1ave been rare i11 earlier periods became more widespread during the l,1ter Gondar period. This is aJJparent, for example, from tl1e fly leaves of contemporary Ethiopian :man11scripts now l1oused in the Britisl1 Muset11n. An exa111ination of tl1e 408 n1:1nl1scripts catalogued by Willia111 Wright shows tl1at onl::>1 one Sl1cl1 trar1sactioo, effected cluring the reigr1 of S11soeyos (I 607-1632), can be d,:1ted to pre-Gondarir1e ti1nes and none to the first half of the eigh.teenth centt1ry. No less tl1c1n 188 sales however, are k11own to have taken place in the last tl1 ird of tl1e cent11ry, viz. 49 dt1ri11 g the reign of the E111peror Takla Haymanot (1769-1779), 19 d11ring tl1at of Hezkey;1s, 34 duri11g that of Iyas ·u III (1784-1788), 13 d11ri11 g th.at of Salomon (1796-1797), one during that of Yonas (1797), 011 e dt1ring that of De111 etros (I 779-1800) and 71 d11ring that of Takla Giyorgis. The pt1rchases of this period, as recorded i11 the n1ant1scripts were n1ainly meast1red by the 11 1c1qet, or ounce, or in fractions of it, i.e. the alad, or half, and the ta1,1it11 or eigl1tl1, and by the clri,12, eqt1ivalent to a tenth of �L lvaqet, thot1gh tl1e a11zole, or bar of salt (valt1ed in Gonclar at a.bout one-seve11tietl1 of a 1vaqet} and vario11s u11its of g1·ain were sometimes also 11sed. The va]ue of lands sold varied between two bars of salt and 25 111aqets of gold, the average ·being around 3 ivaqets. It sl1ould be noted tl1at there was at tllis time no mention of any sales based on money, c11rrency being still virtually tinknown. 10 8.

9.

IO.

D'Abbadie, op. cit., pp. 101, 130.

Mal1teme Sellassie, op. cit., !). 288.

B.M. M.S. Orient 508, 514, 518, 529, 549, 604, 635, 638, 572, 574, 778, 799, 813.

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XVI SECULAR LAND GRANTS The Emperor's control over the allocation of land ,vas still considerable at the e11d of the seventeentl1 centL1ry, as may be see11 fro111 both tl1e royal chronicles a11d the travellers of the time.

Among tl1e earliest land gifts of the Gondar period of which ,ve l1ave knowledge were two grants of gitlt made by tl1e Emperor Fasiladas (1632-1667). 011e "'as a grant to the court jester, Az1nac Waldadaint; the otl1er to a Ml1sli111 servant Abdalla. 1 The cl1ronicle of Yol1an11es I (1667-1682) relates that tl1is E1nJJeror on at least two occasions pro1nised his followers some n1eas11re of sect1rity of ]and tenure. In 1677, while exl1orti11g l1is 111en to figl1t against a rebellion in Lasta, he declared tl1at those who died in the battle could be assured tl1at tl1eir lands would be in­ l1erited by tl1eir sons, daugl1ters or wives. 2 In the followi11g year, 1678, lie corrfir111ed tl1e ca111a, or troops, in tl1e possession of the lands granted to tl1ern in for111e.r times.3 The chronicler of Iyas11 I (1682-1706) 111akes several references to action taken by his 1naster i11 respect of land. Tl1t1s in 1684 Iyasu visited tl1e members of tl1e royal fan1ily detained at Mo11ot Wahni, confirming tl1ese t1nf·ortunates in tl1e fiefs of their n1otbers and otl1er rela.tives. 4 His interest in 1 Jreservi11 g land for tl1e ro)1al fan1ily ,vould seen1 f11rtl1er confirmed by a deed grctnti11g land to tbe dowager queen Sabia Wangel and her children wbicl1 is preserved in a conten11 Jorary n1anu­ script. 5 Tl1e cl1ro11icle also relates that i11 1686, ,vl1en passing tl1rough areas around tl1e Blt1e N'ile \vhicb J1acl been devastated by tl1e Galla.s lie is saicl to .have divided tl1e villages amo11g his soldiers.6 Not long afterwards, in 1689, wl1en faced by a ref11sal by tl1e people of ¥lag to pay their annl1al tax l1e sent a g,1rrison of cii1rva to tl1e area, alloting t11en1 two-thirds of the land, and leaving the rebels only a third.7 A little later, in 1 693, angered by the people of Sire, l1e proclaimed that tl1ey l1ad forfeited tl1eir fiefs llpon which he established tb.e g11ards of tl1 e Tegre Makwo11nen, or go,,ernor of Tegre.8 Iyasu's po\ver over t11e allocation of the land was recognised by tl1e Frenc·h traveller,. Charles Po1!cet, ,vbo observes: ''The great po,ver of the En1peror arises fron1 this: tl1at he 1s absoll1te master of all the wealth of his subjects. I-le 0oives ao.d h. e takes away, as he tl1i11ks fit."

Exan1ining the land sit11ation of Bagemder in greater detail, the Fre11cbn1,1n adds: ''Wl1en tl1e head of a fan1ily l1appens to die l1 e [the Emperor] seizes upon 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

Villari, op. cit., p. 1444.

Guidi, An11ales Jolzannis I, lyasu I et Balcajfa, p. 19.

Ibid, p. 37.

Ibid, pp. . 66-7• B.M. MS. Orient 661.

Gu.idi, Anna/es Jol,amzis I, Jyas11 I et Bakafja, p. 105.

Ibid, pp. 145-9.

Ibid, p. 173.

- 56 -

all his real estate, (biens immei1bles) of whicl1 l1e leaves two-thirds to the children as l1eirs. I-le disposes of tl1e other third to some favot1rite, who by that n1 eans becomes l1is feudatory and is oblig'd to serve him in time of war at I1is own expences and to f11rnish hin1 with soldiers in IJroportion to the estate l1 e gives.

Whence it comes tl1 at this prince. . . has almost an infmite number of feudataries''.9 ''Tl1 ro11gl1 ot1t all tl1e provinces'', Poncet adds, ''tl1ere are certai 11 offices, where an exact register is kept of all tl1at falls to the cro\vn by the death of the posses­ sor, and \Vhicl1 is afterwards distrib11 ted a111ongst the feudatories''. 10 The Emperor Bakaffa (1721-.1730), one of tl1 e last sovereigns to wield po\ver in the eigl1teentl1 century, is said to l1ave also 1 nade a significant redistribution of Janel. A later cl1ro 11 icle states tl1 at 11e eradicatecl the Gallas fro111 the co11ntry of Bajana and 11 1ade it over to l1is relatives tl1e Za\ve. 11 After the reig11 of Bakaffa the power of the monarcl1y, as already explained, bega11 to decline so t11 at Brt1ce's description of tl1e situation l1alf a century later is of partic11lar i11 terest. Tl1 e 1110 11 arch at tl1at ti111e, thougl1 deprived of l1 is forn1er a11thority, \Vas still tl1 eoretically said to be endowed with i1 nmense po\vers. Tht Emperors, Br11ce declares, \Vere ''s11preme in all causes ecclesiastical a11d civil; the land and persons of tl1eir st1bjects are equally tl1 eir property and every inl1 abita 1 1t of tl1 eir kingdon1 is born tl1eir slave; jf l1e bears a higher rar1 k it is by tl1e king's gift; for llis nearest relations are accounted nothing better''. 12 Royal co11 trol over the allocation of land ,vas supJ)osed to be considerable. ''All tl1 e l,1nd," Br1 1 ce declares, ''is tl1 e l(jng's; .he gives it to ,vl101n l1 e pleases d11ring l1is pleastire, and res11 rnes it wl1 e1 1 it is l1is \Vill. As soon as l1e dies tl1e ,vl1 ole land in tl1e l<i11 gdom (tl1at of tl1 e Ab11 1 1a excepted) is at the disposal of the cro,v 11 ; a11d not 011 ly so, bt1t, by tl1e deatl1 of tl1 e present ow11 er, l1is possessions, l1 owever long e11jo) ed, revert to the King, a11d do not fall to tl1 e eldest son. It is by proclan1atioo that the possession and property is reco11veyed to t]1e heir, \vl10 thereby becomes absolute 1uaster of the la11 cl for l1is O\Vn life or tl1e pleasl1re of tl1 e l(jng, under obligation of n1 ilitary or otl1 er services." 13 1

Elsewl1ere, discussi11g tl1e re.lationsl1 ip bet\veeo the Emperor and the nobles, and the system of appoint1 1 1ent, .Br11ce declares: ''Every mar1 in I-Iabbesl1 is at tl1 e disposal of l1is so,iereig 11 , \Vitl1 regard to person and property; but tl1e cro\v 11 makes no violent tise of its l)O\ver i 11 that respect. Pro1notion to office is eq11ally the l<.i11g's right in Britain a 11 d Abyssit1 ia; ,1nd a n1a 11 111ay be displaced, and yet enjoy l1is g11lt, or 1,inds; tl1 ot1gl1. . . it is easy for tl1 e sovereig11 to conde111 11 a great officer, a 1 1d to tal(e a\vay both his life a11d property''. 14 Explaini1 1g tl1 e cl1aracter of tl1e nobles' estates, Brt1ce observes: ''Numbers of resiJectable people e11joy la11ds, to son, \Vitl1out bei 11 g deprived of them by tl1e resemble the fe11dal barons of the Gothic age in civil, 111ilita.ry and jl1dicial affairs, often st1 �ip the 9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

i 1 1 the provinces, from father cot1rt. B11t the governors, who El1rope, having ft1ll power, i11 provincial inl1abitants of their

\V. Foster, The Reel Sea and Adjacent Countries at the Close of the Seventeenth Century (London,

1949), p. 126.

Ibid, p. 126.

Guidi, Anna/es Region Jyasu JI et lyo'as, p. 111.

Bruce, op. ciL, III, 280.

Ibid, II, 266.

Ibid, 3rd edition, Ill, 16-17.

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fortunes, to bestow the111 on tl1 eir own favo11rites. There are not, indeed, in Abys­ sinia, 1nany grants of lands in perpetuu1n, b11t tl1ere is � consuetu�i11 ary_ ancl tacit _ JJrescriprtion, whicl1 a11swers tl1e same p11rpose, unless deleated by 111Just1ce or ra­ pacity''. 15 Disc11ssing tl1 e traditional manner in wlucl1 provincial governors were ap1Jointed, Br11ce declared tl1at ''i11 n1any provi11ces'', ''favo11r'' was ''the 011 ly necessary to procure the governn1ent'', wllile other provinces were ''given to IJoor noblen1an, that, by fleecing the people, tl1ey may grow r.icl1, and repajr their fortune''. 16 Lands were allocated to n1embers of the nobility in order to afford t l1 em re,1e11 11e and. to meet their \va11 ts in general. Thus Bruce observes tl1at in l1is day the r11ler of Shoa possessed lands in several provi11ces aro11nd Goodar. I-Ie had, we are told, ''a large and a royal village, E111 fras, given bin1 to s11p ply foocl for . his table; l1 e l1ad a11other village in Karoota for wine; a village in Dembea, the kings' o,vn province, for lus wl1eat; and an.otl1er in Begemd er for cotton clotl1s for l1is servants." 17 Possession of land carried with it obligations as \Veil as aclvantages. The n1ost in1portant of tl1 ese obligations were military. ''All those, \Vl1 ether \Von1en or men wl1 0 have fiefs of tl1e cro\vn'', Bruce says, ''are obliged to furnish n.un1bers of horse a11 d foot''. 18 ExJJJaining tl1e 111anner in \.vliich s11cl1 troops were recruited, l1e says that tl1 e E11 1peror wo11ld issue a first procla1nation: ''B11y yo11r n1 ules, get ready your provision, and JJay yo11r servants, for, after sucl1 a day, t11 ey that seek n1 e l1ere shall 11 ot find .n1e. '' A weelc or so later, depending on circu1nstances, a second procla111a.ti.on wo11ld. be read 011t ordering i11111 1ediate preparations. A third, and last procla1nation would follow, s_pecifying \.Vl1ere the soldiers \Vere required. ''I am encan1 1Jed 11pon. the Angrab, or Kal1l1a'', i t n1igl1t say; ''l1 e who does not join 111 e tbere, I \viii cl1 astize him for seven years." ''l \Vas long in do11bt'', Br11ce says, ''wl1at tl1 is ter1n of se\1en years 111 eant, till I recollected tl1e J11bilee year of tl1 e Jews witl1 wl1 on1 seven ye,::1rs was a prescriptio11 for offences, debts and all trespasses." 19 Women, Bruce adds, ''were seldo111 obliged to personal attendance, till Ras Mic11 ael made it a rule.'' This was done, explains, to ''com.pose a court or comp­ an)1'' for tl1 e noble's infl11ential wife Wayzaro Aster.20 Tl1e more important officers of state were all a\varded large stretches of co1111 try.

Thus Bruce teUs us that tl1 e office of Betwadad, a.nd later of Ras, entitled tl1e person who l1 eJd it to the village of Dengelba1·, as well as tl1 e province of Maitsl1a which yielded 2,000 ounces of gold per year.21 The Aqabe Sa'at, or ''guardian of the hour'', whom. Br11ce describes as the ''first religious officer ,lt tl1 e palace," was likewise ''exceedingly ricl1'', being ass11red of ''a very large revenue''.22 The disinte�ati�n of tl1e J?Onarcby in the second half of tl1e eigl1tee11th century was, however, 1nev1tably having an effect on land tenure. Bruce, who provides '

Ibid, III, 16-17.

16. Ibid, 1st edition ID, 251.

17. Ibid, III, 284.

18. Ibid, IV, 177.

19. Ibid, III, 308-12. Vide also Guidi, Anna/es Regum lyasu II et f.vo'as, 261.

20. Bruce, op. cit., IV, 177.

21. Ibid, 111, 535; IV, 24-5.

22. Ibid, Ill, 201.

15.

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valt1able evidence on this trend of events, paints a very different picture from that presented a century and a half earlier by the Almeida. The Scotsman states that the En1 peror by this tin1e, though still supposedly ''absolute and sole n1aster'' of tl1e ''lives and property'' of l1is subjects, \Vas i11 actt1 ai fact often little n1ore than a tool of the nobility, for he had ''no nlilitary force'' as the troops were ''in tl1 e l1ands of the governors of provinces, wl1ose safety lies in keeping tl1 e prince in want of everything." The resttlt was that fiefs by now tended to become 11.ereditary and, as Bruce says, were ''very rarely 11ot granted to the family of the deceased."23 The strengtl1 a11d wealtl1 of the nobility in this period is clearly apparent.

Brt1ce tells us, as already n1entioned, tl1at ''near 011 e half'' of Gondar belonged to two brothers, Engeda and Haylt1 Esete.2·1 The latter, wl10 was governor of Gojam, is said to l1ave also O\Voed ''l1 alf of tl1at province''. 15 His wealth was t1ndoubtedJy great, for ,1 co11 temporary cl1 ro11icle relates that when l1e 1narried a dat1ghter of Ras Mika'el l1e ''e11 11 t1111erated l1is la11ds (villages), saying, 'Bel1old ! Tl1 ese are the do¥.'ry tl1at are n1ine.' And when Ras Mika'el l1 eard tl1 e number of bis villa.ges, l1 e \Vas astonished and dt1n1bfounded, and 11 0,v sl1ould he not be astonisl1ed? For there ,vas 110 one ,vl10 l1ad tl1 e like exte11 t of villages."26 Later we are tolcl of Haylt1 being given a gult by the En11Jeror Takla Haymanot II (I769-1777). Tl1 e cl1 rorlicle qt1otes this Emperor as having l1is herald proclaim tl1 at l1 e had given the chief ''all the reve11t1es that con1 e fro11 1 Nagala'', ordering that tl1ey were ''for his son ancl l1 is so11 's.27 HaylL1 was, l1 owever, apparently so \Vealthy tl1at lie ''rett1rned tl1 e revenues tl1e Negl1s l1 acl gra11ted l1 in1, in order to strengthen l1imself ,vitl1. the Neg11s." 28 \Vand Ba,vasan, tl1 e sometime governor of Bagen1 der, was also a great land­ owner, and on 111arrying one o .f Mik,t'el's grand-dat1gl1ters is said by Brt1ce to l1 ave received from Takla Haymanot furtl1 er ''large districts of la11 d iu that JJrovince." 29 Wand Bawasan was Sl1 cceded as governor of Bagen1 der by his brother Baqatt1 \Vl10 \-Vas also very JJO\Verful a.s is evident fro1n a contemporary cl1 1·onicle \Vhich states tl1 at he confiscated tl1e Ia11 ds of his eueinies.30 The nobility in tl1 is period ,vas frec1 uently i n a positio11 to dictate to tl1e Emperor i11 qt1estions of land as in all otl1 er matters. Tht1s Bruce reports that in 1771 Fasil, tl1e governor of Damot, se11 t a n1essage to the E 111 peror and Ras 1v!il<a'el, desiring ''tl1at the King and the Ras might rene\V to l1in1 tl1 e gra11t of his fatl1 er's la11 ds and estates, \Vl1ich he for111 erly possessed." ''\Vl1 at \Vas the mea11 ing of tl1is n1 essage, '' Bruce co111 111e11 ts, ''I cottld never learn'' for Fasil was ''al­ rea.dy in f Lill possession of wb.at l1 e asl<ed, and 1nore; no person I1ad atte1n_ptecl to talee any tl1ing fro1n hi1n, nor was it indeed in their power."A proclamation \Vas, 110\.vever, made in terms of the req11est, and, \Ve are told, ''all the lands tl1 at I1e possessed were given to hlm."31 Tbe po\ver of the nobility was ft1rther apparent later in the san1e year when Ras Gosu, \Vho l1 ad a t that time asst1111ed control of Gondar, confiscated, tl1ough 23. Ibid, 3rd edition, VII, 85.

24. Ibid, 1st edition, IV, 230 25. Ibid, IV, 53, 91.

26. Blundell, op. cit., 313.

27. Ibid, p. 321. Vide also pp. 326, 339.

28. Ibid , p. 322.

29. Bruce, op. cit., II, 241.

30. Blundell, op. cit., 338.

31. Bruce, op. cit., IV, 90-1.

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''in tl1e name of tl1e ki11g'', all the villages belonging to the old Empress M�nte­ wab.32 Br11ce relates that at Gos11's insistance the En1peror's n1other v1as a1)po1nted to succeed Mentewab as Em1)ress. ''Two large ,,i]lages, Tshe1nmera and Toc� ssa, wl1ich belonged to tl1e Itegl1e as _appendages of l1er ro�alty, � ere there11p?11 ,� 18;;ned by tl1e new Empress who accord1ngl}' sent l1er follo,ve1s to take possess1?n . Tl1e inhabitants," however, ''not only ref11sed to admit her officers, b11t forcibly drove the1n away, declaring tha.t tl1ey would acknowledge 110 otl1er 111istress but their old one, to ,vl1on1 they were bound by the laws of tl1e Ia11d''.33 Fasil, upon the wl1ole of husband,

however, soon afterwards gained. the upper l1and by force of arms, wl1ere­ Emperor fo·und llimself obliged willy-nil1y ''to restore to the Iteghe th.e her villages tl1at she bad ever enjoyed, fro1n the time of Bac11ffa, her to that present moment."34

The relative power of tl1e nobility v;s-a-vis tl1e sovereign at tl1is time can furtl1er be seen from a passage in a contemporary clll·onicle where we read tl1at a certain Qanaz1nac Sone ''devastated tl1e land of Dambya, which belonged to the Negus and tl1e Gover11ors and ro) 7al princesses," thougl1 it was traditio11al. tl1at ''n.o one con_fiscates the la11d of the Negus or land of the governors, of tl1e priests or of the princesses or of the Echage or of the Ab11n''.35 The vario11s provinces, as we have seen, i:llso gre\V increasingly independent in tltis period . autono1ny \Vas partic11larly noticeable i11 tl1e ca.se of Tegre, which, .

Provincial as Br11ce saJ1s, tl1en had ,L prepondere11ce of fire-ar1ns \vltich had ''for 111any years ... decidecl wl10 is the n1ost powerf11l in A.byss.inia.36 The power of tl1e provi11ce seems to be reflected in the land cl1arte.rs granted in th.is period to botl1 sec11lar and religious J)ersons. Tl111s the E1nperor Taklti Giyorgis (I 794-1795), presumably recognising tl1e i1111)ortance of tl1e ruler of Tegre, Ras Waldti Sellase, granted IJ.in1 lands in Tan1ben, Endarta a11d Serae, incl11di11g tl1e wl1ole district of Senafe, while tl1e Ras, ,Ls we s]1all see, l1imself n1ade at least one grat1t i11 favo11r of the catl1e­ dral at Alcs11n1, tl111s exercising a role l1itherto reserved almost exclusively to the sovereign.37 Gifts of la11d were granted at tl1e same ti1ne by Tak1a Giyorgis to several otl1er iinportant 11obles, incl11ding Sebhatu, the Wag Sun1, or local. r11ler, of Lasta, and Taklu, tl1e Basa, or chief, of tl1e riflen1en. The cl1arter em bodying these gifts, like tl1ose of former years, contai11ed a sanction cla11se, declaring: ''If any one violates or infringes this, may he be c11rsed by the power of Peter and.

Paul, and by the mo11th of the Fatl1er, Son and the Holy Spirit."38 Sboa, b�ca11se of its relat �ve isolation from Gondar, was likewise largely in­ dependent with the result that its r11lers were able to develop land policies of their own.. Cont_i Rossini . sta �es tl1at King �ml1a Jy�sus of Sboa (died 1774) when ex­ panding _l11s realm 1nst1tuted the practice o�ts1de tl1e traditional Shoan provinces of allowing the conquerors to have t\vo-tb1rds of the land, the ren1ainino ° third being allocated to his official representative or n1iilkafina.39 32. Ibid, IV, 244-5. Vide also II, 700-1.

33. Ibid, IV, 244-5. Vide also If, 700-1.

34. Ibid, IV, 261-2.

35. Blttndell, op. cit., p. 416.

36. Bruce, op. cit., II, 251-2.

37. Conti Rossini, Liber Axumae, p. 6.1.

38. Ibid, p. 61.

39. Conti Rossini, Principi di diritto consuetudinario clell' Eritrea, pp. 13-14.

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The principle of the Emperor's control over the land, though limited in prac­ tice, was never officially abandoned. Thus the chronicler of Takla Giyorgis contains many refernces to the granting of lands by liis master. to nobles and other perso­ ages, among tl1em to Ras Aydar40 and the royal princesses.41 This Emperor see1ns also to have attem1)ted to preserve then existi11g land titles, for we read in llis chronicle that he ''held a court of justice, and restored territory and goods that l1ad been taken away, an.d gave a flogging to those \Vho bad taken them away." 42 On other occasions, however, he co11.fiscated the lands and villages of llis enemies.

Thus before a battle with. a certain Dajazmac Wasan he issl1ed a proclamation declaring, ''whoe,,er passes over to Dajazn:iac Wasan his goods sl1all be confiscated;'' at anotl1er time l1e seized the ]ands of certain rebels because, as the chronicle says, ''tl1ey \Vere cal1ght in rebellion.''43 Land purcl1ases in this period seem. to have become increasingly comn1on not only aroL1nd Gondar b11t also in otl1er areas. At least three eighteenth century Tegrenfia land agreements are extant for Nledra Qalqal north of �aztiga. They tell of the purchase of three different pieces of land for 60, 7 and 4 cloaks res­ pectively. 44

40.

41 .

42.

43 .

44.

.

299 , 296 , 287 , , 277 276 , 270 , , 269 263 , 240 , 238 , 234 pp. e also BlundelJ, p. cit., p. 296. Vid Ibid, p. 292.

Ibid, p. 27.1.

Tbid, pp. 252, 292, 425. la, 1914), pp. 71-8. psa (U s ent ct1m do et les na An , ga zze Ha et ga zze Tsa de is io, J. KolnJodin, Tradit

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XVII LAND OWNERSI-IIP BY FOREIGNERS AND MINORITY GROUPS Tl1e period after tl1e expulsion of tl1e Jes11its from Etliio1Jia in 1632 \Va� one of relative isolation as far as West Euro 1Jean contacts were concerned, fe\1/ foreigners making tl1eir way to EthioJJia or obtaining land tl1ere. There is, I1owever, record of tl1e reside11ce at Gondar in tl1e reign of Fasiladas (1632-1667) of a German Protestant niissionary, Peter Heyling, wb.o, a.ccording to Lt1dolf, vvas give11 . 1nucl1 ricl1es and a l1ouse. The exact nat11re of his te1111re is t111kno,vn thougl1 1t was n1ost likely at the monarch's pleasure. 1 Actio11 against tl1e Franks, or E11ropea11 Roma11 Catl1olics, was tal<en during tl1e subseq11ent reign of tl1e E1nperor Yohannes I (1667-1682). 111 1668 this En1peror ordered tl1at tl1e Fra11ks sl1ould live separately from tl1e rest of the pop11lation and a year later l1e ordered tl1eir complete ,vitl1dra\val fron1 tl1e co1Lntry. 2 Tl1e pr.i□ciple of allo\ving foreig11ers land at tl1e royal IJleas11re \,Vas, hovvever, u11affected. Tl1t1s the Frencl1 traveller Poncet recalls tl1at d11ring J1is subseq11ent visit to Go11dar tl1e En11)eror lyas11 I (1682-1706) offered hi111 ''l1011ses and land ancl eve11 a very considerable settlen1ent''. 3 Later, d11ri11g the reign of Iyas11 II (1730-1755), a 1111mber of Greek crafts1nen settled in tl1e cou11try aod were en1ployed in decorati11g the Emperor's palace.

Br11ce says tl1at tl1e Iyast1 treated tl1e1n. witl1 great liberality an.d tl1at ''bo11nty followed bou11ty''; t]1e E111peror in tl1e e11d gave then.1 ''the best villages'', including so111e 11ear Gondar. These gifts appear to have contrib11ted towt1rds tl1e Emperor's 1111JJOJJularity. Bruce sa:ys that Iyas11 beca111e ''tl1e object of JJUblic cens11re'', and tl1at pasq11inades were circulated against l1im, one large roll of parchn1e11t referrii1g to him as ]yasu tl1e Little.4 Tl1ere is evidence throughout tl1is period of 11rban segregation. between the various religjo11s groups \¥l1icl1 in effect restricted the areas \,Vl1e.re eacl1 commun.ity co11ld l1old land. This phenon1enon l1ad already bee11 n1entioned e,1rly in the six­ teentl1 cent11ry by Alvarez, who, w1·iting of Tegre, reJJortecl the existence of ''villages of Moors separated fron1 tl1e Cl1ristians," 5 but received official sanctio.11 i11 1668 \.Vl1en the Emperor Yol1annes iss11ed a decree ordering that l\111s!ims, and Falasas, or Jews, as well as Franks, sl1011ld live apart fron1 tl1e Etl1io1Jian popt1lation. In 1678 he reiterated this decree as far as tl1e Muslims a11d Falasas were concerned.6 No reference was made on that occasio11 to the Franks \vl10 l1ad presumably by then left tl1e co11ntry.

Urban segregation, which JJrobably existed i n Gondar before ti1is tin1e, \,Vas aln1ost certa.inly strengtl1e11ed by these decrees. Poncet at tl1e end of tl1e seventeentl1 1.

Luclolf, op. cit., p. xxv. Vide also id.em, Jobi Ludo!fi alias Leutholf clicti acl sua,11 Historia,n Aethiopica111 a111/1eac editanl Co,nmentarius (Frankfurt, 1691), pp. 551-4.

2. Guid.i, Annales lo!uznais I, lyasu I et Baka.lfa, pp. 8, 10.

3. Foster, op. c.it., p. 140.

4. Bruce, op. cit., II, 634-5.

5. Beckil1gham a11d Huntingford, The Prester John of tl1e Indies, I, 1�4. Vide also I, 186.

6. Guidi, Anna/es lohantzis, I, Jyasu I et Balca.lfa, pp. 8, 37.

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century observed that ''Mohan1etans are tolerated at Gondar'', but only ''in the lower part of the to\vn and in a separate qt1arter," while Bruce in the second l1alf of the eighteentl1 century, also records the existence at Gondar of a distinct and separate ''Moorish town."7 The degree of segregation seems , ho\vever, to have varied from one region to another. Thus Poncet states tl1at at E1nfras, east of Lake Tana, tl1e hot1ses of the Muslims were ''mixed with tl1ose of the CI1ristians," wl1ereas Dabarwa in Tegre was ''divided into two towns," tl1e l1igl1er inl1abited by Christians and tl1e lower

by Muslims.8 Bruce subseqt1e11tly reported a similar sitt1ation at D.igsa, also in Tegre, where there was a l1igh to\v11 inhabited by Muslims and a low town by Christians. 9

7. Foster, op. cit., p. 125; Bruce, op. cit., III, 188-9, 381.

8. Foster, op. cit., pp. 136-7, 146-7.

9. Bruce, op. cit., Il, 86.

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XVIII CI-IlJRCH LANDS Tl1e traditio11 of building and endo\vi11 g churcl1es which seems to _l1ave begun n1a11y centuries earlier in Aksunlite times, was contint1ed by the. sovereigns of the Gondar period, n1ost of wl1om. seern to l1ave also 111ade exte11s1ve. grants of land to the Cl1t1rcb, whicl1 tl1t1s a.ppears to l1ave regained lands lost dt1r1ng the Roman Catholic reign of Susneyos (1607- 1632).

Tl1e En1 peror Fasiladas (1632-1667), the first of tl1e Gon� ar ru� ers, :w as a great _ . friend of tl1e Church. He founded. the Goodar cht1rcb. of Madhane Alain and was the first of at least nine sovereig-r1s to give it land. 1 I-Te � also l<nown to ha,,e gra11 ted extens.ive laods in Yel1a, Addi Abay, Asgacle and Sire to tl1e convent of Mazra'eta Krestos' 2 as well as other lands to tl1e convents o .f Dabra Marqore\vos in Tegre a11d Dabra Sina in the region of the Nlensa. 3 His son, Yohannes I (1667-1682), confirmed tl1e Cl1t1rcl1 as well as the soldiers in tl1eir forn1 er possessio11s in 1678, the cl1ronicler declaring that tl1is was done i11 accodrance witl1 tl1e command to ''Re11der u11to Caesar the tl1 ings tl1at are Caesar's at1d 1111to God tl1e tl1.ings tl1at are God's''. 4 At least one in1portant church wa.s also b11ilt dt1ri11 g tl1e reign. 5 Iyast1 I (1682-1706), tl1e grandson of Fasiladas, seems to l1ave done even more for tl1e Cht1rcb. �rhe cbro11.icler of the reig11 states tl1at in 1684 he visited a ch11rcl1 near Gondar wlucl1 had been built in l1011ot1r of St. Mary a. centU.f)' or more earlier by tl1e En1 1Jress Eleni, wl10 bad given it ma11y villages as fiefs. 6 After her deatl1 s11bsequent l<i11gs l1ad 11s11rped th.is la11d ·upon whicl1 they l1ad JJlaced soldiers, tl1e cl1 11rcl1 itself l1aving fallen into rt1i11s. Iyasu seeing the rt1ins and the traces of violence 011tside its \.\1alls, now sought 011t the old peo1Jle who lived in the neighbo11rhood, and inquired of them as to tl1e l1istory of tl1e Churcl1 , and lear11ing of tl1e n1atter, pro1nised to restore it to its forn1er wealtl1 and greatness, and not long after·,vards gave orders for tl1e grant of an extensive stretcl1 of land for tl1is pt1rpose.7 A few years later, in 1687, he drafted two land charters confirming the catl1e­ dral of Akst1m in its former possessions. The first of tl1ese docume11ts stated tl1at it restored the sitt1ation abrogated 72 years earlier, i.e. in 1615 during the reign of tl1e Emperor St1sneyos, a .nd gave the cathedral the lands granted by tl1e En1pe­ ror's ''good fathers'' Abreha and A 9be11a, Ga.bra Masq�il and Zara Yaqob, all of' ,vhom had been ''upright in the faitl1''. The second of tl1e docu.ments enun1erated the lands in q11estion. Both texts contain prayers: one tl1at the Virgin Mary prolong B.M. MS. Orient 518, 15a, 16b, 172a. Vide also Orient 659, passim.

Conti Rossini, Liber Axumae, p. 58.

Perini, op. cit., p. 127; Conti Rossini, Principi di diritto consuetudinario dell' E·r1·1rea, p. 414.

Guidi, A1111ales Ioha,inis I, lyasu I et Baka/fa, p. 37; Luke XX, 25.

Guidi, Anna !es lollfll!ni£ I, lyasu I et Bakaffa, pp. 40, 49. Vide also B.M. MS. Orient 636, 2b•5a; Conti Ro ssini, II gad/a .Fi/pas e ii gad/a Yohannes, pp. 164-5.

• 6. Guidi, Anna/es lohannis I, lyasu I et Bakaffa, pp. 40, 49.

7. Ibid , pp. 70-2 , 78.

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

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Iyast1's days on earth, conduct l1im subsequently to heaven, and bless 11 is offspring; the otl1er offered a similar prayer on bel1 alf of the Emperor's officials.a Tl1e cl1ronicle s11ggests tl1at in 1691 Iyasu again confirmed the Aks 11m cathedral in all its ancient fief§, and at the same ti1ne iss11ed a reprimand to the people of Edda Degana in Sire who had 11st1rped cl111rch property, and ordered tl1 em to rett1rn all tl1e land ,v11icl1 they .l1 ad taken by f. orce. 9 l)1as11 also fo1 1ncled a nt1 mber of cl1 11 rcl1 es. A contemporary man11script in his commemoration states tl1at l1 avi11 g b11ilt tl1e churcb. of Dabra Berhan near Goodar ''he appointecl priests ,vho ,vere to ca.rry avvay tl1 e n1inds of the people by the so1 1 nds of their chanting; and. . . endowed tl1en1 wit11 esta.tes s1rfficient for tl1eir n1aintena11ce. '' 10 The cl1ronicle confirms this staten1 ent, observing tl1at in 1694 tl1 e E 1nperor granted extensive estates to the cl1 urcl1 of Dabra Berl1 an near Gondar. They in­ c111ded the district of Qobla, whicl1 con1 prised both highland and lowland areas, as well as tl1e district of S�iracio, ,vI1icI1 ,vas in tl1e possession of tl1 e Itu Gallas, an.d the district of Dablo ·vvhicl1 11 ad formerly belo11ged to one of tl1e princes, Abbeto Esdros. T,vo-thirds of tl1e lancl in q11estion is said to l1 ave been give11 to the ch11rcl1, leavi11 g one-tl1ird for tl1e poor. 11 Tl1 e 111 a1111scri1Jt of co1nme11 1oration presents Iyas11 :1s a great b11 ilder of cht 1rcbes, declari11g: ''As t·or the . . . Cl1 11 rcl1es wl1icl1 he b11ilt and furnisl1ed \Vith every ki 11d of beat1tift 1 l eq11ipment \Ve do 11ot k11ow their nuinber." 12 He also gave furtl1er land to l1 is father's ch·urcl1 of Madl1a11e Alan1, and endowed tl1e convent of Enda Sellase sot1th-west of Keren. 13 Iyast1s' beq11ests were so considerable that tl1e nineteentl1 cent1 1ry Protestant missionary, I-Ienry Ster11, considered hin1 one of principal fo11nders of cl1t1rch pro­ perty i11 land. 14 Iya.s11 's I brother, tl1 e En11Jeror Tewoflos (1708-1711), \Vas the third of the Emperors known to l1 ave give 11 lancl to Fasiladas' ch11rcl1 of 11adl1a11e Alam and is 011 record as l1aving fot1nded and endo\ved at least one other church. 15 Iyasu I's son, Dawit III (1716-1721), likewise gave a nu 1nber of villages to at least one ch11rcl1 of l1is choice, 16 a11 d is said to have added to tl1 e endo'.vn1ents of the conve 11 t of Dabra. Damal1 in tl1 e Dan1balas area of Eritrea. 17 Dawit Ill's brother, tl1 e E111peror Bakaff::1 (I 721-1730), is kno\vn to .l1ave 111ade a gra11t to tl1e JJriests of R11fa'el. A mant1script of this period co 1 1tains a cl1arac­ teristic entry \Vhicl1 declares: ''\Ve ki11 g of ki11gs Bal(a.ffa, have given to tl1e arcl1-

8.

9.

10.

11.

Conti Rossini, Liber ,eJ,rzunae, pp. 58-9.

Guidi, An11ales Iohannis I, lyasu I et Ba!,ajfa, p. 159.

E.A. Wallis Budge, The Book of tlze Sai,zts of the Ethiopian Church (Cambridge, 1928), I, lxxiv.

Guidi, A1111ales Iohannis I, Jyastt I et Bak.affa, p. 177. Vide also B.M. MS. Orient 518, 15a, 16b.

Bt1dge, The Boo!< of the Saints of tlze Etltiopian Churclz, I, lx,xiv.

13. Conti Rossi11i, Principi rli diritto co11suetucli11ario dell'Eritrea, p. 421.

14. Stern, op. cit., p. 24. Vide also B.ivI. MS. Orient 661, 161a; Orient 650, 166; Orient 604, passun.

15. B.M. MS. Orient 518, 15a, 16b. Vide also Orient 508, 278a-287b.

16. B.M. !VIS. Orient 778.

17. Conti Rossini, Principi di cliritto consuetuclinario dell'Eritrea, p. 405.

12.

- 65 -

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A r;·pical land cl1arter granted by r/1e Emperor lyasu II (1730-1755). Written. in Ge'ez it is preserved in a seventeenth centi,ry manuscript of the Miracles of the Blessed Virgin Mary nou· l1oi,sed in the Britislz Museum .

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Amharic translation of the Geez land grant on page 66.

- 67 -

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d an ed forty d; un 11 1r fot 1I, · so1 d an . sh Qe _ 1 ot1 of angel Rt1fa'el, for tl1e redemption .. . san o I'-in ds lan r fou · ·: Let ty for , Sas har Ba _ and seve11 la11ds in Fe11tero, Abage d ate n1c n1u om exc be t, Jec s11b or a1·y nit dig , een qu g, Icin , e on ree any breaking tliis dec 18 s." stle Apo lve twe the by auth.ority of Peter, Pat1l and Church records reveal that Balcaft�'l also gave lands to tl1e _co°:ve°: t of End_a Sellase, which b.a d earlier bee11 helped by Iyasu I, ancl tl1at tl1e 1nst1tut1on at this time lilce\:vise acq11ired furtl1er land by pt1rcl1ase at a price of forty cows. 19 Bakaffa's s011, tl1e En1pero.r Iyas11 11 (1.730-1755), was another great s11p1Jorter of tl1e Ch11rch. I-lis chro11icler states tl1at in 1740 t11e Qt1een Mother, tl1e Em.press Me11tewab, gave ''many lands'' to the clergy of Dabra !s���ay vv1l1�cl1 sl1e l1ad constructed at that time. These included tl1e co11nu·y of BaJan,1 wl11cl1 Bal<affa, bad earlier given to the Za\Ve, wl10 being thus expro1Jriated, were allowed to select alternative land, tl1e E1nperor Iyas11 saying to then1: ''Choose a111ong all tl1e lar1ds of 011r kingdo1n those wl1ich you prefer, because we have gi\1en tl1e land which you occ11py to tl1e clergy of Dabra Tsal1a.y." The Zawe, it is said, cl10s_e the good land of Dabra Ganta beca11se of its proximity to tl1eir col1ntry of G0Jan1, wl1ere­ upon tl1e l1erald read 011t tl1e JJroclamatio11 that ''Bajan,1 belo11gs to tl1e clergy of Dabra Tsal1ay and Dabra Ganta to tl1e Zawe''. J.yas11 and l1is 1nother tl1en allocated land to each. of tl1e priests of Dabra Tsal1ay, and, finding son1e of the Gallas still inhabiting tl1e area, extirpatecl tl1em, tJ1e cl11·onicler sa.ys, as Josl1ua sn1ote and drove out Sil1on king of tl1e Amorites, Og 1.-ing of Basl1an, and all tl1e otl1er kings of tl1e Canaanites so that tl1e Israelites 1nigl1t possess th.eir la11d. 20 Tl1e Empe­ ror and E1npress tl1e11 gave tl1e col1ntry called Gu11ter for t�e sayi11g of 111ass, Gu.ramba for tl1e f11neral co1nn1e1noratio11s of tl1e king, and Cela for tl1e water carriers \¥11.0 watered tl1e land around tl1e cl111rcl1 of Dabra Tsal1ay.21 The veracity of the above acco11nt as given in tl1e cl1ro11icle wo11ld seem to be confirmed b:->1 the existence i n a conte111porary Biblical text of wl1at appears to be the actual grant. It gives a fe\v s11pplen1e11tary details not incl11ded in the cl1ro11icle. It states, for instance that the land of Bajana occ11pied by the Zawe J1ad fonnerly belo11ged to tl1e Gallas, v.1110 l1ad evidently been. deprived of it earlier, and tl1at tl1e area of G11nter prior to its allocation to the church had been tl1e property of a. certain Wayzaro Meslanteya. Mention is also made of the grant of land called J(ac for the comme111oration of the king. These transactions were effected, we are told, jn tl1e presence of Ab11na Krestodol11os, Abba Ta'kla I-Iayma11ot, teacl1er of Dabra Libanos, the Aqa.be Sa'at and variol1s scl1olars, teacl1ers, dignitaries a.nd judges. A 1Jassage in the grant incltided tl1e by now fa111iliar curse tl1at a.ny 011e violati11g tl1e arrangen1e11t, be he king or queen, dignitary or common n1an, would. be excomm1111icated by the authority of Peter, Pa11l and all tl1e Apostles. 22 Tl1e ch11rcl1 of Dabra Tsabay also received several other lands, inc1 11ding Ebnat Tarasemba, wh.ich was kept for the use of the cot1rt, Balas[i, from wl1ich a band of rebels called Maya were driven out, and an area in Tegre called. Dan1bala which paid an annual tribute of 20 dinars of gold. Land was also given to tlie monastery at Qt1sq uam.23 18.

19.

20.

21 .

22.

23.

B.M. MS. Orient 799, 215a. Vide also Orient 508, 278a-287b; Orient 659, passim; Orient 674, passim.

Conti Rossini, Principi di diritto consuetuclinario clell' Eritrea, p. 422.

Numbers, XX[, 31-5; Deuteronomy I, 4-7; III, 1-17; IV, 47; Josl1t1a, XXIII, 10-12.

Guidi, Anna/es Regunz Jyasu II et Iyo' as, pp. 111-13.

B. t-.1. MS. Orient 636, 5a.

Guidi, Anna/es Regu111 Iyasu II et IJ1o'as, pp. 113-14•. Vide also B.M. MS. Orient 481 .'

4a ' Orient 508, 1b; Orient 511, 3a; Orient 777, 4a.

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•

Tl1e question of the church lands at Aksum again came to the fore a decade or so later in 1750 when Iyasu, according to the chronicle, returned to the clergy certain lands ,vbich had been taken from then1 . 24 He also gave lands to the convent of Enda Sellase, wl1ich, as we have l1ad seen, had also earlier received land from Bakafla.25 Iyasu !l's son, the En1peror Iyo'as (1755-1769), is known to have given land to the old cl111rcl1 of Madl1 ane Alan1 . 26 Cl1 urch building went on tl11·011gl1011t tl1is period witl1 the result that B 1-uce surveying the scene a few years later wonclered, like Alvarez before him, at tl1e m11ltiplicity of cl111.rcl1es whicl1 be encou11tered in Etl1iopia. ''Tl1ere is no country in the ,vorld'', he says, ''wl1ere tl1 ere are so many cl111rches as in Abyssinia''.

J11stifying this statement he adds: ''Tl1ougl1 the cou11 try is very 1nountaino11s, and consequently tl1 e view n111ch obstructed, it is very seldom yo11 see less than five or six cl1 11rches, and, if you are on a commanding gro11nd, five times t11 at number''. 27 Cl111rcl1es, l1e explains, were constantly being b11ilt in considerable n11111 bers. ''Every great man . that dies'', 11 e says, ''tl1 i11ks l1e has atoned for all his wickedness if he lea.ves a fund to build a c11urcb, or has 011e b11ilt in his lifetime. Tl1e king b11ilds many. \Vl1erever a victory is gained, there a cl1urcl1 is erected in the very field stinking with tl1e p11trid bodies of tl1e slain. Formerly this "\\1as only the case when the enerny was Pagan or Infidel; now tl1 e sa1ne is observecl when tl1 e victories are over Clrristians. " 28 Tl1e clergy at this tin1 e appear to l1a.ve been fairly prosperous. Tl111s Br11ce says that ''tl1e priests 11ave their n1ainte11 a11ce assigned to them in land, and do not 1abo11r''. The monks, on tl1e ot11 er band, seem to 11 ave been less we]l off, for the Scotsman says tl1at eacl1 one c11ltivated part of the la11d which tl1ey possessed.

On the method in wl1ich cl1 11rch revenues ,vere apportioned to tl1 e clergy l1e acids: ''Tl1e priests have their rnai11 tena11ce assig11 ed to tl1 em in land, ancl do not labol1r.

A steward, being a layn1 an, is pl,1ced amo11g t11 e11 1 by the king, wl10 receives all the rents belonging to tl1e cl1urcl1es, and gives to tl1e priests the portion tl1at is their dt1e; b11t 11eitl1er t11 e Ab11na, 11or any otl1er ch11rcl1111 an, l1 as any ·business witl1 the reven11e of the cl1 urcl1 es, nor can touc11 t11 en1. " 29 Tl1 e decline of tl1e 111 onarcl1y does 11 ot seem to have led to any deterioration in the positio11 of tl1e Cl111rcl1 , for tl1 e Emperors of the ens11ing era contin11ecl to give it considerable st1pport. not II (1769) n1ade several land grants in the co11rse T11 e Emperor Takla IIayrna of his brief reio-n. The recipients i11cl11decl the churches of Madhane Allim and Yohannes and the 1nonastery of Dabra Tebab. 30 Two characteristic grants to the 24.

25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

30.

Guidi, Anna/es Regu,n Iyasu II et Jyo'as, p. 265. Vide also B.:tv1. MS. 51 I, 2b; Orient 514 223b; Orient 674, passim; Orie11t 799, colophon.

Conti Rossini Principi di diritto consuetudinario dell'Eritrea, p. 423.

B.M. MS. Orient 518, 15a-16b. Vide also Orient 508,_ 278a-�87b; Orient _514, 223b-224a; Orient 604, passim; Orient 673, passim; Orient 674, passun; Orient 799, pass1m.

Bruce, op. cit., IJ, 313.

Ibid, ill, 313.

Ibid, III, 313. . .

B.M. MS. Orient 51.1, 2b; Orient 518, 15a, 16b, Orient 549, 2a_; Orient 751, 172b; Or �ent nt Orie �; -287 278a 508, Or1e t a; -224 223b , 511 � nt Orie also e Vid .

144a 806, nt Orie 799, 4a; '.

04 nt Orie , la; nt 549 Orie a; 247 � , 638 ent _Ori 2a; , 637 nt Orie la; 636, 2b-5a, Orient 635, _ . nt 764, passim, 1: Orie passim; Orient 763 , passim; Oriei1t 799, passim; Orient 813, 190b-19 Orient 799, passin1.

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latter institution are preserved in contemporary 111anuscripts. One. states t�1at tl1e h1s body king l1 ad give11 ''111 a11y a COLtntry'' to the clergy . for t! 1 e rede111�_ t10? and sot1l and that tl1e Abw1a, tl1 e Ecage, tl1e chief JJr1est of Dabra L1banos, the Aqabe Sa'at and all the scholars of tl1e ch11rcl1 would excon11TI11nictae any further person, king or no·ble, who nligl1t violate the gra11t. 31 The second ?�cument states that the lands granted to tl1e priests inclt1ded crown lands adm1111stered by the bajero11d, or treas1rrer, lands for1nerly belonging to the dr11111mers, and ''many otl1er lands," the total gr,:1nt coI?prising two l1undred a11d ? 111ety tw? la�d _in 3fewana, seve11 h11ndred and :fifteen 1n Kabelay Maryam and thirty two 1n B1 al1ela.

or

Tl1e Emperor 1�aklti Giyorgis ( 1779-1795) was also an in1portant donor. A contemporary cl1ro11 icle states that d11ring l1is reign tl1 e monks of Dalsiha co1nplain­ ed tl1at tb.eir lands had been seized by the soldiers, wheret1pon he effected resti­ tutio11,33 tl1us, according to the cl1ronicler, .follo\ving tl1e i11j11nction of David to ''do jt1stice to tl1e 11eedy and. tl1e orpl1an."34 Tak.la Giyorgis soon afterwards came to tl1e aid. of tl1e monks of Sagade, \Vbo seem also to have suflered loss of land; he issued a proclan1atio11 that the)' were henceforward ''in possessio11 of wl1at they f orruerly held.,, 3s I-le also gave land to Fasiladas' old churcl1 of Madhane Alan136 a11d 1nade a n11n1 ber of other new grants to the clergy. The cl1ro.nicle quotes l1im as on one occasion iss11i11g a procla111atio11 declaring: ''We b:1ve given 0111· provinces (districts) whicl1 are called Daq\\1a, a11d Qvva.beta, a.11d Gwinter to be tl1e property o:f the priests of Difbra Tabor." 37 On another occasion l1e divided an estate between the priests of Dabra Metmaq and tl1ose of Dabra Libanos and Dabra E\vostatewos, thus resolving a q11arrel between tl1en1.38 Two cl1arters granted by Takla Giyorgis are extant, one to a cl111rch called Maqdasa. Sellase, tl1e other to tbe cl111rch of Gabre'el at Adw,:1. Both contain a sente11 ce to tl1e effect tl1at a1Jyone violating the grant wo11ld be cursed by Peter and Paul as \Veil as by tl1e Fatl1er Son and I-Ioly Spirit.39 TJ1e Emperor I-Iezqeyas (1789-1'794), one of several rival rulers wl1ose re1ms interr11pted tl1at of Takla Giyorgis, also granted at least one land cl1arter. It was to the con,,ent of Sadya in Tegre, a11d contained tl1e tr,iditionaJ prayer tl1at if anyone \'.iolated tl1e cl1 arter he would. be cursed by tl1e 111 011tl1 of Peter and Pat11.40 •

Tl1e collapse of the monarchy see111s to have resulted i n a situation in the late eigl1teel1tl1 century in whicl1 provincial rulers began n1aking grants of land to the Churcl1, tl1us usurping a prerogative llitl1erto the <lama.in of tl1e soverejgn.

31.

32.

33.

34.

35.

36.

37.

38.

39.

B.t-.1. MS. Orient 751, 172b.

B.M. MS. Orient 799, 4a. Vide also Orient 635 passim.

Blundell, op. cit., 247.

Psalms LXXXII, 3.

Blu.ndell, op. cit., J). 252.

B.M. MS. Orient 518, 17b.

Blt1ndell, op. cit., p. 269.

Ibid, pp. 301-2.

Conti Rossini, Liber_ Axurnae, pp. 60-1. Vid e also B.M. MS. Orient 529 J97a· o ien · t 508 22�b, _278a-287b;_ �r1en� 636, 2b-5a; �rient _637, 105b; Orient 638, 246b; Orient' 549: passim�, Orient 604, pass im, Orie11t 659, passun; Orient 673' passiJ.11 '· Orient 784' pa"sim · t 799 · , ,a · ,· orten colophon; Orient 813, 190b-191.

40. Conti �ossini, Liber_ Axu,nqe, p. 59. Vide also B.M. MS. Orient 514, 225b; Orient 636, 2b5a; Ori ent 604, passim; Orient 156, passim; Orient 799, passim.

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The first of these charters of wltlch \Ve have record was made to the cathe­ dral at Aksl11n in 1794 by Ras Wfilda SeJlase, tl1e rl1ler of Tegre, and. Za'a1nan11'el the qiisisii giibiiz, or cathedral treas11rer. The grant stated tl1 at the lands in ql1estio� had all been p11rchased, those given by Ras Walcla Sellase for 203 dollars and those by Za'aman11'el for 27 011nces of gold, 487½ dollars and 22 pieces of clotli.41 Ras Waida Sellase is a]so said to have created tl1 e gi,!t for tl1e convent of Enda Sellase. 42 At about tl1e sru11e time the Ras received a charter fron1 tl1e religious com1nunity at Aksum stating that they gave l1im certai11 specified land becal1se of the ''many good deeds'' \Vhicl1 l1e had done for tl1 e1n and beca11se he l1ad obtained for them the rett1rn of certain ]ands '\\1l1icl1 had been taken fro1n then1 by otl1ers in the past.

Tl1e gift was said to be for tl1e chief's per1nanent comn1 e111oration, tl1 e co.ncluding sentence declaring: ''if anyone disconti11l1es tlus comme1noration may be be c11rsed by ot1r voice''. 43 Tl1 e 1zebz,1ra eel, governor of Aks11m, a certain Ararn, also drew 11p a couple of land cl1arters in favol1r of the cat]1edral at Aksl1m as \Vell as several of its priests. 44 A land charter \Vas also granted by ·vvalda Le't1l, tl1e ruler of Aga1ne, \,V}10 gave a gra11t of ]and in 1795 to tl1 e cl1urch of Marya1n at Guendegt1ende as ''a conductor to tl1e ki11gdom of heaven and a 1ne1norial for ever''.-15 Tl1e chronicle of the time of tl1e E111 peror Hezeqeyas (I 789-1794) similarly tells of Dajazmac Hayl11, tl1 e governor of Gojam, bestowing land on tl1 e monastery of Makana Iyast1s. Tl1 e estates i n q11estion con1prised ''devastated lancl at Esete and Aratt1 Cl1eqqa'', as well as lands obtait1ed fro111 for1ner ki11gs. Tl1e decree en1bodying tl1is gr:1nt is said to h,1\1e been made by t]1e gover11or on bel1alf of th.e Emperor and co11tained the following lengtl1 y Cl1rse: "Whoso distt1rbs tl1e peace of our declaratio11, \Vl1 etl1 er Negus, or captaj 11 s, or soldiers, or J)riests, we Negusa Nagast I-Iezeqeyas exco1111nl1nicate, and the Abuna Yosab and Ecl1 a ae Tasft1 i:lnd ,:111 the elders of the cl1urcl1, let him be a11athema by the n1outl1 of tl1 e twelve apostles, by the mot1tl1 of tl1 e seventy two disciples, and by t11 e n1011tl1 of the tl1ree l1t1ndred a11d eighteen orthodox Bishops who as­ sembled at Nikeya., one l1 t1ndred a11 d fifty in tl1e city of Quostantina (Col1ncil of Nicaea at Consta11tinople) and tl1e t,vo J1·u11 dred at Epl1 es11s, and by t� e. rnot1tl1 of our Lady lviaryam the Mother of God and the n1outh of tl1e I-Ioly Tr1ruty, Fatl1er and Son and Holy Gl1 ost, let them be acctirsed."46 Dajazn1ac Hay1u also built tl1e cl1urcl1 Dabra Ma�aknit in Yejt1,. giving it many lands and \'illages, including some, we are told, which he had received fro1n the Emperors Takla Hayma11ot and Takla Giyorgis. 47 Thougl1 tl1e Cl1 urch tl1us received gifts fr�m n1any . of the rulers of the Gondar period tl1 e priesthood \Vas in tl1 e last analysis subordinate to the State, the sove­ reign having tl1e rigl1t if he wisl1ed to confiscate land from the clergy. Tl1e only Conti Rossini, Liber Axumae, pp. 62-5. Vide aJso Gt1ebre Sellassie, op. cit., II, 417.

Conti Rossini, "Bcsua 'Amlak e il convento della Trinita," p. 9.

Idem, Liber Axz,mae, p. 65.

Ibid, pp. 67-8.

Ibid, pp. 65-6.

46. Blundell, op. cit., p. 397.

47. Ibid, p. �-11.

41.

42.

43.

44.

45.

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case of such confiscation of which we have record occt1rred in 1771 during tl1e reign of' Takla Haymanot II (1769-1777) when power was exercised by Ras Milca'el Seh11l. Br11ce, who was in the country at the tin1e, rel::1tes tb.at tl1e Abuna was found gi.tilty of rebellion and �1s a res11lt de.prived of' l1is la11ds. Describing the exproprjation decree tl1e Scots1nan reports that tl1e l<ettle drums were beaten at the palace at Gond.ar whereu.pon tl1e herald read 011t a procla1natio11 declaring ''tl1at all lands and villages, whicl1 are no\v, or ba\1e been givei1 to the Abu11a by tl1e king, sl1all revert to tl1e ki11g's own use, and be st1bject to tl1e governn1ent, of tl1e in Cantiba (K,1ntib,1) of Da111bea, or sucl1 officers as tl1e ldng shall after appoint : the provinces where tl1ey are situated." 48 The lands tl111s expropriated seem to l1ave been i111mense and incl11ded aino11g n1a¡ny otl1ers tl1ree \1illages near Digsa in Tegre and ten or twelve on tl1e borders of Walqayt. 49 Co111me11ting on tl1e relationshi1J between State and Cl111rcl1 in tl1e late eighteentl1 centurj' Br11ce makes tl1e significa11t comment that ''all ecc]esiastical persons are in Abyssinia as 111uch as they are in Britain or any s11bject to the sect1lar power , European Protestant State. , so

48. Bruce, op. cit., IV, 78.

49. Ibid, IV, 114,501.

50. Ibid, IV. 77,

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XIX

LANDLORD TENANT RELATIONS AND TAXATION Our knowledge of la11dlord-tenant relations and taxation in the seventee11th and eighteenth centt1ries is minimal as the subject attracted b11t scant atte11tion from the chroniclers and travellers of tllis period. Bruce, almost tl1e only a11thor to say any­ thing on tl1is topic, notes tl1at it was normal for tl1e landlord to fur11isl1 seed on conditio11 tl1at he received J1alf tl1e prodt1ce. It ,vas, l1 owever, l1e said, ''a very indulgent n1aster," who did 11ot take a furtl1er qt1arter of the prodt1ce for the risk l1e had rt1n, witl1 the res11lt tl1at ''tl1e qt1antity that comes to tl1e share of the bt1sbandn1an is 11ot more tl1a11 sttfficient to afford st1ste11ance for ms wretcl1ed fami­ ly'' . 1 The chronicle of tl1e Emperor Takla Giyorgis (1779-1795), on the other band, contains a passi11g referuce to ::1 rather different division of the crop wl1ereby the landowner received an a1111nestyya, or fiftl1 part of tb.e produce, the remaining fot1r­ fifths being retained by tl1e cultivator. 2 Tl1is rent of a fiftl1 of the crop, it will be recalled, was already operative a centu.ry and a half earlier as described by the Jest1it Barradas.

How typical eacl1 of tl1ese systems were tl1ere is, 110,vever, no n1eans of telling.

+ + + Data on the level of taxation in tl1is period is also not extensive. Bruce states that the various pro,rinces paid tl1eir tribute in prodt1ce and cattle as well as gold, and declares that ''tl1e rent paid to the king for the ground is one-tentl1 of what they reap''.3 Subsequent researcl1 by the Italian scl1olar Ruffillo details of tl1e taxation. for the area later covered by Hamasen Serae and Alcele G11zay. According to this \vere fix�d by tl1e Emperor Iyast1 II (1730-1755) who regulations: I. dollar.

Perini has uneartl1ed some tl1e Eritrea11 provinces of evidence rates of taxation had made tl1e following

Every perso11 c11ltivating the land by l1a11d l1ad to pay a tax of l1alf a

2. Every c11ltivator using beasts of bt1rden had to pay a dollar per anjn1 al so employed.

3. The total tax once arrived at sl1ould remain fixed for always except wh.ere the king's cleniency remitted t11e tax when calamities, wars, inclen1ent weather etc. rendered it in1possible to pay without r11in.

During tI1e period of the n1as� fe1it tribt1te was collected, Perini says, by the military even in areas wbicl1 had hitherto been exe111pt, such as Akele Guzay and Bogos. 4

1. Bruce, op, cit., II, 124.

2. Blundell, op. cit., p. 265 & n.

3. Bruce, op. cit., 3rd edition, VU, 77.

4. Perini, op. cit., pp. 383-4.

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PAI{T FIVE TI-IE .EARLY NINETEENTI-1 CENT .ORY DO\rVN TO TI-IE RISE OF TEWODROS

xx

TI-IE LAND POLICY OF R.t\.S GUGSA tl1e :igl:ts Despite tl1e collapse of tl1e 111onarchy a□d tl1e rise of tl1e nobility _ of tl1e State over J::1ncl te11ure bad never been f11lly aba11doned.. Jn1per1al sovere1g111ty l1ad 11ot been officially challenged) and a succession of Rases at Go11dar, vvl10 111ay be like11ed to all-powerful 111inisters, \Vere tb11s able to take advantage of tl1e age­ old l)restige of tl1e 1uo11arch�)' to \Vield J)O\.ver i11 tl1e nan1e of sovereign and tl1ereb)' to reassert control over tl1e nobility. Apparentl)' tl1e fu·st s11ch Ras successf11ly to cl1alle11ge tl1e position of tl1e 11obility was G11gs:1 :rvf ersa, a C.l1ristianized Galla of Yej tL M11sli111 fan1ily and cle facto ruler of Gondar fro111 1799 to I 825. 1 G11gsa see.ms to have been fully alive to tl1e need for radical refor.01s. I-Ie l1ad con1e to JJower after a terrible civil ,var in Blige111der \VlJich according to Nfenilek:'s cl1.ro1Jicler G�ibra Sellase l1ad co1111)letely ruined tl1e J )rovi11ce, killir1g tl1e cattle ancl b11rni11g t11e J)lougl1s. 2 Gugsa's view, tl1e ninetee11tl1 century .Fre11ch n1issionary Nl .. trtial de Salviac says, ,vas tl1at tl1e 11obles \Vere \.Ve,tvi11g tl1e en1pire's fu11eral sl1ro11d a11d that it was tl1erefore 11ecessary to dispossess tl1em by transfor111i11 g tl1eir freel1old lands i11to te1111Jorar)' fiefs. 3 G11gsa's objective, a.ccording to Arnaul.d d'Abbadie, was, like tl1e En1perors before l1in1, to destroy tl1e tl1e11 existi11g alliance between tl1e peasants a11d tl1e 11ob.les but tl1e n1ea11s l1e adopted were very different. Tl1e E111perors l1 ad favo11red tl1e nobles and accepted tl1eir encroacbn1e11ts at tl1e expense of tl1e people, b11t G11gsa) on tl1e contrary, affected. a11 egalitari,111 simplicity and. a rt1sticity of 111an11ers vvl1ic h. fla.ttered tl1e people a11d l)rovoked tl1e disdai11 of tl1e 11obility. Instead of 11sing tl1e taxes to i11crease tl1e J11xury of tl1e co11rt be l1oarded l1is \Vealtl1, a11d e11deavo11red to i11tensify tbe rivaJry between tl1e great fa11 1ilies \Vith a vie,v to destroyi11g tl1eir po,vers. He si1nilarl)' k. ept aloof from the clergy, treating it \Vitl1 oste11sible respect b11t losi11g no opportu11ity to discredit its principal leaders. Wl1e11 J1e believed 11e had wo11 the s11p_port of tl1e })eople he decided 011 OJ)enly dis11ossessing tl1e nobility.-1 To acl1ieve tl1is end he a.1)pears to l1ave l1ad reco11rse to tl1e traditional argt1ment of tl1e djvinity of rulers. In 1800 11e iss11ed ,L proclamatioL1 declaring tl1e St,1te ownersl1ip of all land, and asserting tl1at the eartl1 belonged to Rebbi, the nai11e give11 to God by the Musli111s, and co11lcl l1ave no otl1er owner tl1 an tl1e State.

Tl1e proclan1ation, wl1icl1 d'Abbadie says, ,vas coucl1ed. i11 terms of grea.t si1npli­ cit)', contained the follo\.vi1Jg statements: ''The land belongs to God; 111an can be no more tl1an tl1e t1s11fruct11ary.5 He re11ders i t fertile by l1is efforts and passes a\va.y; the eartl1 swallows him tip a11d flo11risbes still. \Vhat is a landowner \Vl1ose pro_perty is stronger tl1an hi111self? I-Iolders of lordly estates :1nd l1olders of fiefs, 1.

Guebre Sellassie, op. cit., I, 202n.

2. Ibid, I, 201.

3. Martial de Salviac op. cit., pp. 36-7.

4. D' Abbadie, o_p. cit., p. 151.

5. The person wl10 O\vns usufruct, i.e. the use and profit of the land, 11ot the property itself.

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[let 111e say to you that] there is no hereditary right of suzerainty. God. gives it to wl1 om lie pleases; l 1 e has given it to 111 e, Gugsa! I am tl1e lord of the land: yo 11 are beholden to me f. or all of it, and I alone allocate it at my pleasure.

Noble lords and ladies, holders of fiefs, appear before 1ne; I bestow rank and office! Let tl1 ose \Vl10 do not love me take tl1 eir leave fro111 tl1is 11011.r! Tillers, work the soil, 1nercl1ants continue yo 11r trade! It is I wl10 am yo 1 1r right and your strength! Noble lords and ladies, k. nights and figl1ting 1 nen gather round me!''.

D'Abbadie, disc 11ssing tbe sig11ificance of tl1 is proclamation, says tl1at Gugsa, wl10 had no real roots in Bagen1 cler, sougl1t to divide its people by spreading the belief that a certain class of proprietors constittited the sole obstacle to good admi11 istration and to the "vellbeing of tl1e cultivators, and that the people wot1ld be happy as soon as tl1ey were all eqt1al before him.

The offending class, as Gugsa conceived it, \Vas co1nposed of the ow11ers of freel10Jd lands wl10 n1 igl1t be eitl1er nobles or con1111oners, tl1 e one payi11g tribute in produce, tl1e otl1er in labo 11r. Tl1is land-o,¥11ing class, d' Abbadie arg 11es, was the most indepe11dent and n1ost nt1111 erot1s after tl1 e peasants whose preoccupations and interests they sl1ared and \.Vl1ose da 1 1gl1ters tl1ey often n1arried. Despite tl1 e principle that only the eldest born 1nale inl1erited, land in Bagemder was in practice more a11 d 1 11ore being divided an1ong all tl1 e cl1ildren, inclt1ding the daugl1 ters, witl1 tl1 e rest1lt t11at tl1e din1 inisl1ing size of tl1 eir estates p11shed members of this class down into tl1 e category of peasants witl1 tl1e one difference that tl1 eir lands were freel1old and so1J1 eti1ues go,1erned by tl1e salic law. Tl1is state of affairs gave the freeholders an infl11e11 ce over tl1e peasantry wl10 \Vere tl1 us ind 11 ced to join them in resisting tl1 e exactions of t11e l1olders of large fiefs. Tl1ese great n1 en l1ad tl1e1n­ selves once s 11ffered fro111 tl1e encroacl11nents of tl1 e EmJJerors wl10 l1 ad rendered their lands dependet1t on tl1 e thro11e; since tl1e fall of the monarcl1y, these land­ l1 olders, \Ve are told, l1ad bee11 invested ann 11ally in their ten 11re by tl1 e Dajaz1naces \vl10 had 11surped tl1e im.perial powers. Tl1 e l1 olders of freel1old Janel moreover 11ad been stren.gtl1ened by tl1e fact t11at tl1ey were the best soldiers of tl1e Dajazn1 aces 1e tl in years fe\v a for served indeed and otl1 er lords; n1ost of tl1.e lando\:vners f forces if 0111y to acqt1ire experience of afairs and status in tl1e eyes for the peoJ Jle; many of them attended the courts of tl1e Dajaz111 aces, some of tl1 e111 being given important positions, JJartict1larly in tl1e army. 111 tak:ing over their lands and m:1king them de1Je11dent on his pleas 1 1re G 1 1gsa vastly increased his revenues and broke tl1e last a11d stro11 gest resistance tl1at Biigen1 der co11ld offer to 11is fan1 ily which \.Vas very 1111 popular, largely 011 acco1111 t of its origin and M·usli1n traditions.

Tl1 e peasants, d' A bbadie declares, at first welcomed Gugs:1's eqt1alitarian 1 neast1re, not realising that it \Vo11ld worsen tl1eir position by ren1 ovi11g tl1eir last defenders and increasing tl1 e n 11n1ber of tl1 eir n1 asters, the former o\v11 ers of inalienable lands being redt1ced to n1 ere courtiers of tI1 e ruler. G 11gsa at tl1e outset maintained tl1 e statt1s quo and confir111 ed the in\ 1estitt1re of the old proprietors; later every year under one pretext or a11other l1e dispossessed a certain number of nobles so that by tl1e end of l1 is r 11le he l1 ad ruined or dispersed all the great families, completely dispossessecl s11ch lords as l1ad taken offence, and destroyed. tl1e . IJolitical power of tl1 e clergy. In this vvay l1e con� ei:itrated al1nost all pow�r 111 l11 s hands . . _ and considerably i11 creased 11is reven 11es-a JOint process which ct1rta1led t11 e l1bert1es of the people and increased tl1 e b11rden of their taxation.

Tl1 e dispossessed nobles, meanwhile, almost all became soldiers of fortt1ne. .

They \Vere so ra.1Jacio11s that sometin1es wl1 ole villages abandoned their lands and S.

D'AlJbadie, op. cit., I, 151-2; Guebre Sellassie, I, 201 & n.

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emigrated to neigl1bo11ring territories, many of them enrolling in t11e army as tl1ey preferred tl1e perils a11d inclepende11ce of a military life to the servit11de of tl1e :field. 7 Martial de Sa]viac, who in the main follo,vs d'Abbaclie's account, says tl1at Gt1gsa.'s ''egalitaric:111 simp]jcity'' ca111e easily to rum as a G·alla, and tJ1at the pro­ c1ru.11atio11 of 1800 was important in that it ina11guratecl a ''social revoltLtion'' by obliging the 11obility, l1igl1 and low, to abandon tl1eir domains and JJlace the1nselves in tl1e service of 11ewly nonLinated officials, or to accept merely ten1porary fiefs. · intensifying tl1e Tb.e rapid increase in tl1e 1111m her of soldiers of fortltne tl1o·ug h depradations of th.e troops assisted the overthrow of tb.e old social order. By thus getting control over t11e fe11dal provinces Gugsa prepared the way for tl1e st1bsequent reb11ildi11g of tl1e e1npire. It cot1ld tl1erefore be said, De Salviac clai111s, that ti1e Galla chief had cleared the way and traced out the ro11te for the later tri11n1pl1a11t cl1ariot of tl1e Em.peror Menilek.8 Tl1e st1bseg11ent French '\vriter, Mat1rice de Coppet, also e111pl1asised tl1e in1porta11ce of Gugsa's procla.n1atio11. Accepti11g d,Abbadie's accot1nt l1e declares that tl1e decree resultecl in numero11s dispossessions among tl1e sma.Iler nobility and l1ad. tl1e result of prod11cing a ''profound soci;;1l 11pheaval." 9

7. D' Abbaclie, op. cit., pp. 154-5.

8. Martial de Salviac, op. cit., pp. 37-8.

9. Guebre Sellassie, op. cit., I, 201n. V1'de a1s , o feudi," La Rassegna Coloniale (1921), IJassim.

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cont·1

· · Rosstn1 , " L'editto di Ras Gui?�sa sui

XXI LAi� TENURE IN Tl-IE NORTI-IERN P.ROVINCES Ras Gt1gsa's action appears to l1 ave t1nleashed a revolution in land tenure througl1out the northern provinces. D'Abbadie states tl1 at the cl1 ief's policy was followed by all the rt1lers of the country except those of Agawn1eder, Damot, and Gojan1. These latter provinces, wl1 icl1 \Vere governed by princes close to the imperial fa1nily, largely preserved tl1e earlier pattern of O\Vnership, thus, D'Abbadie argt1es, mai11taining the people's traditional freedo1ns. As for Yeju, the cradle of Gt1gsa's family, each tin1e its rt1lers attempted to extend their privileges there were ''energetic rebellions'' \vitl1 tl1e result, according to D'Abbadie, tl1 at tl1 e people en­ joyed greater rigl1ts tl1an else\vbere in the einpire.1 In the early nineteenth century most of the rulers of tl1e co11ntry tbus seen1 to have stre11 gtl1 eoed their position vis-a-vis tl1 e landed gentry. Tl1 e long l1 istory of war, d' Abba die says, enabled the rulers to seize wl1 ole provinces \\'hich they gave eitl1 er to new settlers or to tl1eir old owners under servile co11 ditions, tl1e principle bei11g expounded tl1at the teritory of tl1e E1npire belonged to tl1e Emperor and that st1bjects coLtld enjoy no more than the t1se of it.2 The claims of tl1e Goodar Emperors may be illustrated by the follo\ving story \vbich d'Abbadie tells. A petitioner is s,tid to have come to the sovereign vvith certain 11nspecified co1nplaints \vl1 jch tl1e Ja.tter was unwilling to accept, ''Let tis see," l1e said, ''whose land are yo11 occupyi11g at IJresent?'' ''Y011r lviajesty's," tl1e peti­ tioner replied. ''Well tl1en," tl1e E1nperor rejoined, ''first find a clod of eartl1 in the empire wl1ich yo11 ca11 claim witho11t being on n1y Ia11d, and then I will exa­ mi11e the question. '' 3 Fiefs at tl1is tin1e \vere allotted by t11e rt1lers on an an11 ual basis and were renewed every twelve montl1 s tl1us preventing the reappearance of a Ja11 ded gentry.

Fiefs of tl1is .kind inclt1ded large estates, s11cl1 as tl1at of the Teqaqe11 Blc1ttengeta, or junior n1aster or� the pages, who l1 ad a stretcl1 of land in Damot \vl1 ich en­ abled l1im to st1pport 250 to 400 solcliers, and tl1at of the Elfin Aslcalkay, or 11sber of the interior, \Vl1 ose Ia11 d, ,11s0 in Damot, provided for tl1 e upkeep of 80 to 100 n1 en.4 Less im·portant lar1ds whicl1 were also a\varded every year, it1 clt1ded the so-called f4j, or 1nead, fiefs wllich O\ved their na1ne to t11e fact that tl1.ey enabled their l10Iders to co11st1me tl1at drink. 5 The only secular land cl1.arters k11 own to l1ave been made in tl1is period are _ those of the E11 1peror Gioar (1821-1830). Tl1e most 1111 portant of tbe1n was a gift of land in Dara and Aga1ne to Dajazmac. Seba�ades, tl1e rt1ler of Tegre. It _ ,vas n1ade in tl1 e 11 a1ne of t11 e E111 peror and l11s n11n1ster, Ras Gt1gsa, and stated that no one might approach tl1 e lands in question except Sabagades and l1is children.

1. D'Abbadic, OJJ. cit., pp. 152-5.

2. Ibid, p. 130.

3. Ibid, p. 130.

4.

Ibid,

pp.

5. Ibid, p.

338-55.

368.

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A11otl1er of Gigar's grants was n1ade to a certain \Vabna Fes11h as a � on1p�nsa­ tio11 for tl1e deatl1 of l1is father. It ,vas st1bseq11ently co11fm11ed by . G1�ar 1n a second cl1arter which co11taii1 ed the tin1e honot1red pl1 rase: ''wl1oso 1nfr1nges or ,,iolates or erases tl1is grant 111ay he be cursed by tl1e n1outh of Peter and Patil. ''6 Tl1 e· str11ctt1re of Janel tenu.re in this period appears to have been by no n1eans static. Perini, for example, states tl1at during the r11le of Daj�zmac Webe of Tegre _ tl1e nort�� rn 1n establ1sl1ed (1831-1855) a political l1 ierarcl1y of gi,!ti-owners ,vas JJro·vi11 ce of Akele Gt1zay, 1na11y gulti lands being also transferrecl f�o1n JJerso11al1t1es in tl1at province and. given to others i11 tl1e neigl1 'bo11ring prov111 ce of Sera.e. 7 Restitution \Vas, however:subseq11ently made by the Emperor Tewodros (1855-1868). 8 Changes in provincial officials tl1rot1ghout tl1 is period seen1 to have bee11 followed : aln1ost inevitably by reallocation of la11d. Tl1 e English111an, Nat11 a11 iel Pearce, wl10 wrote on the basis of a long residence in. tl1 e a1:ea, observes: ''The new governor im111ediately seizes every persons' land and property belonging to or in tl1e service of tl,e ex-gover11or, which l1e gives to one of his own soldiers or follo,vers; wllile tl1 e for1ner owner is obliged to fly to a11 other district leaving l1is wife and cl1 ildren, if l1e l1as any, in l1er native place." 9 Despite frequent civil wars and changes of gover11or a11 d the al,vays present clanger of the abuse of power tl1ere is evidence of a signific,1nt elen1 ent of co11 tint1ity in tl1 e }Jattern of land owuers]1 i_p. The British cons11l, \Valter Plo\vden, argued in a report of Jt1ly 9, 1852, tl1at the local cl1iefs played an important role in pre­ servi11g custo111 ary syste1ns of ten11re a11d taxation. ''Tl1 ere is in eacl1 village," l1 e says, ''011e l1ereditary officer tl1at ca1111ot be displaced on a11y prete11ce; and it is tl1 is institt1tio11 tl1at alo11 e preserves s0111e a1Jpearance of order, in tl1 e abse11ce of all written docu111ents, aniidst tl1 e \Vhirl of revolutio11 s a11d tl1 e r:1pid s11ccessio11 of dynasties a11d governors. Tl1 is humble officer takes 011e tentl1 of all tl1at l1 e collects for l1is chief. WI1e11 the latter is cl1 a11ged, he ioforn1s his s11ccessor what is left of the last year's revenues, of the bo11nclaries o:f l1 is land, of the amou11 t of imposts, of l1 is various privileges, and all tl1e little secrets of tl1 e co1nmu11ity, so tl1 at in a short ti111e tl1e new governor is as 11 1t1cl1 at home as tlJe old 011e." E□1pl1asising : tl1 e irnportance of sucl1 officials, he continues: ''the runo11nt of traditional knowledge aod n1en1ory of tl1 ese persons is often extraordinary. The boundaries tl1at l1e l1 as to define a.re simple; a brook, a b11sh, a stone, 1nark tl1 e Iin1its of ::1 village; but wl1 en their neighbours' fields, as often l1appens, are interlaced, it is a cornplicated task, and gives rise to endless litigation, often to violence. In f'orest or plain, covered only \vith grass a11d jungle, and l1ere and there ,1 l1eap of r11ins, sl1 ould a village be rebuilt and cultivation rest1med, some s11ch ancient peasant i.s soon found, wl1 0 demands l1is post, and J)oints out from 1nemory the bo1111 daries; the descenda11ts of the for·mer inhabitants a.re sot1gl1 t ot1t 1111der his directio11 s, a.nd under a lenient governor all is restored to its forn1er condition.''

Turning to t11e way i11 whicl1 kno,vledge of land holdings was preserved in the absence of written deeds, Plo,vden concl11des: ''When land or ho11ses are sold numerous little children are called to receive a ha11 df11l of peas, and are t1seful afterwards as ,vitnesses from tl1ese juvenile recollections." 10 Tl1e existence of this 6. Conti Ross1n1, Liber Axu111ae, p. 66.

7. Perini, op. cit., pp. 79-81.

8. Ibid, p. 107.

9. N. Pearce, The Life and Adven.ture of Nathaniel Pearce (London., 1831) ' I 283 . ' 10. Correspondence respecting Abyssinia, p. 107

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practice was confrr111ed by A. B. Wylde, a subseq11ent Britisl1 poi11ting out tl1at ''la.11 d was held \Vitho11t title-deeds, because no existed and even cl1 11rcl1 lands were not defined," notes tl1at ''the ,vas the k11 owledge of the local peo1)le, and all the chjldren were which bounded tl1e different properties.'' 1o

v1ce-cons111 who registration' cotirt right to the land sho\vn the marks

There wo11ld indeed appear no gainsayi11g tl1e fact that the society had a deep respect for tradition in all 111 atters relating to land tenure. Mansfield Parkyns noted tl1 e governors of tl1e provinces l1ad ''a certain quantity of tl1 e cultivable land of each parisl1," \Vhicl1 ''from ti1ne imme111 orial'' had been ''set apart for their 11se." This la11d, he explains, ''a governor may employ at his pleas11re; eitl1 er he may keep it in l1is own l1ands, or he 1na.y let it. . . . WI1en I speak of letting the land I do not n1 ean exactly after our manner of receiving a fixed rent; for though this is occasio11ally practiced, it is n1ore co111 1no.n for tl1 e owner of tl1e land to recei,1e a proportion (son1etimes l1alf) of tl1e crop."

Explaining tl1at this syste111 co1 1ld lead to ab11se, l1 e argues that if tl1e villagers owning land did not propitiate the local chief ,vith a11 occasional gift the latter migl1t ''declare tl1at they l1ave no rigl1t to their land, and !)rove, tl1ougl1 falsel)', that it is part of what rigl1tf11lly belongs to l1is n1 a.ster." Tlus Par.kyns concl11des was by 110 111 ea.ns ''difficult to ma11 age," for there were ''no title-deeds to sho\:v, a11d fe\.v people would like to bear v,1it11 ess agai11st tl1eir cl1ief 's interest." 11 Numero1 1s 1,tnd sales are k:r1own to have bee11 n1ade in tl1is period. 1 75 such transactions are recorded i. n tl1 e alreacly mentioned Ethiopian n1 a11uscripts in t11e Britisl1 lvit1set1n1, viz., 45 during the reign of G\valu (1801-1818), 60 during that of Iyo'as (1812-1821), 15 d11ri11g that of Gigar, one during that of Gabra IZrestos ( 1832), 47 during tl1at of Sahl11 (1832-1840), and 7 during that of Yoba11nes III (1840-1841). The t1se of 1no11 ey for effecting p1 1rcl1 ases carne 011ly after tl1e introdt 1 ction of tl1 e Mari,:t Theresa dollar in the first decades of t11e cen.t11ry. Tl1t1s there is no reference to monetary pay111ent d11ring tl1e almost two decade 1011g reign of G,valu, tl1e first s11cl1 JJay11 1er1t of \VJ1 icl1 tl1 ere is record occurring i11 tl1e tin1e of Iyo'as wl1 en 5 s11cl1 tra11sactio11s toolc place 011t of a total of 60 sales in money. Sales i11 casl1 see11 1, 110,vever, to l1ave becon1 e general in tl1 e s1 1bsequent period. Ten ot 1 t of the 15 sales effected during tl1e reign of Gigar and 38 ot 1 t of tl1 e 47 of tl1e reign of Sal1 lt1 were tl111s recorded in dollars, tl1 e 1non.etary p11rcl1 ase price varying bet\-vee11 011e and 1 3 dollars and the average being ,1 little over three and a l1alf dollars. 12 Land in tbe vicinity of ch11rcl1 es wl1icl1 gra11ted religious as�lt1 n1 a11d tJ1ereby _ limited tl1 e exactio11s of the troops is said to l1 ave been 1_11 special de111�11d. Tl1t!s ir1 1854 Plowden notecl tl1 at i11 s11ch areas ''land sells for a good pr1ce a11d 1s largely so11ght, '' a. proof, as J1e says, of tl1e appreciation afforded to tl1e ''S\veets of tranq11il labo1 1 r." 13

10. Wylde, Modern AbJ,ssinia, p. 129.

11. M. Parkyns, Life in Abyssinia (New York, 1854), II, 1 91.

788 , 792, 813 , , 574 57 8, 63 2 , 635 , 604 , 549 , 529 8, 51 , 12. B.M. M.S. Orient 508, 514 13. Correspondence respecting Abyssinia, p. 107.

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XXll

LAND TENURE IJ.'1 SI-IOA Though the position of the Emperors declinecl in tl1e eigl1teentl1 cent�ry tl1e J)rerogatives of the Crown were retained a11d JJerl1,1ps even strengtl1e11ed 1n _ Shoa wl1icl1 was less affected tl1an the otl1er provinces by the civil \Vars of the per1od.1 Charles Johnstoo, a Britis11 st1rgeon wl10 resided in tl1e co1111try iI1 tl1e early 1840's, was greatly str11ck by the powers belongi11g to King Sahla Sellase of Sb.oa (I 8131847). ''It is 110 fictjon of Sl1oan law," he wrote, ''tl1at everything in the country is tl1e positive property of the n1onarcl1. Ile can, witho11t assig11i11g a rea�on? dis­ possess tl1.e present holder an.d confer llis wealtl1 11pon anotl1er, or retain 1t for his own use. He ca11 den1a11d t11e services of all his people at all ti111es, wl10 n1t1st perfor111 everything rec111ired of tl1e1u, to b11ild palaces, constr11ct briciges, till tl1e royal cle111esnes, or fight his enenlies. Tl1ey are, fro1n first to last, botl1 ricl1 and poor, tl1e rnere slaves of one sole lord and n1aster, and scarcely a clay passes over but in s0111e way or otl1er tl1e 1nost wealthy are obliged to cor1fess it, or run tl1e risk of bei11g denoLL11cecl as an, ene1ny to tl1e sovereigr1, \vl1icl1 \vo11ld be fallowed by confiscation of all propert:>1, or incarcertaio11 in Gt1ancl10, tl1e State prison, witl1 a l1ec1vy fi11e i1111Josed." 2 Jol1nstor1, lil<e Alvarez tl1ree ce11t11ries e,trlier, en1pl1 asised that tl1ere v;as no f po1)ular objection to tl1is state of af airs. ''Born a11d educated in tl1is servile co11di­ tioo," l1e says, tl1e Sl1oans did. 11ot ''consider sucb, exercises of po\ver as ::1cts of tyra1111y ; on tl1e contrary, \vith lot1d Protestations of tl1eir o,vn loyalty, all the . neigl1bours a11d late frie11ds of tl1e t1nfortunate inclivid11al so p111usl1ecl \You.Id \Vitl1 one accord ejaculate, ''Our good king! Our good king! alas! to 11,tve s11ch an 11ograteft1l servant !''3 The Fre11cb tra.vellers Co111bes aucl Ta111 isier agree \\1itl1 these stateo1e11ts, saying that tl1e ki11g gave lands and otl1er goocls to tl1e nobility at his pleasure and tl1at they returned to I1i1u at tl1e deatl1 of tl1e recipient. 4 The sit11ation tl111s described by Jol1nston ,vas s11m1ned up at about tl1e sa111e tin1e by Corn,�1allis t.Iarris, tl1e leader of tl1e Britisl1 di1)lo1natic 111ission to Sl1oa. ''Tl1e life as \ve]l as tl1e property of every s11bject," l1e wrote, ''is at bis [tl1e l<ing's] sole and absol11te disposal. Every act js 1)erfor111ed witl1 son1e view to pro111ote 11is J)leasure, and the subject waits 011 l1is sovereig11's ,vill, for favo11r, prefer·n1et1t and place. All appoi11 tn1.ents are at the king's disposal-all re\vards and d_istinctions con1e fron1 the King's ha11d.''5 TJ1ese exte11sive po\vers of tl1e sovereign see1n, l10\¥ever, to have bee11 more tl1eoretical tl1a11 real for i t is clear tl1at tl1ey did 11ot precl11de tl1 e existence of p1ivate J)roperty i11 land. Tl1e cl1aracter of land O\.V11ersl1ip in tlus J)eriod was de­ scribed by Ca1)tain Douglas Graha1n, anotl1er n1ember of tl1e British 1uission, ,vho R. PankJ1urst, ''The Effects of War in Etl1iopian 1-Iistory," Erhiopia Observer, VII, No. 2, 143-64.

C. Johnston, Travels in Southern ,4.byssinia (Londo11, 1844), II, 185-6. Vide also C.E.X. Rocl1 et d' Hericourt, _Vo;1age sur la cote orientate de La lvler Rouge, clans le pa_vs ri'Ada/ et le rOJ'aur11e c/e Choa (l)ar1s, 1841), p. 284; L. Rcybaud, "Rochet d'Hericourt dans l'Abyssinie n1cridionale," Revue des Deu,-c Mone/es, XXVII, 84-5.

3. Johnston, op. cit., TI, 186.

4. E. Combes a11d M. TaoJisier, Voyage en Abyssinie (Paris 1838 ), II, 345.

5. C.W. Harris, The Jlighlancls of Aethiopia (London, 1844), JII, 33.

1.

2.

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....

observ es : ''The . gr ?t111d belongs partly to t!1e ki?g, partly to th e t emporary resident �ov�rnors of d1 �tr1cts_ and partly to th � 1nhab1tants themselves." Emphasising that ·priva te prop erty 1s everywhere sanct ioned, all owed and established '' h e con­ ti �ues : :'w�e :e the re is n o pre viou s righ t existing a field can b e pur;hased by a private 1nd1 �1dual on payn1ent to . the governor of a regulated presen t, of 11oney, cl�th , or pi ec e o f salt, and . StlbJect to an an11ual taxation or produce.. . . The p�1ce of a fi �ld of c o_tirs� varies, accordi ng to its size and locali ty, bearing a no­ nunal valt1e rn the district fro111 thre e to twenty five German Crowns but neither money n or _value i11 ki11d is ever, in tl1e first instance, paid do,vn by tl1e p urchaser, a pre sent 1� alone n1ad e to tJ1e gover nor of t l1e village as an en trance fee, and tl1e holder 1s made a ccot1ntable for tl 1e rent according to the ,viii and JJleasure of the go _ vernme11t at1tl 1ority, 11eitl1er can a 111an JJart witl1 his field to any indivi­ dual w1tl1o ut tl1 e e �1)r ess c onse11t of t he governor who 1ut1st firs t be pr opitiated by a pre se 11t , and 1n the event of co 1111)liance the half of t11e annual ret1t is as­ signed to tl1e original pro_pri etor as tl1e J)ay1ne11t of his ]and."

En1phasi11g tl1at tl1er e was tl1e n no land n1easure ment in SI1oa the san1e o bserver notes : ''Tl1e fields ar e not meas11red b11t rnerely divided by me,tns of s111all ditcl1e s and sto11es." S11 cl1 bot111daries wer e 11ot al\vays f11lly satisfactory, partic11larly on mo1 111tain sl op es ,vl1er e, we are told, it had bee11 ''fo11nd n ecessary to enact an ordinance regarding tl1e accide 11tal f,1lling of seed upon a neigl1bour's field''. It was tl1erefore ''d e creed by the l<ing tl1at st1ch being tl1e ¥. ill of Province s 110 squabbling nor dist11rba11ce sl1all l 1enceforward take place but tl1a t eacl1 sl1all enjoy in peace wh at is found in l1is own fi eld." 6 1

Inheritance , accor ding t o Jol 1nston, ,vas based 011 tl1e principle of JJri1nogeniture ,vh.ich vvas rigidly enforded i11 111atters of Ia1Jd, p erl1aps beca11se of its relation to military service , tl1 o ugl1 less strictly i11 tl1e case of other types of property. ''1 t1 Shoa , ,vl1en a 111l:1n die s, leaving no male l1eirs," he says, ''the ki11g ta lees all tl1at lie died possesse d of; ev en tl1e wido'rv and fen1ale cl 1ildren have no clai1n to any­ thing but tl1, 1t ,vl1icl1 is gr an te d t o tl1e1n by tl1e justice and tl1e compassion of the mo11arcl1 . Tl1ese relatio11s are, l 1owever, so far co11sidered, that a s111all '1ne­ molagee ' (or pr ese11 t) 011ly is expected, a11d tl1ey are tl1en ge11e rally allowed to retai11 tl1e personal property of t l1e deceased, ?11t tl1e landed estat� is always r: ­ tained ,1nd granted to some otl1e r 111ale servitor capable of bear 111g arn1s. Tlus concession, small a s i t is, does 11ot extend to otl1er ties of l<indr ecl, for a person dying and leaving only sisters or brothers, all ki�ds o� property poss� sse d by tl1e deceased i s seized by the governor of tl1e to wn 1n ¥-1h1cl1 11e _hacl res1ded, for tl� e be11efit of tl1e Negoos [Neg11s,] and an accot1nt of a ll sucl1 intestate property 1s an11 t1aJly drawn up by tl1at officer. '' 7 Expropric1tio11 to m eet royal 11eeds see111s to l1ave been acco1npanied by tl1: . provision of alternative land for tl1e dispossesse�l. Jol1n�to_ 11 �<;late�. that wI1en Sal1�_a _ Sellase erected Iiis palace a. t Myolo11es by tl1e river of M1 l< a el wc1� z nea1 Anlc obar n 1any people had been depriv ecl of tl1eir land to 111ake ro o1n for it.

The Englishmen ¥-'as oreatly interested in tl1is matter and made car eft1_l inve stiga­ tions. ''.f nic�de particular 11q uiri e s to learn if any i11j t1stice h ad 1 11ar l<ed tl1 1s course," l1e sa ys, ''for I felt 11a t11rally s o inclined to r e spect !l1 e chara cter of Sah le Sel! sse�, � � tl1at I was je alo tis of allowing 111y self to be decei ved by false a_p_pea1a_nces. I:-I1s . infor111an ts, 11o we,rer, ,ill agr eed that a1nple co1npensat1o n had been given. TJ111s

f

6.

7.

r1gri­ t/ze t on por Re ni, aha Gr D. 6.

121 .

No g , IV CC s, di� India Office, Bornbay Secret Procee culture anr/ Land [Jroduce of Shoa, pass11n.

Johnston, op. cit., IT, 210.

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his servant told him tl1at lus own father ''was one of t11ose wl1 0 were thus ejected,'' bt1t ''seen1ed perfectly satisfied with tl1e conduct of �l1 e Negoos'' v'tho had gi� en l1i111 his present farm in exchange. Anotl1er perso11 interrogated on the quest1on _ ''also represented tl1at every one so removed was more than co1npensated for tl1e1r loss."

Jol1 nston was thus fully satisfied that jtistice had been done a 11 d was qt1ite empl1atic about it. ''I 1 1ad," I 1e says, ''no reason, to suppose tl1at tl1e fair na1 ne of Sal1ale Sellassee l1ad been tar1 1ished at all by tl1 is transactio11, for altl1 ot1gh any opposition to the wishes of t11e Negoos \VOt1ld, I l1ave no dot1bt, l1ave been se­ verely punished, and summary ejectn1ent l1ave been enforced, yet I do 11ot see l1ow any frail I1uman being, ed.ucated a despotic mo11arcl1, could l1 elp feeling a 1 1gry sl1ould lus pres11med rigl1 ts be questioned in sucl1 a manner by a subject. I c?n­ tencl, tl1erefore, that no injustice was committed in tl1e apparer1tly arbitrary taking possession of the valley of Michael wans, wl1en tl1 e previot1 s possessors of the land \.Vere ren1t1nerated, as tl1at is all ot1r own Parlian1ent den1ands on the occasio11 of carrying Ollt any pt1blic works. ''Whe 1 1 Willjam Ruft1s forn1 ed the Ne\v Forest in I-Iampsl1 ire," Johnston con­ cludes, ''his situatio11 and circumstances \.Vere as nearly pa.rallel as possible as with those of tl1e present King of Sl1oa, yet \Ve are told that l1e did not observe to­ wards the ejected inhabitants tl1at j11stice whicl1 cl1aracterized the proceedi11gs of tl1 e Abyssinian n1on.arcl1."8 Tl1e King \Vas also a great landow11er, tl1ere being record in this period of tl1 e existence of 11 t1 111 erot1s royal lands. Tl1us Gr,1l1am observed tl1at ''all the more favot1red spots of tl1 e country . . . appertain to His Majesty, wl1 etber in IJastt1re or arable la11d. and tl1e Royal n1 agazi1Jes for grai 11 f::1r1n. prod11 ce are proft1sely stt1dded over every portion of the co1111tr)1." 9 I1arris cooc11rred in tllis jt1dgen1ent, obser\1i 11g tl1 1:1t ''tl1 e best of tl1e lar1d, both arable a11d pasttire pertai 11 s to the in one re port . cro\vr1'' 10 and i11 a11otl1er tl1at ''all tl1 e best 1Jortio11s of soil pertain to His 1v1ajesty." 1 J Sucl1 lands are said to l1ave been worked either by sla.ves or, JJrobably 1nore 11sually, by tl1e local population. ''TJ1e King's fields," observes Gral1am, ''are cultivat­ ed eitl1 er by his 11t1n1erot1s slaves, �1ho receive bllt a sca 11ty JJitta11 ce of food for their Iabo11r, by th.e voluntary \Vorking of the wl1ole district e11 masse or by free peasa.nts wl10 receive as co1 11pensatiot1 a portion of rent free grot1 nd for tl1eir sub­ by tl1e king; tliey siste11ce a11d expenses, a tl1ird of tl1 �ir la.bot1r being decna11ded _ are allo\.ved to work two d.ays on tl1 e1r O\Vn Jots of lar1d, wh ilst tl1e labour of tI1·e tl1ird da.y is ap1Jropriated to His Majesty's property." 12 Two of tl1e royal grain prodt1cing farms ;:1re referred to by I-Iarris. Or1 e in ' sc Berhut, ''one as d is ribed an area called 1 1cipal farms''; tl1 e pri Majesty's s of � � _ _ otl1 er ,vas on tl1 e sloping l11lls1des of Toro n1esk 1n the vicinity of Ankob�ir. Work in tl1e for111er p!ace, as dot1btless in tl1 e latter, was_ s,1id to b.ave been ''perfornled by the surrounding peasantry en n1asse, tl1e popt1latJon of eacl1 l 1 amlet brin�rino its oxen ancl comple1nents of husabandry, so that in the cot1rse of a few hours: �any 8.

9.

10.

11 .

12.

Ibid, IJ, 278-8.

Graham, op. cit., passim.

Bombay Secret Proceedings, CXXXIII, No. 2917, 1-Iarris, 17. 4. 1842.

Harris, The Highlands of Aetliiopia, II, 33.

Graham, op. cit., passim.

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I

hundreds of acres, already ploughed, were sown and harrowed by their united efforts the royal praises being sung thro11gbo11t the continuance of the trib11tary labou.r."13' Tl1ere seems to have been also extensive royal pasturages. Harris tells of ''five meadows'' at Toro mesk, ''covered witl1 the royal herds,"14 wl1ile Combes and Tami­ sier note tl1at most of tl1e cattle between An:kobar and :Nlutti belonged to the king. 15 They also report that tl1ere were a large nt1111ber of the royal livestock in the past11res at Guna G11net.

Krapf likewise observes that one of King Sabia Sellase's ''principal pasturages'' was at Bollo Worke, not far from the capital, Ankob�ir, and that on tl1is land tl1ere · were ''nu.n1erous cattle'' in charge of l1erds­ men called ''Abellam'', a ter.1n ,:vl1ich Krapf derives from the A1nharic verb /.Jbella, ''he 1nade to eat 11p. ''16 Sal1la Sellase, the missionary adds, b.ad ''selected about t\venty or thirty places of this land in his ki11gdom. I-Ie sends to t11ese places all the cattle ,vl1ic.h he receives as trib11te, or captures in ltis expeditions against tl1e Gallas. S11cl1 places as are kno,vn to me, are Bolio Worke, Kollo-Berat, Sagalla: Tello-agger, Dambatro, Tcl1eraro, Mutti, Gogorre, Sankisa, E11gl1erma, Dodotie, Arab-ledj, and. Saramba."17 Tl1e ki11g's granaries \Vere also 11ndoubtedly of considerable economic significance as \Vas recongised by I-Iarris who observed: ''In years of famine, foocl itself is only to be obtained from tl1e royal granaries.'' 011e of tl1e n1ost important of these stores was, he said, at a JJlace called Dumak11. 18 Several observers of tllis period make reference to some of tl1e lands which the king l1ad granted to n1en1bers of the royal fanlily. Tl1us Combes and Ta.01asier state tl1at tl1e ''region of Anna mariam'' in northern Sl1oa belo11ged to Sahla Sellase's mother, 19 \-vhile Harris says that tl1e king's consort, Baza bes l1eld land at a place called ''Achang Kurra''.20 Su.ch lands were ofte11 of the finest quality. Tl1us Harris o·bserves that ''one of the ricl1est farms'' in tl1e A11kobar area had been ''conferred upon Mist 11alifa, a royal conc11bine by wl10.m tl1e king has a favorite datighter." 21 Tl1e rulers of Sl1oa ,vere .ft1lly i n the olci tradition of capital and churcl1 ·build­ ing. Tl1t1s the st1bseque11t cl1ronicle of Menilel< records tl1at King Wlisan Si:igad (1809-1813) esta.blisl1ed 11is capital at Kundi near Ankobar, and, l1aving done so, arranged, like previo11s sovereigns, for I1is followers to b11ild o.n tl1e site ]1e l1ad selected. ''l-:Ie11ceforward'', he declared, ''this to\v11 of Kundi is 111.ine, constrL1ct tl1ere­ fore your l1ouses there."22 Tl1e kings of this time were also engaged in the constn1ctio11 of cl1L1rcl1es, an acti\rity wl1icl1, as we l1ave seen, always e11tailed the granting of Janel. King 13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

Bo1nbay Secret Proceedings, CLXXXIX, No. 2031, 10. 11. 1841; CXCIII, No. 2917, I:-Iarris 17. 4. 184-2.

Bon1bay Secret Proceedings CLX)C{IX, No. 2031, Harris, 10. 11. 1841.

E. Con1bes and 1\1. Tamisier, "Extrait de la relation de MM. :rvr au.rice Tamisier et Edo1ond Co1nbes en Abyssinie," Bulleti,i de la Societe cle Geographie, VII, 222.

Iden1, Voyage erz Ab;)ssinie (Paris, 1838), Ill, 216.

C.\V. Isenberg and J.L. Krapf, Jour11als detailing their Proceedings in t/1e Kingdon1 of Shoa (London, 184-3), pp. 276-7.

Bon1bay Secrte Proceedings, XCCIIT, No. 2917, I-Iarris, 17. 3. 1842.

Combes and Tamisier, "Extrait," p. 306.

Bombay Secret Proc eediI1gs, CXCVI, No. J,i89, Harris, 3. 7. 1842.

Bombay Secret Proceedings, CXCIII, No. 2917, I-Iarris, 17. 3. 1842.

G11ebre Sellassie, op. cit., I, 67. Vide also J. Faitlovitch, Quer durch Abessinien (Berlin, 1910), p. 151n.

- 83-::-

Asfa Wasau (1774-1809) bt1ilt the churcl1 of St. 11ary at Ankobar, 23 while Wasan Sagad establisl1ed several ne'iv cl1urches, i11clt1di11g Giyorgis at K t1ndi, Sellase at Dabra Berhan, and St. Mary at Dabra Libanos; he also repaired a number of churcl1es destroyed three hundred y: ears earlier by Ahmad Gran. 24 ICing Sahla Sellase was also a. chtirch builder, and was res1)011sible for erecting the churches of St. Mi ka'el a11d Madhane Ala.111 at .Ankobar a11d tl1at of Kidana Mehrat at Angolala.25

23. Guebre Sellasie, op. cit., J, 65, 66.

24. Ibid, I, 67, 68, 69; A Cecchi, Da Zella a/le frontiere...,.del Cajfa (Roma, 188G), 1, I, 243_ -ďż˝ 25. Guebre Sellassie, op. cit., I, 71, 72, 76, 79.

-84-

XXIII CI-IlJRCH LANDS Tl1 e . �avelJers of t �e early 11 ineteentl1 centt1ry who afford us many a glimpse of cond1t1ons at that time suggest that tl1e cl1t1rches and monasteries of Ethiopia were nun1erous and their landed properties considerable. . Th�1s the Protestant missionary, Henry Stern, declared that the Cburc11 ''partly by 1ntr1g11e ru1 d partly by volt1ntary requests, l1ad acqt1ired a vast landed property'' whicl1 he thougl1 t - al111 ost certa.inly witl1 exaggeration- '' m1otinted to a third of all tl1e la 11 ded prOJJerty. "1 Tl1e E11gl.isl1 traveller, C11arles D L1 ftoo, took a similar view, .d �claring, dot1btless also with so 11 1e exaggeratio11 , that the religio11.s comn1unity, ''co11s1st111 g, 11nder tl1 e Abuna, of inn1rmer,:1ble JJriests and debteras, numberi 11 g nearly a qt1arter of tl1e JJOJJU1ation, l1 ad, tlJI011gl1 previot1s royal grants and private legacies, obtained possessio 1 1 of one tl1ird of the realm, \¥hicl1, being farmed out to tl1e peasantry, \vas to its ow11ers a vast source of wealth, enabling tl1en1 to live in idleness, and not 1111.frequently clr11nke 1u1 ess and deba11cl1ery." 2 Harris, who also considered cl1 11rcl1 land extensive, notes that tbe Ab11na n11 111 bered '',ln1011 gst his princely reven11es son1e of tl1e fa.irest provinces of Tigre and Amhara. ''3 Tl1e German explorer He11glin, \Vho agreed that ''a very large part of the land'' belo.nged to the Cht 1 rch, tl1ougl1t that s11cl1 o,v 11 ersl1 ip actually limited production, for l1 e cJain1s th,1t m11cl1 of it act11ally lay fallow 11niess tl1e peasants of the neigh­ bourl1 ood were forced to \Vorlc 01 1 it. 4 Land, it shol1ld be empl1 asised, \Vas tl1e Cl111 rch's principal source of wealtl1 ; 5 the colllinl1nity at large was not obliged to fL1r11 ish ecclesiastical establish1 11 ents any other revenue tho1 1gh it was customary for parishioners to make tl1 anksgiving presents for propitio11s events as well a.s certain pa.yments on tl1 e ordination of priests. 6 Churcl1 la11d 11 1ay well I1ave been increasing tl1ro11ghout this period for land charters as of old contin11ed to be n1 ade by tl1e r11lers in favo11r of i 11 divid t1al churc·hes, n10 11 asteries and ecclesiastic,11 persons. Gifts of tllis kir1cl are known to I1ave bee11 made by a n11n1 ber of tl1e later Emperors of Gonclar, as well as by t\.VO of tl1e governors of Tegre and several other importa11t personalities.

TJ1e Emperor Egwalii $eyon (1801-1818) was the last of a.t least eight sovereigns knovv11 to have given la11 d to tl1 e ch11rch of Madl1ane Alam which 11 ad been founded over a ce11tt11y1 a11 d a l1alf earlier by Fasila.das. 7 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

Stern, op. cit., p. 24.

Dufton, op. cit,. p. 140. f India Ofice, Bombay Secret Proceedi11gs CLXXXIX, No. 2060 K. Harris, 22. 2. 1842. Vide also Con1bes and 'famisier, "Extrait," JJ. 22.

T. J-Ieuglin, Reise 11ac/1 Abessi11ie1z (Jena, 1868), pp. 256, 282.

Din1otheos, op. cit., II, 82-3.

C.E.X. Rochet d' Hericourt, Secon{! voyage sur !es deux 1:ives �e la A1er !�ouge, c ta ns ie pa_ys 1 cles Ac/els et le ro;1au1ne de Choa (Paris, 1846), p. 224; D1n1otheos, op. cit., 11 , 8 4 ; H eug 111, op. cit., p. 257; W. ¥/instanley, .;.1 J/isit to ,,-.1bJ1ssinia (London, 1881), II, 129.

B.M. MS. Orient 518, passim. Vide also Orien:t 513, fJas_si111; Orient. 508, passin1; Orient 636, passin1; Orient 549, passim; Orient 604, JJassrn1; Orient 799, pass1n1.

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TI1e Emperor Gigar (1821-1830) is on record as gr�tnting la11d to the cl1urch of St. Mika'el at Fiso i11 En.darta.8 Tl1e Emperor Sal1la Dengel (1832-1840, 1841, 1855) gave a grant of lands to the priests of Darasge.9 Dajazmac Walda. Sellase, the ruler of Tegre (1795-1818), is said to have richly endowed the co11vent of Enda Sellase i11 tl1e Tedrer area of Eritrea. 10 Dajazmac Sebagades, the ruler of 1,egre ( 18 I 8-1831 ), is 1<110\vn to ha�e m�de at least se,,en such grants givino land to a dozen religio11s establislunents 1ncl11d1ng the cl111rches of �eyo11, Mika'el and Madl1ane A.la111 in Ad,va, Tabota Sellase in Endarta., and Kidana Meiirat in Weqro, and the convents of Dabra Barbare and Gue11deguend.e, both of wl1icl1 had received lands fron1 pre,1ious rulers, as \Ve]I as Dabra Karbe and Ona, 1,fa'eso, both 11ear Aksu111, an.d Mtikana Akiset i11 Agan1e.

Several of tb.e cl1arters contained explanations of motive, or prayers, asking, for examJJle, that the gift be the donor's ''co11ductor to tl1e kjngdo111 of bea ven a11d a 111em.orial for all generations," while others contain cu.rses s11cl1 as ''wl10s0 destroys or erases tl1is, may he be cursed by tl1e power of Peter and Paul, for ever, A111e11."

One of tl1e more original gra11ts addresses tl1e clergy as follows: ''And yo11 o priests, I put n1y trust in you, tl1at you do not cease tl1e calli11g of my nan1e and my con1men1oration, each 111011th on the feast of St. 1\.1ika'e1, for he is my 11 '' since hope cl1ildhood . .

Dajazmac Webe, tl1e subseqt1ent r11ler of Tegre (1831-1855), n1ade a furtlJer half a dozer1 such grants, tliree of tl1em to tl1e chu.rch at Aksum. 12 Gifts \:Vere also made

by Dajazn1ac I-Iezqeyas, tl1e ruler of Sire, and two goven1ors of Aksun1, Nebura ed Yezger Barya and Nebura ed Abselom.13 Tl1ougl1 many of the rulers of this _period made grants to tl1e Cl1t1rcl1 a few are known to have confiscated ch11rcl1 la11d. At least two of the r11lers of Tegre, Dajazo.1.ac Walda Sellase, and Dajazn1ac Webe, seem to have talcen a\vay sucl1 land.

Thus Co11ti Rossi11i records tl1at the former rt1ler deprived tl1e conve11t of Dabra iviaryrun in Kohay11 of sorne of its land,14 wlule Villari notes tl1at around 1830 Webe ca11celled tl1e gi,lt of the district of Gandiibta held by the 1nonastery of Enda Abba, Pa11talewon. 15

8.

9. l O. 11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

· Co11ti Rossini, Liber Axun1ae, p. 67. Vide also Orient 636, passim·, Or1·ent 673, pass111 1; or1en · t 729, passim; Orient 549, passim; Orient 604, passim; Orient 799, passi in.

B.�1. MS. Orien� 481. Yide also Ori�11t 659, passin1; Orient 636, passin1; Orient 673, passim· _ · ' Onent 54•9, pass1n1; Orient 604, passim; Orien t 784, passim; Orient 799, 1,assin 1.

Conti R�ssit�i, "Besu _a'Arnlak e ii convento della trinita," p. 19; idem, Principi di diritt0 co11SL1etud1nar10 clell'Er1trea, p. 412.

Conti Rossini, Liber A.�u,r,ae, pp. 68-75.

Ibid, pp. 77-9.

Ibid, pp. 75-6, 79.

Iden1, Principi di cliritto consuetudinario clell'Eritrea, p. 396.

Villari, op. cit., p. 1439.

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A'XIV TlIE RIGHTS OF FOREIGNERS T11 e first half of the nineteentl1 centt1ry wit11 essed tl1 e residence in Ethiopia of a small nt1mber of f oreigu traders, craftsn1en a11d n1issio11aries; 111 0st of these f oreig1 1ers were Greeks, Ar111 enians arid Arabs, but they i i1clt1ded ,1lso a few Egyptians, Germans and Englisl1111 en.1 Little is kno\vu of the rigl1 ts of tenure accorded to st1ch foreigners, tl1ot1gl1 it may be surnlised th.at in most cases they belcl their land and hot1.ses at tl1e pleast1re of tl1 e king. Co111bes and Tamisier, writing in tl1e 1830's, tell of a Greek craftsm,1n called De111etros to wl1om Kit1 g Sal1 la Sellase had given l1011ses a11 cl large village to govern2 a1 1d q11ote a11 Etl1iopia11 of SI1oa as reporti1 1g tl1a.t the king l1ad given Elias, a11 other Greek craftsman, ''fifteen bea11tift1l vilages \vl1icl1 bro11gl1t IJin1 co11siclerable re,1enues."J 111 the followi11 g decade Jol111ston re­ lated tl1at 011 arriving in Sl1oa l1e asked tl1e l<i11 g for a J1011se, tl1e req11est bei11g ''co111 plied \\1 itl1 i1u1nediately. "" A11otl1er Britisl1 traveller Ma11 sfield Parkyns, \.Vriting vvitl1 special refere11ce to tl1 e Greek artisa11 s i11 · Tegre, exJJressed tl1 e vie\.v tl1 at they ,vere treated with considerable lzi11 d11ess, b11t vvere often ''considered almost as slaves'' and were ''11ot allovved to le�tve tl1e co1111try." 5 \,Vebe ,vas ap1Jare1 1tly q11ite willi11 g to allow foreigners to own land, for io Jan11ary, 1849, I1 e wrote to ·sritisl1 Co1 1s11l P . lo,vdeo, asl<i11 g 11i 111 to proctrre for l1i111 ''five or tl1ree workn1 e11 ," and declari1 1g: ''if tl 1ey wisl1 for lands or appoint­ ments I ,vill give tl1e1n plenty." 6 Al1 nost tl1 e 011ly i11 forn1atio11 ,ve possess as to ownersll ip rigl1ts is a title deecl of a won1 an called Walatta Le'11I, aJJJJare11tly the daughter of a ,vealtl1 y Greek trader, wl1 0 p11rcl1ased a JJiece of land for eigl1t sa,r1111as or togas. 7 The questior1 of for11 1alising tl1e rigl1ts of foreigners to l1 01d land \Vas J)llt for­ v1ard i11 the early l840's by tl1e Britisl1 and French Governn1 ent:s botl1 of ,vllicJ1 despatcl1ed n1issio11 s to Shoa. a.t tl1 is time. On June 7, 1841, King Sah.la Sellase sig11 ed a Treaty of An1 ity a11 cl Co1 11 111 erce witl1 CaJJtain Cornvva] Jis I-Iarris, tl1 e leader of a Britisl1 diplon1 �1tic n1issio11 , wl1icl1 tho11gl1 11ot expressly referring to land ovvnersl1ip declared that '',vith a view to tl1e promotion of reciprocal interco11rse bet,veen tl1e respective s11bjects of tl1 e two natio11 s, no bj11drance or 1nolestation be offered to Britisl1 travellers, wl1etl1 er residi11g \Vitl1 i11 the territories of SI1 oa or visit­ inc, tl1e cou11 tries beyond." 8 A col1ple of years later, on November 16, 1843, the King signed a Treaty witl1 a Fre11 cl1 envoy, Roc11 et D'I-Iericot1rt, Article VI of w!1 icl1 granted Frencl1n1 en resident in Shoa tl1e rigl1t to p11rcl1ase hol1ses and la11d

l

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

R. Pankhurst, "The Role of Foreigners in Ni11cteenth century _prior to th� Rise of Menilek," Boston Universil)' .Papers in African Jlistory, II, 183-214 V1de also l11d1a Office, Secret and Political Letters fron1 Aden, 1842. Christopl1er, 13, 9, 1842.

• Combes and Tan1isier, op. cit., Ill, p. 26.

Ibid, JU, p. 9.

Johnsto11, op. cit., II, 209.

Parkyns, op. cit., II, 17.

Corresponc/ence resJJecting Ab_vssi11ia, p. 29.

Conti Rossini, Liber Axu,nae, 79-80. Vide Salt, op. cit., p. 403-4.

U.K, E,rtracts ancl Correspondence. (1842), pp. 4-6.

- 87-

and gt1ara.nteed tl1e1n in sucl1 possession. By tl1is treaty tl1e Frencl1 sovereign to11is Philippe, who styled himself ''protector of Jer11saiem," agreed in ret11r11 to protect Sl1oan pilgrin1s visiting the Holy places i11 Palestu1e; the agreement \Vas, however, of d11bious validity as it was never formally ratified by tl1e l�rench sove­ reign. 9 tl1e decades wl1icl1 followed foreigners received grants of land from tl1e rulers of Ethiopia without destinction of natio11ality on more or less the same terms as natives of the cou11try. The position, ::1s explained by Britisl1 Consul Plow­ den i11 a report of J11ly 9, 1854, was that ''strangers of any n,ttion. or creed, are freely permitted to settle in Abyssinia, and to p11rchase land or l1011ses. They have tl1e sarr1e 1ig.hts as other inl1abitants, bei11g also subject to the sarne liabilities." 10 111

Tl1e n1an11er in which this worked out in practice was seen shortly afterwards when a group of Protestant missionary craftsmen \Vere establisl1ed by the En11Jeror Tewodros (1855-1868) at Gaf,:1t near bjs capital Dabra rfa.bor. TbeoJJhilus Wa1d­ n1eier, one of tb.eir number, subseq_11ently reported that they built twelve sn1all hou­ ses or l1uts tl1ere, Gafat lull being this ''converted into q11ite a colony of Europea11s." 11

D'Hericourt, Second VoJ1age, pp. 276-8; A. de la Pradelle, Le conflit italo-et hiopien (Pans, 1936), pp. 29-30.

IO. Correspo11de1ice respecting Abyssinia, p. 117.

11 . T. Waldmeier, Autobiography (London, 1886), p. 63.

9.

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XXV PEASANT • OBLIGATIONS AND TAXATION The peas.ant � of the earl� nineteenth century bad to meet an almost unending . series of obligations. Nathan1el Pearce, writing early in the century on the basis , observed that Tegre, knowledg a of ''the peasants or labouring people, in all of �. parts of Abyss1n1a, n�ver know w�en their perso11s or property are safe, on wl1ich accol1nt they_ are obliged to repair to the habitations of their c11ief on holidays, some pres �nt1ng bread, butter, honey, a.nd com, and otl1ers a goat, sheep or fowls, to keep 1n favot1r, and to prevent him from sending his soldiers to live upon their prenlises''.1 Mansfield Parkyns, writing a generation or so later, also with special reference to Tegre, said tl1at it was tl1 e custom for the gii.bbar to give six days' work t? the provincial g�vernor every year: one for clearing and ploughing, one for sowing, two for clearing the crop of weeds, and two for gat11ering the harvest. 2 Graha1n, reporting on Shoa of the eigl1teen forties, told a similar tale. Observ­ ing that many of tl1e peasants had to give the sovereign one day's work out of every tl1ree, he declared that it was ''no uncommon sight to see on the king's or governor's extensive domains fifty or a hundred ploughs at work together.

Emphasising the arbitrary cl1 aracter of tl1 e system, he aclded: ''Tl1e governors armed with the omnipotent al1thority of the Despot, each play the al1tocrat in their own domains, and fashion their habits a.nd privileges after tl1ose of their royal master. Their fields are cultivated in the same manner as those of His Ma­ jesty, \Vith tl1e additional facility of enforcing tl1e oppressed inhabitants to grant, for a very inadequate recon11Jensation in grain, ma11y days labour, iii each of the great agricultural operations of plougl1ing, sowing, reaping, ,vinno,ving, etc, etc. ''All other persons possessing grot1nd are obliged to pay a certain flt1ctuating tribute to the governor, according to tl1e will and option of tl1 at great officer of State, in grain, honey, farm stock, cloth or salt pieces, and as His Majesty besides takin(7 fron1 his oovernors, as an inaugl1ration fee frorn four to six. hundred crowns, is (u�less prese;ts are freql1ently and volt1ntari]y made) continually sending for cattle and J1 oney and sl1 eep, in q11antities, tl1ese offerings fall hard upon all classes, for shol1ld the go, ernor give entirely fron1 his own means, he will find l1imself soon totally impoverished, and sl1 011ld l1e tax his people too rol1gl�ly in tl1e pr�­ paratio11 of J1is gift, complaints will invariably reach the royal ear, \Vhicl1 are certain to strip the offender of gover11ment and rem;1ining property.''

1

Despite these strong words the Englishman ,vas of opi11ion that the peasants in the last analysis were not too badly off. H� declared � hat th� produce they harvested on their own accol1nt was ''ql1ite sl1ffic1ent for thetr s11bs1stence and for the establishment v1hich they are obliged to entertain, tl1 e possess!on of a donk�y, a pair of bulloclcs, a slave and a woman to grind the . corn being absolutely in­ _ dispensable, as all tl1e various officers of farmer and miller from the preparation

1 . Pearce, op. cit., I, 340.

2. Parkyns, op. cit., II, 191.

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of tl1e ground to tl1 e sacki11g of tl1 e flo11r are performed by tl1is class, a kings' scribe bei11g alone retained i11 eacl1 district to enter into his books the amount recei,,ed i11 to the royal magazines 11nder his cl1arge. "3 Land taxation i11 this period, as in forn1 er times, varied considerably from province to !)rovince a.nd from area to area. ''The imposts," wrote Plowden, ''are n·u1 nerous, but vary according to the traditional c11stoms of eacl1 village. Tl1ey pay a cetain portion i11 kind to the Ras, or otl1er great c11ief, and so1netimes a reg11Iar tax in money; besides this, tl1ey must furnisl1 oxen to I Jlo11gl1 the ldng's lands.

Their immediate governor then takes J1is share of every lcind of grain (say a. :fiftl1), and feeds besides a certain 1 111mber of soldiers at tl1e expense of each housel1older: he has rigl1 ts to oxen, sheep, goats, n1ules, b11tter, honey, and every otl1er requisite for subsistence; be 0111st be received with joy a 11 d feasting by lus s11bjects when­ ever lie visits thern, and ca11 de111at1d from tl1en1 contribt1tions on fifty JJretexts­ he is going on a ca m . paign, or has jt1st returned fron1 0 11 e; l1e has lost a hor�e or 1 11arried a \vife; l1is property ha.s been cons11med by fire, or he l1as lost l11s all in battle; or tl1e sacred dLLty of a f1111eral banquet cannot be ftilfilled without their aid. '' 4 Bel1ind t11is m11ltiplicity of taxatio11 lay several basic taxes whicl1 require spe­ cial notice.

Tl1e pri11ci1Jle of tl1e tithe, or asrat, wl1ich Br11ce had mentio11ed in the late eigl1teentl1 century, ,vas fairly firmly establisl1ed. Ri.ippell, f. or example, discovered in the early nineteentl1 cent11ry tl1at tl1 e farn1 ers of Tegre 11ad to give a te11th of tl1 eir J1arvest to the State, or in the case of certai11 lands, to tl1 e Cl111rch, besides a specified an1011nt of b11.tter and l 1one)', oxen and sheep.5 A si 111ilar tax existed in early nineteentl1 century I-Iarar wl1 ere the Britisl1 travel­ ler Ricl1 ard Burto11 f ouncl that c11ltivators \Vere likewise obliged to give their An1 ir ten per cent of tl1eir produce; J1e nevertb.e]ess believed tl1at tl1e practice of _paying in kind was acco1npa.nied by certain ab11ses \Vl1ich ''considerably i 11creased'' the rt1ler's sl1are. 6 Tl1ere is a certajn amo11nt of evidence also of a special ta,x on livestock. Tl1is tyJJe of ta.x, ,vbicl1 was first referred to by Al1neida in the seventeenth cent11ry, was n1entioned b)' Pearce and Ruppel} both of whon1 \vrote ot· early ni 11 eteentl1 century Tegre.7 A generation later tl1e Emperor Tewodros is said by tl1 e British envoy Rassan1 to have levied a tax of no less tl1an one-fiftl1 of a.I] cattle and sheep in Bagemder. 8

Grahan1, op. cit., passi111, .

4. W.C. Plowden, Tr�vels in A:b ?ssiJria a11cl t�e Galla Country (London, 1868), pp. 137-8; c·or­ respondence respecting Abyss1.1ua, p. 107. V1de also d'Abbadie, op cit., p. 374.

5. E. Riippeli, Reise in Abyssinien (Frankfurt, 1835-40), II, 31.

6. R. Burton, First Footsteps in East Africa (London, 1893), IT, 24.

7. N. _Pearce "A s °:1al1 but trL!e Account of tbe Ways and Maru1ers of the Abyssinians ,, Trans­ actions of tlze Literary Society of Bombay (1820), JJ. 47; RiipJJell, op. cit., II, 31. ' 8. �: ��ssarn, Narratil1e of the British Mission to Theodore, King of Abyssinia, (London, 1869), 1

. 3.

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XXVI TI-IE EXACTIONS OF THE TROOPS Besides having to pay tl1e regular tax the IJeasants of tl1e rnneteentl1 century suffered greatly as in earlier tin1es fron1 the exactions of tl1e soldiery which were vividly described by a n11n1ber of contemporary travellers. Pearce, who resided in Tegre from 1810 to 1818, has left a very revealing acco11nt of the ravages of the soldiery and the mant1er in \Vhich the peasants endeavoured to protect tl1eir crops. ''In Abyssinia'' l1e says, ''it is a c11stom even wl1e11 tl1 e K.i11g, Ras or governor, are at hon1e, for tl1eir soldiers to for11 1 then1selves into sn1all parties and put one, whom they consider worthy, at their l1ead, a1 1d go into tl1 e country from farn1er to far1ner, li\1ing at free q11arters, no one daring to deny tl1em, unless tl1 ey are too exorbitant and unreasonable in tl1eir den1ands. On tl1ese occasions the villagers \Vill give a general alarn1 , and raise the neighbo11ring villages to tl1eir assistance, and 111any lives are lost on botl1 sides." 1 Discussing tl1 e possibilities of redress Pearce explai11s tl1at ''when tl1e individual inhabitants of a district or any single individ11al find themselves oppressed by tl1 eir governor, tl1ey repair to the pre1 11ises of tl1e ... Ras, genera.lly by night, \vl1ere tl1ey cry out in lan1 entable tone, Abbate! i\ bbate ! till 11 e l1 ears t11em a11d sends one of his l1ousel1 old to inqw 1·e i11 to tl1eir co1n1)1aint. If it be thotight reasonable, tl1ey are adn1itted into tl1 e pri11ce's presence; and, if .l1e finds tl1 at they have beet1 oppressed, he sends to the offender to ret11rn \Vhat l1as been 1 1 t1jt1 stly talcen; i f not, to appear imn1 ediately at court: b11t in spite of this apparent facility of redress, tbe poor in general, sooner or later, coute.ot themselves under tl1 eir oppression rather than compla.in, other\vise tl1 e chief will often bring tl1 em i11to a la,vsuit, ,vhere tl1ey 1nust atte1 1d daily, for a vvl10 Je 1nootl1 perhaps, ,vitl1ot1 t getting a l1 earing, d11ri11g \Vl1icl1 time tl1 ey are not 0 11 ly detained from tl1eir daily labot1r, but l1ave to pay dearly to tl1 e prince's hot1sel1old for admittance vvhetl1 er tl1 ey obtai1 1 a l1earing or not; a11d, in general, wl1 en it co111 es to that point, tl1 e chief l1as tl1 e rnea11s of proc11ri11g false \Vitnesses eoo11gh to condernn a 11d r11in tl1 en1. '' 2 Tho11gl1 legal redress was often 011tside their power, JJerhaJJS for tl1 at very reason, the JJeasauts showed great i11gen11 ity in protecting tl1emselves fro111 tl1 e soldiers' rapacity. Peasa1 1try and soldiery ,vere in fact often e11gaged in a ceaseless battle of wits. ''It is common ct1stom," Pearce relates, ''for tl1e in11abitants of tl1e villages to 11ave g11dga11ds, large pits t1 11der-gro11nd, plastered within \Vitl1 cowdt 1ng and 1n11d, and l1aving tl1 e moutl1 very narrow, son1e of wl1ich are made to l1o]d forty or fifty cht1rns of cor11, betwee11 tl1ree and fo11r l1 t1ndred EnglisJ1 b11sbels. T11 ese gt1d­ gauds are not 0 11ly made near the villages a 11d towns, b11t also in the open fields, a11d whe11 an invasion is ex1Jected, the corn and other val11ables are put into tl1em, and the n1ot1ths very carefully covered, first witl1 spars laid close togetl1er, so tl1 at no eartl1 may fall thro11gh; after wl1ich the part above tl1e spars is :filled with earth to bri1 1g it upon a Ie·vel witlJ tl1e adjoi1iing gro11od. Shot1ld tl1e spot happen to be upon plot1gl1ed land, tl1en the wl1ole is _plo11gl1 ed over and over again to co11ceal tJ1e mot1tl1 of the gt1dgat1d; if UJJOn any other gro11nd, it is 1nade to appear Iil<e the ground abo11t it; or,, if 1 1ear the to\vn or village, woodasl1es and rl1bbish •

I. ;Pearce; The· Life· ·and Adventures, I, 183-4.

2. Ibid, 339-40.

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,,

are thrown over it to give it the appearance of a du?ghi]l: but as this CL1sto1n has prevailed for n1any years, the worari [forage parties] have become so well acq11ainted witl1 the way of finding tl1ese bidding places, that they scarcely ey er escape their observation. The way they begin to work is as follows. �fter destroy�ng a village, or finding it deserted by tl1e inhabitants, they fom1 into d1�erent part�es, and, keeping in close body, begin to sing their \Varlike songs, stamping and going on in a regular pa.ce....In this mann.er t11ey co11tinue until tl1ey find the gro11nd sottnds 11ollow under tl1eir feet, when tl1ey la.y tl1eir sluelds in a circle ro�nd tJ1e spot, and every one sets to witl1 both hands, as eager as hyenas for their prey; tl1ey soon claw out al] tl1e earth break in the rafters, and then begin to fill their skins or bags.... After all are w;Il loaded tl1ey set off to tl1e can1p in a disord�rly n1anner, which gives tl1e inhabitants an opportunity to kill those vvho fall tired by tl1e way." Sucl1 skrmishes were often very violent, Pearce decla.ri11g, perhaps witl1 exaggeration, tl1at ''more blood was sl1 ed in tl1em than in any of the wars." 3 Tl1e role of the 1nilitary was analysed a generation later by \Valter Plowden, whose account reveals that little had changed since Pea1·ce's day, for l1 e says, ''a constant enmity exists between the military ancl the popul,1tio11 in general."

The soldiers, who constituted ''the most n11merous and powerfl1l'' class, n11n1bered at least 200,000 n1en, or, witl1 their numero11s ca1np followers, about l1alf a n1illion idlers who preyed upon tl1e rest of the popl1latio11. Tt1rning to tl1e cultivators Plowden notes that they stiffered from ''constant devastatio11s of war'' a11 d l1ad to ''bear directly or indirectly the wl1ole burd.e11 of taxatio11 and tl1e large standing arniies.... Soldiers arc consta.ntly quartered on tl1e111, except i 11 so1ue districts tl1at always turn out en masse to resist, ::111 d where the troops dare not ve1 1ture.''

Noh1/ithsta1Jding the n1iseries inflicted by tbe troops the villagers ofte11 followed their example by looting each otl1er. As Plowden says: ''A \vhole province of cultivators, in tin1es when tl1e nulitary are engaged else\vhere, will meet by accord, and so1ne thousands of then1 will attack another province, destroying, burning a11d bequea­ tl1ing feuds to distant genera.tions." 4 Otl1er observers tell a similar story. Tl1us D'Abbadie observed tl1at n1 any of tl1 e peasants no longer occtlJJied themselves witl1 a11ything but fighting and pillage, and tl1at the cultivation of the land was frequently left to wome11 and cl1ildren; abandoned Ia11ds increased in nt1n1ber, flocks disappeared, \Vild a1uma]s took tl1 e pl,lce of people, and bands of marauding soldiers ravaged the country.5 Riippel], who co11firmed thls account, said that tl1e people were being progressively in1po­ verisl1 ed; lands was d.eclin.ing in value, agriculture ,vas increasi11 gly neglected, con1munications were often completely interrupted with the rest1lt that prices of agri­ ct1ltural produce often varied enormot1sly within short distances. In Gondar, a unit of land sold for only about two dollars, thougl1 it l1ad once been five times that va]ue.6 Tl1e Swiss, Munzinger, wrote i n similar vein: ''Tl1ese incessant commotions," he says, ''have had the effect of paralysing all tl1e powers of the country trade enjoyed no sec11rity, and labour abandoned tl1 e plough to take to arms."7

Ibid, I, 207-8.

Correspondence respecting Ab;,ssinia, pp. 103-6.

5. D'Abbadie, op. cit., pp. 142-3.

6. RiippelJ, op. cit., I, 234; II, 52, 136� 332.

7. W. Munzioger, ''Les contrees limitrophes de l'liabesch," Nouvelles Anna/es de Voyages (1855), p. 35.

3.

4.

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PART SIX THE LATER NINETEENTI1 CENTURY FROM TEWODROS TO MENILEK XXVII TI-IE ATTEMI>TED LAND REFORIVIS OF TI-IE ElVIPEROR TEWODROS great reformi11g E111 peror Tewoclros or Theodore II (I 855-1868), attacl1ed . Th� maJor importance to the land qt1estion in all its ramifications.

011e of tl1e first reforms wllicl1 lie atten1pted was to prevent tl1e soldiers from looting tl1e peasants as they had done from ti111e immemorial. His first edict is said to have been an order tl1at ''every one return to his lawful avocatio11, the merchant to rus store� and the farmer to l1 is plot 1gl1 ." Tllis proclan1ation, according to tl1e French traveller Lejean, was isstred at the royal can1 p at Amba Jara, near Gondar, in At1gt 1 st, 1855. Plowde11 says it ''was intended as a rea.ssurance to the cotintry, till t]1en so djstracted by civil \Var, that the primary ai1 n of its rt1ler \Vas imperatively directed towards the establishment of peace and prosperity throt1out tl1e realm. To f11rtl1er t]lis encl, he gave orders to his soldiers to JJt1rcl1ase tl1 eir food, and i n no \>Vay to harass and plu11der the peasa 1 1t, as l1ad previously been do11e by th.e armed bands. ''1 Tewodros endeavoured at tl1 e sa1ne time to establish a regular paid army on modern lines, and, soon after l1is coronatio11 in 1855, introd11ced JJay1nents for l1is troops, obliging tl1em to pay tl1 e peasa11try for whatever food tl1ey req1 1 irecl. This ''great reform," as the Britisb traveJJer Charles Beke called it, \Vas desigt1 ed to ena.ble tl1 e people to Jive iu JJeace, b1 1 t vvas by no n1eans easy to enforce. 2 Dabtara Zanab's cl1ronicle relates that in 1856 tl1e Emperor, then in Dala 1 1ta, told 11is followers to take ,vl1,rt tl1ey wanted to eat, but to tot1cl1 11 either clotl1 i11g 1 1or cattle. The 1ne11 nevertl1eless se.ized and sla1 1ghter­ ed all the a11in1als tl1ey could find, \.Vl1 ereupon Tewodros was very angry, exclai 111 i11 g, ''soldiers as yot1 b.1ve l<illed t]1at \Vhicl1 belongs to tl1e poor, so ,vill G·ocl do t111 to you."3

'

Troop n1 ove1ne11ts were no11etheless al,vays an occasion for grave disquiet. Tl1 e missio11 ary, I-I. A. Stern., writing of tl1e first part of the reign, relates that he v1as often struck by tl1e fear ancl s11spicio11 with \vhich tl1e army ,vas regarded by the peasantry. ''011r detachment of troops, tl1e most renowned _in tl1e army for dari11g _ deeds and gallant acl1ieve1J1ents," he writes, ''tho11gh adlllired wl1 en ravaging the \Vollo co11ntry, \Vere to jt1dge from tl1 e anxious looks and terrified countenanc�s wl1 ich greeted 011r arrival, 11ot much cot1rted when tl1ey approach� d one of tl1e1 r o,v11 native settle 1 11ents. Tl1e poor peasants, \>Vl10 dreaded to receive a dozen of these l1 ungry l1eroes for guests; \Vere in an ecst� scy of delight w�en the� sa\v tl1 em _ saluting their chief, and ca11tering across tl1e plain towards tl1e ne1gl1 bour1ng villages.

1. Dufton, op. cit., pp. 136-7. Vide also C.T. Beke, The .f! ritislz Captives in Abyssinia (I�ondon 1867), p. 36; C. Bussidon, AbJ,ssiJ,ie et An,qleterre (Paris, 1888), p. 55.

2. Beke, op. cit., 199.

3. M. M. More110, "La cronaca di re Teodoro attributa al dabtara Za11eb," Rassegna di Stucli EtioJ;ici (1942), pJJ. 160-1.

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''Tl1e fear of an in1pending fami11e, whlch a night's sojourn of our troops might l1ave brot1ght UJJOn tl1e sn1all settlen1ent, being now removed, 1nen :1nd wo111en vied \Vith eacl1 otl1er to enl1ance the comforts of tl1e distinguisl1ed and con­ siderate travellers.""

The Emperor was obliged to figl1t an 11nending battle witl1 l1is own__troops to c11rtail tl1eir depredations of the co11ntryside. 111 1866 we find the Br1t1sh e11voy Rassam declaring: ''It was cl1 eering to see how ,vell his Majesty protects tl1e crops of l1 is faithful subjects, sending parties con1n1andecl by officers to g11ard the corn­ fields and villages against tl1e ravages of the soldiery." 5 Despite his good inte11tions Tewodros \Vas 1111able either to ina11gurate an era of peace or to establish a paid army \vluch co11ld be relied 11po11 not to r::1vage its compatriots. I-Iis reirn was characterized by interminable warfare, large-scale mobilisation of tl1 e able�bodied, and co11sidera.ble devastatio11, often intensified in tl1e latter years by the Emperor's determinatio11 to castigate most severely any area in rebellion a.gainst l1im.

Tewodros also attached considerable importance to land reforn1. On_ gaiuin_g co11trol of Sl1oa l1e at once endeavored, doubtless in a a. effort to consolidate l11s power, to refor1u tl1e syste111 of tenure i11 tl1at province by granting the IJeople greater security of tenure tl1an had hitherto existed. Alaqa. Wald�i Ma.ryam's chro­ nicle says tl1at i11 Febrl1ary, 1856, the Emperor issued a procla111atio11 wluch appears to have been designed to institl1te a lcind of JJrivate 1Jroperty in Shoa. It decreed tl1at ]and sl1ould belong to those \Vbose fathers bad already l1eld it as fiefs and that persons without a11y sucl1 clai111 to property sl1011ld loolc to the En1peror as their father. TL1ough this edict is said to have been lt11iversally acclai1ued, \Ve are told there was no 011e in Shoa wl10 did 11ot claim land or pretend tl1at this or that piece. of it l1t1d belo11ged to his father; tl1is resulted in so 111a11y land dispt1tes and qt1arrels tl1at Tewodros was obliged to iss11e a new decree reinstating the old i11stit11tions ,vluch had existed. in Sal1la Sellase's day. It was, · however, decreed tl1at fathers, brothers a11d otl1er relatives of mt1rderers sl1 011ld no longer be held to sl1are respon­ sibility for the cri111es of tl1e latter and co11ld therefore no longer be exec11ted.6 Tl1e priests of Sl1oa seem to have clan1011red 11ns11ccessf11lly for a sl1are i.n tl1e redistrib11tion of land. Dabtara Zanab states tl1at in Septe111ber, 1 857, tl1 ey asked tl1at tl1 ey sl1011ld be allo,ved the la11ds they had possessed in tl1e time of tl1 e E1uperors, i.e. before the r11le of tl1e ,nasa.fint in the late eigl1tee11th and early nineteentl1 cent11ry. The Em.peror ,vas 11nsympathetic. ''What sl1 all I eat and give to ID)' soldiers?'', he exclai111ecl, ''yo11 11ave taken all the la11ds, calling tl1en1 'lands o.f tl1e Cross' or rin1. gaclclanz." 111 tl1e disct1ssion which follo\vecl a priest insolently declared that tl1e E . mperor sl1ould conti11ue tl1e tirne-honot1.red practice of n1arcl1 ing from place to place in order to spread the burde11 of l1is co11rt and army over tl1e empire as a whole. ''Ren1ain fo11r montl1s,'' I1e said, ''in Gondar, a11d eat up Armacal10, Sa.garde, Walqayt, and Tegre, then establish yot1rself for anotl1er four n1onths at Aringo, and eat 11_p Bagemder, Lasta, Yej11, Warrahin1ano, Wallo an.d Sl1oa, and Goja1n as was done in the JJast.'' Tewodros, l1owever dismissed tl1e priest's �rg11ment �, exclaiming, . ''If you f 011nd me_ a.lone, you e:ffin1,inate 011e, you would kill n1e with your m11sl1n turban as you d1d tl1e E111peror Iyasu !''7 4.

5.

6.

7.

H. M. Stern, Wanderings among the Falashas in Ab;1ssinia, (Lo11do11, 1862), pp. 86-7.

Correspondence respecting _r1byssinia, p. 458.

C. Mondon - Vidailhet, Chronique de Theoc/oros II, roi d'Etlziopie (Paris ' 1905) p. 18. Vide ' also Guebre Sellassie, op. cit., I, 83, 92.

Moreno, op. cit., pp. 166-7.

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or lay priest, r epli�d by r eminding the Emp�ror that David had diibtara, A . . _ said that tl1e king did not save l 1tmself by the number of his soldiers to which Tewodros answered by declaring that God had elected Levy to the priesthood and Judah to the �hrone .. A fierce dispute, it is said, then b roke o·ut between the Emperor and his soldiers on the one side and the Ab11na and the priests on the other.8 Tewo�r ?s appears to have also made a few cl1anges in land allocation in the north. Per1ru notes that tl1e E111peror restored certain gult which l1ad been tra.nsferred in the time_ of Dajazn1ac Wehe (1831-1855), from JJersonalities in Akele Guzay to those 1n Serae, the new a rrange1nent being s11bsequently accepted by the E1nperor Yohannes (1871-1889) and his governor Ras Alula.9 The gulti owners of Akele G11zay a re likewise said to have become hereditary d11ring the reign of Tewodros. 10 The En1peror seen1s to l 1ave envisaged tl1e ivholesale expropriation of cb1 1rch land. Tl1e Ethiopian cl1ro1ticles, JJerl 1aps because they were written by ci 1urchrnen, have little to say on tltis score tl1ougl1 an annonyn1ous Aml1aric doc 11 ment of tl1e period, later edited b y Fusella, states that all land belonging to ecclesiastical esta­ blisl1rn ents was confiscated and tl1at the number of p riests in eac]1 ch11rcl1 was li1n.ited to five, o r seven in the case of the more important ones. The Emperor, the chronicler adds, disliked tl1e 111 onlcs and above all tl1e cliibtiira, con1plaining tl1at tl1ey ''wore tu rbans on their l1ead and neitl1er fo11gl1 t nor paid taxes'', pre­ fering to ''live in cities \Vitl1 prostitutes and other peoples' \vives''. 11 Foreign observers provide val11able testi111011y on the E 111peror's attitude to cl1urcl1 land. Ste r11 decla res tl1at tl1e vast landed property of tl1e C.hurch was ''a great eyesore to king Tl1eoclore'', \vho, ''anxious to appropri:1te tl1ese extensive possessions t�or l1 is own 11se,... artf11lly promised to provide for tl1e \Vants of tl1e clergy'', wl1 il.e at tl1e san1e time depriving them of tl1eir land. 12 Tl1e proposal, Stern says, \vas in 1n1ediately opposed by tl1e clergy whose objections so m11ch ,Ln­ gered the Emperor tl1a.t ''he wo11]d JJrobably l1ave evoked tl1e sword to decide the quarrel, but his faithful advisers rentinded llin1 tl 1at. the t roops �nd the nation we �e with the priests, and tl1at se rio1 1s co11sequences 1n1ght ens11e 1f 11e provoked tlJ e 1 r superstitio11 and bigotry." The res11 lt, tl1 e missionary adds, was that '�the stor1n . ab­ 1 at .might, t tl ated ''' a11 d Tewodros' ''convinced of tl1e 11nreasonableness of a conflic . at tl1e very outset of l1is reign, co11,1t1lse tl1 e wl1ole realm. t? its very cent re, yielded to tl1e dissuasions of l1is friends, and tl1e chL1rch spoliatio11 plan was s11s­ pended till 1860, \Vhen it was carried into effect." 13 I-Ienry Dt1 fto11, a11 Englisl1 traveller who visited th� co 11ntry in 1862-�, co11 .fir1ns that Te,vodros was at that ti111 e endeavo11ring to c 11rtail cl1 urch ownersl11p of land.

I-Ie declares that the En1pero r was convinced tl1at ''tl1e cl1urch as well as t�e state stood in 11eed of a re.formation'', and adds: ''One of tl1e first acts of tl11s I-Ienry VIII of Abyssinia \Vas to seq1 1estrate to royal p11rpose the whole of tl1ese

8. Ibid, pp. 166-7.

9. Perini, op. cit., pp. 107.

10. Ibid, p. 81. . Et1.op1.a ,, Annal,. cl ,Ist1.tuto U11iversitario , 11. L. Fuse!la, "La cronaca dell' in1 1)eratore Teodoro I d1 Orientate di Napoli ( 1954-6), pp. 90-1.

12. Stern , The Captive lvf'issionary, p. 24.

13. Ibid, pp. 25-6.

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des111esnes, after apportioni11g out certai11 tracts surrounding eacl1 churcl1 for the Sltpport of its priests:''1 4 Henry Blanc, a st1bseqt1ent British visitor, also testifies to tl1e En11)eror's ex­ propriation of cl1t1rcl1 land. ''1�11eodore," he argues, ''co11ld not tolerate any po\ver in the State bt1t his own," and when. ]1e tl1ought tl1e occasion fa,,ourable he ''con­ fiscated all the Church lar1ds and reve1111es'', including so1ne of tl1e A.bu11 a's pro­ perty. " 15 H.A. Burette, yet anotl1 er conten1porary Bri.tisl1 writer, s11ms UJJ tl1e pictur_e, declaring that Te\vodros, consciot1s of the ''evil co11seq11ences'' of churcl1 o,:1,1nersh1._p ''detern1ined to J)Ut au end to tl1is ab11se'' and, stigiu.atizing 111ortma'i11 as a ''natio­ nal evil ... annexed all the Church estates to tl1e Crow11, leavjng tl1e clergy just enot1gl1 f'or a clece11t subsistence." 16 It is tl1eref· ore perl1a1)s not st1rp1·ising that the present at1tl1or knows of no grants of land made to the cht1rcb d11ring the .reign of ,.fe,;vodros.

The E1111Jeror's attack on church property, not surprisi11gly, prodt1ced considerable discontent a1no11 g tl1e clergy. Ster11 states tl1at the religioLLS b.ierarcl1y were ''not so easily gt1lled'' by tl1e E.n1peror's offer to look after tl1eir n1aterial needs wl1jle talciug over their la11ds, a n d ''all u11a11i1not1s]y declared that they ,votild not be slaves of tl1e royal bo1111ty. " Other observers confu·m tl1is pict111·e.17 Thus Blanc says tl1at the Abuna's anger ''k11ew no bounds," 18 wl1ile Dt1fto11 observes that ''the E1nperor's actio11 arot1sed tI1e inveterate enn1ity of t11e sacerdotal caste'' tbougl1 ''tl1e kindness ever shown by Tl1eoclore to tl1e poor amo11gst then1 proved. tl1at l1e was not conSJ)iri.11g against the religion of tl1e land, a11d justified th.e act 01· spoliation in tl1e eyes of tl1e people, while the iocreased revenues th11s obtained l1el 1Jed l1i1u to support l1is 1111.n1erot1s soldiery, and to carry 011t tl1ose otl1 er n1easures for the in1provement of tile country wiucl1 he had institL1ted, l1e himself living in tl1e sim1Jl­ est and 1nost 11nlikiogly 1na11ner possible." 19 Opposition from the priesthoocl may l1ave co11tributed significantly to the Emperor's fall. Burette may i11deed l1ave been rigl1t i 11 arg11ing tl·1at tl1ot1gh ''the people \Vere very favourable'' to th.e reforms of Tewod1·0s ''the Ab11oa and. tb.e clergy in general were always the prime 111overs and instigators of the numerous rebellior1s tl1at have broken ot1t against him." 20 · y tl1e Britisl1 at tl1e battle of Magdaia i 11 1868 and his The En1.peror's defeat b st1bsequent death brought ar1 end to all his atten1pted reforn1s. Ras Gobaze, the rt1ler of An1l1ara who proclaimed himself E111peror a .fter tl1e death of Tewod.ros, at once declared t11e restoration to t11e Church of the lands which I1is predecessor had seized. Tl1is act, according to Douin, was tl1e rest1lt not of f anaticis1n' but of Gobaze's desire to give proof of lus zeal for the orthodox faith.2I

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

Dufton, op. cit., p. 140.

Blanc, op. cit., p. 281.

H. A. Btirette, A Visit to King Theodore (J..,ondon, 1868), p. 60. Vide also Pollera, op. cit., p. 247. f Stern, Tire Ca11tive 1\tissionary, p. 25.

Bla·nc, op. cit., p. 281.

Dufton, o_p. cit., pp. 14-0-1.

Durette, op. cit., pp. 60-1. Vide also Dimotheos, op. cit., I, 48, 116-17.

G. Douin, Histoire du Khedive Is,nai/ (Cairo, 1931-41), Ill, part II, 293.

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The wealth of tl1e Church at this time seems to l1ave been only relative, for many of the priests are said to have been relatively ql1ite poor. Thus the Armen­ ian priest Dimotheos noted in 1871 that the clergy were obliged to cultivate the land themselves, and sowed and harvested with their own hands.22 Turning to the leaders of the Churcl1 he added that their revenues were considerable and if they could save even a part of tl1em tl1ey wot11d speedily become millionaires. In fact, however, this was not the case. Tl1us the Abu11a, ''despite his numerous sources of revent1e'' was responsible for the l1pkeep of so many ''flatterers and parasites'' that he was ''always in poverty a1Jd n1isery,'' wl1ile the Ecage, with a supposed revenue of 220,000 francs, (i.e. 37,000 Maria Theresa dollars) had also to look after the poor with tl1e resl1lt tl1at he 11sually l1ad notl1ing left by the end of the year. 23

22.

23.

Dimotheos, op. cit., II, 82-3.

Ibid, TI, 83-4.

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xxvm THE EGYPTIAN OCCUPATION OF 1-IARAR TI1e old walled city of Harar, in so11.th east Etlliopia., 11ad �e�n �overned si11ce the Middle Ages by local rulers, or an1irs, and l1ad its own d1st111ct1ve pattern of land ownersltip. er mod the to g rdin acco , ding o11n surr ate 1edi erty im11 rop in the city its and !: P _ I-Iarari scholar, Yus11f Alunad, was in the olden days ''as a r11le ... privately owned.

Title deeds see1n to have bee11 common, for we are informed tl1at ''whe11 a legacy, particLtlarly imn1ovables. was divided, the share of eacl1 l1eir ,vas recorded on paper, and a copy of it was· given to each in]1eritor. Tllis copy was called a tamassulc."

The �1ntiqujty of the system ma:y be surmised from Yusuf's statemen.t, based on tl1at of a learned man of the city, Ah111ad Ali Sa.mi, tl1at t11e jarib, the area. of land wl1ich a pair of oxen could ploL1gl1 in a day, was standardized at the equivale1 1t of 1,296 square metres as early as tl1e reign of Amir 1-Iamo (I 1461160 A.D.).1 Land ten.11re in tl1e sL1rrou11ding districts was q11ite different, ar1d l1ad its paral­ lels \J1ith the sit11ation in 1nany of tl1e provinces ruled by the En1perors, Yusuf arguing tl1at it was ''likely to have bee11 adopted to suit political adn1inistration and to secLtre tl1e centralisatio11 of govern1nent po\ver."� ''Tl1e Amir," be explains, ''could grant la11d or estates to tl1ose v1l10 proved loyal to the throne, or l1ad rendered s0111e sort of service to the State. Such .Per­ sons usually were tl1e tribal cl1iefs, n1ilitary leaders and religious heads." Tl1e most important chief, the garad, would, for exa 1nple, be given an estate of ro11gllly 600 Jarib, and tl1e n1alalc, a lesser cl1iet: of about 300 jarib.3 T .he land would then be ,,vorked by tenants.4 The Egyptian occupation of tl1e city in 1875 \Vas a11 jmportant event ,1s far as land tenure is concerned. British reports of the tin1e state tl1 at tl1e Egyptians endeavoured to assert the princiJJle of State o,vnersl1ip, b11t th.at there was n1t1ch confusio11. Tl1us a report by Major Hunter, tl1e British consular �i\gent in S 01nali­ Jand, st,1ted tl1 at 011 th,e Egyptia11 seizure of tl1e city it ''was proclaimed tl1at tl1e rigl1t to the soil was vested in tl1e K.11edive, and occupiers co11ld only retaj 11 tl1eir ]ands on p11rchase from government: '' The '.'first price was paid'', H11nter reports, ''b11t a few years afterwards an Edict was issued tl1 at all existin o estates were to l)e cons.idered as di\1ided i 11to t\Vo portions, one of wl1ich wa.s go;'er1J 1 11ent property· and 1n11st be reb011ght.'' ''Tl11.s process, '' ,ve are told, ''took place four tiines in the ten years tl1at Egypt he]d fiarrar."5 1. Yusuf �hmed, "An Inquiry ioto some _Aspe� ts of the Econon1y of 1-Iarar and tlie Records of the House]1old Economy of tbe Amirs of I·Iarar (1825-1875)" ' University · of Add'ts Abab a Etlino/ogical Society, No. 10, pp. 21-2 &n.

2. Ibid, p. 23.

3. Standardisation occurred, as we sl1a11 see, during tl1e governorsbi'p of R as M··k a 'OIJnen.

4. Yusuf, op. cit., pp. 24-5.

5. F.O., 4,02-82, Hunter, 24. 11. 1884; India Office, Secret and Politica' l Letters froo 1 Aden� I-Iunter, 24. 11. 1884. '

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Despite such exactions a real effort seems to have been made to regularize the system of land tenure. The German traveller Paulitischke later reported that the Egyptians ordered an exact survey and registration of all lands, houses,¡ farms, and gardens. 6 Yusuf A11Il1ad, describing the system which came into existence at this time, says that ''ownerslu_p of immovables, land or house, was recognised officially by the government'', the owner being given a document called a lziljjalz, which re­ cognised h.is ownersl1ip and stated tl1e origin and basis of 11.is title to the property.

This doc11ment, which was written in Arabic and approved by a judge, or qadi, was ''the official certificate of the owner \Vithout which it was difficult to transfer the property." Yusuf states tl1at tl1e main points recorded were the following:7 a. the name of the o,vner of the property, and how it came to hi.m or her. b. the 11at11_re of t]1e _property, whetl1er house or land, with relevant details. c. the location of the property. d. tl1e size of tl1e property in jarib. e. tl1e lin1its of the property on all sides, witl1 reference to houses and farms, streets and rivers. f. if p11rchase or sale were involved, the questio11 of whether the contracts \Vas formally and materially valid being also considered. g. t]1e witnesses to tl1e contract. h. tl1e seal of the qadi and the signature of the witnesses.

By the last q11arter of the ninetee11th ce11t11ry tl1e city of Harar and the ad­ jacent area is said to have thus acquired a modern system of land registration.

6.

7.

P. Paulitschke, ffarar (Leipzig, 1888), p. 237.

Yusuf, op. cit., pp. 22-3.

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•

XXIX

TlIE po:r.JICY OF THE EMPEl<OR YOI-IAI�NES IV Tl1ot1gl1 tl1e system of land tenure in Tegre and acljacent provinces of tl1e nortl1 was firmly establisl1ed o. n the bftsis of 1011g establisl1ed tradition several significant developn1 ents occurred in tl1at province during the reign of the En1peror Yol1 a11nes IV (1871-1889).

The period seems in partic11lar to l1ave witnessed an extension of ch11rch owner­ sl1ip as well as certain improvements in the position of the tenants.

Yol1a11nes was a firm supporter of tl1e ortl1 odox faitl1 and. displayed, as a s11b­ sequent Italian a11thor, Geraldo Villari says, ''the greatest benevolence'' towards the clergy i11 general and to those of Aksum in particular. 1 Perini, an earlier Italian scholar, lists some of the lands in Akele Guzay restored to the cl111rcl1 of 1-\ksum at tllis tin1e, wJ1ile Villari explains tl1at Yol1annes not only confirmed the cl1 t1rch in what his pred.ecessors l1ad given it, b11t also presented it with new areas of gi1lt in Tatnben. and elsewhere. 2 Yohannes is known to l1 ave also gi,,en la11ds as gi,lt to tl1e ch11rch of Enda Yesus at Al(st1m, 3 and to l1ave transferred a certain amount of gult fron1 tl1e convent of Enda Sellase to that of Dabra Bizen. 4 To­ getl1er with his follower, Ras Mangasti, l1e also purcl1ased land. fronJ the land ow11ers, or restafifias, of Atzebo, Gabgab, Enda Pant�ilewon and Medegue, and gave the1n to the ch11rch of St. Mary at Aksum. 5 Tl1e E111peror also iss11ecl a land cl1 arter re11ewing for tl1e conve11t of Dabra Bizen all tl1e JJrevio11s cl1arters gra11ted by tl1e earlier E1111Jerors, Dawit I, Zara Yaqob, Lebn�i Dengel and Galawde,vos. This cl1arter, t: he ]ast s11cl1 doc11ment of wlucl1 \ve l1ave record, was cot1cl1ed i11 traditiou::11 vein. It contained a prayer tl1at anyone violating or i.ofri11gi11g tl1e grant be c11rsed by the 1noutl1 of tl1e Fatl1er, Son and HoIJ, Spirit as \veil 11s by tl1 e power of Peter and Pa11l. This curse \Vas to apply eve.n if tl1e transgressor \Vere tl1e Tegre MtikV11onen or tl1e Bal1arnagas.6 Ras V\1 aldankel, the gover11or of Ha111ase11, a]so greatly J1e]ped the CI1 urcl1, givi11g n111cl1 ]ands to tl1e convent of Dal1ra Sina in the Mensa ,1rea of Eritrea.

A cl1urch n1a11t1scri1Jt describes him as ''a frie11d of cl111rches and JJriests," and gives details of eight lands wl1icl1 he purcl1ased , togetl1er witl1 ''their l1ouses , water, trees, sto11es and everything'' for 583 dolla.rs.7 Another develop1nent of the reigi1 of Yohannes is said to l1ave been the re­ gistration of la11d belonging to tl1e conve11t at Alcsu1n. Accordit1g to Villari tl1e co11 ,,ent's possessiot1s \Vere reported. by the priests to l1 ave been originally l1e]d ir1 I. 2.

3.

4.

Villari, op. cit., p. 1432.

Perini, op. cit., p. 85.

Villari, op. cit., pp. 1439-40.

Conti Rossini, "Besua 'An1lak e il convenlo della trinita." Vide also idetn ' Principi di diritto consuetudinario dell'Eritrea. p. 412.

5. Villari, op. cit., pp. 1432, 1436.

6. Conti Rossini, Liber A.xumae, p. 80. Vide also G. Scl1weinfurth, If presente e f'avvenire clella colonia Eritrea (Milano, 1894), p. 4.

7. Conti Rossini, Principi {/i cliritto consuetudiriario c/ell'Eritrea, pp. 414-16.

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comn1 on. �easants living on such lands had provided the church1 every year with an . ha,nmeso, or fifth o � the crop, which was then divided among the ecclesiastics.

This led to so much dispute that the lands l1ad later been partitioned among the me1;11bers of the . convent, each of whom received a certain stretch of land, the var1ol1s plots being referred to as ri1n. Such lands were in11erited from father to son, but were neve r registered until tl1 e time of Yol1annes who l1ad them written down in a copy of the . Kebra Niigast. This registration of ownership seems to have been a� ela b orate af!'a1r, and went into considera bl e detail, even going so far as to sp ecify that certain lands, tl1ose of May Barah, were assigned to the cats of St. Mary of �eyon. Tl1 ese animals , we are told, were theoretically entitled to a fifth of the produce of the land of May Baral1 though in practice this went to the church's eqa bet or store. 8 Ownership rights, despite such registration, were still very complex and liable to more tl1an one interpretation. Villari, discussing the gi1/ti Maryam, ''o r gult of Mary," at Aksum argues fo r example, that it is by no means easy to establish ,vhere in fact ownership lay. Tl1ree opposing tl1eses could indeed be put for\.vard.

The l1olders of ri,11, who were usually memb ers of the clergy, could argue, J1e explains, that tl1ey receiv ed it on the basis of inheritance in exactly the same way as the owner of rest or inherited land. The clergy, wl10 took this view, argued more over that the fact tl1at the peasants who cultivated the land were o bliged to supply them \vith tl1e !1an11neso, or fiftl1 of the produce , was proof that tl1e latter were no n1ore tha11 share-c roppers or te11ants wl1ose presence was to be explained merely by the clergy's ina bility to work the la11d.

The above argl1ment, however, ignored the rights of the chur ch. It could be a rgued that the rim I1older inl1erited permanent obligations to the chur cl1 a.nd that h e in fact J1e ld his la11d only on tl1e basis of service, that is to say only in so far as lie officiated in the cl1 urch if a cleric or n1aintaine d a pr iest if a lay1nan.

Lay hold ers of rinz wer e indeed expected to giv e a tl1ird of tJ1eir revenl1e for th e upkeep of an officiati11g ec clesiastic. Ft1r ther evidence of the paran1ountcy of the church \Vas to be found in the f,1ct that a ri,n holder could inl1erit his position only after the transfer of property to hin1 was registere d by tl1e Nebu ra Ed, or ecclesiastical governor of Aksum, to wl1om he had to pay a fee of on e Maria Tl1eresa dollar. Failu re to fulfil this co11dition rendered the ri,n l1older liable to a fine of six dollars payable to tl1e cl1l1rch, and, if tl1is was not paid, the rim at least in tl1 eory, could be transferred to anotl1er person. Sti ch lin1itations on the rim l1olde r 's exercise of o\-vnersl1ip could s11ggest that he was 110 more tl1an the leasee of the churcl1 wl1ose rigl1ts to ow11ersl1ip could be said to be based on its original grant of o\vnership from tl1e king.

Tl1e latte r concll1sio11, Valli:1ri argued, would, however, r11n entirely contrary to the firmly held belief of the IJopulation \Vl10 denied the owner ship rights of . either chu rch or ri1n holders, asserting that they themselves were restafliias, 1.e. owners of rest or inhe rited land. Ac cording to them, these lands had always b een the absolute p�ope rty of the peasants upon whom t�e sovereigns ha� imposed. the burden of supplying an lzammeso without thereby 1n any way alter1ng the rights of tl1e restaflflas. The peasants tl1us considered the /1ammeJ�o not as rent owed by a sha re-cropper to a proprietor, but as tribute to be paid to the clergy, comparable indeed to that accorded to lords in possession of gi1/t.

8.

Villari, op. cit., p. 1433.

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or to d JJp te is su t the ex ta da t en ci ffi su in at th d _ronge Villari, fo r liis part concltide , e th s st r ap rl1 e pe on s wa se ca s y' rg cle thesis of the J)easa.nts, and that the 1e Chtircl1, as well as tl by d te en es pr ts en m cu . even thougl1 he tL1ot10-0l1 t that the do 9 e. rv se re tl1 w1 d te ea tr be tl1e traditiotls handed down by tlie clergy, should , accordin� to ed ic vo so al as w s l1t rig d 1 r la of Disagreem en t over the cliaracter nvents of Dabra co e tl1 at d an 1 n su Ak at us as J), Villari, at the churcll of En da ch no as su w r th dis� at tl1 er ev w ho � � nt ca ifi gn si Ban�<ual and May Barazy0 .10 It is __ . __ d ed an on M e_;1 e tal gt1 �: Pa ba Ab da En � o, ezb At G b, o ga ct1ss1 n abo11t tl1e lands of ab _ da d s an Ra Wa asa ng Ma ! whicl1 l1ad been pttrchased by the Emperor Y ol1annes, Ras Sellase and the11 given by thern to the Cl1L1rcb, for tl1e �easants, t1ndersta11d1ng m as tl1e full tl1e ed rus og rec , sed cha pur ally leg tl1at these latter lands had been pro_pert)1 of the Cl1t1rcb. 11 The extent of churcl1 ownerslup of land at this time was 11ndoubtedly consider ­ able as n1ay be seen from the testimo11y of the foreign travellers of tl1e period.

Tl1us tl1e Eoglish1uao. , E.A. De Cosson, states that tl1e Ab11na l1ad ''a large revenue at his disposal," the ·villages of Daro Takle and Addi Ab11n both belongi11g to l1im, as well as ''la.rge tracts of county,"1 2 wlule Winsta11Iey reported that ''the revenues of tl1e church are very large a11d eacJ1 sacred b11ildi11g has its attendant endowment. " 13 Perini, examining the situation in Eritrea a generation or so later, coufi.r11 1ed n1uch of this pictL1re, givjng details, for examJ)le, of the considerable stretcl1es of la1Jd vvl1ich were tributary to tl1e co11vents of Dabra Bizen, Dabra.

Marqorewos, and Dabra Libanos. 14 Other Italian estin1 ,:1tes sta.te that tl1e conve11t of Dabra Dan10 owned ''vast'' areas of land including 63 villages witl1 so1ne 400 families. 15 Despite the extet1sive land un.der their control the clergy as a whole seen1 to J1ave been still by no m.eans wealthy. ''Tl1e priests," Wyld.e reports, ''are as a rule, very poor." I:-Ie adds tl1at in general tl1ey never worked. 16 rfhe reign of Yol1a11nes also wit11essed several significant developn1ents in the field of secular la11d te1111re. 111 1888, before setting 011t for war against tl1e Mabdists Ras Alula, tl1e governor of I-Ia1nasen, iss11ed an im1)orta11t edict \vhicl1, accordin� to tl1e modern antl1ropologist S. F. Nadel, \Vas proclaimed in the hope of raisini tl1e large ,1n1ount of tribute needed by the war. !he edict, :Vl1icb., Nadel says, . \.Vas ''still remembered'' by tl1e people i11 the 1940 s, started with the fcttnous \Vords ''1nan is free, la11d is trib11tar,v."17 and \vent o .n to declare tl1at every 1�1nd l1older, by whatever title, wl10 paid· tribtite on tI1e 9. Ibid, pp. 1433-6.

10 . Ibid, PlJ. 1440-1.

11. Ibid, pp. 1436, 1439. · • · · 12 . E. A. De Casson, The Cradle of the Blue Nile (Londo 11 1877), I 88 . _ ' " . '. . • V1de also Conti Ross11:1, .

"Besua 'An1lak e i1 convento della trinita" 9 i 1�?:1:. d GI� atti di �bba Yonas," Accadcn11a P dei Lincei, Rencliconti, XII, pp. 11-ll. G B iai _ ·1 11.1' .. t�.s_�on� 11_T AbJ1s�,.,.�1a (Ro111a, 1883), p. 24; Guebre Sellassie, op., cit. n, 433_4 &n_' 1 nos�_, z e, 1 o, z. t, edict_ a,11111 1rz Eritrea (Mila110, 1898) p. 202.

13. Winstanley, op. cit., II, 129.

14. Perini, op. cit., 63, 83, 85' 86' 90, 107 , 114 1 ?7 ' - · 15. F. Len1rni, Lettere e cliari d'Africc, 1895-6 (Ro ma, 193 7), p. 150; P. de LatIT.ibar, Douze ans e11 .,4byssinie (Paris, 1898), p. 185.

16. A. B. Wyl�e, '83, to 87 in the Souda,z (London, 1888), I, 239.

17. We find �11� phrase already employed tvio centuries • tl1e . cl1r i . , • ,ir, ear l er lll o1licle of Iyasu I (16821706), Gu1d1, Aruzales lohannes J, Jyasit · 1 et Ba,ca»a p. 201.

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l �nd in his .p�ssession would th�nceforward be consi dered to hold his Ia11d by right of rest1, 1.e . p ermane nt l1 er1table tenure. This type of tenl1re, it should be emphasise�, was tl1e strongest and most d eeply rooted in the country, and, according to Nadel, 1s popt1larly referred to ''as a ft1ndamental'' right and ''sacred, possession."

Nadel clain1s tl1at A1t1la's l 1 ope of raising a J,1rge an1ount of money was ''not disappointed'' for ''n1any for eig1 1ers were enabled to bl1y their entry into the j ealous­ ly gt1arded ranks of tl1e reste1zyatc1t'' or class of resti owners. 18 The purchase of land , tl1ougl1 rare, may at this tin1e also l 1ave i ncreased as a resl1It of tl1e growtl1 of trade, and tl1e i ncreased use of money. Eritrean tradition tells, for exan1ple, that dt1ri1 1g t]1e great famine of 1889-1892 tl1e village of Addi Taklay plrrcl1ased a spring fro111 the neigl1bot1r.ing village of Himberti for a piece of engiira, or bread.19 Land pt1rcl1ased witl1 money was kno\vn as l-viirqi or gold, but traditionally was very difficult to acquire as it was aln1ost impossible for a l1o]der of land 011tside t.o\vn s to sell or otl1erwise to dispose of it to anyon e other tl1a11 l1is ldtl 1 and kin. Tl1e elder s of S erae \Vere quoted· in 1948 as stating that a person wisl1ing to sell bis land l1ad first to call l1is brotl1er and say to hin1 : ''I will sell the fields , come and buy tl1em." If the brotl1 er did not \vish to purcl1ase, the \vould-be ve11 d or l 1ad 1 1ext to call his other relatives and offer them the land, giving priority to l1is nearest relatives. Sales effected witl1out b eing offered to bro­ t1 1ers and otl1er relatives \Vere not considered valid, tl1 e relatives being entitled to claim any lai 1d thlIS alienated from their clan witl1ol1t their cons ent. Any sucl1 claimant \Vl10 a1·rived later tl1an tl1e first Su1 1day after Easter, though entitled to tl1e land, forfeitecl that year's crop which coL1ld be l 1arvest ed by tl1e \-VOLrld-be purchaser. Relativ es who sa\v tl1e n e\v cultivator working th e land a nd failed to complain lost tl1eir rigl1t to d o so at a l,1ter tin1e, bl1t if far away and 11ot co­ gnisant of tl1e cl1ange of o-w1 1ership l1ad tl1e rigl1t to claim sl1bseql1 ent1y. 20 Another edict, issue d arou11d 1888 and said to l1ave been formulated by tI1e Emperor Yol1a1111es and Ras Alula, dealt witl1 tl1e positio11 of sq11atters. It laid dovvn tl1at forty years t1ndispl1ted occt1pation of land con stitt1te d legal ownership, tantamol1nt to resti.

Nadel's vie\v is tl1at tlus edict, lil< e tl1 e other, ''crystallized in a perio d of considerable i111n1i orations and military colonisatio11," and constitt1ted '',t sanction of the sqt1atter's right of landless foreigners in a country still amply st1pplied \-Vitl1 vaca11t land''.

Tlus ''Forty Years' Rigl1t'' was, l 1owever, ''strictly lin1it ed'' and, according to Nad el could not overrL1le tl1e title of resti. Thus, for example, if a resti O\Vner emigr�ted an d his la11d \Vas occlIJJied by a sqt1atter for over forty years, the ori­ ginc:tl owner a11d l 1is l 1eirs could al\vays, on their return, recover the land. 21 A curio11s development of this period was that t l1e Emperor Yohannes, thougl1 a great protagonist of tl1e Churcl1 and a . b!tter oppo nent of Islam, seerr:s to hav� _ been responsible, t1nintentionally a11d linvV1tt1ngly, for operung up a certain amount of land to Muslim O\vnership.

18.

19.

20.

21 .

S. F. Nadel, "Land tenure on the Eritrean Plateau," Africa, XVI, 7, 11.

Staten1ent by Abrahan, W. Sellassie, an Eritrean of the present generation.

"Consuetudini giuridiche dcl Serae," Rasse,{Jna di Studi Etiopici (1948), pp. 82-6. Vide also C. Manetti, Etiopia econo111ica (Firenze, 1936), IJP. 77-8.

Nadel, op. cit., JJp. 17-18. Vide also Perini, op. cit., p. 396.

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re, tbi� ex­ in d Te lan n ow to d ?. ow all en � . . .Traditionally Muslims had not be clt1s1on being symboliz ed in such Tegreilfia sayings as Asl�may addi _yabelu, samay andi yabelu (''tlie Muslim has 00 land, the sky has no pillar'') and Asla,nay awdi the y s sl<.: ha or, flo ing no esh thr no s ha slim lie Mu y (''t u bel yii d a ab saJn. , i an J' elu pillar.'')

Yoha11nes who was anxious to expand Cl1ristianity a.nd acl1ieve_ reljgious uni­ f?rmity in his country, issued a decree in 1875, during �s \Var against th� .E�p• tians, ordering that all Muslims in ltls cot1ntry should either embrace Chr1st1an1ty, ?r .leave. The result was that many followers of Islam became \l1ristia11, and tl1us, 1nc1dentally, found tl1emselves no longer debarred from the right to own land.

Local tradi'tion states that in several areas around Ad\va as well as in Akele G11zay converts succeeded in obtaining right to the land. 22 Many of these former Muslims were, however, 011ly parti;1Jly converted and were indeed often referred to as 1niilati Krestywz la;,ti Eslar,1, i. e. ''Christians by day, Muslims by night." !v'Ia.ny of these unwilling converts soon reverted to Islam, but did not forfeit tl1eir land vthich they later claimed on the ba.sis of the forty year rule. 2 3

.

The inheritance rights of won1en were also changed in tllis period in s01ne areas of the north. Perini reports tl1at this took place in certain parts of Tegre and Serae where women during the time of Yohannes and Ras Alula were for the first tin1e allowed to share the resti, or heritable property, of their fathers. 24 .The Emperor also continued the practice of giving land to foreigners and in par!1cular rewarde � Kirkham, his British military adviser, with an extensive gult at Gh1nda.. The soldier, Wylde notes, l1ad ''a good tract of country given to him'' and ''did very well at farn1ing." 25

R. Pa�kburst, "Status, Division of Labour and Em • • /J en t m Twentieth Century Ethiopia," Ulliversity College 0 J.��� A b b Nineteenth. Century and Early ts a a Etlzno/og1cal Bulletin, II, No. I. p. 25.

23. Perini, op. cit., pp. 344. See also pp. 37-9 42 105. ' ' 24. Ibid, pp. 404-5.

25 . Winstanley, op. cit, pp. 45, 219; Wylde ' 83 to ' 87 i 1he Soudan, 310; G . Rohlfs, Meine mission nach :1bessinien (Leipzig, 1883), ' .

333 '· J. K0 mo dID . , Traditions de Tsazzega et Hazzega. Traduct1on franfa1se, p. 155, 22.

p.

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1

!,

•.

PART SEVEN THE ERA OF MENILEK XXX THE STRUCTURE OF S1-IOA.N LAND TENURE Tl1e structure of Shean land tenure in the late nineteenth and early twentieth knowledge our ca centuries see11 with greater be precision than in fom1er times as � _ . of this period 1s based not only on the passing notes of foreign travellers, at this time themselves more nun1erous tl1an previously, but also on the mt1ch more co1 ?preh :nsive \ �orks of contemporary a11d near conten1_porary Etl1iopian writers.

This period, wl11cb was of decisive impotiance in Ethiopian history, coincided with the life of MeniJek II who reigned as King of Shoa from 1865 to 1889 and as Emperor of Ethiopia from 1889 to 1913, and did much to restore Ethiopia's former : greatness by extending her frontiers and strengtl1 ening her central government, as well as by en1barking on the difficult task of m . odernization.

The sovereign's rigl1ts in respect of Ja11d, it should be emphasised, were tradi­ tionally greater in Shoa than in Tegre, Bagemder or Gojam where collective owner­ . ly established and wl1ere tl1ere was less proximity to extensive ship was .more deep conquered lands.1 Menilek at least after t11 e first fe\v years of l1 is reign possessed immense poli­ tica1 po\ver. The Dt1cl1 esne-Fournet mission, reporting of 1901-3, observed, for exam.ple, that ''tl1e authority of the Emperor is unlimited.... The people are his and his empire is his property."2 Statements of tllis kind, l1owever, require co11siderable qualification: it is neces­ sary to look son1 ewhat deeper into the actual position on the land.

It is in1portant in the first place to distinguish between t11e theoretical rights of the sovereign, wl1jcb. \Vere all embracing, and the powers actually exercised \Vhich were far less extensive. 3 Tl1 e Emperor, as explained by many observers, including Ch� rles Michel� t�e .

Duchesne-Fournet mission and Mat1rice de Coppet, normally exercised actual Juris­ diction over tl1e following types of land: 1 . Lands confiscated fron1 rebels or persons guilty of certain other l1eino11s crin1es.

2. Lands captured in war.

3. u·nocc11p.ied lands.

4. Lands belonging either to the Crown or to tl1 e sovereign personally.

5. Lands in one way or a11other given or bequeathed to the sovereign by forn1er owners. not e Sellassie, op. cit., II, 610n. On t l 1e ownersl1ip of l�ndrr by Rasd r�ay! u /Tak l�, rIa( ym� uebr on on, G L 1,e ue B N t,1e an ana -' ce La, an, esm Che .

R.E vide y tur cen th ntie t\ve in the early 1936) p.1 27. n 1 es pat ri a�cha les et tu 1 t •:�o o� C as!r D , �-. also �, Vi� .

3 2 24 r, cit., ) et, op.

2. Du che sne-Fourn e ( G eog1ap,,1e 1 9 0 5 , p. 4 0 e e 1 Ci v1a ed1 Kh te c,e So la cle i11 l /let Bu ic," sio bys A en es dal -· _ feo , ' � .7' t c71 b e . t op l e l. n r l ou e:F sn e ich J?t 4; �8 p. , ) 0 0 19 , s, ari P ( c/a cho 6 ) GCuo l l a�e 3.

C. Michel, f/ers Fa ut; 4 e . .

L�4 , ( , pp 1 1 9 s, · .• S 11 ·' ·t JJ 611 · E de F e lcourt 6 L Abyss1,11e P ar1 10 e! 1e i c/i diritto consuet11di11ar 11cip Pri i ssin Ro ti 011 c , 35� PIJ , ) 06 •' . , 1·9 'cp ·• ci ar1s, e ?P· e � actu abssi 11 L�A yss1n dell'Eritrea, pp.113-14.

1.

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, · I t O confi lty na for dispe · · s a a s . nd la e at sc • 1t ng · s Tl1e pr1nc1ple of the sovereign a n of • Menil"'k i.:;, • rei. tlle •· g in r u · d.

0 ns sio ca oc loyalty or treason vvas asserted on severa] 1 e lac ok e, to l gr l P Te a_ h _ ug no e ly us rio cu � . rd co e I re Th s case of' wl1ich we 1ave · f ten11re · 1ts o 1 rig . · · al 1on d1t tra oon str d O 1.e. a 1J rov111 · ce ,vhere the 111l1ab1tants enJoye D b re tl e B ttl · f 1 <� wee few a y onl q, I89 Tl111s in the middle of February, �? .

1; e ;h 1e a n 1 1 � :1 1 t e _ 1 gre � I Te of · le op pe the to n , Adwa Menilek iss11ed a proclamatio would confiscate their }1ereditary property (resti') if· he 1r0 11nd them wit11 his enelllies tl1e Italians.4

°

A co11ple of years later, towards tl1e end of 1�98, Me1�lek app�inted_ Ras Makonnen governor of Tegre and issued a procla1nat1on orde11ng the 1 nl1�_b1t��ts of the province to abanclon their Etl1egiance to their form�r ruler, Ra_s Mai�gasa, and declaring tl1at anvone fo11nd witl1 him wo11ld be deprived of tI1e1.r resit a11d gulti to the tl1ird geneiation. 5 Ras Mangasa, for his part, replied shortly afterwards witl1 an edict of I1is own wllicl1 likewise made reference to tl1e land. I-I e declared tl1at tl1e Shoan so]diers were coming to rob the people of tl1eir gi,lti and resti and declared that he vvo11ld himself deprive of tl1eir gi.1lti and resti a11yone \V]10 fail ed to rally to bis ca11se.6 In the followino- year I 899 Ras Makonnen, acting as r11ler of Tegre, iss11ed repeated decr ees ord;ri11g Am11ar�s a.nd Tegres who l1 ad gone into tl1e Italian colo11y of Eritr ea to rett1rn to tl1eir native lands on pai11 of the loss of tl1eir resti and gi1lti as well as otl1er grave punisbments.7 Th.e principle of tl1 e sovereign's right to co11 fiscate land. as a penalty for ot11er crimes is clearly referred to in the ofl1cial clrronicle of tl1e reign. Its autl1or, Gabra Sellase, states tl1at u.ntil Meuilek's reforms of 1908 persons g11ilty of ''grave crimes'' co11ld be d eJJrived of tl1eir lands, and that even after this date the penalty continued to apply to escaped 111urderers, as well ,1s to pe rsons· plotting against the Govern­ me11t.8 Tl1e Fre11ch travelle r Cl1a rles Micl1el believed for wl1at it is \vorth that lands were freque11tly expropriated. ''In tl1e old Abyssi11ian provinces," he says, ''landed JJroperty exists , but the nu1nerous small propri etors can be condemned to p enal confiscation and tlus is often done arbitrarily."9 T11e sovereign's rigl1 t to confiscate land captured in war assun1ed tremendous importance during the reign of :t\1enilek vvhen his a rmies reconq11ered vast provinces in tJ1e South, South-\Vest and South-East of the country.

Tl1e e�ects on the _ conq11est were, as we shall see, complex, and varied gr eatly f rom p rov1?-ce_ to p rovince. In �e �eral terms two mi:1in points may be n1ade : firstly, that tl1e pr1n.c11Jle of the soveretgn s supremacy ove r conquered lands co11ld a.ccordino­ to th� traditi?nal vie� be_ fre ely_ applied to th e provinces i n question, and secondly: that 1t was tn practice 1mposs1ble to overr11le existing systems of tenure in their entirety. :t\tficl1el, empl1asising the first point, declared: ''In tl1e Galla countries all tl1e conquered land belongs to t11e Empe ror. He grar1ts and sells these lands to his C . Conti Rossini, Italia ed Etiopia dal trattato d'Uccial/i all' battag/ia di Adua (Roma, 1935), pp. 284-Sn. 5. Guebre Sellasie, op. cit., 11, 480.

6. F. Martini, II diario eritreo (Firenze, 1946), I, 40.

7. Ibid, I, 599, 608. Vide also II, 107, 117-18.

8. Guebre Sellasie, op. cit., I[, 529, 9. Michel, op. cit., p. 484.

4.

� 106 -

s11bjects, .qut · l_ 1e can. always- take back any lands he has ced.ed." This could be done, the Fre.p.chman adds, wjthout the Emperor giving any reason,· either. related to the ge11 eral or to a particular interest, and the matter would never be taken to court. ''The Negus," be insists, ''has in effect s11preme jurisdiction over all the lands of the conq11est. A native can never become· l)roprietor by tl1 e sin1ple fact of possession or prescription even ,vere his family to have cultivated tl1e land for fi.fty, a hundred or two b11od.red years. Land cannot be bo11gl1t except fro1n tl1e Emperor."

Emphasising the En1 peror's para.mo11ntcy Michel conclt1des: ''In wl1at concerns inunovable pro_perty t11 e En1peror can take back what I1e b,1s given or sold. . ..

He \V.ho bot1gl1t a property from hin1 can sell or let it to a tl1ircl perso11, bt1t the pt1 rchaser or Iease-l1older can see his acq11isition take11 back by the Emperor." 10 rfl1e element of contu1 t1.ity wbicl1 at least partially limited the Emperor's power over tl1e land ,vas e1n1)hasised by E11ge11e Carette, another Frencl1 observer of tl1e period. ''In tl1e conq11ered provinces a1111exed in our day," he avers, ''the possession of tl1e soil has retained the cl1aracter it for111erly had, altl1011gh modified by the vicissitudes of n1oder11 political fortu11es. The fact that the E1nperor l1as for certain reasons parcelled the land ol1t between tl1e inl1abitants does not prove tl1at pro­ perty rigl1ts have undergone gre::it modifications. Still, private property exists. It is transmjssable by sale, inheritance, or don::ition. Tl1ose l1aving rights cannot be dis­ possessed witl1out j11dicial process." 11 Despite tl1e vastness of his !)Owers cised any control in practice over tl1e clearly stated by Micl1el, wl10, writing of reign ''cannot dispose of tl1e movable cu.ltural i111 ple111ents or their cattle." 12 The Crown, as we produce of all lcinds gii,z agiib, 1-vara giinit, requires a se11te11ce or

the n1onarch does not seen1 to l1a,1e exer­ allocation of 1novable property. T.bis v.1as tl1e ''conquered areas," notes tl1at the sove­ goods of l1is s11bjects, tl1eir n1oney, agri­

11a, 1e said, traditionally owned extensive lands whicl1 s11pplied to tl1e Palace and were variously referred to as 111aci bet, bc1/clarassoc, /1z1clacl and yii.111a11gest 111iitlciiya, eacl1 of wluch two of co11 11nent.

bet or giin agab was land w]ucl1 s11pplied the royal l1011sel1old witl1 grain, biirbiire, or pepJJer, a11d otl1er goods for tl1e table. Tl1e forn1er ter 1n owed its 11a111e to 1r1acl or ldtcl1e11; tl1e latter to gii.1z, a large pot 11sed for contai 11ing drinks. Walker, disc11ssing tl1e former 11ame, observes: ,:Tl1 e word '1nadbeit' l1as two meanings, first, it is a kitcl1en where tl1e bread is baked, for 'n1ad' 1.neans the table ready set witl1 bread. So, wl1eu a p11blic feast is IJrepared, if a n1au rises up to depart, anotl1er \vill constrain l1im, saying, 'wl1at is it? The 'mad' being near, wj]t tho11 go and sp11 n1 it? Sqt1a.t and eat and tl1e11 go!' Seco11dly, a madbeit may be tl1 e land set apart to furnisl1 food for the gover111nent or for an officer. Even a Fita,vrari or one with many serfs n1ay l1ave for I1is kitchen a piece of lc1nd. near at ]1a 1 1d, for this \Vill have been chosen 011t fron1 the beginning and its tenure may not l1ave bee11 changed. j�facl

Niacl bet la11ds \Vere lisually withi11 easy reacl1 of one or otl1 er of the royal palaces. Soleillet s11ggests that royal past11re laud was to be found at Toro Mesk 10.

11.

12.

Ibid, p. 484.

Skinner, op. cit., pp. 148-9.

Michel, op. cit., p. 484.

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n · · e te d th is te ex no ce 98 18 i11 g in rt po re ux ea ilb near A.nk.ob ar, 13 wb"l ot C y ss1onar 1 e the n: i 1 114 D e Coppe t, u11 · G na Gu . d a11 an 1 rl Be a br of • 1na .

• d bet lands· at Sl1ola n1eder ' Da nd ted.. arou e th wr1t1ng a generation or so later says tJ1at they were lar. ge·ly· ..situa . . ..

15 while Ga bra Wald listed the ca, Me and tta l Me ita cap at sucl1 places as Menja1�, following !)laces as l1aving giin agiib lands : 16 A1tlcobar Yefat Baqelo Danaba Ne'a Gida r

Mecca

Great and Little Baco Addis Alan1 and tl1e area of Gannat Metta Abbo Gaja Ada waradcL Da1nbi Menjar Margo Zale Cultivation of sucl1 lar1ds was often under the direction of specially appointed officials. De Coppet states tJ1at tl1ey were 1111der the control of a 11 c,zaj, or super­ i11te11de11t, jn tl1e area, 17 w11ile tl1e n1odern writer MahtarrJa SelJase says giin agiib lands would be divided i 11 Meuilek's day i11to twelve parts eacl1 controlled 11)' a 111es/a11i wl10 l1ad to prese 11t I1i111self at the pal,1ce o·nce ,:l ye,tr a.rid remai11 tl1ere for a moo,th wl1e11 b. is tur11 fell due. I-le l1a.d to bri11g \vith l1im s1 1ffi.cient bre,tcl and flo11r fro111 tl1e area wl1ere l1e was cl1ief to sustain tl1e civil and militc.1ry occupants of t:l1e l )alace duri11g tl1e 111ontl1 11e spent tl1ere tl1o·ugh if l1e l1ad 11ot brought s11fficient the deficiet1cy was 111ade good by tl1e Government from the prodt1ce of tit}1es 011 other Jancls. During tl1e remairung eleven montl1s of tl1e year be was c].1arged to e11s11re tl1at tl.1e giibbars, or te11ants, cultivated tl1 e la.nd. He 11ad to preside over tl1e l1arvest and collect tl1e ta,xes. Sorne sucl1 officials were n1c.1intained out of the receipts o .f the law co1 1rts; otl1ers were given land as 111adiire;,a at the so·vereign's pleas11re, wl1ile otl1ers ag(1in received a fixed salar)'. 18 Royal J)asture 1,:ind. \Vas known as 1,viirii ganit. Mabta111a Sellase, describing this type of land in general tern1s, states that it usually had ple11ty of water and good past11re for tl1e raising of Govermne11t cattle and sl1eep to prod11ce 111eat a11d b11tter for tl1e gebiir or banqt1ets. Fodder for s11cl1 cattle, l1e s:1ys, was c11t by tl1e pea­ sants of the 1 1ejgl1bourhood wl10 were reqt1isitiooed for this service a11d in return were often exen1pted from p::1yn1e11t of taxes.

Peasants \vho cared for Govern111ent c::1ttle a,nd sheep a11d took then1 witl1 the army in time of war were granted lands aro11nd tI1e past11res to cultivate on their 13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

Soleillet, op. cit., p. 124.

Les Jvfissions Catholiques (1898), p. 406.

Guebre Sellassie, op. �it., I, 6 12. Vi �e aJso J. Baeteman, Dictionnaire a,tiarigna-.fr anr,ais (Dire­ _ 1de, U11 voy .

Daoua, 1929), col 130, L.L. La1 ageur fran9a1s en l'Et:hio·pie nie Revue rid ion ale ., · ' 1 des Deux l,1oncles 15. 1. 1879, p. 386.

Gebre-Wold Ingida Worq, "Ethiopia's Traditional Systen1 of Land Te nure a,1d Taxation," Etliiopia Observer, V, No. 4, 305.

Guebre Sellassie, OJ). cit, If, 612.

Mal1te1ne Sellassie, "Tl1e Land System of Etl1iopia" PIJ, 285-7; iden1, Zekr,'i Nagiir (Addjs Ababa, 1942 Ethiopia11 calendar) p. 124.

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own account. They were not proprietors of these lands but had the ,full use of them. Their holding of such land, according to Mahta ma Sellase, was a form . of madiireya and was termed ri,11. This land could neither be sold nor transmitted by inheritance, but the person to whom it had been granted could not be dispossessed during his life-time even by a prior owner. The cultivators of rim paid the tithe and some also st1pplied honey to the chief of the wiirii giinu. In certain regions the holders of rim could become its proprietors, but even so they had to take their turn in guarding Government herds. 19 The term abba lanz, ''father of cows," was often given to such persons who looked after the royal cows. Soleillet described these men as ''a cast or special corporation of pastors'' who enjoyed ''fairly great privileges." 20 Land for the raising of Governn1ent horses and mules was classified as balda­ rassoc. It was t1st1ally well watered, and its grass \Vas cut and. stacked by the local gabbars, or te11a11ts. An importa11 t area in this category, according to Mahtama Sellase, was the district of Sa gale which \Vas used for the grazing of Government mules. 21 State lands, which were scattered throt1ghout the country, were called hudad and served to supply the sovereign, governors and local officials. The produce of st1ch lands was used mainly for gebiirs, or state banquets, as well as for bene­ factions. Hz,dad lands, according to Mahtama Sellase, were cultivated under tl1e supervision of tnesla11e.fi who were furnisl1ed with the necessary means for the purp. ose. 22 State lands of the types disct1ssed above , though of great importance, consti­ tuted only a fraction of the total as shown by the admittedly rather incomplete figures given by Mahtama Sellase which appear in tl1e ·following chapter. Tl1ey indicate the following gasas of the above types of land: MEASURED LANDS

Yamangest miitkiiya J¥iira giinu Hue/ad Total all lands

24,248¾ 48 53 157,086½

TRADITIONAL ORGANISATION OF REST LANDS IN 81-IOA

Yamii,zgest 11zatkiiya JiJlarage11u Total all lands

25

38

72,149½ UNMEASURED GABAR LAND

767 Yiitniingest ,niitl(iiya 202,394¼ Total all lands St1pplies fron1 lands referred to in this _section were of �ourse suppl� mented by taxation. Large areas of the country paid an asraf:, or t�the, of agr1c? ltural produce, as well as innt1merable customary payments wluch varied from region to region.

19.

2 .

0 21.

2 2.

Mahteme Sellassie, "Tlle Land Systen1 of Ethiopi�': p. 127. Vi d e a.lso Gu e' br e) Sellass ie, op. cit., I, 190 & n. 394 & n; C.J.-I. Walker, The Abyss1n1an at Ho,ne ( L on d on, 1 9 2 2 , p. 81 3 .

Soleillet, op. cit., p. 124.

Tviahtcme Sellassie, ''The Land System of Ethiopia," p. 287; id em, Zekra Na·g;ir, p. 125. ; 5 12 , r a : · p. g ..

Na ,ra l e � Z idem 7; p.

8 2 ," opia Ethi of e1n Syst d Lan e ''Th ssie, tcme Sella Mah 1 2 9; 4 l l ) b 9 ( , p. , oma R 1a issin I,, A ne, arato Ann C. also Gebrc-Vvold op. cit., pp. 3 05-6. Vide 3 .2 Guebre Sellassie, op. cit., I, 5

- 109 -

The: arrangements of the military camps and royal esta·blish1:1ents of this period resen1bled that- of foriner times as . may be seen fron1 · the diagram of I\1enilek's ca 1np at Ad,va reprodliced in this chapter.. Devised by Maurice de Co1Jpet the plan shows tl1e · Emperor's tent (''Desseta''), the reception tent (''Adderache'') and tl1e sovereign's personal residence (''Elifigne'') in · the centre, a cl1urch, or at least the tabot, or ''l1oly of I1olies '', and tl1e kitchens (''Boulangeries et c1tlsines'') not far off, and the · positions of the Rases, Dajazmaces and other in1portant personalities (''Ras Mekonen, Fitaorari Guebeiehou, Ras Mikael ... ") etc. on tl1e periphery. 23 1 e on th fr en se more be ay m as l na tio di tra · ed Tllis type of arrangement remain ot' l<la an Ta ym Ha s ylu Ha s Ra of le iau Gr l rce detailed diagram produced by Ma 24 : ing low fol e th camp at Adet in 1926 which shows tl1e location of 1. The cl1ief of the advance guard.

2. Tl1e principal chief.

3. The director of tbe gate.

4. -r11e cavalry guards of the right flank.

5. The advance ho11se.

6. Tl1e treasurer.

7. The sword bearers.

8. TlJe chief of th.e stables.

9. The cavalry g11arcls of tl1e left flank.

IO. Tl1e chief of tl1e porters.

11 . Tl1e cl1ief of the l1011sehold servants.

12. The treas11ry or magazine.

I 3. Tl1e rest l1ouse for strangers.

14. Tl1e chief of tl1e meat house.

15. The 111eat l1ouse.

16. TJ1e reception 11.aJl or tent.

17. The /iij or 1nead l1ouse.

18. Tl1e chief or the fa_j.

19. The guards of the left.

20. Tl1e l1011se for tl1e preparation of flour.

21. The e11jera, or bread house.

22. Rest house.

23. Tl1e tabot or ''holy of holies''.

24. Tl1e guards of tl1e right flank.

25. The ca.mP. of the left fla.nk.

26. The cllief of the servants.

27. Tl1e treasury.

28. The residence.

29. The kitcl1en.

30. Tl1e chief of the kitchens.

31. The camp of tl1e right flank.

32. The latrines.

33 . The cl1ief of shield bearers.

34. T11e co1nmander of t11e advance guard.

35. The rear-g11ard.

36. T.he camp of the chief of tl1e right flank.

37. The holders of tl1e cushions of the left.

38. The holders of tl1e cushions of the right.

23.

24.

Guebre Sellassie, op. cit., ·Atlas, carte VI. . ' J\1. Griaule, ''Un camp mi.Iitaire abyssin"

. . . I T U!•na JO

..., la Soci.ete des ue Africa1'Liste.s (1930), p. 117.

- 110 -

CARTE VI

PLAN DU GAMPEMENT DE M'ENELlK PENDANT l:EXPEDiTloN 0,AoouA

...

Jf,• ,i ::

' ...;;;;

..

'-" 0

�

0

� ,_

&. ,:

,_

:E; '-d -

·-.,... ,.c:

�

,i ci

..0

...-�

... =

-5

ii -� r:: ,..,

..

"1 "

== �.

'\!,

0 .,

0-

<.Q

c:·

"I:

..

..<:: .a

� ,_..,

pQ

-';

C)

Diagrarn showi11g 1l1e arrange1ne11t of Menilek's camp at the battle of Ad•va,1896.

- fro1J1 Guebre Se/lassie, Chronique du Regne de Menelik II. - 111 -

0

annsi.:n9>

r17&::

ÂŽ

(I)

a.

u

@

:

Q)

(i) (1) (j)

(]) (!) (I)

0

(D

(D

Tl1e camp of Ras Haylu Tak/a Hay1r1anot at Adet in 1929.

- from M. Griaule, Un Camp Milit.aire Abyssin. ,,

- 112 -

This type of camp �rrangement had implic ations fo r land tenure ca·mps as ' · ' we have seen, often constituting the nucleus of later towns.

Extensive lands in th e provinces were also allo c�ted to members of the court, gover­ _ . no!s,. and others,_ 1.0. _return fo r loyalty and service 1n peace and war, one of the re sp l on pr1nc1pa s1b1l1ties of the provincial rulers being to collect the Emperor's 25 tribute.

Land grants in this category, as already explained, varied greatly in character.

There w� s in t1�e fir?t place tl1e grant of gult which me ant that the Emperor tran , sfer_red his_ ta �at1on rights ?Ver a certain piece of land to a third party . Such Me n1l grants 10 ek s day as prev1ot1sly were largely made to n1en1bers of the imper ial family and other favoured personalities. 26 The imperial family wa.s a great l1older of land. Menilek, for exan1ple, held many pieces of land, one of which near Dabra Tabor is sajd to have been given him by the Emperor Tewodros (1855-1868). 27 Tl1e Empress Taytu likewise bad her land in variotis parts of the country, 28 while those of Menilek's daughter Zawditu, are said to hav e stretcl1ed fron1 Addis Ababa, all the way to Desse where she had gone to n1eet her husband. 29 ....

G11lt \Vas also given to important chiefs, as \Veil as to the Cht1rch. Nobles such as Ras Makonnen,30 Dadjazmac Yelma31 and Ras Walda Giyorgis32 \Vere tht1s in tl1eir day ail l1olders of large estates. Tl1e often en1pirical manner in wl1ich sucl1 grants were made is apparent from tl1e chronicle of Gabra Sellase wl1 icl1 tells of the arrival it1 Addis Ababa of two of the provir1cial rulers, Ras Mika'el and Ras Wole, ir1 1894. The cl1ronicler states the Emperor feared that ''their people wot1ld suffer fron1 l1unger and their beasts would be deprived of food'' and accord­ ingly ''gave them gi1lts wl1ere tl1eir horses and their mules woulcl be placed." 33 Gitlt lar1ds, according to De Coppet, \vere generally large fertile stretches of

cot1ntry. They were 11ot, however, heritable and often lapsed with the death of tl1 eir l1older.34 Tl1us Schrenzel observes that tl1e larger fiefs were rettirned to the State at tl1e decea.se of their lords and tl1ot1gl1 often rett1rned to their heirs were granted only on temporary ten11re. 35 De Coppet , a 1 11ore precise observer, noted in 1928 tl1at by tl1e11 011ly two i1nporta11t provinces, Salale and I-Iarar, were under . 36 the control of desce11dants of tl1e governors of M e111·1 ek' s time.

The inl1eritance of gi1/t was nonetheless often sanctioned 1?Y the thro_ne, the term restii gult being generally a.pplied to sucl1 land as was recognised as he11table. Trans25.

Soleillet, op. cit., 35; Michel, OJJ. cit., pp. 484-5; Duchesne-Fournet, op. cit., I, 242-3; Skinner, op. cit., 147; Gebre-vVold, op. cit., p. 305.

26. Soleillet, op. cit, p. 35; 1Vlahta1na Sellase, Zelcrii Niigiir, p. 123.

27. J. Faitlovitcb, Quer c!urch Abessinien (Berlin, 19IO), p. 11· . . .

IV, 406, cit., op 28. Guebrc Sellassie, op. cit., I, 215; II, 398 &n. 406n, 407, 488, 532; Martllll, 412; Faitlovitch, op. cit., 53. . o, 1911), p. 102 ,. . . · · . tlan , 391 , A. Cipolla, Nell'i,npero d1 .Meneltk (!-.1 _ 29. r.:v.rart1111, �P· c1·t.,. TV . , 324 . p. 113 . . cit., op. tcb, lovi Fait im , a , ss 7) P ?

19 1 a . o, (M1 o,e orat espl un c/1 111e ane , Pag afr1c idem � 30. F. Kuhner, In Reich Kaiser Nlene!iks (Leipzig, 1910), p. 1o4• 31 . Jbjd, p. 143. · p.

132 6) t, 190 gar utt • (St I lil, ene M i 32 . H. Vollbrec!1t, In Reiche cles Negus Neghest � 33 . Guebrc Sellassie, op. cit., I, 352 & n. Vide also I, l 3__ 34. Ibid, I, 612.

35 . E.I-I. Schrenzel, Abessinien (Berli11, 1928), p. 165.

36. Guebre Sel1assie, op. cit., 11, 612.n ·

- 113 -

fers, no\¥ever, do not seem to have been made witl1011t formal consent fron1 tl"Je • sovereign.

Mahtan1a- Sellase states tl1at tl1e hei1· l1ad 011 s11ch occasion, to I Jresent a n111le to the sovereign, wl1ile de Coppet mentions s11cl1 gifts as a n1ule, l1orse, l)iece of cloth. or pot of honey.37 Land was gra11ted to provincial governors and others on a te111porary basis .in return for service. ·T11 e land holder in sucl1 circ111 nsta11ces · wo11ld 11orn1ally be allowecl to 11se a large proportion of the tribute fro1n tl1e land for I1is o:Vn 111Jk�ep ancl that of his followers and \vo111d. be a.llocated estates withi11 l1is JJrQv1nce 1.vb1cl1 he might not retain if l1 e lost his governorslu1J. Tl1e relatio11sbip bet\veen service and the Jand can be seen from tl1e fact tl1a.t a won1an l1 olding a IJiece of land whicl1 had to supply soldiers \Vould be obliged to raise a11 d equip tl1 em exactly as if sl1e l1ad been a 111an. Wl1 e11 , as ofte11 l1appened, tl1e tit11lar l1 older of a :fief co11ld not admi11ister it, as was sometin1es tl1e case wl1 e11 a \Vo111an l1 eld it, the la11d \.Vas put 11nder the control of 011e or n1ore r,1a!kafifias, tl1e estate in questio11 being called 111alkafifianat.38 Mahta111 a Sellase states tl1at a.n ordinary servant of tl1 e Govern111 ent 111 ight l1ave received from one to three gcisas of tb.is ty_pe of land, 11is exact holding depending on l1is ''blood and service." Sergeants, 011 tl1 e otl1er Ia11d, migl1 t recei,,e ten gasas, and captai11 s as 1n11cl1 as tl1irty. In every s11b-clistrict, l1 e adds, tl1ere were Government serva11 ts ,vitl1 s11cl1 la11 d. Tl1 ey \.Vere obliged to pay titl1e to the Govem111 ent, go to ,var ir1 tin1es of 11eed, ancl perform sucl1 other services as n1ight be required of tl1 en1 in tl1eir localities. T11 eir land co11ld be tr::1nsferred fro1 11 public to private ownersllip a·fter 1011g service and as a res11It of' petitioning. 39 W11 e11 tl1e yield from la.11 d belonging to a 111al!ca1117a wc:1s helcl to be ins11fficient lie wo11ld. often be allov;,ed an additio11al ga,§a of Ia11d 011 ternporary tenure ter1ued dcista. In return for this land l1 e ,vould be obliged to loo.k after a 1 11ule or pay a tax of I 00 doIla.rs a year. This a11i1nal re11 1ained on tl1 e 1a11 d a11d ha. d to be carecl for by the holder of t11 e land, who could retain for its 11plcee1J nine quintals a year from tl1e ann11al tithe payable to tl1 e Govern1ne11t. \Vl1en n1 obilised for war tl1 e land-b.older 11sed the n111le for the tra11 sport of army goods. If tl1e a11imal died and the fact co11ld be proved the a11thorit1es provided another. 40 Land was allocated by tl1 e Crown not only to tl1e 11obility, but also to the peasants al\vays on the basis of service, specific pieces of lan.d being li 1 1lced to tl1e performance of J)artic11lar d11ties whicl1 111ight be co111 pletely different, l1owever, in tin1 es of peace and \Var. Land of this category co11ld be inl1erited only at tl1 e Emperor's pleasure, a .nd this usually occurred wl1 en the holder's heir assu.med tbe responsibilities attacl1 ed to the estate. 41 Such land, dependent on the E1nperor's will, n1ay be s11bdivided into a nun1ber of different categories of ten11re eacl1 related to a different type of service.

Ma!1te?-1e Sell��sie, ''1:he Land Syste1n of Etl1iopia," p. 285; idem, Zelcra: iViigar, p. 125; _ Guebre Sellass1e, op. cit., II, 613; M. Gr1a uJe, Le travail en Abyssinie (Geneve, 1931), p assim.

38. Gueb:e SeUassie, op. cit., Ir, �13. Vid e also �ucbesne-Fo un1et, op. cit., J, 244; De Felcourt, _ op. cit., p. 67; Pollera, op. cit., p. 165; Skm.ner, op. cit. , pp. 147-8·' l\,fartioi o p cit., IV · ' ' 321, 515-17; L. De Castro, Etiopia (Ro1na, 1936), pp. 282-3.

39. Mahtarna Sellassie, Zel,rli Nagiir, p. 121.

40. Mahteme Sellassie, "The Land System of Etl1iopia," p. 284; idem, Zek,ra Na.gar, p. 121 .

E. Brotta, JI regime clella terra nel governo clef lfarar, (Ade/is Ababa, 1939,) pp.

102-3, Vid e also De Castro, Etiopia pp. 102-3.

41. Guebre Sellasie, op. cit., II, 613.

37.

114 -

. One of. tl1 e n1 ost important types of· ten11re was · ,naclareya or 1niitlcaya. Tl1 is land was given by the sovereign to an individ11al b11t could be witl1 drawn at will and giver1 to anotl1 er person. It was held in Jie11 of maintena.nce by soldiers who in cash o � kind. M �l1atma Sellase states that the n11n1 ber of gasas paid ":ere n ot _ given 10 s11cl1 · cases varied accord1ng to tl1e merit of the soldier concerned his feat� of arn1s, the ·n11mber of yea.ts of service, 11p to three gc1sas f9r the si�1ple sold1er, 11p �o ten for the sergeant_ and 11p to tl1irty for the captain. I-Iolders of mc1cliire;1 a pa1d only titl1 e. Tl1 ey were ]iable to mobilisation and co11ld be called upon in _peace-ti1n.e to relieve tl1e g11ard. According to their n1 erits, and at their O\V.n req11est, tl1 ey co11ld son1eti111 es obtai11 tl1 e O\Vnersl1ip of a part of the land they l1 eld in respect of their service.42 Somewl1at different types of land tenure were tl1 ose referred to as ge11da biil or n1ii/1niil, and \Vere based on tl1 e grant of la11 d in ret11r11 for a wide variety of specific services. ivlanJ' modifications in tl1e gencli:i biil pattern have been described by Mal1 tan1a Sellase, Ga bra Wald and other writers, and may be listed as follows :·13 I. Tl1e 111ost co111 n1on arrangeme11t was for the land l1 older, \Vhom Ilg likened to a ''soldier peasant," to m,1intaio. a horse or n1ule and use it as required to transport supplies. Mal1 ta1na Sellase says tl1 at for each gasa of genclci bal land tl1e holder had to n1aintair1 a horse or 111 ule and provide a q11intaI of cereal, 10 litres of flour and a fo\vl or the eq11ivalent in other goods, wl1ile G�ibra \Vaid says that tl1e land l1older paid a tax of 011e qunna of flour and a hen every year. Walker on the other I1 and writes of ge11clii bcil J1olders vv11 0 were obliged to grind five qu11nas of flour twice a year, or even n1 ontl1ly, as well as repairing the tl1atcl1 , ,valls a11d fences of Government l1 011ses.

2. Soldiers wl1 0 went to \Var wl1en required were given land of tl1 e same basic ty1Je. Gabra Wald says tl1 at tl1 ey were obliged to pay an animal tax of one ra11 1 a11 d two dollars, \Vl1ile 11ahtan1 a Sellase 1nentions instead a yearly JJay­ ment of a qi111clo of l1 oney.

3. Persons wl10 tra11 sported artillery and maclrine guns had to 111 aintain a m11le provided by tl1 e Go,,ernment. To feed tl1 is animal they were allowed to deduct nine q11inta1s of grain fro1n tl1e titl1 e due to the GoverD111ent.

These me11 see111 to l1ave been relatively privileged. Mahtama Sellase says they were ''cl1osen arnong the gabbars a11d the genda bcil holders," \vl1 ile Gabra Walcl notes tl1at the artillery carrier wo11ld be ''selected to do tlris job beca11se l1e had better and n1ore fertile land tl1a11 either the gabbar or tl1 e other orders of gene/a biil on \vhich to graze beasts of b11rden \Vl1 icl1 tl1 e govern1nent gave lrim for this JJllr­ pose. '' He adds that ''some people \Vl1 0 l1 ad given long service to the government'' co11ld asl( to transfer to this system of tenure and if this was grantee! ''were given 1n11les by tl1e Governn1ent to take care of and if the m11les were fo11nd lean a11d underfed the JJerso11 s were fined. When a m11le died t11 e person had to bring \Vitnesses or evidence for tl1 e nat11ral deatl1 of tl1 e 1n11le and received another in its place."

42.

43.

Mahten1c Sellassie, "The Land System of Ethiopia," p. 285.

Baetemao, op. cit., col, 1045; Guebre Sellassie, op. ci�., _ 38?, _ & n; Geb�e-�?l? op. cit., Pl).

309-10· Mahten1e Sellassie "The Land System of Eth1op1a, idem Ze!(ra Nagar, pp. 115-22; Griaul�, op. cit., p. 12; De Castro, Etiopia, JJ. 282; Walker, op. cit., pp. 189-90.

- 115 -

•

4. Travelling porters were obliged to carry baggage, inclt1ding g·uns, in tii:n e of war. According to Mahtaina Sellase they were given ge,·zcla bi:il lan?s and r:ia1n­ tained a, government mule for which they, like the already me11t1onef1 artillery carriers, ded11cted nine quintals of cereals from the tithe which they paid.

5. Letter carriers, wl10 kept a mule belonging to the Government, were lil,;:e­ wise entitled to dedt1ct nine quintals of grain from their tithe.

6. Tent porters were respo11sible in peace-time for the manufact11re and rep� ir of tents; in war the)' fallowed tl1e army and were i11 charge of tents. Tl1ey paid no tax other than tithe.

7. Prison guards, who l1ad to serve one montl1 twice a year, pa.id 11alf a dollar a gasa in tax in ad.dition to a tithe of their produce.

8. Stone workers also served the Governn1ent two montl1s a. )1ear, building palaces etc. Gabra Wald says that tl1ey were ''better off'' tl1an other holders of tl1is type of land. as they were exen11Jt from taxes and received c:l wage of seve11 a year plus one-sixteenth of a dollar a day for their sixty day period of dollars • service.

9. Wood-cutters also worked for the Government two montl1s a year.

10. Gardeners were another group of persons wl10 \Vorlced two months a year for the Government. Mal1tan1a Sellase states that tl1e c11ltivators of fruit, p11lse and pepper were allocated some of tl1e best genda bal lands and took turns to \Vork lands. Tl1eir only t,1x was a pa.yment of honey to the local mall,afitia or State • squire.

11 . Gene/a bal holders who for tl1e first ti111e cleared virgin soil for cl1ltivation were exempt from tl1e 11s11al t,1xes , but l1ad to furnish instead one goat in addition to the ordinary titl1e. In peacetime tl1ey were obliged to serve as a guard where­ ever ordered and in tin1e of war to join tl1e cavalry. TJ1eir lands were known . as 1,vilriida ge11.clii bal.

12. Besides tl1e above categories of persons there were other holders of mii/1110! land each witl1 a specific role in the economy. Tl1us Ga.bra Wald refers to the existence of such professions as weavers, saddle n1akers, tan11ers, saltminers, e11dod, or soap-tree, pickers, potters, s1nitl1s, charcoal burners, ink makers, manufacturers of ploughs, axes and hoes, stirrups and spears, makers of gunpowder, spice mixers, torc11 and tent peg makers and persons wl10 supplied sucl1 varied articles as poultry, kosso and myrrh. All these people were minor land holders.

Such miilmiil holders were 11s11ally exempt from normal titl1e and tax payn1ents.

Thus Mahtama Sellase says that they would only make the sovereim certajo small 0 periodic offerings, such as a robe, a fowl or a little coffee.

The services for which land was given, it should be emphasised, were often very clear!)' defined. Thus Walker describes the existence of can 1nii.ret or loader's land, dasta maret, forager's land, as well as specific land for soldiers' who foua11t in the centre of the army or on either flank. 44 Manufacturers and carriers of g�n­ powder likewise received land referred to as barud bet.'45 Persons responsible for s11rveying and hence operating the com . plex land systen1 were themselves allocated land called ya sok miiret, literally ''land of the thorn,"

44.

Walker, op. cit., pp. 189�90.

45. Guebre Sellassie, op. cit., II, 614.

- 116 -

y caught by the surveyors in their clothing. an al� _us� ?n to t�e thor11s inadvertent ! _ Mahtama Sellase says that 111 Men1lek's time sucl1 surveyors received one two or �liree gasas of Gov �i:iment land . under the title of madiireya. Chief sur�eyors received the further pr1v1Iege of taking for themselves part of the taxes levied on the land of other surveyors of their team. 46 The significance of gendii biil and �viiriida gen{/ii biil in the total land pictt1re may be seen in Mahtama Sellase's figure which reveals that these two types of tent1re were of the following n1agnitude in gasas.

MEASURED LANDS

Gene/ii biil lviirac/a gene/ii biil Total all lands

2,560¾ 399 157,086½

1'RADITIONAL ORGANISATION OF REST LANDS IN SHOA

Ge11clii biil T11iiriida Ge11dii biil Total all lands

12' 101 11 72, 1.49½

Land-.b olders \Vo1-1ld lease property to cisaiiiias or far1ners eitl1er in perpett1ity or for a term \1/]1 ich 1nigl1t be fixed or indefi11ite. In tl1e Ja.tter case, tl1 e proprietor cot1ld order the farmer to qt1it at a month's service. If the holder of n·zadcireJ,a land \vas changed, l1is successor cot1ld exepel tl1 e cisiififias or retain the1n, t1st1ally, Mal1ta1n�1 Sellase says, in rett1rn :for a small payment of silver f ron1 eacl1 011e:47 Cisiiiiiic1 Ia11 d is classified i11 one of Jvf al1 tan1a Sellase's tables whicl1 indicate tl1at it co11stitt1ted 9,843 gaJ�as ot1t of a total of 72, 1491/2 in Shoa \Vith title deeds of original occtipation.

La11d, \vl1 ic11, as we sl1 all see, was gra.nted to local bal{tbbats in Shoa in 1903 or 1904, was called sisso, or a tl1 ird. Sucl1 la11d was allocated by tl1e sovereign according to tl1e 111 erits of tl1 e clairnant, tl1 e fertility of tl1 e soil, tl1e location of tl1 e la11d and its degree of ct1ltivatior1. TI1e balabbat l1ad, i11 princi1)le, tl1 e rig]1 t to cl1 oose one-tl1 ird of the Ia11 d tinder l1 is control, tho11gh, accordi.og to 1vlahtfin1�i Sellase, tl1e J)roportio11 actually varied fron1 a third to a sixtl1. 48 Tl1e tax 011 sucl1 l,l11 d i11 Jv1e11ilelc's ti111 e, l1e adds, was one ox for every ten gaJ�as 011 tl1e near side of tl1e Awas a11 d one castrated goat or bL1ll calf on tl1e far side. Every,vl1ere else t'11e tax \Vas taken in bt1tter or other goods. 49 Gabra Wald, \.Vho empl1asises tl1at taxation varied according to the remoteness, fertility a11 d size of tJ1e Ia11d, states tl1at a tyJ)ical tax wot1ld be an ox and one qi111tlo of butter for 20 g,1sas. Lands u11der 20 gc1sc1s migl1t pay one qi111{/o of butter and tl1ose 11nder 10 gaJ'<c1s, a go::1t or a sl1 eep. 50 TI1 e I1older of the sisso was obliged to serve in the cavalry in time of need and had nor111ally to J)ay titl1e, tl1 ot1gl1 Gabra Wald states there were cases of exe1nptio11 on ,1ccot111 t of long a11 d 1neritoriot1s service. Sisso, according to de Coppet, was subject to J)eriodic revisio11, tl1 eoretically every five years. 51 46.

47.

48.

49.

50.

51.

l'v1ahteme Sellassie, "Tl1e Land Sysle1n of Ethiopia," p. 287; ide1n, Zel,ra N;igiir, p. 126.

Mahten1e Sellassie, "The Land Systen1 of Ethiopia," p. 287; Gebre-Wold, op. cit., p. 313.

Guebre Sellassie, op. cit., lI, 614 n.

Mahtan1a Sellassie, "The Land Systen1 of Ethiopia," p. 284.

Gebrc-Wold, op. cit., p. 304.

Guebrc Sellassie, op. cit., II, 61 4.

- 117 -

of tenure may be seen e 1 son e 1 Tl t above tl1e e of of ce 1 importa1 relative . �p �. Sell,:1se. tro111 tl1 e following :fig11res in gasas drawn from Mal1 tama M.EASURED LANDS

Sisso Diista Total all lands

12,243 I /11

690 157,086½

TRADITIONAL ORGANISATION OF REST LANDS IN Sl-IOA

1,460 Sisso 72,149 ½ Total all lands Laud of the above type was ma.inly situated witl1 in tl1e confi11es of Shoa or i11 11eigl1bouring provinces.

Nt1merous lands \vere in one way or another granted to tl1 e Cl1t1rcl1. Me1iilek, \vhose JJolicy in questio11s of cl1urch property seen1s to have followed tl1 e Emperor Yohannes rat11er than tl1e E1nperor Tewodros, began tl1e building of cl1l1rches early i11 tl1is reign and subsequently constructed n1any in tl1e areas he h,:1d occt1pied, as well as at l1is successive capitals, Dabra Berl1an, Entoto ::1ncl Addis Ababa. 52 Such building, as in forn1er trn1es, was acco1n .pa11ied by ge11erot1s gifts to tl1e Churcl1.

Ga.bra Se]lase's chronicle records, for exan11Jle, tl1at ,v11e11 11is master trave11ed south­ wards after tl1e Battle of Adwa l1e visited t11e cht1rcl1 of Takla H:1yn1anot at May Caw �1nd gave it ''many lands, cattle and oxe11." 53 Taytt1 is lcno\Vn to l1ave also give11 tl1e Churcl1 extensive lands, i11c]uding for examJ)le the region arot1nd Dabaraq. 54 Menilek perhaps becat1se of his ge11erosity, appears to l1ave enjoyed tl1e good will of tl1e clergy. Thus tl1e chro11icle says tl1at \vl1en Menilek visited Bagemder and Goja1n early in his reig11 the priests ga.ve l1 i111 tl1eir support. ''Do not believe that I J1ave con1e to abolisl1 the land of Goja111 and Bage.mder," l1e is supposed to J1ave said. The clergy are said to l1ave accepted these protestations and to have called l1pon tl1e people to l1earken, saying: ''Listen, ctll of you, to your king o chl1rcl1es, for he 11as l1onot1red you i11 saying tl1at lie is the sor1 of David. '' 55 The position at tl1e end of tl1e lvlenilek period was s11rnmed llp by de Coppet \V]10 says that ''the ecclesiastical domains'' were at that time ''very nun1ero11s," ''consicler,ible'' estates being in tl1e possession of the Abuna, tl1e Eciige, Aliiqas, priests, deacons and even scl1olars. 56 S11ch land was 11sl1ally referred to as siir11on or sa111oniifiiia an.d. was gra11ted eXJ)ressly for tl1e st1pport of tl1e n1ass, tl1e reciJJients' d11ties, according to Griat1le, being usua11y precisely clefined. Tl1e gra11t, de Coppet sa.ys, \Vas norn1ally considered to l1ave been n1ade absolutely and in perpetuity v,1hatever the exact terms of tl1e gift, thol1gl1 it ,vas generally agreed tba.t the EnJperor could witl1draw it on condi­ tion that he gave anotl1er of equivalent valt1e. 57 Ibid, T, 167, 170, 209, 2.10, 280, 281, 294, 307, 308, 320, 329, 372, II, 453, 465, 496, 521, 524, 525, 537.

Ibid, JI, 453.

Faitlovitch, op. cit., p. 53.

55. Guebre Sellassie, op. cit., I, 131.

56. Jbid, I, 610. Vide a]so De Felcourt, op. cit., p. 68; Soleillet, op. cit., p. 35; ScJireuzel, op. cit., p. 190.

57. M. G� iaule, "En Abyssi ��e<� La Ge? graphie ..CNo ���bre-Dece111bre, 1930) p. 8; Guebre Sellassie, op. c!t., IT, . 61 �; Mahta�a �ellase, �e.kra Nar ar, p. 120; De Castro, Etiopia, pp.

-2; A. G1accard1, , Le coloruzza21011e ab1ssrna 11ell Et1.op1_ a occ.1de11tale," Gli annali dell'281 Af rica _ p.

7.

1 1.

Jta/1ana, I, No. 8 52.

53.

54.

- 118 -

The hea? of a c�urch or monastery ,vas often give11 certain land in its vicinity for tl1e p enod of his office , though Mahtamii Sellase states tl1at if the holder ''pressed th e fo11nder of t11e Church fo r it h e often became the permanent owner."sii Ch11rcl1 lands, wllicl1 \.Vere no rmally administ ered by a/iiqas, were largely leased 011t to te11ants. The latter in r et11.rn w ere obliged to hand over a share of their crops, to provide a certain an1ount of labour every week and to make certain 59 s. gift 11al asio occ ' Menilek's support for the Cl1t1rch is recorded in the clrro11icle of Gabra Sellase which relates that in 1893 tl1e E1nperor :made regulations for the convent of Dabra Berhrin. Tl1ese defined th e lands belonging to tl1e convent a11d laid down that th e nearby 1na rket should pay taxes to it, stating tl1at the monks in return shot1ld abstain. from labot1r, devoting then1s elves exclusively to their prayers. Nlenilek at the same time gav e the land of Ali Doro to his uncle Ras Darge, as a giibiiz, or lay administrator o. f tl1e convent. 60 It was comn1on practice , i t may be concluded, for n1e1ubers of tl1e in1perial fan1ily and oth er nobles to l1old tl1e JJositio11 of giibiiz of th e n1ore in1portant churcl1es. 1�h11s Pollera tells us that on the establishment of Addis Ababa Menilek oav e the position of gdbiiz of St. George's catl1edral to b.i s cousin, Ras Makonnen, ;110 beq11eath ed it to l1js son Dajazmac Yelma who was succeeded in turn by his da11oht er Princ ess ·Yasas Warq. Menilek's daughter , tl1e Empress Zawdit11, was simi­ lar!; giibiiz in h e r time of th e cl1t1rch of St. Ragu'el at Eototo, while Fitawrari Hapt�i Gi)1orgis, sometime Minist er of War, \Va.s gabiiz of the Addis Ababa church of Enda Sellase. 61 The extent of church land may be see n from Mahtama Sellase's tables rn gasas: •

y

MEASURED LANDS Sii111011

Total all lands

4,472¼

157,086½

TRADITIONAL ORG,\NISATION 01<' LANDS IN SHOA

Sa,no,i .11/iiqa Total all lands

58.

59.

60.

61.

7,186 1.,1,1,572 72,149 ½

t, op. ne ur Fo esn he uc D o als de Vi 5.

28 p. " a, pi io 1 1 Ivlal1terne Sellassie, ''Tlle LaJld System of Et cit., I, 244.

Duches11c-Fournet, op. cit., I, 244.

Guebre Se]Jassie, op. cit., I, 331-2 &.n.

Pollera, op. cit., pp. 216, 244.

- 119 -

XXXI

LAND MEASUREMENT IN SI-IOA

Land measurement which was by no means traditional in Etl1iopia, had been initiated, as we i1ave 'see11, at Gondar in the late seventeenth centur;, but was not then operative outside Bagemder province. . .

Measurement was not initiated elsewhere until tl1e time of Men1lek II. It began in Shoa in 1879-80 and was entrt1sted to the S.ahafe Tazaz, or Minister of the Pen Gabra Sellase who mentions it in his chronicle wl1ere l1e likens it to tl1e land registration eff;cted by Augustt1s Caesar as recorded in the Scriptt1res. Menilek's instructions, according to the chronicler, were that there sl1ould be a record of the ownersl1ip and tenure of all lands in Shoa, be tl1ey ,niilkafiFianat, gene/a bal, gabbar, cisiiiifia or siim.onafifia, tl1e characteristics of whicl1 have been described in the pre­ vious chapter. 1 The unit employed in this measurement was the gasa wluch in practice ,,aried considerably, but may be ta.ken as the equivalent of 1,200 metres by 800 metres, or about 80 to 100 acres,2 Measu_ren1ent was at first carried out with the aid of a special cord, 133 cubits in length, witl1 wl1icl1 eacl1 of the four sides of the land were measured. 3 In Shoa, \Vallo a11d lands to tl1e west wl1ere n1easuring was initiated, tl1e cord. \Vas referred to by the Galla word qcilacl a11d gave its name to land measured i11 this way. -4 \.-Valker, writing in tl1e 1930's, describes tl1e measur­ ing rope as made of tl1ree pieces of l1ide, two pieces of wl1icl1 were plaited to­ getl1er ancl tl1e tl1ird piece wound round. 5 The length of tl1e cubit, Mal1tama Sellase records, was fixed by the arn1 of a very tall man called Baymot who lived d·uring Me11ilek's reign. His ar1n \Vas take11 as tl1e standard, the n1easurement being tl1erefore called ''cubit Baytnot'' and approximating to about 66½ centi­ metres.6 ''Measurements th11s made," Mahtama Sellase explains, ''were not very exact, wl1ether by reason of variation in tl1e length of the cord, level of the land, or of the fact tl1at tl1e sides of tl1e plot were not always right-angles. Irregularities in the shape of the plot ofte11 rendered difficult tl1e exact calculation of its area.

Moreover, the \\1ork of the st1rveyors was not al\vays conscientio11s. In the hope of obtaining better results the cord was replaced by a chain, but this expedient effected little cl1aoge, principally because the ground was not level and it was not known bo\v to calct1late exactly tl1e area of irregularly shaped land. St1bsequent exan1ination revealed numerot1s errors. TI1e actual surfaces were always larger than tl1e official figures indicated. ''7 Tl1e authorities nonetheless often went to considerable pains to obtain tl1e maxin1um possible accuracy. W,Llker relates that in the 1930's land was measured I. 2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

Guebre Sellassie, op. cit., I, 168. Vide also Cecchi, op. cit., I, 464.

Martial de Salviac, op. cit., p. 196; Gebre-Wold, op. cit., I, p. 303.

Gebre-Wold, op. cit., p. 303. Vide also Gi.accardi, op. cit.• p. 186.

"T �e La11d System of Ethiopia,''. p. 284; iden1 Zekr,i N,igar, pp. 110-13; Ma!1te?1e Sella_ssie, _ Gue ?re Sellass1�, op. cit., I, 209; Annaratone, op. cit., p. 223; Gebre-Wold, op. cit., p. 301; Sole1llet, op. cit., pp. 233, 236.

Walker, op. cit., p. 187.

Mahteme Sellassie, "The Land System of Et11iopia," p. 284; Gebre-Wold, op. cit., p. 303.

Mahteme Sellassie. "The Land Systen1 of Ethiopia," p. 284.

- 120 -

by a speci_al offi�er called a qiilad tay, or t hrower of the rope, an d a cle rk, both . ro m Add.is Ababa, a clerk aPP f _ ?mt ed by th e local governor, the ceqa sum, or head man, · and the qoro or d1str1ct officer , as well as by a n11mber of witnesses. su rem we en r e ts no Me� t final:ly accepte d till they ha d been made three time s with an interval of m any m onths between the m. 8 ·

•

)

Tl1e size of the gasa meas ured by qalacl varied with the type of lan d, according to Mahtam a Sellase, in the following m an ner : 1. A gasa of good rjcl1 land in the dega or hlgh platea11 sq uare.

meas11 red

15 qiilads

2. A gasa of poor Ian? in . the_ plateau, which migl1 t require 5 Jo 7 years fallow for every 1 or 2 years cult1vat1on, measured 20 qalacls by 9.

3. A gasa of l,1nd in the JviiJ1na dega, or lower plateau, tl1 e mo st highly prized of all , m easured 12 qiilads by 8.

4. A gasa of pastur e land, too steep or too much exposed to wi11d or heat to allow a cultivation, m easL1red 15 qalads by 9. 9 Gabra Wald gives a slightly differe11 t estin1ation which n1ay be summarised as follows : 10 Number of qalads to the gasa V

Grade Grade Grade Grade

A

B C D

11 qiilads by 7 12 qa!ads by 9 15 qiilads by 10 20 qiilacls by 12

The three 111ain types of land fr om point of vie\V of fertility were often refer­ red to as lii111 111tiret, or fertile land, /ii.r11faf 111aret, or medit1m la1 1d, and !ii/ 111iiret, or poor lat1 d suitable 0111)' for draining.

Tl1e practice i11 Menilek's time was that if a piece of land ha.d not bee n m easured tl1e perso11 \vho clai 1necl t o own it l1ad to a.ddress a reqt1est to the sovereign tl1 at l1is right to tl1e proper ty s1,ottld be recognised. A co 1n1 11ission was t[1en appoi11 ted whicl1 J1 eld an inquiry and reported 011 tl1e area of the land, tl1e destribt1tion of tl1e parcels it comprisecl, ,vhich were act11ally in t1se, c1nd tl1 e degree of fertility. T11e . land would the 11 be classified into one or 111ore of the m.ain cate­ gories abo'\1e disct1ssed.

The res11It of tl1e lc111d st1r,reys initiated by MeoileJ<. m,1y be see11 in tl1e follow­ i11g tables <riven by Ma.htan1a Sellase wluch i 11dicate the position in gasas as existing in 1909-1922 Ethiopia.11 cale11dar, i.e. 1916-1929 Gregorian cale11 dar." 11

8.

9.

10.

11.

Walk:er, op. cit., p. 187.

Mahte1nc Sellassie, "Tl1e Land System of Ethiopia," p. 284.

Gebrc-Wold, op. cit., IJP, 9-10. ?vlabteme Sellassie, "Tl1e Land Systen1 of Ethiopia," p. 284.

- 121 -

•

-

TABLE I Name of the Region

1

Lume

2.

Limu

3. Liban

(yameslanew.)

4. Liban 5.

6.

(yagiidamu).

Macala

Sisso Diista

159¼

5

,.D :cd

(J

173

<!.)

(J

MEASURED LAND IN GASIIAS

cd :ro "O ..D

:ro :ro ,I-< .c,j

�

"O c:::l

d.) o1)

88

M1tlo

8.

Maraqo Metta

10.

Metta robi

11

Meca

12. Medrakabed

0

8 :cd

U)

cd

o1)

>-,

:ro o �

s :�

:cd :crj >-,

El

ed

O'

-

led

cd ,-

UJ

ed >-, c,:l

:

.._. :ro

�

� 8

s

.:3 VJ <l.) ><

ro E-,!

0

c...:.;.

1--< <l.)

.... cd

39

89¼

74

31

71

0

171

2

159¼

4

2

404

201

247 73

173¼

Salale

14.

Saya-dabre

12

15.

Sul11lta

22

16.

Sibu

17.

Sidamo

27 43

23

2½ 1

226

297

436

561

2,369 90

-I7

89

....:; 5½

s1

3½

116

142

3

34

180 I 49 I 451¼ 85

122

557

249¾

996¼ 295

} ,0L 7

1,314

7

6

2

13

3 3½

38½

19

142

en c:::l

1-j <l.) ro � >, X 11)

ro en

Taf

,.D <l)

Total

>U

876¾ 87513/s

6

30

!'/l <l.)

108

137

1571/2

1-1 : c<::I

•-

�

-• 2

19

rn ;::I 0

"O ro "O :::l

:crj

-B 0

40

1

:m oJ) c:l

<!.)

1--< ....

59

9

;::1

r:n

40½

13.

.

.......

VJ Q.)

1�7½1 147

Managasa

7.

9.

c,j

:ro ,.D :ro "O c:::l

"=-------

291

S¼l 514

566½ 35

I 5

72

16

385½

712

I

2

3¼ 14

21

10

42¾ 3

I

•

I 94½

I

I

137

816¾

1,668¼

679¼

1,1771/2 4489

471 3/4

3,891¼

57½

4

257

2,187

21,134

I

N N

Sisso

18.

Rapi-fari

19.

Ru.fa

20.

I �

N l>J

I

66½

I

Qoqa ' (waragan11)

'

21. Baco dil11 22. Baco sodo!

23. Baco

502½\

24. Baco of Azaj Bazabeh

54

I

gt1randa

25. Baddi

26. Buno (lamalkaiia sisso

27. Bole 28.

Tebe

29. Toke 30. Nono 31.

~.

N1-a

32. Arussi

I

..0 ..0 :ro

15½

1

I

1

I

70

20

2,861

29¼

14½

3,528½ 101¾

1,000 168

851

42

115 '

130

.

I

5 I

I

465 2

20 70

28½

38

I

4

I

19

'

I

1,529

46

494

2 150

190 389 20

10,266½

V) (!)

�

Cd

<U

I

200

307

I

3¼ 1

65

340 11¼

I

4

I

'

l

"

0..

I

'

I

I

I

'

I

I

I

I

I

2

Total

E-;·

256½

I I

399¾

.' .

107

I

249¼

.I

3,713¾

49½

I

560

.

154

I

6,120

3¼

.

51¾

1,066¾

337

3,983

:co

�

. 434½ 1

l

I

I I

I

.

l

(!)

I

'

2

$.

(!)

I

'

.

l

I

22

...... .... '"

Cl

Q.) C/l

> � >U cd

�

�

170

243

·c0

.... ,-J

"'O ;::::I

:('d

'

I

l

:ro 1-j

]

L,

ro

bO

cd

r.n r.n

"'O

:cd

�

f-..;.': 0

.

208

V)

0

'

4 I 4

I.,

67

863

45

137

I

S

·-

�

11

1

41

l

g

U'J

Cl

>'"cd,±1 Vl · ro

'

9

5½

Cd ;>-.

Cd

s � ·s

39

13

1,558½

916¼

274½

48¾ '

o< :cd

;>-.

=� El :tsi �

I

cd

ro

A :ro :ro �

u:i

223¼

423¼

129½

100

'

102

9

651½

t:l

22

oJ)

El =�

-

14

<U

Cl 0

�i5

:,

'

240

40 942

I

.C\j

cj

59½

55¼1

:co

0

117¼

'

......

V)

cd :cd "d ..0 :Cl:! .'-i "O

"O

0

10½

,_.

:ro ..0 :ro

1-j C'(j

Dasta

20½

-

2,387¼ .

-

2,441 ¼

2,025

.

4,974¾

378¼

21,679

l Sisso I Dasta

...0 ...0

:ro

-:--< -ro

...0 :ro

'"Q

i::l

CU

(j

33.

.

'•

. .

35.

Abec11

.

36. ·· Abecu (once in the possession of Ato Abicu I-Iayle)

.

37.

771

Adaa warada

38. Ada Barga •.

39 .-

•

1

100 77

Q.)

O

o

s:ro

:ca S

r,..,, .,,

>-<

s [/) I q """ :ro

ro ro o '-< O" ;>. • "' ,.., 0 :C'(j :ro t+;:. � � Q.) '.'.S (1) � '" C :C'(l :ro

>,<

28½

240

Konta (the gasas above) .41. __ Wabari (once in the possession of Ato Atnafe and Ato Sawaye)I 72

,..

.. ,.._.,�-Ol;-I"-...

"O ro '"O ::i

oo

•-' ''" I-<

(!.)

I-< �

t'"" ,B

)U'.)

I 164

-< ; 01 I

i::;

"' -

C/.) a)

0

0

=ro

c<:l

0..

...0

.,j

I

_. '"

14-< :ro f-s·

....,

[/)

;:;.- � >•u

-C

I

9

7½

31½

33

I

I

10 25

5½ 6

37¼ 1,136

43½ I 351

9

16

17

411½)

19

247

4

1,293¼

641/2 . ,-

48

51

7

1., 311,_

l I

389½ 1 353 ¼ 27

r.n

Q.)

I

Total

I

'

26

I

I 17 I

I

I

I

I

I

I

I

I

I

I I

I

I

I

I

I

I

I

I

I

I

I

I

I

I

302 208 26,036 148¾ 3,909¾ 1,486¾

99· 5,933

40.

...

ro

.

13½

Endode

oJ)

ro OJ) ;>. o :ro lt\J � H :ro ..., (I)

4,642½

I 25

.

:ro ...0 :ro '"Q o Cl)

I

10

.

,,.

�

I�

1--1--1 --1 ----1- -1--1-1-1 -- 1--1- 1-_

Part of Sidamo annexed to i\russi (incomplete esti111ate)

34 ... Ababe

ro "O :ro :@ .....__ �

.....

16

67½1

15

18

36

I

104½1

50

381 •

v

I

ro :ro ..0 : C':l : ro "O

-:ca :('j

Sisso Dasta

,.0

..0

:ro

i:::

-;

O

A

:�

Q.)

0

�

-

.....

CJ)

ell ;>-,

o' ell >--

cd

Q.) 01) t:l

.... :,\,I

,....

.....

)U':l

>-i

:ro �

..... :,.., ... ;;:;! c-1 �

EO

.....

....

Q

en

U') ''

(!)

0

=

_i:::

.ccj

tJJ

Q.) t...:. :,:,;; I>< I.-. :ro cd Q.) <X:; :c,j 8 f-. � -- � .....

� bO

:cd Cl)

C: :� � t:l

7½

12

55

38

5

20

13

:�

�

=

-o cd · 0 "S! ·c ,..., c,;j

(I) (/) t:l

·

Q.)

CJ)

t:c

.....,_

�

ro .....

CJ')

Q.)

:ro

0.

X

en

.0

(I)

>U

r....

:� f-.·

Total

-

U'I

I

42.

\Vabari, Duba

43.

\Vabari (once n the posses-

sion of Fitawr .ri Carenat)

38

6

20½

3

522

44.

,valiso

45.

Wall1nara

4

46.

Warabillo

76

47.

Warjoc

3½

48.

\li/lqo

7

49.

Wacele

50.

Yaka

51.

100

40½1 7

60

4

160

920¾ 152¾ 40

14

205

3,536

1,289½ 331

2

1 70½

383½

43

18

7

3

2

2½

66

2

1

1

12

13½

1½

11

46½

6

94

Yako

20

3

80

10

52.

Dara.

402

767

104

01

242

105

53.

Dana.ha

18

14

42

15

I

25

44

89

54.

l

68

Dul.la

28¾ 55. Dagon1a 56. Damotu (the region of cangare), 27

9½ 102¼

1

120

4

44

8

5

8

18

24 52

416

15

28 62

7

9

�

2

15

16

13

71¼

22¼ 2

96

I

73½

1

41 ½

465/8

2503/s 138 2,023

202 5

202

274¾ 481 162¾

40 54

I

�

· 564

�

cct ,..0 ,..0

Sisso Dasta

:ru

c.::>

--

57

Degugl1ru

5

Jilena asa

�

:rn ,.Q :rn t:l

-

:c;:; ,.Q

c;j

t:l :m :rn :.., t:l

:ru o

0

<l.)

0

� .

<l.) bl)

-• CJ)

0

<l.)

8

ro ru

� ;..., ry >-. ..... >-. :crj 0 :crj 0 ro :rn � "@" .v. ...... <l.) � · I.., 8 c,j )Cl) . ro .•c;j :>< C'C Cl) :,:;j � >-, 8 H E-< ..c::: c;:!

OJ)

0

F1

:c;j

C/J

II

C/.\

>-<

U)

i....

ro (!)

1-.

0

:ro

bl)

:cct 1-.

:co

�

�

t:l C's! t:l ;:J

�

·-ro

(/)

;::l

CJ)

-

(!)

0 �

1-.

cct ......

�I1

:ro CJ)

a. ,..0 (l) ;>- (!) :>< >U (!)

�-

709½ 423

5�. · Jebat (Nono) 6). Gala11 (011ce in the p ossession of Salaqa Yebsay) 61 Gafarssa 62.

2,118 56

8½

G11dru

4.

Gurani

77 50¼1

Gaja

3.

Total

12

23½

3

339

35½1

39

4¾1

2

21

39

291½ 60

4

69

I½

6

440½

\0 N

570

5. G11rani (i11 the possession· of tl1e Major)

19

2

26

9

22

3

22

11½

,6.

G11Iale (A.A.)

;7.

Gulale

;g.

G111nay

7193/ s

16

9.

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153¾

21½ 263½

50

16½ 112

25

1,000

50

6

3

(Salale)

0.

GembecL1

1.

Gendabarat

2.

Gordoma

3

60¼

A

60

15

I 66

2

14¾

165

119

68

83¾

89 404¼ 5

1

87½

6½

1

I

25

I

I I

17

4 /4 I

1,92G

85

47

45½ 157 ½

64

963

2

2

147¼

8

147½

..

1

97 ¾

59

3

60 84

10 24

67

2

107 541½

t�9 ¼

1,2263/s 8

4,171½ 657¼ 521 2,481½

10

30

'

'

Sisso IDasta

:ro "'O :cct ..0 :(t'j I-< "O :ro .-I

:crj

I-< (';j

crj

..D

..0 ..0 :ro

:crj

"'O �

� r- a) C:1}

.....

Cl)

(!.)

crj

co :i>"> i::i "'ro :ro � :� 8 :ro 8

q 0 :�

-� ro +->

ro ro er :>-.. :ro :ro :ro ·c

)(/J

• ro

�

�

�

--

73 . Tec1llr meder I I

87

Caffa 75. Carqos (beyond Caca )

4

153½

8

6

82

oS •- S....

U)

(1.)

• ..A

0 <-.--,

� _.

'" Q.) 1-<

�I �

'"Ci

u, �

bl)

V .....

•-

:C\l ,_. .......

crj

�

0

I-,

:.., I-< c,j ro I-, :ro O:: v > <!!

E-s ,s � ---- ---- --- -,,..,

rn V

A,

C/l

i::

"1 x <l) '-J

I:-<·

Total

735¾ 48¼

�

Catu

6

7

44

11t-2

14

28

5

1½

68

67

6

7

3

339¼

33

37

�

77.

Core a11d Qoqa

90

78.

Fincawo

5

79.

Farsi Total

:ro

470

74.

76.

>U

4-<

--

97

3

ro :ro en

694 I

164

57

6

2

69

220

14

11

69 19

3

588

588

.

12,243 1 /a I 690 ½I 217,745

2,560¾ I 399

4,472¼ I 24,248¾ I

2,9s2¾ 1,455¾

7,04-93/s 48

53

4,972¼ 4-6 sis I 434½/ 151,086½

.

-__________________

_..;..,

Tr'\.BLE I1

TRADITION1\L ORG1\.NISf\ TION OF REST L,i-\NDS IN S1-IOA (IN G 4.S1-IAS) :c,j

j 1. I Iar - amba 2. Lalo meder (�lia z) 3. Lam wasa (Mo it) 4.

Ma aqo 5. Marabete & Kola

6.

7.

Sisso Gabbar

125

92

Me IJaI Nio ·at Sal Je kt1la (A11kDbar)

13.

Sal dengay

14.

Sot .Il (Bulga)

15.

San :ora

16.

Qawat

q

298

33,i

7

�

.....

:G bl)

San1011

er:>-. :>-. ·ro •m 0 :c,j ·.ro ,,. ,....... � c,j __, '

:c,j .

�J)

C'd

o :ro t""'

�

c,j

.....

i:: ....

• ..

)U)

•eel V •

c,j

• ,\.1

cc

v t""'

� 0

.....

-:acd V)

�

:>-.

C'd e;...;, C'd � �

C'd

10

IQ

....

:ctj VJ

>U

I c,j

CT

:ro

=<

. C'd ..., bl)

:c,j

E-<

·-

VJ

;::, 0 :...

cd

>

)VJ c,j

=�

'�

tC\

0 ..0

o I cd :o: �

I..<

)VJ

C'd :...

ro

0

VJ U'.l

.....

Total

1,192

279

68

285

3

79

29

464

66

5

163

300

90

652½

1,268

22

321

I?_:,

690½ 611

192½

12

836 7,167

4,362

2,129

23

Ma 'ad 9. :Wie lllY (Ma z) 11 12.

404

21½

8.

10.

"d

0

Mi a Ma rra mede (Manz)

•

:c,j

,_ ro :ts1 "O ..Do r : o :r I..< "O ;C<l C:

566

117

300

199

1,232

27

27

27 20

28

155

233

30

1,628

1,036

635

166

25

89

11

260

97

64

7

750

276

265

252

8

40

38

388

258½

20

l,388

253

362 32

413½ 334 212

84

33

13 27

111

642

40

6

3,571

4

1,104

380 2

30

I

345

1,645

391

I

------------------------------.,,_. -:co Cl ro O' ro ...., ._, ,.0

1-.

C'(j

,.0 ,.0

Sisso l

17.

Qaya

18.

19.

Qe11bebit

20.

21.

22.

I ......

t-...>

•

cd

"'O ,.0

:cd

:ro 0

V)

:c(l

: c<j

"O Cl

.-� "O t:l

(J

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'l.)

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Cl)

;;>-.. led Cl� (1.) bI)

:ro ..... :rn S .•c:::" i=; �

-

cd

:crj

ro

;;>-..

:ct)

--, .!:.:l )CJ)

.£3

:ro :ro � s=;

...

110

I

Qorare (Anl<oba.r) I Barakat

14

l

Bakafay11e (r\111,obar) l B11lga !

Sabattl dt1g

?" _:,_

Bitana bila,v

24.

Tag11Iat (ba.m11lt1)

25.

Tagora

26.

cd

�

·- -< lt:l

IA

:c,j U'.)

:ro

bI)

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I-<

r-1

cd

0

I-< !C\l

I Total

0

....

,.0

I-<

�

91

9

888

349 I 439

I

436

I 108

292

31

I

542 I 2s1

881

164

108

1,065

I

13.l

I

I

26

26

1,286 11,007 I

5

654

190

86

1

3,019

364

364 49

1,462 II 800

220

597

Aheya faj

170

17

29

65

27.

Aleltu.

235

106

28.

Amiilsa

91

65

43

29

Asagert

398 I 399

127

Anko'bir (,varada)

:cd

,ncd

ro 1-,

)Cl.)

190

304

Abdala

0

bl)

cd

27

6

31.

32.

·ro >

�

)Cl.)

A :ro

;:j

15

24

..\radma (Manz)

O'

>U

15

30.

. ....,

cd

;:j

CJ)

I

7 I

I

:ro

cd

53

I

98 •

•

I

91

I

6

349

I

550

715

37

78

281

I

60

54

3,128

15

I I

I

I

I I

I

I

749 977

I

I

I

I

I

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I

I

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407

I

'784 304 5,123

r....

.

S1sso I

Aygaber .A11kobar

33.

3,i.

35.

Ayece agar A11kobar

Aganca (Manz)

,.o

p -C's!

I

36. Eslan1 An1ba (Baso) \ 141 37. Ensaro

61

1s

I

39.

40.

43.

44.

45.

46.

Wagda \Vayu

Yefat

Yefrata

I

I

I

I

I

Dabrako (Ankobar) I · 48. Dtibrii gel I (Mida) 47.

-

- - - - - --�·

I

I

I

I

112

I

I

I

I

I

I

I

I

lO

ro

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I

I

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I

1 I

I

l

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I

•

I

I

I

13

I

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I

I

I

I

I

I

l

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>

L....,

I

I I

I

I

I

l

l

I

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13 I I

I

11,

1

I

376

I

I

I'

•

•

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I

I 2

I

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I

O

..0 i... .L!-l

I

I

I

68

I

'

I

I

19

I

I

I

I

439

I

I

I

I

844

I

2

I

I

I I

I

I

l

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I

I

I

I

I 103 I

I

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6 I

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I

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1,312

3,064

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65 I

38 I

•

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2,144 1,041

152

522

I

1 92

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8 '

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I

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318 II

c..:;

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I

2821;� I

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829

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1,950

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132

460 lI 117 1,570

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350

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280

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vVassil (Bu.lga)

l

344

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I

(I'.)

2 l

I

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:@ ....,

Q.)

C,

.....

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o

I

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C'ct

I

I

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101

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289

I

788

5 10 I

464

4,861

5,757½

I

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I

I

· 37

I

I

I

I

103

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•

:ro

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Sisso I :ro CJ 49. Dt1\va.y (Ankol1ar) 50.

Dibi \varada

54. ,__.

I

1

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(ya1,,valasn1a ager) D,lr agar (A. bar)

58.

Ja111a (Ba1n11.l11)

I

214

I

166

62.

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<l.)

CJ

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Cl :(ti

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333 I

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569

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80

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163

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17 I

76

8

10

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133

20

11

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18

828 145

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128

53

2

94

69

I

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2,760 108

-

411

299

1,034

-

108

f

62

10

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I

63. G11rey (A.B) 64.

'"d Cl

Gabrel (ivla11z) Gadara

:crj

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:c-j

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132

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61.

:crj

M

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59. Gfibtir (A.B) 60.

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132

55. Dar agar & Ooze (A.B.) I 56. Doba 57.

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(A.B.) 51. Dibi )1asla111 .. agar

52.

53.

.

26

.

411

515

I

I 16

71

31 I

I 32

226

I

I

29

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209

22 •

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295 .

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70.

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71.

72.

73.

0

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to �o &

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1

I

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I

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73

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)

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1

1

1

1

1,199 ½

17

441

632

132

2,084

I

,

J

I

I

485

I

I

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70

I

I

I

454

I

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I

I

I

I

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56 l

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202

I

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I 151 542

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;

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t)

...... c,j Cr' ro ·5o � :c,j >. i::l :ro � cd cd ..!:cc: ·ro" 8 +-' :ro ·ro •c,;j :ro

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:C'(j

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67 ·

...... :C'(j

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I

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5

I

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1,345 jS,426 9,843 II,572 j4,362 I J ,0 79 j !

I

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38

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510

I

505

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1"'ABLE Ill UNMEASURE.D G.ABBAR LAND (IN GASI-IAS)

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r-1

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400 700

3.

.I w w

I

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4.

Macalo (Gan1u)

5.

Sula (G,1n1t1)

6.

Sel ti (G11rage)

7.

Sidan10

8.

Sa.ma. (Ga111t1)

9.

Bor�ina

10.

11.

12.

13.

53 900

133

43½ .

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26

24

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.

71

70,580 ½ .

.

200

200

4,528

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12

64 7

4,528

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I

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I

50 161

70,580½

80

900

.

.

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Ceh::1 (Gt1rage) Algodi Akli1 (Gurage) Ilubabor (Qalad ya\vadaqabat beca)

6½

30

12

.

256 350.

13

32 ·

·

36,816

36,816'

14.

Eza (Gurage) .

15.

KuJo

16.

Konso

2,000

2,000

17.

Konta

13,593

13,593

40

-

.

12

48

60

. 160 ....

33,306

I

..

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19.

Walaga Abigar

20.

Walamo

21.

Werbarag

I I I I

22. Zate (G::imu)

I

23.

Zayesi

24.

Dobi Ya1nalkana sisso

25.

Gumar (Gurage)

26.

·Gumayd.i

27.

Gardulla

28.

I

I

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15,943¾

I

30

40

I

I

2

16

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0 ..... s-.

Total

>

64

255 15,943�'4

19,361

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12

224

3

163

I

50 I

300

92

103

I

I

1

20 I

30

315 40

300

117

51

87

300

444 270 300

500

500

I 200,844¼ I \

63

•

cn

19,361

500

Total -

110

ro 01 >. :ro :ro "@� >en ·ro ·ro . cd

471 I

2 I

13

132½

767

500

60

-

54

202,3941/.

I "11:j" ff")

I

xxxn

MENILEK'S REOCCUPATION OF THE U SOUTHERN AND SO TH-WESTERN PROVINCES T?e, southern . and sout11-wes �ern provinces of Ethiopia were brought under Menelik s rt1le d11r1ng the last tlurd of tl1e nineteenth centu.ry, above all between 1875 and 1898.1 The occupation was on the whole successful. Henry Blanc a British traveller, writing of the fighting with Gallas in the 1860's, shortly after the accession of Menilek, observed tl1at the sovereign ''instead o·f plundering tl1ese agri­ c11lt1rral races, as llis fat11er had done, promised them honourable treatment, a kind of mild vassal..;ige, on the payment of a small annual tribute. The Gallas, surprised at his unexpected ge11erosity and clemency, willingly accepted. his terms, and fro1n forn1er foes, enrolled themselves as his followers and accompanied hin1 on his expeditions."2 The Frencl1man Soleillet, wr.iti11g a ge11eration la.ter, also testified to Menilek's acl1ieveme11t in tl1is field. He ref erred to it as ''one of the most re1narkable \-Yorks of colonis�1tion'' arid declared that the sovereign's policy was ''sin1ple, practic,11 and intelligent." 3 Almost a genera.lion later a Britisl1 official, Major H.H. Austin, drew a similar pictme. Observing tl1at the Gallas \Vere ''most pros1Jerous'' tinder Menilek's rt1le, he declared: ''The form of Gover11ment and Ad1nimstration appears so :firm a.nd so admjrably suited. to the natives that i n a short time one ceases to marvel at the prosperous a11d seemingly contented condition of the cou.ntry only so recently as seventeen years a.go occupied .... The a11tl1ority of prominent Galla chieftains appears to be little interfered witl1 ...and to tl1is day they, to a large extent, govern tl1eir own districts and are only directly respo11sible to the Abyssinian Governor....

E·ven Galla women, who by reason of birth are entitled to the power and posi­ tion of chiefs a1nongst tl1e Gallas, l and for1nerly governed tracts of country, l1 ave their at1tl1ority recognised by the A >yssinians, and mruntain considerable state.''4 Co11ditions i11 the re-occupied provinces, however, varied considerably from area to area. So1ne provinces ,1cce1Jted Menilek's rule volt1ot:::1rily in which. case tl1eir traditional cliiefs were retained. as the sole r11lers of the area and became tributaries of the sovereig11; other provinces were occupied by force by Menilek's great militar)' leaders, such a.s Ras Gobana, Ras Darge, Ras Walda Giyorgis and Fitawrari I-Iapta Giyorgis, after ,vl1ic.h ne,v governors were appointed.5 Traditional rulers \Vere retained in the vvestern provinces of Beni Saogul, Walaga and Jimma, as well as in Aussa to the east where . the Emperor's r_ ule was in any case little n1ore than nomjnal. 111 all these regions tl1e local cb! efs had eitl1er submitted to 1vlenilek's authority without fighting or possessed s11ffi.c1ent 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

Giaccardi, op. cit., pp. 183-4.

Blanc, op. cit., pp., 296-7.

So el illet, op. cit., pp. 233, 236.

F.O., 403-299, Austi n, 7. 7. 1900. Vide also G. Montandon, Au pays Ghimirra (Pari s, 1913) p. 218.

Guebre Sellassie, op. cit., I, 359-63; Mal1teme Sellas si_ e, ''The Land System o Et�i?pi_a", ��290-1; Giaccardi, op. cit., p. 184; Mo11tand� n, op. cit., pp. 267-70; J. Bore1 li,f Et,11op1e mer1clionale (Pari s, 1890), p. 260; Perham, Pp. c1t., pp. 294-5.

- 135 -

i n.

Tl oc !io l pa u �· ey w� re r te af liS en ev . n ti? ra ist . in autl1ority to continue tl1eir adm . ,­ n id pa d. s <l an o , .

1 wa kt co i 1 .

1c 1 wh 1ce ! te bu merely obliged to surre11der an annual tri 10 q us a S! 10 of he at re se p s_ th f i o t ec eff � � � ed o f in n1 odest terms. An incidental � ong to ti: be ­ o ed ; l1 nu 1n t t n _ o c ab i t ty er op pr '' ed nd 1 � was, de Coppet notes, t 1at la : � . gre ao<l i.._JOJam or 1n Te o es inc f ov pr 11s mo o ton au ants , exactly as in tl1 e older Wall o and Bagemder. ''6 Certain otl1er ·provinces, particularly, acc�rding to de -� op� et, .. tl1ose furtl1est .

1 to }11s generals, ofte11 to t.l1ose .. �ho had from tl1e capital, were given by Mei ilek first occupied tl1e a.rea. Authority was tl111s entrusted to -�obles, .Rases, DaJaz111aces, Fita\JJraris and others, ,vho received wide civil ancl ll.llttary powers, tho11gh 11ot, de Coppet states, the right of life and death.7_ They_ �ad, _ho,vev_er, tl1e autJ1ority . w1tl1 the exception to appropriate all taxes for tl1emselves and. tl1e1r adn11n1strat1on of certain dues wl1 ich ha.d to be ·passed 011 to the sovereigi1. Tl1ey were also given estates to be cultivated for tl1 eir ·own use, and co11Id allocate land as tl1ey wished to tl1eir men. TJ1 ese rigl1ts, as we ]1ave see11, \Vere given on a pt1rely temporary basis and at tl1e En1peror's pleasure.8

f

The speed of tl1e cooq11est, the need to q11arter soldiers in the area, tl1e dis­ tance from the ca.pitaJ a.nd the difference in culture between tl1e adn1inistrators and the peoples of tl1e s outl1 combined to produce a system of land te11t1re dif­ ferent fron1 that i11 Shoa and 0th.er provinces to tl1e n orth.

Exte11sive reorg�tnisation and. redistrib11tion of land occurred in tl1ese pro,,inces.

Land ,:vas normally divided 011 a three-tl1 irds or a fo1.1r-qt1arters basis, v.1l1ereby the new r11lers toolc eitl1er two-thirds or three-q11arters of tl1e ,land a11d left the ren1ainir1g fraction to tl1 e local c11ief who was no\V known as a ba!abbat. 9 Tl1e large areas t::1ken over by tl1e State would be allocated, as tl1e Italian · writer, Alberto Giaccardi, later observed, in five 1nain ,vays: l.

2.

It cot1ld be reserved for future allocatio11.

It cot1ld be considered as hi,dad and ct1ltivatecl b y tenants working directly tLnder the Government or its age11ts.

3. It co11ld be allocated to officers of state a.s rest or inalienable J1 eritable land w_I1ose O\V11ers 111ight be lay or clerical, and 1nigl1t pay tl1e Govern11 1ent in mo11ey: lc1nd or Iabot1r.

4. It could be assi gned· as gitlt to an officer or lord who wotlld tl1 us receive the tribt1te otherwise d11e to tl1e State. s. It could b� distribt1t d on a te!npo_rary basis as 111ac1iire;1a \Vll icI1 ,vas � . _ _ pe1 .l1,:1ps t�1e n1 st w1des1Jread type of holding 111. t11ese areas. Macliireycl land. nlight � , be 1neas11red �I u11measured c1.11d served to provide officials and soldiers with tI1eir mea11s of st1 l,s1stence.10

TlJe Ian? allotted to tl1e balabbat w,1s o .ften known as sisso or balabbat land.

St1cl1 la�_d 1111ght belo11g to tl1e ?alc1bbc1!, per111anently as rest, or 011 tei ba sis np ora ry n1a c/c1 r�y cL. A sm � Jl pro.p ort�on of it, per�aps one-te11tl1, ��wo11ld be allocated as _ _ , ,.,czsta, vh1cl1 COLIld carry with 1t tl1e obl1gat1on of . t·r,a118_port·111g the E111peror's tent •

6. Guebre Sellassie, op. cit., II, 612.

7. Ibid, I, 208, 359, II, 612 & n.

8. Ibid, ll, _ 6120.

9. Ibid, II 613-14; Giacca.rdi, op. cit., p. 186.

10. Giaccardi, op. cit., pp. 186-7.

- 136 -

to war while anotl1 e � fraction, again perhaps a tenth, would be ger,dii bat whose holders would be obliged to carry baggage in time of war. I I The balabbat would be entitled to a share of the crops produced on l1is land, often as an erbo, or quarter, of the produce, but was expected to go to war wbe11 required. He also had to make gifts to the governors on tl1e vario·us festivals.12 A ch�racteristic development was . _ tl1us t�e allocatio11 of land not only to the new adID1rustrators, but als? to their soldiers and follo\vers. They received tllis land, as de Cop_pet says, either as a .recompense for their services or for the purpose of colonising or s11pervisi11g certai11 conquered lands, such as Mficca, Harar or Art1ssi.

ThoL1gJ1 s11ch ownership patter11s 1nigl1t vary in name they tended to have the fallowing co1nmo11 traits: 1 . The for1ner proprietors, ge11erally Galla, had been largely con,1erted into tenants.

2. Tl1 e land vvas generally 1neas11red by qiilad, being often known as gasa 111-iiret.

3. Tl1 e new settlers were s11bject to the payment of tax to tl1 e Emperor and ligl1t contrib11tions to tl1e gi,!t owners, b11t were exempt from tl1e orclinary corvee.

4. Lands allocated to such settlers remained in the family who had received tl1em on condition that it contin11ed to provide the service for ,vltich tl1ey were granted. 13 Tlus system of la11d division resulted inevitably from the existence of an tin­ paid provincial admi11istration. As Rey says: ''the governors and st1b-governors \Vere not paid any salary fro1n the Government, b11t l1ad to derive their incon1e fron1 tl1 e districts they administered." 14 Some of the nobles tl1us had considerable n11n1ber of giibbars dependent 11po11 then1. Thus Rey states tl1at a sub-governor 1njght h::tve 200 or 300 giibbars; 15 wl1ile Giaccardi says that a Ras or Dajazrnac might l1ave 1,000, a Fitawrari 300, a Qafiazmac 150 a11d ordinary soldiers, according to their seniority, 20, 14 or 10. 16 Anotl1er sigruficant featt1re of tl1ese provinces was tl1at tl1 e giibbar, or tenant, tended to be s11bjected, as \Ve sl1all see, to far more onero11s bL1rdens than existed e]se,vl1ere. Provi11 cial variations \.Vere nonetl1 eless significa11 t, as 1nay be seen from tl1e following rather te11tative observations.

ARUSSI

In Arussi, as elsewl1ere, Iv1enilelc's conquest was follo\\1ed by an extensive ap­ propriation of land. TI1 e Italian writer Enrico Brotto declares that the first lands to be acquired were tl1ose belonging to rebels, estates presented by the balabbats, or local chiefs, to gai11 the friensl1ip of the E1nperor, and lands whose owners had died withot1t an heir.

11 .

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

Ibid, p. 188.

Guebre Sellassie, op. cit., I, 614.

Ibid, II, 613. Vide also E. Cerulli, Etiopia occidentale (Roma, 1930-3), Il, 119.

C.F. Rey, Unconquere{! AbJ,ssinia, (London, 1923), p. 189.

Ibid, p. 189.

Giaccardi, op. cit., p. 188.

- 137 -

A few examples 01ay be cited. Brotto states tha! after an - �riciden! in whicl1 three An1 haras were killed tl1e land of Rella wa.s assigned . to D� st� Darnta�, the futtire Ras, while lands prese 11 ted to ivlenilek by local cl1 1 e�s w1sl11ng to �11� his oood reoard inclt 1ded proJ)erty of tl1e balabbat of Iettosa, wl1 1 cl1 \Vas later assigned fo Daja;rnac Berti, tl1at of Ur11ta and Siri, wJ1ic� \Vere la.ter allotted to tl1e soldiers, _ ::1nd of Dida and Siraka ,vllicl1 were later given. to LeJ lyast1 a11d st1bseqt1ently passed to the Em1)ress Za,vditt1.17 Not long afterwards Menilek, anxiot1s to consolidate bis rule allocated 111iil/ciif'i1� as, or admjnistrative officers, to tl1e province, and assig11ed to eacI1 of tl1 em a specific number of gabbars, or tenants, wl10 \Vere obliged to give tl1en1 service and su1)ply tl1em witl1 provisions.

Later, ,vl1e11 tl1e fertility of tl1e area became ,videly l<nown, otl1er settlers arrived, Brotto says, from n1 any parts of tl1e Aml1ara, Galla and Gurage cou11try. Many of t11ese im1uigrants after paying tribt1te to tl1e 1nii!lciitifia for two years ,vere re­ cogt1 ised. to l1ave acq. t1ired tl1 eir la1 1d as rest, or inl1eritable pror)erty.

Lands \Vere allocated on the basis of ga.fas, bt1t n1east1rement was by no n1eans t1niforn1. Brotto says for exa111ple tl1at in tl1e Gasgar area tl1e gii111iicl, or cord, was about 48 n1etres long, and a gasc1 was take11 as 12 gii111iids by 9 in the lowlands or 15 by 9 in tl1e wiiy11a clega, or lands of 1nedit1 111 elevation. In tl1e Assa.la area, on the otl1er l1a11 d, the ga111iid w,1s 60 1netres long, ,vl1 ile a gasa co111prised 1 1 gii111i:ic/s by 7 in tl1 e qolla, 8 by 12 in tl1e H'ci;)na c!ega, a11d 9 by 15 in the clega or higl1 1ands. Most of the land \Vas, 11 0\vever, not 111easured ,1t all, bei11g 111erely 11 1east1red. by eye, gasas determi11 ed i11 tl1 is \Vay bei 11 g referred to as aJJJL ga111ad or ''eye gii111acl''.18 Three qt1arters of tl1 e land, accordi11g to Brotto, wt1s i11 011e way or anotl1er, allocated to Gover11 1 11ent e1 nployees, soldiers, 11obles and ecclesia.stics a11d one-qt1arter to the balabbats, or traditio11 al r11lers. Tl1e latter fractio 11 was, however, later reclt1ced by the creatio11 01· cliista \vl1icl1, as \Ve have seen, was allocated to 111a1/(ii.1iiias wl1 0 wottld otherwise l1ave bee11 sl1ort of land. 0 11 tluee qt1arters of tl1 e ba!abbats' land the Govern111e11t reserved tl1e rigl1 t of dis1Josal and. from tllis vast a1nount of land gave al.lot111e 11ts to tl1e JJerso11 Del of tl1e cl1tu·ches as well as to tl1e soldiers. 19 The recipients of this ]and, l1owever, did not in tl1e mai11 work it tl1en1selves.

Tl1ey prefer.red to sell it to the Gallas, i11sisting at the sa1ne time 011 gcibbar service.

Stich sales, tb.ougl1 slovv to de\ 1elop, were adva 1 1tageous to botl1 sides. Tl1e purchasers ,vere asst1red pern1anency of tent1re and tl1e rigl1 t to bequeath, or otherwise diSJ)ose of their land, \Vhile tl1e vendors obtai11 ed a . useft1l if modest a1not1nt of n1oney for la.nds over ,vbich tl1ey bad no real o\vnership and received i11 addition tl1e guara.11tee of tribute. The State, on tl1e otl1 er land, lost by tl1ese transactions in so far as t11ey redt1ced the area of land at its disposat.20 As sales increased tl1e Governn1ent beca1ne more concer11ed. Wl1j]e recog 11ising the purcl1ase of 1n �!/(iifiiia lands �y giibbars it took ste_ps somewl1at to reduce tl1e a 1 nount of land wluch cot1ld be d 1sposeci of in tl1 is way. Tl1 is w,1s done by laying down that only Par . ! of t �e land could be sold. An ordinary soldier, depending on tl1e length of l11s service, was allowed two to tl1ree gcrsas of \Vllich 011e or two could be sold, tl1 e residue remaining at t]1e disposal of tl1e Governn1e1Jt. An 17.

18.

19.

20.

Brotto, op. cit., pp. 92-3.

Ibid, pp. 93-4.

Ibid, p. 95.

Ibid, pp. 95-6.

- 138 -

a,nsct aliiqa, or captain of fifty men, \Vas allowed five gasas, three of which could be sold, ai1 d two kept by the Government. A n1eto a!iiqa, or chief of a l1undred men, received ten gasas, seven of wl1icl1 be could dispose of wl1ile three were retained by the Gover11.1Uent. A samba! co111manding three hundred men l1 ad twenty gasas, tltlrteen at l1is own disposal and seven at that of the Government.

Brotto clai1 11s tl1at these provisions \Vere, however, violated by some of the 111iilkiififias, wl10, profiti11g b)' tl1e pt1rcl1aser's ignorance and their own autl1 ority, did not hesitate to sell the Government's share of tl1e land as well as that over wl1icl1 tl1ey had legal right of disposaJ. A significant feature of the Arussi situation was thus that- a large proportion of tl1e Galla pop11lation beca 1 ne giibbars, or tenants, and were obliged to give service to tl1 e soldiers quartered i11 tl1eir area. Ceru.lli, writing of the region be­ tween tl1e Awas and tl1e Albaso plain, says tl1 at ''each family of soldiers thus has a Galla Ja11tlly wl10 is expected to cultivate free of charge tl1e lands which the Neg11s assig11ed to the soldiers.'' Eacl1 soldier, tl1e Ita.lian writer continues, wot1Icl in tl1is n1a11 11er I1ave bee11 given a gasa of land as rest, or inl1 eritable pro­ perty, and about t\vo gasas on temporary tent1re to be rett1r11ed to tl1e Govern­ me11 t when the soldier gave up llis duties.

Tl1e soldiers i11 tl1 e Assala area l1ad, l1owever, considerably larger lands, an ordinary soldier l1avi.ng an average of 4 gasas and a more privileged one perhaps 5 gasas.

The giibbar \Vas expected to wor.k on ·botl1 lands, bt1t only for a certain num­ ber of days in tl1 e \Veek. The soldier, according to tl1 e in1perial grant, cot1ld 11 ot alter the type of crop grown nor oblige the giibbar to do work other than that generally done i11 the region; tl1e giiblJc1r was, ho\vever, expected to t111dertake for tl1e soldier a11 y type of \Vork practiced in tl1e area withot1t any exception. The obligation of tl1e giibbar \Vas not ter1ninated by the deatl1 of tl1 e soldier for the for1ner was obliged to serve tl1 e latter's fan1ily if any of its men1 bers asst1 111ed tl1 e deceased's 111ilitary obligations to tl1 e State. Tl1e giibbar' s service, on tl1 e other l1 ,111d was corporate rather tl1a11 persona.I. Tl1e sovereig11 cotild thus always take ,tway a soldier's gabbars, ,vhile a giibbar freed fron1 tl1 e obligation of service \Vot1ld ]1 ave to give correspo11ding service to anotl1er. Tl1e bt1rden of service, as Cerulli arg11es, \Vas tl1us i111 1Josed by tl1e cro,vn on tl1e giibbar population as a whole indepe.ode11tly of the inclividt1als of wl1 icl1 it was con11Josed. 21 GURAGE

Tl1e Gurage arec1 wit11essecl ,1 mjni1nun1 of settlen1 ent by, Menilek's troops. A 1noder11 anthropologist, Williai11 Sha.ck, attrib11tes this to tl1e fact tl1at wot1ld-be settlers considered tl1e 111usa erzsete, or false banan,1, grown in the area i 11f erior to cereals a11d \Vere ''never able to adj11st tI1en1 selves to it. " 22 LIMMU

In Li111111t1 11enilek's co11gt1est was accompanied, as Cerulli observes, by con­ siderable ''nulitary colonisatioo." 23 The E111 peror, he explains, entrusted t]1e province to one of his nobles wl10 in turn appointed his follo\vers as sub-governors, but 21.

22.

23.

E. Cerulli, ''Le popolaziooi del bacino superiore dello Uabi," in Luigi Amadeo di Savoia­ Aosta, La esplorazione (le/lo Uabi - Uebi Scebeli (Milano, 1932), pp. 138-9.

W.A. Shack, The Develop111e11t of Gurage Social Structure, unpublished, University of London PI-ID. thesis (1961 ), p. 343.

Cerulli, Etiopia occicle11tale, I, 133.

- 139 -

ion �f their respective at tr is in n1 ad e th in s, at bb la ba r o also employed local hlefs d te us l1 tr 1t w en ac e th zm ja da t mmand en co sid re a n tio di ad i i� as w e er l1 districts. T of the troops. . . . w�s a�s1gned to Menilek's , in pla ex � lli ru Ce e i11c ov pr e th of : The solithern IJart ir a, bb the or s, ga red t cla an de ten ing s. Each be a are the of ts an t bi' ba ,. · 1n e th s, op tro 24 ·1 (:' · l d .

1 y. m s 1a 11 an r 1e Id' so r a te af ok lo to ed lig ob us tl1 as w ar bb gii r e on l1is gabbar's land and li, uld co lli, ru Ce to order The soldier, accord.ing ld d o11 c _ or sen his ge ar cl1 of e fre agent to e 11s ho a 11im ild tlieni to bu ve tl t har 1r er and ov l 1ld 1tro : co1 co1 t rec i d_ l1ad � tal<e _ He � rl(. wo . supervise their _ I_ tl1 1r ow11 cot1s11111 � 1? t1011 or that fron1 them wl1atever portion of 1t 11e nee?ed f? d � a11d drink wl1en on foo wit l11m e vid pro to iged obl e wer y The ily. of his fam tt1eir land and had to cut wood and draw water for lum, as wel l as to tra11sport wood and water to llis house. It was likewise their duty to build l1is l1ouse and pallisade and to do every otl1er kind of work \Vl1ich l1e rn!gl1t req11ire of tl1e111.

Fina.Ily in time of war or the movement of the25 troops t11ey were expected to assist witl1 victuals and transport d11ring the marcl1.

The giibbars' family, tl1e sa1ne observer declares, was registereci in a special register, tl1e balcLbbat, or local chief, having the task of desig11ating tl1e n11111ber req·uired for service. Giibbars co11ld not leave their village to emjgrate to other areas because this \Vo11ld abrogate their obligations to\vards the soldiers. It ,vas, 110\vever, taken for gra.nted tl1at giibbars wl10 s11cceeded in leaving Li 1 11rnu, or in ge11eral tl1e province in whlcl1 they lived, co11ld 11ot be made to ret11rn. Tl1e fact that tl1e Crown obliged a certain number of the inhabitants of the province to provide service for the in1perial troops \Vas 11ot considered to ha,,e created any personal obligation on tl1e part of any individ11al giibbar eitl1er to the soldier or to the Crown. If a giibbar escaped fro1n the province efforts \Vo11ld not tl1erefore be 1nade to l1ave l1im returned, b11t tl1e area l1e l1ad left would be expected to furnisl1 ai1other gcibbar in l1is stead, thougl1 l1is goods 111igl1t well be confiscated.

The soldiers, for their part, were expected to provide for tl1e defence of the country in wl1icl1 t11ey lived as well as to collaborate with otl1ers in the general defence of the Empire. 26 Me 1 1ilek's occupation of Limmu tl1us res11lted in an extensive reallocation of the la11d. It is said tl1at lands formerly held by the hereditary chief, locally known as tl1e qoro, \Vere distributed as follows : 27 1 • Tl1e qoro was allo\ved to retain a quarter of the total as l1is personal pr?per�y, a q11arter of this q11arter being earmarked for tl1e abagaz or hereditary cl11efta1n.

2 • r'\ second . q11arter was allotted at tl1e sovereign's pleas11re to tl1e saliiqa wh o hel d tl1e � 0�1t1on ?f provincial governor. Tl1is lat1d \Vl1ich served instead of a salary for this official, was regarded as state property ,a11d was ofte 1 1 referred to as saliiqa n1i:itkaya.

3 · . The remainjng 11alf of the land, also classified as belongi11 g to tl1e State, . � ass1gned to loyal servan ,va ts of the Crown, mainly to tl1e soldiers. This land, w� ch c.ou�? �e taken back and reallocated. at a11y tin 1t1adiireJ1a or cal 1e wa led s ' 111a1igest 1natka;,a.

24. Ibid, I, 125-9.

25. Ibid, I 134-6 26. Ibid, I, 134-6.

2 7. nforn1ation kindly supplied by Ato Aberr a Jeinbere.

- 140 -

This large category may be ft1rtl1 er st1bdivided, as we l1 ave seen, into various types of tent1re con1prising: Siil1'zi111., Ia11d given to chu1·cl1 es, monasteries and their retai·ners, the practice in Lin1 m11 being tl1 at eacl1 cht1rcl1 established by tl1 e Government was entitled to 12 gasas in the land of differe11 t balabbats.

NiiffiiPifia 111acliireya, land allocated to the soldiers 011 the basis of 20 gasas

for a salii.qa, or con111 1a11der of a local arin)', 1 0 gasas for a .111eto a/ciqa or officer co111J11anding a l1 t1ud.red n1 en, t'vvo or tl1 ree gctJ"cts for senior soldiers referred to as cii�va wiitadiir, and a gasa each for ordinary soldiers.

Gene/ii bal, land given to persons 111 ai11taining Government l1orses or n1t1les.

Jvlii/111i:il, land l1eld by giibbars oi1 State land whose n.ormal obligations were

waived in wl1ole or part i11 rett1rn for serving as trans 1Jorters of artillery, travelling porters, te11t carriers, prison gt1ards etc.

Wiirii ga11u, land t1sed for the raisi11 g of Go,1erume11 t cattle, tl1e persons looking

after this li,1 estoc]< being allowed 1r1adare_va land of their own called

ri111.

Balrlaras, land held by giibbars and reservecl for the raising of Governn1 eot

l1orses or mttles.

Peasants li\1jng on the above types of land were kno'vvn as cisafifias, or tenants wl10 ctLltivated t111der a11 agreen1 ent, sisso c1ra:} tena11 ts \Vl10 ga.ve a tl1 ird of tl1eir produce to tl1 e lord, a11 d erbo aras, tl1 ose wl10 1at1ded over to hjm ;.1 quarter.

KAFFA

In Katra Menilel( largely retajued the o]d hierarcl1y of Governn1ent, b11t st1per­ imposed ot1 it l1is o\v11 a.d1ninistratio11. I-Ijs soldiers, according to Certrlli, were not concentrated as in Limmu in a si11 gle area near tJ 1e fro11 tier, b11t were spread ot1t in vario11s parts of tl1e interior. Tl1e duties of the gabbars in the two provinces were, l1owever, si1nilar.28 A 11 otable deve]op111e11 t in I(affa \Vas tl1at soon after l1is occtrpation Me11ilek allotted to so1ne of llis nobles a part of tl1e land wl1 ic11 l1acl been aJJpropriated by tl1e Cro\vn. I-Ie gave tl1 e111 tl1 is l,111cl as i11heritable property, free fro1n fet1dal obl.igatio11 s and tl1erefore retainable \Vitl1iI1 their fa1n.ilies. The local inhabitants of lands tht1s exclt1ded fron1 tl1e possession of tl1e Crown cot1ld not be 1n,tcle gabbars of serving soldiers or otl1er perso11s i11 tl1e fet1d::1l l1ierarchy. TJ1 ol1gh tl1 e proprietors might tl1 e111 selves l1 ave insisteel 011 tl1e gabbar service for tl1eir soldiers Cerulli believes that tl1is ,vas diffict1lt in vie,v of tl1e sparcity of popt1lation which l1 ad greatly decreased on accot111 t of the previous figl1 tiog. The local inl1abitants \Vere tending to congregate in areas free from gabbar obligations ancl tl1e proprietors of land i11 such r1.reas e11cot1raged. this tendency by refrain.i11g fron1 imposing gabbar obligations on tl1 eir area. Tl1e lords preferred instead to n1ake farmers pay a tax based on tl1e n.ttmber of l1011ses a11d extent of land under ct1Itivation. Tl1e lords' estates tht1s beca111e i1nporta11t centres of popt1lation, tl1e n1ore so as the provi11cial ruler would J1ave fot10.d it very diffic11lt in practice to recall peasants wl10 had n1oved to sucl1 lands ovl11ed as tl1 ey were b)' im1Jortant personalities far away in the capital and th�refore largely outside Jlis jt1risdiction. The above estates, which were 28.

Cerulli, Etiopia occiclentale, I, 203-4.

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d of lan th st e of sot �th 1no m fro t ren e f dif ere s, ner ow ir the very J)rofitable for � . d be sol at d oul the wish 1ey t y ert � pro abl er1t inh .� as t tl1a in ia p rn Etl1iop weste � re lly l we ega rs, bba a f!.

1f 111p , exe nts t ta ab1 1nh _ 1 e tl e cas l1 suc r.

In eto pri of the pro . fron1 any obligation to the new ow11er, or, 1f non-gabbars, wer� still less b?u11d to their lands, I1a,,ir1g the rigl1t eitl1er to stay or . le�ve tl1e_ area; 1 f they remained, however, tl1ey ,vere expected to accept tl1e obl1gat1ons imposed on the1n by tl1e new ow11er. 29 WALA.GA

In Wiilaga, after its conq11est, tl1e Emperor's represe? tative, Ras Damesaw, clain1ed tl1e rigl1t on behalf of tl1 e Government to deter1ru11e tl1e syste1n of Ia11d te11t1re. 30 It is said tl1at the Govern1nent in tl1is ,vay obtained perhaps three-q11arters of the land, allocating the ren1a.i11ing q11arter to the 111oti, or 1<ing, and tl1e qoros, or tribal c1 1iefs, no1ninally as a sisso, or tl1ird. TJ1e Governn1ent's portion wa.s tl1en divided an1 ong Ras Dan1esaw and bis 11.iiffiitzl'tas, or rjflen1e11, a certain amou11t being also allocated to the priests. Measure111ent by qiilad ,vas carried out by tl1 e traditional r11lers, Dajazmac Gabra Egzi'abher a11d Dtijazmac 1·ote, tl1ougl1 only a part of the province \Vas in fact surveyed. The following were tl1e pri11cipal types of ten11re which tl1 11s ca.rne into existence: Giibbar 111iiret, individually owned lands ,vhose proprietors paid taxes directly to the Gover111nent.

Sisso ,niiret, tracts of land owned by tl1e qoros and c11ltivated by tena11ts who gave tl1e latter a tlurd of tl1e crops.

Sa111.011

111iiret, pieces of land O\Vned by the Cl111rcl1 and worked eitl1 er by priests

or gabbars.

Madiire_ya 111iiret, Ia11d l1eld on temporary basis by persons who were important personalities or l1ad i11 so111e \Vay distinguisl1 ed tl1 emselves in Govern111ent service.

On tl1e basis of tl1e a.bove types of te11t1re land ,vas also 111acle available to l'(isiifiiias, or te11a11ts, or1 a n1utt1ally agreed basis. S11ch la11ds n1ight be give11 in perpetuity or for a term only, tl1 e said ter111 bei11g eitl1er fixed or indefinite. of la11d became gii.bbars Persor1s already iol1abiting or c11ltivating the above ty pes . serving tl1 e o,vners or l1olders of the la11d in q11estion who \Vere ofte11 referred to as 11/ic liiba.f, or wearers of wl1 ite clothes.

Lands were a.Iso rented by their owners or holders i11 ret11rn for a q11arter, a tl1ird, or, in tl1 e case of very fertile land, a l1alf of tl1 e crop, tl1e lord often supp]yi11g seed, oxen and plo1.1ghing eq11ip111ent.

As in n1any otl1 er areas blacksnutbs a11d wea.vers were not generally speaking . to own land, tho11gl1 they could settle 011 tl1 e la11ds 01� the balabbats to allowed wl1 0111 they were obliged to give a third of tl1eir crops and help in b11ilding l1ot1ses an.d .in l1arvesting crops. said The giibbars re � . . to have_ paid tl1eir bc1labbats a11 erbo, or q11arter, of t !1e1r produce, besides var1ou � services and were ,tlso expected to go to ,var in t1D1es of need and 111ake certa1n sn1all presents to the Governor on feast days.

29.

30.

Ibid, I, 205-6, 208. Vide also II, 34.

Information ki11dly supplied by Ato Shifera'rv Bitew, Ato 11erga Afeta and Ato Mulugeta Alika.

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ILLUBABOR

Developments in Illubabor in many ways resembled those in Walaga to the north and Limmu to the �ast.31 :Land was .in m�ny places measured by qiilad, though v were often esti1na.ted by eye 1 n wl11ch case the n1esliine, or Government gasas the representative, wot1ld tell tl1 e landowner tl1at bis estates was bounded ''by that big tree, that river, tl1 at stone, or tl1e foot of tl1e hill over there!''

Land was cla�sified in tl1e already defined categories. Sisso in tllis province was perl1aps a tl11rcl of tl1e total; giibbars generally paid an erbo, or qt1arter of their produce, to tl1e lord and a1 1 asrat, or tenth, to the Government as well as working on their master's lands, looking after llis cattle a11 d · making l1im a.n occa­ sional gift on feast days.

Holders of ger1da biil lancl in tl1is province were often referred to as Gonderes, 32 or people of Goodar, as tl1 e 111 ajority of tl1em were 11atives of that town or t}1eir descendants. One of the dt1ties of sucl1 persons was to gt1ard the prison at Gore for two n1 01 1tl1s a year or be responsible for 011 e of their giibbars, wl10 de_putised for tl1em.

Tl1 e Galla popttlation �eing cl1iefly pastoral in many areas was often t 1 ninterested in acquiring land uncler any of the above systems. Tamana Abdt1l Qader, a stt1dent of the present time, reported: ''l\r1y grandfatl1er was once telling 1ne abot1t bis life history (l1e is stiJl alive a.t a11 age of over 105) when I asked l1 in1, 'you have stayed in Hiryo so 1011g, 11 0w is it that yot 1 don't possess any JJiece of land?' 'My boy,' li e said, 'wealth is livestock a11d weapons. 1\1ore cattle and more spears ...."

SIDAMO

Siclan10 underwe11 t a sig11 i:ficant cl1i1nge in tl1 e ownership pattern during tl1e Menilek period, tl1 e Italian al1tl1 or Giaccardi declaring that ''a real system of nlili­ tary colonisation'' ]1 ad been established there. Stich settlers, l1e says , incl11ded soldiers of tl1e tin1e of Me11ilek: and tl1eir descendants, as \\1ell as troops brought i 11 by later r11lers st1cl1 as Dajazn1 ac Bal ca, Fitawrari Ber 11 a1 1d Ras Das ta.33 KONSO

The effects of 11enilek's occtlJJatio 1 1 of K.011so have recently been disct1ssed by the mod.er11 A111erica 11 antl1ro1Jologist, Richarcl Klt1ckl1ohn, who observes: ''mucl1 of tl1e best Konso lands l1a.s been appropriated by the An1l1 ara and apJ)ortioned out to tl1e governor, n1en1bers of J1is e11to 11rage, 111 e1nbers of the new central court, etc.

Tl1is land is still \Vorl<ed i11 mt1cl1 the san1e ,vay as before, bt1t it is now worked on a sl1are-cropi11g basis."

Kluckl1 0I11, atte 111 1Jting to give a qt 1antitati\1e pictt1re of tl1is development, obser­ ves: ''it is esti1nated tl1at 15 per ce11t of the Konso lands have been approJJriated in this 1nanner, bt1 t tl1is percentage represents abot1t a third of tl1 e productive power of tl1 e total." 34 Christopl1 er I-Iallpike, anotl1 er n1 odern a11 thropologist, tends, 110\ve,,er, to consider tl1ese estin1ates gross]y exaggerated.

31.

32.

33.

J11Jorn1ation kindly supplied by Ato Tamene Abdulkader and Ato Khadir Mul1amed.

Cerulli, Etiopia occi{/entale, I, 137-8, 228.

A. Giaccardi, "Le IJOJJulazione del Borana e de! Sidan10," Ri11ista de/le Colonie, XI, No. 12, 1562.

34. R. Kluckholo, "The Konso Econon1y of Southern Ethiopia," i11 P. Bohanoan and G. Dalton, Marl<ets of Africa (Northwestern University, 1962), pp. 425-6,

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l-IARAR

nal p�litical bierarcl1y based di tio tra th� ar ar I Iof n tio pa ctt _ oc After Menilek's � ng d1 e� of esc rank, �a�- -�etained ls �1a of? c, /al ,na tl1e _ d an rad ga _ the on the darnin, lL es, t1t 1nc en d1ng ,_n1c1/lcc!11na, and l c I1t1 po � w : ne � �s, are ied ctip oc ler otl but as in tl1e central gove1 nn1ent, 111a1nly froin by ced dt1 ro 111t re we ks ran tls rio va soldiers of Shoa. 35 Tlie new adininistration took over not 011ly. tl1e lands fo1_-n1erly belon�ing to tl,e emirs btlt also considera.ble other areas wl11ch ,vere reqtured to JJrov1de f. or Governn1;nt officials and soldiers as well for _ the needs of tl1e cl1t1rcl1e�. Brotto, discussi11 cr tl,is acqt1isitio11 of land, states tl1at 1t �tart�d at tl1e very beginning of Meiiilek': occtipation and continued witl1 tl1e growing 1nfl.11x of sett�ers fro1u Sboa.

He is at JJains, J1owever, to explai11 tl1at tl1e process of confiscat 1 011 was ''n1ticb less vexing than it might seen1 at first sight."

He explains that tl1e garacls wl1ose lands were acquired by tl1e Stat� were largely adn1inistrators rather tl1e11 owners of �he area and that tl1ere were 1n a1Jy case vast areas of unocc1 1 pied Ia11d as \Va.s e,11dent fron1 tl1e fact tha.t tl1e Gover11n1ent contin11 ed the practice of gra.nting lands to ne\V garads ancl rnala!cs.

Tl1e actt1al peasants, 111oreover, \Vere appeased \\1itl1 tl1e co1111)ensation ,vhicl1 tl1ey received at tl1e ex1Je 11se of those in regio11s not affected. by the acc111isitio□.

Brotto's o_pinion is tl1at tl1e process of land transfer sl1ould be co11sidered not so mucl1 as tl1e actt1al confiscatio11 of tl1e lan.d, b11t ratl1er tl1e acqt 1isition of State lands at a ti1ne wl1en vast are,1s \Vere available and the tit.le of the original occup­ a11ts was .it1 111ost cases diffi.ct1lt to determi 1 1e ,vitl1 accuracy.

Con.fisca.tio11s in the real sense of tl1e word nonetl1eless occt1rred in tl1e case of lands held by rebels or perso11s \Vho fell 011t of fa\ our witl1 tl1e 11e\v regime.

Tl1 e i111.n1ense area of la11d acq11ired by tl1e Governme11t \Vas 1ueas11 red on tl1e basis of gasas, rneasure1ne 11t being eftected witl1 a qa!a{/, or cord, 75 n1etres long.

In tl1e l1igl1la11ds a gasa wa.s take 11 as nine qalads by six.

1

Tl1 e co11fiscation of land for Govemn1ent 11se \Vas effected on the basis of one gasa for every 80 garad lands in regions inl1abited by tl1e Nole and Ala, a1 1d 011e gasa for every ten garacl lands i11 those inhabited by the Jarso, Geri, Oborra and Meta peo1Jle. Proced1 1 re depended on th.e density of pop11lation a.11d l1 ence on the area of ct1ltivation, more being ta.ken where tl1ere \Vas n1ore t1ncultivated and SJJarsely pop11lated land a\1aila.ble. l�he 011tcon1e of tl1e conquest of I-Iarar was tl1at tl1e various types of Sl1oan land tentire, s11cl1 as hue/ad, mac/bet, l-Farii gli11it, 111iil1nlil a11d restii gi,lt were i11tro­ d t1 ced into Harar province.36 Land ownership was tl111 s considerably modified. TJ1 e old cl1iefs ar. e said to have been tl1e possessors of tl1e 1a.rgest areas of tl1e n1ost fe1~tile land. Lik:e forn1er lords i _n otl1er provinces they were allo\ved to keep ,1 JJortion of tl1eir former possessions, pe�I1a1)s a thir?, \Vl1icl1 was classjfied as 1nirc1za or tl1e eq11i'vale 11t of rest : The re1na111der of their land was tl1en div.idecl betwee11 giibbars a11d tl1e new squ1�·earcl1y of miilkiiFi.i1as ,1nd other im.m.igrants recrt1ited fro1n an1ong t]1 e nobles, sold.1ers and others \Vl10 11ad accornpa11ied 1'1e11ile]('s ar111y.

35 · 36.

Informati�11 ki ndly suppliecl by Ato Ayele Waldie, Ato _ med Sherif. V1d e also Brotto, op. cit., PJ). 46-61.

Brotto, op. cit., pp. 62-91.

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S010111011

W. l:lanna

a11d

Ato l\1oha­

Meas11rement was at first carried by ayn gii11iii.cl or by eye a man • w alk'_ing in 1111t il tol lin d e to sto p by the officia · a straight l in cha' rge, th'i·s process be1ng re. . . bou ndar1•es were deter1n1ned. Later the qiilcic peated 11nt1·1 a11 .r:-1011r l was introdticed 1n the form of a chain and was also pop11larly referred to as garacla. .

Tl1 e old cltiefs, Mal1tama Sellase exp lai ns, we re allo\ved to retai11 f' or the1n . . '' seI\1es a_n amJJ Ie gasa o f a b011t. 1 l_ qalacls by 7, eac11 qiilad being made tip of 150 c11 b1ts. The Ian? allo.\ved to tl1e cluefs at tl1e first meas11rement tended to exceed the amo11nt to wh1cl1 tl1ey were s11 1Jposed to be entitled. \Vhere tltis was t11 e case tl1e exc�s� la11d was later apJJropriated by tl1e Government and 1nade available to t11e no�11ity, perso11s who l1 ad re11dered notable service, the soldiers and tl1e clergy.

A rlen1111a ·us11ally possessed abo11t 200 to 300 garacls or 6 sebeta.

Q 11e sebeta wo11lcl be l1 is ov.:n propert�, w}1ile tl1e re1n�ining five wo11ld be distrib11ted to giibbars wl10 ,vottld c11lt1,,ate all six. .[l1e 1nalalc 1n t11rn \Vo11Id control abo11t three sebetas., 011 e of wbicl1 would be his ow11.

The garacl re 111 ai 11ed tl1e head of tl1 e tribe, but had to ad111 it :1 certain number of gcibbc1rs 011 tl1e land on a 11zaclcireyci basis.

To i11crease th.e lat1 ds available to the State, Tafari :Wlakonnen, tl1e fut11re Emperor 1-Iaile Sellassie, \vl1 en gover110.r of the J)rovi11 ce, fixed tl1e maxin1um arno1111t of l�1nd allo\ved to a garad at 600 jerib (or 77. 52 l1ectares). and tl1at allowed to a 111alc1!( at 300 _jerib (or 38. 76 hectares).

This regulation, Brotto declares, was 11 eitl1er easy nor quick to exec11te, 111easure­ n1ent being in f,lct carried 011t only i11 tl1e regions inhabited by the Oborra, M'eta, Ala Nu11n1 1 and Geri JJeople.

S11r1Jlt1s lands beyo11 d those allowed to the garad or trzala!, were allocated as 111adare;,a i.e. on ten1porary tent1re, to soldiers and Gover11 n1 ent employees, give11 as rest, or inl1 eritable J,1nd, to clliefs, 11otables a11 d favo11rites, or retai11ed by tl1 e Governn1ent for f11ture req11ire1 ne11ts in ,vhicl1 case it was e11 trusted to tl1e care of 111eslanes, or Gover11n1ent re1 Jrese11 tatives.

Tl1ese arrangen1 ents were not witl1out their difficulties. Ras Imru, a st1bseq11ent governor of tl1 e JJrovi11 ce, later cliscovered tL1 at la11clo,vners l1 ad been expectecl to J)ay tl1eir trib11te on tl1e basis of tl1e n111nber of giibbars origi11 ally 011 tl1eir land, 37 d. cha11ge ly radical been bave 1 even tl1 011gl1 this 111igl t later Tl1ere is ct rea.son to s11pJJose tl1 at Ras Nlakonne11, tl1e Gover11or of 1 -]arar, and l1is s011 Tafari Mal<o11ne11, tl1e f11t11re Emperor I-I�lile Se1Jassie, botl1 endeavo11red to 111 itigate tl1e b11rden 011 tl1e peas,1ntry of I-Iarar. 011 May 12, 1910, tl1e latter is reported to I1 ave iss11ed a procla1nation to tl1e Galla te11 antry, who appear at the ti1 ne to l1(tve been disaflected. It declf1red: ''Gallas, wl1 y l1a,,e yo11 dist11rbed yo11rselves a.11 d con1e to meet me in such ! sow . a□d rl< wo ds, fiel 1r yo1 to 1rn ret1 s, rain 1 e tl of on s . sea e larg 1 1t1mbers? It is the I-Ie \Vho does 11 ot do tl1is I conde1no to JJay a fine of 10 clo1,1la� �f grain: If -;;o, do11 't do it! _As for wood, it 1s suffic1 e11t ge.'J your cl1iefs say to yot1 bring 11s lly. ntl mo na qi1n e on ly on 1 g 1 br1 11r 0 fl. for 1 ; tl 1on 11 a to bri11g n1e a donkey load And if you are orderecl to b11ild houses, do not go!''

11 c� 11ussionary e Fr e tl1 in � tim the at d ce dl1 ro rep s wa TJ1is interesting edict 1e tl by ed eiv rec ll we s wa 1t at tl1 ted sta 1 icl vvh p11blication, Les lVf issio11s Cc,1!10/iqLtes, V

''

37. Brotto, 01J. cit., pp. 53-5. . ., 293 · p. , pia hio Et of n, ste Sy nd La he "T e, ssi '.t8. Gebre-Wold op. cit., p. 42; Mahteme Sella 39. One slzebeta equals 1-6 of a garcla, 600 jeribs or 9, 200 sq. n,iles.

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pop·ulace. ''We l1ave not lost Ras Ma.konnen," the people are said to have cried, ''becat1se h is humanity and his affection for tl1 e JJoor have revived in his son." 40 The nor1nal tribute expected of tl1e gabbcir, was, accordi11 g to Brotto, something as follows: 6 kilos of honey or 4 Maria Theresa dollars.

120 kilos of d11rra or 6 dolla.rs of a certain eq11ivalent in labour.

30 kilos of geso or one dollar and two piastres.

One load of wood or tllfee dollars.

Gabbars were in addition expected to grind a certain ,:1mount of grain or provide a dollar and eigl1t piastres and to look after one n1 ule or !Jay tl1ree dollars.-< 1

Long afterwards, duri11 g his exile in England, tl1e Emperor Haile SeUassie, re­ called another of his proclamations of this period. It seems to bave bee11 designed to curtail the exactions of the local go·vernors. It forebade headn1 an from le,1ying the /cob bc1sa, or tax imposed by a11 official on arriving in a ne,v district, and ordered tl1ose who had take11 it to return it to the col111 tryn1 e11 . Addressing tl1e local governors, the abagaz and the da111in, he added: ''And i11 fut11re, abiigaz, and clan1i11, take care lest the headman tal<e tJ1 e country­ man's n1 oney in excess of wl1 at is stiJJt1lated for 11i1n. And if tl1e co11ntryman tells you of tl1 e 111one)' of wl1icl1 l1e has been m11lcted in excess, a11 d you fail to get it retur11ed to hin1, and he leaves 11 is work and con1es pleading to n1e, the fault is yours; yo11 shall pay the money, and you sl1all recover it from tl1e man who took it."

T11rning to the co11ntryn1 an, l1 owever, he declared, ''Co11ntry111en, do not con1 e before 1ue ·until you l1 ave told yol1r abiigaz and dan1i11."

cERcER J n Cercer, the ricl1 coffee J)rodl1cing region west of Harar, sin1ilar cl1 anges occured. 42 Before tl1e Menilel( period the It11 Gallas, who had been converted to Islan1 , seem to l 1ave practised a kind of' family ownersl1ip of Ia11d in \\1]1icl1 the ad11lt n1 ales on reac11 iog the age of about eigl1 teen \Vere allo\ved a sl1are in t11 eir fa111 ily's la11d. Tllis ]and belo11ged to the individual for life, b11t to the fan1ily i11 perpet11ity. TI1 e land l1eld by tl1 e abba b1trlcas, or cI1iefs, who correspo11 ded to tI1 e de111i1i and garad in tl 1 e provinces to tl1 e s01ttl1, was 11111ch larger tl1 a11 tl1at of ordi11ary fa111 ilies and was almost invariably better sit11ated. 111 1884 tl1e area was occ11pied on 1v1enilek's behalf by Ras Darge, after wl1icl1 Ras N1 akonne11 reduced the lands of . tl1e abba burlcas . to _one gc1sa per head, the rest of tl1e ]and being allocated on lines n1ore or less 1de11.t1cal to that a.lready examined in other provinces. 'w

Under tllis new distrib11tio11 land was mai11ly req11ired for oovern.ors soldiers and ot:l1 er officials, who of course received no salary and bad n� otl,er ;olirce of \Vealth. S11cl1 la �d was p�rtly obtai11�d as pri·v�te property, or rest, at1d pa.rtly 00 ten1porary n1adc1reya basis. The n1 a1n categories of 1a11d wl1ich tL1118 ca111e into existence were tl1 ose with which tl1 e reader will already be fa111iliar: 40.

41.

42.

Les Missions Catholiques (1910), p. 316.

Brotto, op. cit., p. 51.

Ii1forn1ation kindJy supplied by Ato Belay Wagayel1u and Ato Assefa Dula.

- 146 -

Nliingiist :71ciret, �r Government .

Firstly, land 1t1 the highlands which �nd which, as in _other provioc�s, 1n tl1e lowlands wl 11cl1 was occt1p1ed

land , in this region took two distinct forms. served to produce supplies for tl1 e Government was ofte11 called hztdacl; and, secondly, land by nomads and their flocks.

Nladiireya 111iiret, ]and allocated. on a temporary basis to servants of the State.

Gasa r11iiret, land give11 to tl1e soldiers or carriers of gasas, or shields. This land was usl1a1ly of medit1m quality and being allocated to the soldiers was al­ most entirely i11 the ha11ds of Cl1ristians; it could be inl1 erited wherever heirs were willing to sl1ot1lder tl1 e responsibilities of their parents.

Restii g1.1/t, t1st1ally very fertile land in tl1e lugl1Iands, the tent1re of ,vl1ich was identical witl1 tl1at of tl1e san1e name in other provinces, and \Vas almost entirely allocated to persons of tl1e highest ra11 k.

Rest, private property allottecl to inclividuals, mainly Christia11s, in rett1m for past service or 11otable deeds, or, witl1 tl1e development of co1nmerce, sold to perso11s desireous of growing casl1 crops.

Sa,non 111iiret, land usually in ratl1 er sn1,1II allottments held by persons serving tl1e Church; st1ch la11d cot1ld L1e inl1erited JJrovided tl1e land l1older's children ac­ cepted the respo11sibilities t111dertake11 by tl1eir parents.

Giidam 111iiret, or mo11 astery land. In tl1is province tbe Asabot 111onastery owned fairly fertile land i11 the l1igl1 lands; most of tl1e giibbars on tl1is land were Cl1ristian as 1'It1slin1s did 11ot \Vish to ct1ltivate it.

Eacl1 grot1p of la□do\vners or l1olders l 1ad a distinct role to play in the order of tl1i11gs a11d was endowed witl1 correspond i11g privileges and responsibilities.

Tl1e gover11ors a11 d officials were respo11sible in n 1ore or less the sa111e 111anner as in otl1 er pro\1inces for ad111inistration at tl1e variot1s Jevels; they \Vere entitled in return to tl1e ust1al type of goods a11 d services fro111 gabbars and others.

Tl1e bttr!cas, or for1ner rt1]ers, 11 11d to assist i11 tl1e adn1 inistration of tl1 eir several areas by tra11 smitti11 g Governn1ent degrees to tl1e people, collecting taxes, providing for governors or soldi.ers i11 transit, 111 obilisi11 g tl1e people for worl< or n1 i:litary expeditions c:1r1d juciging legal disputes a1 11 011 g their people. 111 return for tl1ese services tl1ey \Vere e11 tirely exe1npt fro1n taxation a11d enjoyecl a JJosition of privilege and prestige. �[hey \Vere e11 titled to dues ancl services from tl1e giibbars and cot1ld reqt1est food a11cl tra11 sport facilities \Vl1e11 travelling.

La11dlords and te11ants tl1 erefore COllrted tl1eir favot1r. Tl1e status and JJroperty of tl1e burlcct \Vere alike i11herited, providecl tl1at tl1e ]1eir was loyal a11 d willing to tinder ta J..:e tl1e respo11sibilities of office. Bitrlcas had the right to a]ie11ate their land i11 \VJ 10Ie or in l )art on condition that the new O\V11er assu1ned tl1e above me11 tionecl dt 1ties wl 1ich \Vere it1 fact attached to the land ratl1er than to its l1older.

Bi,r/.;;as so1netin1es sold tl1e greater part of tl1e land, retaining only sufficient to e11sure tl1eir status as cl1 iefs.

Private land o\v11 ers, who were ,Llso a privilegecl group, were obl_iged to serve tl1 e Government in vario11s \Vays besides 1Jayii1g tithe. They l1ad to assist the gove�11ors and bz,rlcas in 1naintaining la\v a11d order, mobilise tl1emsel\ 1es a11d their follo\vers in ti111e of e1nergency, at whicl1 tin1 e tl1ey brought their own arms an_d equip1nent, stipply food and sl1elter to go\1ernors and soldiers passing througl1 their of gover11ors' houses an d offices, area, ancl contrib11te to tl1e bt 1ildi11g an d re pair . as well as c11l1rches and roac1s.

- 147 -

The soldiers, ,vl1o ,vere also son1ewl1at pri, 1ileged, were obliged to serve as tl1e governor's guards witl1ot1t any payn1ent; t�1ey we� ·e tJ1 e fu·st to be mobilised for expeditions, a :nd l1ad to bold themselves 1n rea.d1ness to tcl]ce tl1e fielcl with tl1eir ovv11 equi1J111ent at a11y tin1e. In ret:urn they 'Yere exem1?ted fr� n1 titJ1e_ or a11y type of service otl1er than n1 jJitary serv1ce. Tl1e size of tl1e1r holcl111gs var1ed with their position. An ordinary soldier might ha,,e 011e gctsa, a c�rpor�l two gasas, and so on. This type of land cot11d not ·be sold,. bL1t cot1ld �e 1nl1er1!ed 011 conditio11 t l1at tl1e I1 eir could 1Jerfor111 tl1e reqt1ired services or a1JIJ01nt a st11ta.ble substitt1te.

TI1 e gabbars here a.s in otl1er provinces were tl1 e least privileged section of the comt1nity. Tl1ey l1ad to give their landlord a tl1 ird of their produce and two days' service a week. Their varied duties i11clt1ded. the collection and s111)ply of firewood' the grinding of corn, the b11i]di11 g and repair of l1011ses, and tl1e carryi11g of s11pplies of all kinds-traditionally i11 fact tl1ey co11ld refuse no orders give11 tl1e111 by tl1 eir lord. They were, n1oreover, accustomed ,vl1enever tl1 ey entered into JJossessio11 of their land to give l1jn1 a birica, or gift, eitller i11 tl1e forn1 of 1no.11ey or a cow or other commodity. Tl1 eir position \Vas f11rtl1er depressed by the fact tl1at they bad no security of ten11re and could be disn1issed after a.ny l1 ,1rvest witl1out reward for past service or compensatio11 for in1provements tl1 ey 111ight l1ave ,vro11gl1t i11 tl1e land. Unlike slaves they v.rere, 110,vever, entirely free to leave their lord's estate if they wisl1ed to do so. This rigl1t was in1 porta11t as it li111ited tl1 e exactions wluch the lord co11ld clemand, t11e more so as there ,vere la_rge tracts of t1n11sed land whitl1er they could move, and laud \.vithout tenants \Vas of no value to its ov.,ner.

Gabbars on land of greater fertility were nonetl1eless at a co11 siderable disadva11tage, as the landowner could al,vays replace tl1e111 \.Vitho11t difficulty.

T1 1011gl1 the gabbar ,vas on a11y sl1owi11g 11nderpriviJeged it sho11ld be· remembered tl1at tl1e differe11 ce in status between landlord an.d tenant was traditio11 ally considerecl mucl1 less objectionable tl1a11 it wo11lcl be in n1odern ti111 es.

- 148 -

xxxm THE ESTABLISI-IIVIENT OF· ADDIS ABABA Tl1 e . establisl1 ment of A �dis Ababa, lilce tl1 at of Goodar, was a.n important event wh 1c� l1ad profo tind e.flects both on the developn1ent of the country and on tl1 e evolt1t1on of land tent1re. Tl1e story of Addis Ababa may be said to have begun in tl1e last quarter of tl1e 11 ineteentl1 ce11tury when Menilek, at that time King of Sl �o� I�ft l1is previot1s capital at Ankobar and established bis camp at Mot1nt Wucaca 1n 1878-1879 011ly to n1ove it a couple of years later in 1881, to nearby Entoto. 1 Entoto soon proved an irnpossible capital as its mot111tainot1s sitt1ation rendered it diffi.ct1lt of access as well as cold ,tnd windy. Menilek and l1 is consort, Q t1een Tayt11 , accordingly tur11ed tl1 eir eyes to tl1e lo\ver la.nd on tl1 e adjacent plain of Finfiui. Ga.bra Sellase, \Vriting i n Biblical and prop]1 etic vei11, reports that at the et1d of tl1 e rai11y season of 1886 Me11ilek and Tayt11, acco111 pa11ied by tl1 eir retinue, \Vent do'\\111 for a seco11d ti111e to Filwoha wl1ere a large 11umber of tents were erected. Taytt1, ad1niring tl1e bea11ty of the scenery .from tl1 e door of J1 er tent and ren1 arki11 g on the softness of tl1e clin1ate, is said to l1ave asked Menilek to give her land to bt1iJd a l101 1 se tl1ere. I-le replied, ''Begin by bt1ilding a 11ot1se after that I will give yot1 a cou1 1try." ''Where shall I bt1ild 1ny hot1se?'', she inq11ired. ''In tl1is spot," he answered, ''which my fatl1 er 2 King Sal1la Sellase s1 1rrou_nded witl1 a fence: go tl1ere and begin your house." ''Once," l1e continued, ''in this very place, Sahla Sellase, Iilce the pro1Jl1et ivlekias, made the follo\viog pro1Jl1ecy.

Ooe day as l1 e sat 11nder tl1at great tree'', Menilek added, pointing to a large tree, ''not far from Mawat [ivla.y hey\vat, or water of life, i.e. Felw11ba] mead \Vas brot1gl1t to l1irn while l1e \Vas playing cl1ess. St1clde 11ly he said, '0 land, today you are f11Il of G·a Jias, but 011e day 1ny gra.11clso11 \viii bt1ild here a hot1se a11d n1 ake of you city." ''.lt was," tl1 e cl1 ronicle declares, ''tl1e \VilJ of God." TI1at very \¥eek Taytu decided to constrt 1 ct tl1e hot1se; l1er steward received orders to start ,it 011ce, tl1e \Vor]c began a11d not long after\vards a beat1tiful edifice was erected. 3 In tl1 e following year, 1887, Taytt1 once more left Entoto and i 11 stallecl herself i11 her new ho11se above the l1ot SJJri 11 gs. Then began the building of the town.

All the cl1iefs \Vere ,1llotted sectio1 1s of land in the traditional manner rou 11 d tl1 e royal a.rea, and began individt 1 ally to b11 iJd their ovvn dvvellings. ''The cot1ntry," G�ibra Sellase says, \Vas beat1tift1l. Tl1e army loved staying tl1ere and it was Wayzaro Taytt 1 wl1 0 ordered that tl1 e town shot1ld be give 11 tl1e na1ne of Addis Ababa." 4 A p 1 1blication of tl1 e Addis Aba.ba Mt 1nicipality JJroduced half a cent11ry later by tl1e tl1en Kantiba, or Lord Mayor, Fitawrari Damesse Walda Emmanuel, stated tl1at at this ti111e, i.e. 1886-1887, tl1e following portions of land were allocated at Finfi.11i, in son1e cases to importa11 t persona.lities of state, in other cases to groups of servants or soldiers. : 5

3.

I-1. Viviao, Abyssinia (London, 1901), pp. 173-4.

Actually grandfather.

Guebre Sellassie, op. cit., I, 230, 232-3.

4.

Ibid, I, 241.

1.

2.

5.

o- l I .

I pp .,) n.d , aba Ab dis (Ad bet t e/a seh eta hun a urn qut Addis Ababa Katan,a Gizat, Y;ishib

-149 -

1. Le'Ltl Ras Makonnen.

2. Negus Mika'el.

3. Ras Walda and Fitawrari I-IaJ)ta Maryam.

4. Lej Entala.

5. Ras Darge.

6. Dajazn1ac Walda Gabre'el.

7. Etege Taytu (the En1press).

8. Tl1e Palace g11ards' qL1arter.

9. Butchers' q11arter.

10. Ligeba and Dajaz.mac Tasaw.

11. Afa11egus Nasibu.

12. Sal1afe Tazaz Gabra Sellase. â&#x20AC;˘ 13. Ras Nado.

14. Ecage Ga bra Sellase.

15. Bajerond Fikra Sellase.

16. Ras Abata (later Etage Hotel).

17. Dajazn1ac Garmame.

18. Fitawrari Abba Korran.

19. Nagadras Agedaw.

20. Workers' quarter.

21. D�ija.zn1ac Webe.

22. Dajazmac BerL1 1-Iaylfi Maryam.

23. Fita\vra.ri Gabayehu.

24. Golla area.

25. Negus Walda Giyorgis.

26. Ajaz Gezaw.

27. Ras Betwadad Tasa1111na.

28. Dajazmac Basah Aboye.

29. Liqa1 11akwas Ad11aw.

30. Rifle1ne11's q11arter.

31. Ras Le'L1l Sagad.

The location of son1e of these personalities may 'be seen fro1n the conte1nporary n1aps reproduced in this chapter.

Tl1e tow11 conti.n11ed to develop in tl1e years wlucl1 followed. Dr. Merab, a Georgian pl1am1a.cist later resident in the city, declared that Menilek made tl1e main djstribution of land in 1891, the recipients i11clL1ding 10 or 15 E11ropea11s wl10 111 l1e pro1nised tl1at Addis Ababa would not be abandoned in favo11r of Entoto or any ot11er !)lace. The san1e a11tl1ority also cites Cl1efneL1x, 011e of the first foreign residents, as stating that the first sto11e houses \Vere b11ilt tl1at year.6 Despite its pron1ising start the 11ew to\vn soon suffered from acute shortages of supplies, particularly of fire-wood, witl1 tl1e result that tl1ere \Vas 111uch talk of abandoning tl1e capital in favour of a more promising site.

Tl1e situation at tl1e tL1rn of the cent11ry is clearly apparent i 11 the writings of tl1e foreign travellers of tl1e time. ''For two or tl1ree days before reacl1i1 1g the capital," vvrote the Britisl1 traveller Vivian, ''we had to do witl1out wood in ca111p, for there ,vas scarcely a tree to be see11. Every shrub thflt could possibly be used for firin.g has been cleared."7 Hol1ler, a Britis]1 envoy, \vriting a few years later also em1)l1asised the importance of the proble111. Addis Ababa's wood, l1e explained, ''lJa.d to be tra11sported from a considerable distance. Once a. forest \Vas 6. Merab, op. cit., II, 119.

7. Vivian, op. cit., p. 137.

- 150 -

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Addis Ababa in 1897: an early map - from Count Gleichen, With the Mission to Menelik

- 151 -

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destroyed, tl1ere was little l1ope of its growing ,1gai11, for the cattle wo11ld be p11t to graze, and in tl1e dry weather Abyssinians would set the 11ndergrowtl1 on frre in order to have n1ore food for tl1eir beasts, or to clear the la11d for c11Itivatio11. '' 8 T11e sl1ortage of wood was so great tl1at rnost foreign observers tl1ougl1t the E111 peror wo11ld be obliged to abandon tl1e capital and that it would then fade into insignificance like Entoto before it. It ,vas generally believed tl1at Menilek wo11ld tl111s be unable to abandon the pri11ciple of the n10,1ing capital. ''S01ne 11ine years ago," wrote Vivian, ''Menelik's capital \Vas at E11toto. ... 'No,v only t,vo ch11rcl1es and a fe,v brown r11ins remain of a town ,vhich must l1ave com1Jrised fifty thousan.d souls.... Tl1e Abyssinians are 111ost irnprovident i11 tl1e 1natter of ,vood, cutti11g down forests in a hapl1azard \vay and never troubling to replant. Tl1 e conseqt1ences of this are already felt a.t Addis Ababa; wood is now brot1gl1t tl1ither from a distance o.f sixteen miles, and it is certain that in a very short space of time Me11elik will be obliged to shift his capital once more to tl1e neighbourl1ood of r 9 fresl1 woods." '' fhe ever-increasing forest under Mount Managasha," opined the British envoy Ren11ell Rodd, ''will no doubt eventually entail another n1ove." 10 ''This in1mense straggling settlement," wrote \Vylde ''l1as see11 its best days, and some n.ew place will be cl1osen as headquarters as i. t is no\v nearly in1possible to procure firewood for the wants of the i11habitants .... As long as a large standing army at headq11arters is kept 11p, this settleme11t is doomed." 11 Count Gleicben, anotl1er British diplon1at, agreed, declaring: ''Sooner or later a ne,v spot n1 ust be cl1ose11, for grad·ually all tl1e wood is being cut down a11d cons11roed, and \vhen the dista.nce from the forest beco111es inconveniently great, tl1 e capital must be re­ moved elsewl1ere." 12 Apparent confirmation for tl1e fear tl1at the ca1Jital wo11ld have to be ,1ban.doned was to be fot1r1d i11 tl1 e establishment in 1900-1 of a new town at Mietta, or Meca, some forty kilon1 etres to the west of the city, and, 1n11cl1 nearer the forest area. Tl1e town was called Addis Alam, or Ne\,, World, by En1press Taytt1, a name \\ 1l1icl1 \Vould l1 ave been significant if, as expected, it had become the cap.ital of tl1 e realm. 13 Menilek for a time was very n1ucl1 interested in tl1 e place as the British represe11tative I-Iarrington co1nplained in the first part of 1901.

The En1peror, he observed, ''is so occt1pied with the constructio11 of his new abode that on week days it is i111possible to get him to talk bt1siness." In a later report of May 15 the envoy added: ''Menilek is absol11tely cracked abo11t this ne.w to,v11 l1e is bt1ilding.'' I ◄ The Italians for their part were so co11vinced that Addis Alam wo11ld soon replace Addis i\baba that being a11xious to ·be abreast o f the tin1 es tb.ey actu.ally 1noved their legation to tl1e ne\V toVvrn.15 Nevertb.eless as Dr. Lincoln de Castro of the Italian legation subsequently;.i be­ moaned, the roots of Addis Ababa were by then too strong to allow of an)' move of capital. 16 Otl1er considerations besides tl1e f'orces of inertia also played 8. T. Hol1ler, Diplo,natic Petrel (London, 1942) p. 124.

9. Vivian, op. cit., pp. 173-4.

10. R. Rodd., Soc.:ial and Diplomatic Me,noirs (London, 1922) II, 148-9.

11. \Vylde, Modern Abyssinia, p. 423.

12. Count Gleichen, 1f1ith the Mission, to Meneli/c (London, 1897), p. 158.

13. H. Le Roux, lvfenelik et nous (Paris, 1902), p. 272; L. De Castro, Nella terra del neguJ (Mila.110, 1915), J, 243.

14-. F.O., 1/3, Fiarrington, 4. 1. 1901, 15. 5. 1901.

15. De Castro, op. cit., I, 243.

16. Ibid, I, 243.

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e k's Swiss ad viser, part.· Menil Alf red Ilg' wa' s thoroughly opposed to the · · · A.Ian1 pro�ect. s o_ w�s Harrmg ton wl1� in a pr ivate report coniplained: ''O ne . ano 1 ld b_ e 1 th to 1 r _ Ag e n e c y ha v tl1ere , w1tl1 tl1e probable resul t tha t as soon as will r e stde 11ces tl1e re tl1e King will think the· re· presen tati ves have r. t he ti·me h.as come 1or . . bU1ld1�g . ano tt1e r •Add. ts som e t h1ng. �h� prospect of 11av ing to keep up two separa et ts and of 'flitting to and from between and d1s• t1nct es t ab111sh me n . tllen1 i' s no t a very · , . . ,, 7 H a� rt act1ve one . .. �1rr1ngton s a�t��ude 1s said to have been share d by his fe llow . . for e eign Tl! r epr e t s . sen tat1 plo _ v ma e a s, c d1 cording to Dr. Merab, all adv ised the Emperor against aband on ing Acld 1s Ababa. ts t heir · A�d1s

Gabrli_ Sellase's refe re11ce to tl�e collapse of tl1e Acldis Alam project is brief but _r eve aling. I-Ie rel� t e s -�l1at d uring the r ainy season of 1902 t he Emperor left Addis Aba�a for f\dd1s AJam beca11se of the weather, but on arriving the re ord ered tha t the edifice wl11cb had been begL10 for tl1e use of tl1e Court be con,,erted into a chL1rch. ''The kingd o111 in l1eaven,'' l1e is said to l1 ave declare d ''is wor th more tl1f1n tl1 e kingd om 011 earth." 19 By tl1 L1s offering to he aven tl1e ne; church fashion­ ed as the cl 1ronicle Sctys, in a ne w style never before see n in Etl1iopia,' I\1enilek retained Addis Ababa as tl1e capital of his kingdom on ear th.

I-laving decided agains t abandoning A d dis Ababa tl1e E 1nperor a t once took steps to increase tl1 e flo\V of SLlpplies e11tering the ci t y. lmn1 ediate !y af ter the rains of 1902 l1 e gave ord ers for t he constrt1ction of a road from Addis A1an1 to tl1e ca_pital; tl1e c11 ronicle, wl1icl1 like11s tl1is r oad to those of tl1e fi:ira11j (E11ropea11s), notes sig1.1ifica11tly tl1at tl1is thorougl1 fare 111 ade i t possible for adequate q11autities of wood a11d otl1er n ecessary articles to be bro11ght to the capitaI.20 Do11btless n o less conscious of the need for afforestation and 1vvood conservation than the Europe a11 travellers wl1ose com111ents have been quoted above, Ivrenilek also took actio11 i11 tl1is field . Orders wer e give11 for tl1e pJa11ting of trees 1vvl1 ile tl1e ind iscri.minate cL1ttin g do\vn of forests \Vas prohibited. Tl1e s upply proble1n ,vas moreover tra11sforrned by tl1e introd11ction of the bahiir zaf or e11calyptus tree, wliich now began to be exte 11 sively J,arves t ed. 21 Tl1 e abandonn1e11t of Addis Ala.111 was a major event in tl1e l1ist:or y of Addis Ababa as it 1nean t recog11ition tl1at tl1is city \Vas to be .1nore tl1an a merely te1npo­ rary capital 1il<e so 11 1a11y of tl1e past. An I talian l1istorian, A11sela1110 Briscese, discL1ssirig tl1is qL1estio11 a coLLJ)le of ge11 era tions later, d rew atte1Jtio11 to tl1e sig11 i­ :fica11ce of tl1ese d e,,elo1 )rnents. E111phasisi11g the 1Jromi11e11t role wl1icl1 had been playe d by tl1e city's foreig11 resider1ts, l1e observes: ''The E11ro1)ea11s fo11od tl1e ide a of a changing capital a. considerable inconve11ie11ce a11d 11rg� d lvienilek tl1 �t A?dis Ababa shoL1ld be declar ed a permanent capital.... After 1n1111merable d1scuss1ons tl1e E111peror accepted tl1e reqL1est of tl1e foreig1.1ers a11d a t last it was decided that Addis Ababa sl1011ld beco111e the uncl1angeable capital of tl1e E1npire."22 This far-reacl1ing decision ,¥as symbolized, accord i11g to Br.!scese, . b� tbe e rection by the foreig11 legations of sto11e l1 011ses in l )l[1ce of tl1e earl1er bL11ld 1ngs of n1 ud.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

P.O., 1/45, GWy nn, 1.2. 1901; 1/40, Harrington, 27. 3. 1902.

Merab, op. cit., II, 207.

Guebrc Sel lassie, OJ). cit., II, 496.

Ibid, Il, 499. iri l > khurst, "TJ1c Foundation and Gro\vth of Addis Ab�ba t o. 1?3�:"J�l�ioP_ R. J an 1 , l pra uo · , p1a t E 11o 1n ts res Fo d an e Lif Obser1,er, VII No. 1, 1)1), 51-2; iden1 "\Vile! me Travellers So t1 by see as ns le1 ob Pr tr res Fo d an s est or "F .i, VTI, No. 3, pp. 251-4; s. Chojnack � i.J1 Ethiopia," Journal 0.1· Et/ziopian ,Stuc/ies, I, No . 1, PJ). 3--9: Atti de! Terzo ", 09 19 l ne l ne rr k el1 en M da to itu ist ia iop Et A. Briscesc, "I�' uoica catastro in Congresso di Studi Colouia!e (Roma, 1937), VI, 67.

gi;:;:�:::,

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The Britisl1 and Germans thus b11ilt stone edifices in 1906 and tl1e Italians in 1909.

The city grew fast, and raJJidly acquired a considerable population which was estin1ated in 1910 at between 60, 000 and 100,000. 23

Aln1ost fron1 its inception the city h ad a d� s!inctive ownership JJattern, the _ _ arranoe1 1 1ent of which reflected the trad1t1011al m1l1tary ca1111J. Towards the east O stood the Emperor's palace, tl1e episcopal palace of Ab�na Matt�wos bei11g sitt1ated not far away-near the later erected Ras Makon!-1�11 bridge, while the Rases and other important personalities lived at tl1e extre1mt� es of tl1_e town wl1ere they l1ad been granted large areas of lands. Here were s1t11-a.ted tl1e camps an.d later tl1e residences of s11ch personages as Negt1s Takla Ha�ma:iot, R.as Mf il<onnen, Ras Darge, Ras Wa.Ida Giyorgis, Ras Tasamma, Ras M1ka'el, Ras Webe, Ras Abata, Afanegus Nasib11, Dajaz.mac Berti, Liqamakwas Nado, Dajazmac Wa.san Sagad, Fita,vrari Ha1Jta Giyorgis and Nagadras Hayla Giyorgis as \veil as tl1 e foreig11 legations.

The Europeans and Indians, on the other hand, were begi11ning to establisl1 the111selves in the centre of the town wl1 ere their trading activities ,vere grad11ally raisi11g the value of grot1nd rents. Fi11ally, at tl1e extreme west, lay St. George's, witl1 the city's 111ain mark:et in front of it.24 Tl1e latter was a big rectangula.r stretcl1 of land over a kilon1 etre and 200 or 300 metres \vide, but, according to Merab, had been ''deformed'' by the erosio11 of its bo11ndaries by private proJJerties-a clear indication of the difficulties wl1icl1 were beginning to arise in the absence of lat1 d registration. 25 A significant cl1aracteristic of the city was tl1us tl1e extensive granting of land to tl1e nobility, a course of action which led inevitably to a l1ig]1ly conce11trated type of land O\Vnership as may be seen from a survey of the city's 212 squa.re kilo1netres 1nade s011 1e generations later in 1961. This s11rvey showed tl1at 58 per cent of tl1e total area was ow11ed by 1,768 large proprietors each witl1 more than 10,000 square metres, or an aver::1ge of 71,000 square n1 etres per owner, whereas 24,590 sn1a.ll proprietors o\vning less than 100,000 sqt1a.re n1etres l1ad only 7.4 per cent of tl1e total, the average size of sucl1 plots being a mere 150 square metres.

12. 7 per cent. of tl1e land belonged to tl1 e Governmer1t and foreign embassies or legations, the t\vo types of land being classified togetl1er beca.use both were exempt from tax. A ft1rther 12 per cent. belonged to tl1e Cl1 urcl1, wl1ile the re111a.inder, 9.9 per cent. wlucl1 was unaccounted for, wa.s said to be largely royal la11 d.26 The city's system of land tenure 11nderwent an important cl1a11ge in the early twentietl1 centt1ry wl1en temporary possessio11 was transformed into pern1anent occupa­ tion, the pri11ciple of 1nore or less inalienable o,vnersl1iJJ of land being for the first tinJe officially recogojsed. The British writer, Cl1arles Rey, asserts tl1at wl1en Menilek fell ill ''a number of the big chiefs became nervous as to tl1e tenure of their holdings, and persuaded tl1e then Regent, Ras Tasama, to agree that tl1 ey should be given title-deeds lest a fut11re Emperor should dispossess tl1en1. Tl1e Ab11na was also pers11aded to declare the pains and penalties of tl1e cl1urch against a11y­ one who shot1Id e11deavour to turn them out in t11e ft1tt1re, and, thus fortified, R : Pa.nkhurst, "Notes on the Dernogra1)l1ic llistory of Ethiopia11 To\vns and Villages," Ethio­ pia Observer, IX No. 1, 71-4.

24. �e. Castr ?, _Nella terra dei Negus, I, 235-8; F. Rosen, Eine deursche Gesandtcl1aft in Abes­ s1111en �e1pzig, 1 907), pp. 185-6; Merab, op. cit., II, 121-2; E. Berlai1, .11ddis Ababa la plus _ hauie v1!/e cl'Afr1que (Grenoble, 1963), pp. 61-2.

25. Merab, op. cit,. II, 135.

26. R. �ankl1urst, "The Fou11dat!on and Growtl1 of Addis Ababa to J.925," p. 52; 1'-1esfin Wolde _ Mar1.ai11, Problen1s of Urbanisat1011, paper presented to tl1e Third Internatio11al Conference of Ethiopian Studies (Addis Ababa, 1966), pp. 7-8.

23.

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r 1 11·porary posseste ei th r fo rm fo e . t1 d in ed al se · .. t·1tle deeds th ey \\1ere abl e t o obt·a1n sion." 27 an ly es iv ire .g nt r, te . la ­ so e fl' di or � n tio ra 11e ge a ts en ev e Briscese, describing thes � �n gr to r1ty of nt ct1 ?ta se lt! _re as ''w . r ro pe Em e th at th rent expla11atio11, argui11g eo re ag do so on t to bu , ve ati og er pr n ow s hi 1ed 1 e ak we te1 1ure as l1e felt that it the advice of forejgners.28 l" by ✓.r_e 11.ile� at the end d 11e sig s wa u1) rsl ne ow in ge an cl1 e th ing The edict en1body 11 t10 tra cl g1s re an of le sa land. e th r fo i11g id ov pr es icl art 32 ed of 1907 and contain The decree n1ay be translated as follows : 29 Article I I, Menilek IT, Emperor of Ethiopia, have at1tl1orized 1ny co_t1ntrymen and forei�­ ers, for wl1om I l1ave given a special law, to b11y la 1 1d 1n t11e town of Addis Ababa, bt1t they n1ust not transgress this law.

Article

Il

The Governn1ent sl1all assess the a1not1nt of n1oney to be paid for a certain area of Government land depending 01 1 its value.

Article

ill

I11dividual l1olders may sell tl1eir l1oldings in accordance vvitl1 the provisions of tl1is lavv.

Article IV AJI 1neas11.re1nent of land sl1all be in sq11are 1netres. A sqt1are 1netre shall n1can a11 area of Ia11d one metre long by one metre wide.

Article V Any person purchasing land shall ha,1e its size a11d valt1e assessed by the Govern­ n1ent representati,1e (mesle1ze) ,1nd n1appecl by an engineer.

Article

VI

A copy of tl1.is n1ap is to be given to the Govern1nent to be incl11ded in the Addis Ababa n1ap, and sl1all be called the Ca.daster of Addis Ababa.

Article Vll Th� delimitation of borders, the determination of prices, and tl1e n1easurement of a piece of land shall be done by t\vo engi11eers, one of ,vl10 1 11, and preferably both, must be employees of the Gover11ment. Tl1ey shall st1rvey the land and l1ave it registered. Tl1e remuneration of such engineers sl1all be met by the Governn1ent.

Article VID . If G�vernment land is bo11�ht, tl1e p11rcl1aser sl1all cover the exJ)enses of the . otl1er cases e1 1g1 neer; 1n the parties mt1st agree as to who shot1ld 1 11eet tl1ese costs 27.

28.

29.

C.F. Rey, In the Countr_y of the Blue Nile (London, 1927), pp. 183-4.

Briscese, op. cit., pp. 68-9.

Mal1tan1a Sella.se, Zekra Nligiir, pp. 166-73.

- 156 -

Article IX The Government representative is given the power to determine the value of the land in order to facilitate its sale. The Government has also given permission to the buyers to pay their debts in installments, but has the right to fix a closing date for such payments. If by that date payment is not completed, tl1e Govern­ ment may confiscate the land, paying back the owner witl1out interest the money received from hin1.

Article X The Governn1ent shall issue a certjficate of purcl1ase to persons wl10 have bought land so tl1at tl1ey n1ay n1ake use of it in accordance with the provisions of this la\1/. They cannot, however, obtain sucl1 a c.ertificate until tl1ey have completed tl1eir payment and unless tl1ey abide by the provisions of tlus law.

Article XI A copy of tl1e certificate isst1ed by tl1e register, with tl1e follo\.\1ing particulars: l .) Its of the land. 3.) The name of tl1e bl1yer of and infor1uation of any kind of property on 6.) The name or names of neighbours. 7.) price of the land. 9.) The date of sale.

Government i s to be kept in the nu1nber. 2.) Tl1e name of the seller the land. 4.) Tl1e size of the land it. 5.) The boundaries of the land.

The name of the locality. 8.) The

Article XII Tl1e certificate shall bear the seal of the Governn1ent. Tl1e fee for tl1is seal is$ 10.00, and 1% of the price of the land is also to be paid.

Article XIII When individuals sell or buy land� it shall be done in the presence of Government re1)rese11tative and t\VO witnesses wl10 1nust sign the certificate.

,l

Article XIV

WI1e11 i11dividuals sell lancl to each otl1er, tl1e sale shall be recorcled i11 Govern­ me11t registers and shall bear tl1e official seal. In accordance witl1 Article XII tl1e fee sl1all be fixed at $ 10. 00, plt1s I% of tl1e price.

Article XV If the seller and the buyer agree bet\.\ieen them.selves to state a false price in order to deprive tl1e Govern1nent of its share tl1e bt1yer s11all be liable to pay four ti111es tl1e a111ot1nt initially dt1e to the Government. The seller and wit11esses shall be the bt1yer's guarantors. No one may be IJenalized, l1owever, if the crime is not discovered \Vitl1i11 two years.

Article XVI Foreigners and foreign Companies may buy land in accordance witl1 the I_aw, but st1ch land may 11ot exceed IO hectares thot1gh the Government bas tl1e right to increase this if it so wisl1es. Any person wl10 violates tllis law will be heavily penalized. The Government can confiscate tl1e land, merely by refunding the purch.. ase price.

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Article XVII If witl1it1 25 years an individual sells at a profit land purchase_d fr_orn t�e Government he shall give the latter one-t1:ird �f the . profit. �yo�e viol ting tl11s � Article shall be liable to the penalties specified 1n Article XV of this dec1 ee.

Article XVID If land purcl1 ased from the Governn1ent is sold before complet�on of payment the buyer and seller shall notify the Governn1ent wl10 sl1�ll con1plete tl1e pay111 ent.

Sucl1 agreement sl1all be recorded i11 tl1e Government register.

Article XIX Liabilities to the Governme11t in respect of land, i.e. purcl1ase n1oney and tax, have priority over any other payments.

Article XX If tl1e purchaser of the land has paid f11lfilled the req11iren1ents for a certificate, 11e land. He n1ay sell it, in wJ1ole or i11 part, to borrow n1 oney. If he sells land in a city, be less th.an 400 sq. 1netres.

tl1e f11ll amount of mo� ey a:1 d l1as can do \vhatever l1e \VIlls w1th the tra11sfer it or 11se it as a g11arantee the area of the land sold sl1all not

Article XXI The size of present holdings of land sl1all co11tin11e as they are, b11t hence­ forth land sho11ld not be divided except in accordance witl1 the provisions of this Ia.,v.

Article XXIl Jf a person dies before completing his monetary obligations, his s11ccessors sl1all JJay the re111 aining a1nount or make alter·native arrangemet1ts with t11e Govern­ n1e11t. If tl1ey fail to do so tl1e Governme11 t sl1 all take tl1e land in accordance ,vitl1 Article IX. If a l10L1se l 1 as been bL1ilt on the land, botl1 t11e l1011se and the land sl1all be sold and after paying the debt, the remaining an1 ot1nt shall be paid to tlJe l1eirs.

Article XXIIl If the heirs find it necessary to share the land they may do so, b11t tl1ey n1ust obtajn tl1e Government's permission to redu.ce their sl1ares to less tl1an 400 square metres.

Article XXIV Heirs shall pay to the Governme11t 2% of the value of land they in11erit.

Article XXV The Government may dispossess an individ11al of 11.is holdings if tl1e land. is found to be essential for the orderly develop1ne11t of a city, and in such cases compensation as determined by Governn1 ent experts shall be paid.

- 158 -

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l'ii�h= 1.nq:n+A: · · / certificate. ls. sue-d '" · 1914 Ethiopia11 Calendar it ra est cod a Another Addis Abab r, eoent tin7e . ,nore ch " u 1 s bear8 several e11dorseme11ts of

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Article XXVI If the size of land req11ired is sn1all, less tl1an 2 metres wide, t11e Governinent shall pay the original price of the land. If h.owever, the la11d has been. owned by the i11dividual for more tl1an IO years, tl1e ,,alue of the land shall be as estimated by experts.

Article

XXVII

If tl1 ere are buildings on tl1e land, the Governn1 ent �l1a]l pay tlie price of the land, or may agree to give the o\vner an eq11ivalent holding elsewl1ere.

Article XXVIII If a foreign owner dies and has 11either successors nor � Cons1ilate to re­ present hin1, the Government shall take tl1e land and rent _ rt. If and. whe11 at any time an l1 eir comes the Government sl1all deduct the f ollow1ng: 1 . Any debt of tl1 e deceased to tl1e Government 2. Any amount spent by the Government on improving tl1e land.

3 . A tax of 2% on the value of t]1e land in accordance with Article XXIV. Article XXIX After 30 years if no l1eir appears tl1e Govern1nent shall take over the land and no subseq1tent claims can be counte11anced.

Article X.,XX If the deceased l1as no heirs, l1is la11 d shall become the property of tl1e Govern­ ment.

Article XXXI If djsputes arise about lar1d, tl1 e j11dge sl1a]l rule the dispute in accordance \vitl1 tl1e accepted laws of the country; if such laws are ins11fficient tl1e j11dge shall a.pJJly the N'apoleooic Code.

Article XXXII This law shall be written and posted

i11

convenie11t places in tl1 e city.

Written oo tl1e 20th of feqe,11t, 1900, i n the city of Addis Ababa. lo accordance witl1 this decree the country's fu·st cadestral s11r, 1ev \Vas i11 itiated in Addis Ababa in 1909 on tl1e ha.sis of a plan proposed by a certain foreigner called Jacob Mar. Tl1e director of tl1e project was the Frencl1111,1n, Leon Cl1efne11x, who was assisted by an engineer n,tmed Ja111ne.

Tl1e regulations for registration ,vere based, according to Briscese, 01 1 f'rench J)ractice. First, an overall plan of tl1e city was m�1de on wl1ich future roads \Vere indicated, only two roads being tl1en io. act11al existence. At tl1e san1e time tl1e properties of the Emperor,. the big lords and tl1e ch11rch were 111arked on t11e map. was tl1en su.bm1tted to the Emperor for approval, a11d later served as Tl1e Plan . tl1e basis for cadestral plans of the different properties.

The Emperor shortly tl 1 at be autl1orised afterwards iss11ed a decree stating _ full ownership of tl1e1r lands by all persons who obtained title deeds from the cadestral service.

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To obtain such titles it was necessary to prod·uce one of the followin.g proofs: I. evidence that tl1e land was rest, or private property.

2. a contract of acqt1isition fron1 the former rest owner of tl1e land.

3. a decree · of gift from the Emperor or the Church.

4. proof that tl1e land bad been legally inherited from a rest owner. at t �e same time that 011· providing such proof the landowner It was decreed _ was t ? be . given a _certrficate, referred to as yii. rest }riiraqiit, or ''rest paper'', to be written ill An1 bar1c and French, with a 1nap showing the boundaries of the land.

In return for such a certificate tl1 e recipient was expected to pay his share of the expense of the survey, plus an a11nual tax of 5 per 1,000 of the value of tl1e land as assessed by tl1e engineers.

Registration, according to Briscese, was effected only for lands of 100 square metres and above.

Once their land was registered owners natt1rally felt more inclined tl1 an pre­ viously to n1ake capjtal invest111ents on it. Brjscese states tl1at it was from this ti1ne on tl1at foreigners a11d otl1ers bega11 to b11ild in stone, and that one English compan)1 proposed to obtain la1Jd 011 wl1ich to erect stone houses for foreigners. l'vlenilek is said to .l1a,1e accepted the proposal on condition that the hotising in of land witl1 trees. question vvas surrot111ded by a space .

The cadestral service \Vas 11nited witl1 tl1e cit)1's Mt1nicipality in 1914, almost all tl1e city's land being registered, Briscese says, by 1935. 30 The incentive for o,v11ers to register tl1 eir land was i11creased by tlJe policy of tl1e Bank of Abyssinia, establisl1ed in 1905, wl1ich gave n1 ortgages only against title deeds. 31 Son1 e years after the establishn1ent of tl1e cadestral service ,1 special decree was iss11ed in 1913 reg11lating tl1 e renting of l1 ouses i11 tl1e city. It read as follows : 32 ''Because persons renting and letting hot1ses l1,1ve given t1s trouble by 1naking agreements and tl1 en repudiating their terms ,1s to the rent or the date of occupa­ tion, a course of actio11 partic11larly i11 conve11ient i11 cases where tl1e ide11 tity of tl1e rentee cot1ld 11ot be established, we have n1 ade tl1e following regulatio11 : ''A11 y JJerson letting or renting a. l1 011se sl1all go to the police-station a11d register informatio11 011 tl1 e hot1se, tl1 e amount of 111 oney for whicl1 it has been rented, tl1e day 011 wl1icl1 tl1e rentee \Vill begin and e11 d occ11pation. The contract bet,veen tl1e tw� IJarties sh.all be stan1 1Jed witl1 the police-station seal. If the contract­ ing parties \Vish to extend or cancel their contract tl1ey 1nt1st return to the police station to give notice of tl1e matter. ''Sl1ot1ld they break: th.is reg11latio11 by faili11g to report a co11tract to tl1e police­ station both parties sl1all be obliged to pay a :fi11 e of $ IO. 00 to tl1e Gover11n1ent; shot1ld tl1ey rep11diate tl1 eir co11tr�1ct tl1ey will not be allowed to give evidence wit] 1ot1t tl1 e police-statio11 register a.11d seal."

Tl1e clbove edicts are of n1 ajor significance co11stitt1ting as they do imJJortant land111 arks i11 t11 e evolt1tion whereby tl1e traditional temporary land allocations of a royal camp were transformed into permanent property, as \Vell as marking the cou11try's first steps i11 the field of State supervisio11 of rents.

30.

31.

32.

Briscese, op. cit., pp. 68-9. Vide also Guebre Sellassie, op. cit., IJ, 615.

R. Pankhurst, "Ethiopian Monetary and :Banki11g Innovations in tl1e Nineteentl1 and early T\veniieth Ce11turies,'' Jour11af of Ethiopian Studies, I, No. 2, pp. 99-100.

J.I. Eadie, An ,,1,r1!zaric Reacler (Can1bridge, 1924), pp. 191-2.

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XX.XIV LAND REFORJ.'1S o·uTSIDE ADDIS ABA..BA No less important developments \Vere n1eanwhile taking place outside Addis Ababa. The cl1ronicle of Gabra Sellase records that in Ja11uary, I 891, soon after the establishment of tl1e capital the Emperor Menilek, after cons1:lting the Fet/1a Nagiist, isst1ed an edict establishing l1ereditary ownership of land 1n tl1e area be­ tween Wayt and the A\Vas. The decree declared that all Galla lands. known as gasa rniiret (shield land), tl1e l1olders of ,vbicl1 were st1pposed to f11rn1sh a _man armed with a sl1.ield, sl1ould henceforward be considered as rest, or l1ered1_tary property, regulated according to customs tl1e11 existing in Manz. It was also specified that convicted crim.inals were liable to the confiscation of tl1eir goods b11t not of their land. The decree, Ga.bra Sellase states, filled the Emperor's cl1iefs and soldiers ''with a.n in11ne11se joy." The law in Shoa, he explains, had hitherto . been ''ve� y severe," a person found guilty of a grave crime being liable of th� se1z11re o[ lus land. This applied to relatives of an escaped criminal up to the third generat1on. 1 A decade later in 1903-4 tl1e E111peror gave orders for the restit11tion of land rights to Galla tribes111 e11 wl1 0 had bee11 expropriated dt1ring tl1e pre,,ious periods of fighti 11g. 2 Gabra Sellase argt1es tha.t tl1e Gallas l1ad been dispossessed because thougl1 conquered since tl1e time of Sahla Sellase they l1ad ma.de inc11rsions into the Cl1 ristian country, bur11ing the churches and reft1sing to st1bmit to the governor appointed to rt1le tl1e1n, their action leading to constant fighting in v1hicl1 111any Christia11s l1a.d been killed. Menilelc, ]10\vever is said to l1ave been saddened to see tl1e Galla yo11th de1)rived. of its J)aternal heritage. ''While I r11le the country of my fa.ther," l1 e is said to l1ave declarecl, ''the children of Galla balabbats must not be disinherited." Since ma11y of tl1e lands formerly occupied by Galla tribesmen had by tl1en been occt1pied, tl1 e Emperor ordered that they sl1 ould be divided be­ tween Gallas and Amharas. Many. Gallas, according to de Coppet, l1ad already effectively protected their lands by handing tl1en1 over to Amha.ra chiefs on condi­ tion tl1at tl1ey co11ld. remain tl1ere for a fixed rent; they now received a sisso, or tl1ird, of tl1eir forn1er lands, ,vhich of course l1ad greatly incre�tsed in value.3 The r11les establisl1ed at this time, according to Mahta111a Sellase, were as follows= If the n1alkafiiia l1a.d obtained five ge,1sas, or anytl1ing over fo11r, tl1e balabbats ,vas to be gi,1en a gasa; if the for1ner had three, tl1e latter woltld receive half a gasa; if two and a half, half; if two, a half, wl1ich could be located ft1rtl1er afield; a.nd if 011e, one-fo11rtl1 of a gasa wl1icl1 migl1t also be further off:1 Tl1e security of rest was further strengthened towards the end of 1v1enilek's reion by the first se! ?� decisio�s taken __ by__ the cab}net which he l1ad appointed i 11 Octob;r, se records, that persons fo11nd guilty of I 907. T�e mtnrscers_ dec1d �d, Gabra Sella. _ _ their lands prev1ot1sly could be forfeited should henceforward grave crimes for \Vl1 tch be liable to the seizure of their cattle and corporal p·unisl1rnent, but could not 1.

2.

3.

4.

Guebre Sellassie, op. cit., I, 301-2.

Ibid, I, 209, 301, 359. Vide also Mahta.ma Sellase, Zeier.ii Niiga:r, p. 113; Mi cllel, op. cit., p. 484.

Guebre Sellasie, op. cit., II, 509 & n.

Mabtama Sellassie, Zekra Niigiir, p. 113.

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be clisJJossessed of tl1eir land. An exception, however, was made in the case of escaped murderers and _persons fot1nd gt1ilty of plotting against the Government.

De Coppet s,Lys that this exception in practice also incl11ded robbers. The Ministers f11rtber proclaimed tl1at all land inherited fron1 father or motl1er or purchased with n1oney was to be co11sidered as rest, but t11 at ,nac/iire),a or mat/ca.ya land, which was given at tl1e sov ereign's pleasure, was 11ot affected by this decision unless the Government had made it rest in \\1hicl1 case tl1e land was likewise i 11violable. The decree also laid down that lands l1elonging to a person wl1 0 died without c]1 ildren sl1oulcl pass to the deceased 's father or n1 otber, and not to the local chief, or ceqa si,,n, who had 11.itherto take 11 them as tl1e representative of the Gover11 ment.

In tl1e absence of parents sucl1 lands ha.d to pass to the deceased's brother or to his nearest relatives as far as tl1e fo11rtl1 degre e. Only jn the absence of such relatives sho11ld tl1e ceqa si,111 take over tl1e la11d. Tl1e rigl1t of a proprietor to will land away fron1 I1is relatives was likewise recog 11 ised. Thes e decisions, Gabra Sellase co1nn1 ents, were proclaimed by tl1e E 11 1peror's com1nan d and were pleasing to the cl1i efs and soldiers. 5 At least two other cl1 a11ges 1nay be noticed in this period. De Coppet states that at a·bol1t tl1is time the State ass11med co 11trol of the church tithes of Shoa to make tl1em available for tl1e rebuilcli11g of churcl1es in that province. 6 Anotl1er develop111ent occurred in Tegre where, accorcli11g to Villari, Dajazmac Gabra Sellase of A kst1111 ,1bolished tl1e tribl1te paicl by certain areas of Ad et to the convent of Dabra Gannat. Tl1e tribute was, however, later rein1posed by the E1npress Zawditu. 7

�go;;i �08s;� �1, o . i 6 � l6 S t ci � p. � die Ea :; . , _11; � : � 529 II '.. � S e ll�s e a N 1 t 5. Guebrc! ellassie , op. cit., ' .

M 13 l , ,. , al1 an1a Principi di cliritto co11suetuclinarto c/ell Eritrea, p.

3, 325n. Vide also De Felcourt, op. cit., pp. 68-9.

6. Guebre SeIJassie, op. cit., I, 32 7. Villari, 01). cit., p. 1441. .

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XXXV THE ENDING OF PEASANTS' OBLIGATIONS TO THE SOLDIERY Menilek, like Tewodros before hin1, was f uil� .�?nscio11s of the injustice of . the s stem whereby t11e soldiers were allowed to requ1s1t10�1 �r lo�� wl1 atev�r they liked f�om the peasantry. Tlie di:fficultie� prod11ced by tlus 111equ1rable state o� affairs were inteiisifi.ed by the great fa1n1ne of 1889-1892 when food of_ any k111d was almost unobtainable.

Spurred to action perhaps by tl1is famine the E1u1 Jero� i� sued a pro?lamation _ . in October 1892 when s11pplies were still very scarce, f orb1ctd1ng tl1e soldiers from quartering 'tbems;lves on private persons. G�bra �ellase � tates tl1at M·enilek_ at tl1e same time established a n.ew tax 011t of wluch l11s \Varr1ors could. be provided. It \Vas based on the principle of a tithe. Tl1e chr?nicler, describi11g t]lis d11e in pictur­ esque terms, says that his master was followrng tb.e I?roverb that one should give according to one's capacity and supply barley according to the 1111n1 ber of stems, and l1ad ordered his people to l1 elp according to their strength, tl1e poor on the basis of tl1eir poverty and the rich of tl1eir ricl1es. Ga.bra Sellase adds tlJat the decree was very popt1Iar, tl1at it did not take land. fro1n the Cl1t1rch, b11t accorded with the Biblical precept, ''Re11der 11nto Caesar the things that are Caesar's a .nd to God the tlungs t11at are God's'' 1 T]us tithe, Co11ti Rossi11i asserts, was first s11ggested to tl1e E1nperor by Ras Makon11 e11 wl1 0 had fo11nd it practiced in l1is governorate of Harar. Every soldier moreover was ordered to bring a donkey ,vitl1 ]1i1u, or, in lieu. tl1 ereof, tl11·ee dollars witl1 wl1ich to purchase one, tb.e idea being tl1at it would be possible to a11gment the arn1y's sup1Jlies of food and l1e11ce reduce tl1 e need for razzias.2 Tl1e systen1 of taxation, like that already described for tl1 e 1v1iddle Ages, was h. owever by no n1 eans easy to operate and strainecl the Gover11me11t n1acl1ine to the t1tmost. :tY1ab.tan1a Sellase s11ggests tl1 at tl1e scheme ,vas strengtl1 ened in 1901 whe11 tl1e Emperor gave or repeated his orders tl1at all landed IJrt1prietors m11st send a tenth of their cereal harvest to Govern1nent granaries to be 11sed for tl1e soldiers' rations. ''Tl1is procedure,'' the autl1or adds, ''gave satisfaction to tl1 e soldiers and also to the peasa�ts, wl10 thereby were able to live and work undist11rbed. Tl1ey DO\V _ toiled so ass1duo11sly tl1at tl1ey suppliecl st1fficient prod11ce for tl1 e needs of tl1e royal l1 ot1sehold and administratio11 as well as for tl1 e soldiers, and even provided a surplus. ''As the harvest was satisfactory tl1 e first year, tl1e collectors of titl1e and . . _t �e1 : _secretaries came to an agree111 ent \Vith the peasants and tt1e receipt o. f titl1e d1nun1sbed. It \\'as therefore tho11�l1t best to put confide11ce i. n the peasants wl10 had to pledge tl1 emselves to deal JlIStly and tl1emselves de1Josit the titl1e. ''In the first t\vo years tl1ereafter a11 ab11ndance of cereals ,vere collected, but tl1e quantities diminisl1ed as tl1e cultivators failed to ft1lfil tl1 eir pledge. Tl1e soldiers 1. Guebre Sellassie, op. cit., I, 323-5 &n.

2. Conti Rossini, Italia ed Etiopia, 172-3 & n.

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,vere therefore ord.ered to regulate and to collect their share of the grain; but it was impossible to maintain peace between tl1e soldiers and peasants. It was there­ fore decreed. tl1 at tl1e peasants mt1st supply titl1e on the basis o( ten quintals a gasa of fertile la11d (liim), five quintals per gasa of medium land (liimfaf) and two qttintals per ga:}a of poor land (tiif). Three years later, however, the lands formerly classed as poor were put 11nder ct1ltivation wl1ile the lands hitherto con­ sidered fertile were abandoned.

Thtts diffic11lties arose and new regulations ,vere consequently adopted whereby eacl1 district chief 11 ad to choose tl1ree persons from among tl1 e assembled land­ owners, who, witl1 the c11.ief, l1 is assista11 t and 11 is secretary, l1 ad tl1e duty of valuing the l1arvest in the field in order not to wrong eitl1 er the ct1ltivators or the Govern­ ment. A certificate of val11ation l1ad to be given to each cultivator who bad to deliver tithe 011 this basis. This systen1 continued until the Italian occupation of 1936."3

3.

op. cit., p. en, ich Gle o als e Vid .

295 p. ia," iop Eth of tem Sys d an L 1e Tl , ' · , Mabteme Sellass1e 203; l{eller, op. cit., p. 94.

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XXXVI .,

LAND ALLOCATIONS FOR PUBLIC 1 RAI'\J'SPORT g th e Men�lel< perio d rin du ies t1lt fac t or sp an t rn de mo of nt me lop ve de � The . t or long term grant en u a. rm pe tl1e ly n1e na , on at1 oc all d lan of e typ w ne d a ate necessit ing of Govermnent land..

The qtiestion beco1ne important in 1894 when_ I)]ans . were being made for the establisl1 me11 t of the Jibt1ti railway. Menilek's Swiss adv1ser, Alfred Ilg, who was to be given the railway concession, is smd to have urged ! l1 e Emperor to grant tlie proposed rai}�,ay company a contint1ot1s stretch of territory along the entire length of the line.

Menilek's orioinal railway concession of March 9, 1894, which estab]isl1ed the Compagnie In1peria.le d.es Che1nins de Fer E� I1 101 Jiens, according!� la.id down i11 Article XI that t11e Emperor agreed to provide the Co1npa11y w1tl1 ,111 tl1e land it required for th.e railway, inclu.ding a zone 1,000 1netres wide a.long tl1e e11tire stretcl1 of tl1e line, as well as any forests, 1ni11es or ,vaters witl1in that area. Tl1e duration of the grant was defined in Articles II and III \Vl1 icl1 stated tl1at t11e line was to be constn1cted i11 tl1ree stretcl1 es for eacl1 of wl1icl1 tl1e con1pan.y was grantecl a. 99 yea.r concession rt1nning from the ti1ne of its completio11. 1 •

Tl1 is extensive grant, b,:1sed as it \Vas on t l1e principle of t11e sovereign's aliena­ tion of Jand for a 1011g specified [Jeriod of ti1ne was so111etlii11 g ne\v in Etl1iopian history. Menilek seen1 s to J1 ave bee11 by 11 0 means f11lly sympathetic to tl1e develop­ n1ent: indeed, accordi11 g to tl1e lta.lia11 observer: Felter, l1 e agreed to it only with reltictance. 2 It is tl1ere[ore perl1 aps not st1r1Jrising that the gra11t \Vas substa11tially ct1rtailed wl1en Menilelc bad occasion to dra,v LIIJ a new rail\vay concession, tl1 e origi11al com.pany l1aving gone b::1nkrt1pt. Tl1e new concessio11 of Marcl1 28, 1 908, established a 11 ew co111 pauy, the Con1pag11ie Chemi11 de l:;-er Franco - Et11 io1Jien de Djibouti fl Addis Abeba, and stc:1ted in Article IV tl1 at tl1e 1,000 111etre Vi'ide strip of land sl1ou'ld extend 011Iy froin tl1e French fro11 tier to Dire Da\va. 3 Bet\,Veen t11 ::1t town and tl1e AV1ras ri,1er tl1e grant \VrLs red11ced 200 n1 etres and between tli at river and tl1e ca J)ital to a . 111 ere 50 111 etres. It ,vas 1noreover for tl1 e first time clearly specified that tl1e subsoil ren1ained the property of tl1 e Ethiopian Go,1ernn1et1t.

Article II established tl1 at the gra11 t \-Vas to last for 99 years fro111 the day ,vhen the Ii11e ,vas completed a n. d p11t i11 operatio11 as far as Addis Ababa. Tl1is in fact took. place ir1 1917. 4 A res·ult of these Da.wa and pres11mably the 11t1rcl1 ase of land

railway grants was tl1at the syste111 of Iar1d tet111re in Dire . otl1er to,vns on the line was radically tr�1r1sformed. Tl1011gl1 1n tl1e cot1ntry at large was traditionally al i11 ost unknown,

C. Rossetti, Storia dip/01naticc1 delf'Etiopia clurar1te fl regno di li1e,,e!il, II (Torino, 1901) pp. 135-7.

2. tvfartini, op. cit., I, 150.

3. On tl1e difficulties, vide R. Panlcht1rst, ''Tl1e Franco-Etliiopia,1 Rajlv,1ay and its I-listory," : Ethiopia Observer, Vol. Vl, No. 4, pp. 342-79.

4. Rossetti, op. cit., pp. 370-1.

1.

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Kt1lmer, a traveller of tl1is period, notes that at Dire Dawa at least anyone could buy it without diffict1lty. 5 Dire Dawa's devel?pme �t owed much to tl1ese arrangen1ents. Wolynsky, an observer of 1903, described 1t as a ''symmetrical and elegant'' centre, and added that withit1 a year it had ''taken on the aspect of a gracious city.''6 The construction of modern roads, tho11gh not involving the grant of land to foreigners, also created proble111s in so far as it entailed the expropriation of exist­ ing land holders. Tl1e Menilek period witnessed a considerable amount of road building a disct1ssion of wl1icl1 lies outside tl1e scope of the present study. Thot1gh few det1:1i]s are available on tl1e procedures of expropriation involved the American envoy Robert Skinner ba.s left us a description of one stich act. I-Ie noted in 1903 that a year or so earlier wl1en tl1e road between Dire Dawa and Harar \Vas being projected ''it became necessary to condemn the land required for its construction." Tl1e local Gal]as in tl1e area concerned thereupon ,vaited 11pon their governor Ras Makonnen. Skinner, describing the discussion which followed, says that occt1pants of tl1e land con1plained that ''their farms would be ruined," and added that tl1eir work must go on: they could not accept the price offered for the land. ''But it is a good, fair price, is it not?," said the Ras. ''lt is not tl1e price we complain of, most gracious lord; we don't ,vant our farms destroyed." ''The Ras," Skinner says, tl1ereupon ''ordered tl1em ot1t of his presence, saying that there was but one Governor of Harar, and tl1at he alone wo11ld Sa)' what migl1t or rnigl1t not be done. The road was constrt1cted, and a guard prevented interference ,vitl1 the labourers. When it was all over, the Ras ca]led the tt1rbt1lent spirits before hi111, and telli11g the1n tl1at l1e l1ad been compelled to exert l1 is � utho­ rity in order to demonstrate l1is st1premacy, he was now prepared volt1ntar1ly to pay tl1em twice the valt1e of their property, tl1t1s showing tl1em that their Gover11or cot1ld be generot1s as well as just. ''7

5.

6.

7.

Kulmer, o_p. cit., p. 109. .

-?· 25 p.

4, 1_90 ; ide , 275 2, p.

190 le, rc1a me com ne zio ora xpl L'e e", � cJ � opi 1 D. 'iVo]ynsky, "Note Eti E t h 10m s t1on n1ca n1u t Com and por ans Skinner, op. cit., pp. 16-17. Vide also R. Pankhurst, "Tr pia," Journal of Transport llistory, V, No. 2, 76-9.

- 169 ·-

xxxvn TIIE POSITION OF FOREIGNERS Traditionally, foreigners l1ad. often held lands on n1?re or less the sa1ne terms _ as Ethiopians, i.e. 11sua1Jy at the pleasure of the sover�1gn, and !111s system conti11ued throughout tl1e late nineteenth and early. twentieth . centu�1es, \V11en several dozen E1tropea11s, Ar111 enians and India11s acc1111red la11d 1n var1o·us })arts of the countr) 1 1

1

•

A tyJ)ical foreig11 land-holder of this period �as tl1� French travell�r, Pa.ul Soleillet, who re1Jorted in 1883 that Menilek l1ad gtven 111m a fief o! ferttle land near tl1e Akaki river capable of feeding a tl1ol1sand people. ''I a!Il independent," Solei]let ,vrote, ''on lands wl1icJ1 depend on 110 one b11t tl1e k111g, and I lead more or Jess tl1e existence of tl1e baro11s of tl1e Ivlicldle Ages, ... ''In tl1e n1or1ung I spend an l1our or two traini11 g 1ny l1orses in n1y fields; I I1unt or fisb; I JJreside later over the din11er of 111y people, a11d I also give i jl1stice, because to every 111i:i/lciilifa are attacl1ed gabbars, peasants, wl10 are ad­ n1inistered i11 tl1e na1ne of the king b)' the 111ii/lciiizfic1. ''2 Tl1ol1gl1 tl1t1s economically privileged and ilble to enjoy a life of ease, the frencl1 111a11 l1acl no sec11rity of tenu.re; l1e l1eld l1is fief entirely at Menilelc's \vill \Vhicl1 could be at any tin1 e \Vithdra.w11.

Tl1e establisl1111 ent of Addis Ababa \vas followed by an increase in foreign settle­ n1 ent, Dr. Merab stating tl1t1t by 1891 ter1 of fifteen foreigners l1ad taken tip resi­ dence in tl1e C,l1Jital. 3 Tl1ey I1ad, however, 110 per1nanent rights of te11ure. Tl1e da11ghter of o.11 e of tl1ese foreig.□ers, Dikran Ebeya11, wl10 was an Arme11ian and the capital's pri11cipal jeweller, illustrates the situatio11 at tl1is time. Sl1e relates that tl1e Emperor originally gave lier fatl1er a piece of la11d nea.r tl1e palace of the Abt1na. R.as Abata, or1e of tl1e leadit1g nobles, tl1en asked tl1e Armenian for it, offering to give l1i11 1 bis own land in excl1ange, Ebeyan agreed to tl1e request, asking merely if N.[e11ilelc agreed wl1ich he djd, The land trftnsfer \\'as tl1 erel1pon etTected. 4 Tho11gh by no mea11s fl1lly satisfied by s11cl1 i11sect1rity of tent1re tl1e t�oreigners appear to have bee11 m·ucl1 1nore disquieted by the fear tl1at tl1e En1peror migl1t aba11don his capital in favo11r of another site. S11cl1 cl n1ove would of co11rse have invol,1ed tl1 e loss for tbe1n of tl1e greater part of their investn1e11 t in l1ousel1old property. It was largely for this reason, as we l1ave seen, tl1at tl1 ey urged tJ1 e E1J1peror to rule out the idea of leaving Addis Ababa.

Though s11ccessft11 in this demand tl1e foreigners \Vere at this time entirely unable to JJersl1ade Menilek to gra11t tl1e111 more tl1 a11 temporary title to their Ja11d.

To have do11e so would have sig11ificantly lin1ited l1is sovereig11 ty.

R. Pan½J1urst, M e11elilc a_1icl �he Utilisation of Foreign Slcills in Ethiopia?, paper presented to _ I U111vers1ty Faculty of Arts (Addis Ababa )966)· ''Au I-Iarar" Le 1nonthe Haile Sellass1e ' ' ' cle lllustre, 22. 5. 1897.

2. Soleillet, op. cit., p. 18.

3. Merab, op. cit., Il, 119.

4. Information ki11dly supplied by Madan1e. Arousiak Ebeyan.

1.

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The positio11 of foreigners . at this time was clearly defined in the report of tl1e D·ucl1esne-Fot1rnet mission of 1901-1902 wl1ich noted: ''property st1ch as we understand it i n Europe, does not J'et exist for Europeans in Abyssinia. In Addis Ababa those wl1 0 occupy lands, bt1ilt on or not, have received the111 n1 ore or less temporarily from the En1peror."

This insec11rity o.f tenure was, l1owever, more theoretical than actual, for the mission explajns ·tL1 at the Emperor ''generally did. not take back possession with­ out a seriot1s reason nor withot1t giving cornpe11sation to its holder." 5 The extent to wbicl1 foreigners could actually obtain land by purchase is ob­ scure. The D·uches11e - Fou1·oet 1nission was informed tl1at a European l1ad then ''rece11tly paid tl1e E . mperor a very high Slim for a piece of ]and and had, theore­ tically at. least, obtained title deeds in return." 6 Skinner, on the otl1er ha11d, at abot1t the sa1ne tin1e quoted the view of another Frenchn1an, Eugene Carette, who stated tl1at tl1e foreig11ers' rigl1t to land was by no means at1to.matic a11d that ''in practice a sale, loan, or gjft of land to a foreigner will never be permitted withot1t formal sa11ction of the Sovereign." 7 The questio11 of land ownersl1ip by foreigi1ers was tl1e s11bject of a ct1rious co11 versation in .1901 bet\veen tl1e En1peror and tl1e Frencl1 writer Ht1gt1es Le Rot1x.

T .he Frenchman reports tl1 at ]1e had been informed th,1t the Emperor intended to give lum a piece of land. Havi11g gre:1t confidence in tl1e futt1re of Ethiopia Le Roux had decided to bring llp one of l1is sons to work in the country. I-le tl1ere­ fore told Menilek of his desire of obtaining some land at Tedica Malka on the Ka.sam river, but added. be did not want it as a gift from tl1e Emperor, bt1t wot1.ld like to purcl1ase it on ,vl,atever terms tl1e latter 1njgl1 t suggest.

N[enilek, he relates, sho\ved sligl1t st1rprise, inqt1iring: ''Why do you wisl1 to buy vvbat I ,va.nt to give you?''

Le Rot1x replied: ''111 order to close tl1e 111outh of those who say, 'In Etl1iopia one cannot pt1rcl1ase land or own it completely in st1ch a way as to ·be able to beqt1eatl1 it to one's l1eir by inl1eritai1ce or sell it as one wishes.' '' Commenting on tl1ese \Vords Me11ile.k replied tha.t s·uch views were expressed by ''_persons desirous of i11juring tl1e co11ntry." ''Tl1ey l1 �1ve only to open the Fet/1ci Nagiist," l1e arg11ed, ''to find chapters i11 ot1r code wl1ich clearly defi11e the condi­ tions of tl1 e rigl1t to property. Obviously Ia11 ds ,vl1icl1 form IJart of tl1e crown do1nai11 s caru1 ot be sold. Tl1ey are tl1e property of tl1e Emperor in the sa1ne ,vay that a piece of .land n1 a.y be tl1e pro1Jerty of a Galla or AIJyssinian \Vl10 inl1erited it fron1 l1is fa.tl1er. Si1nilarly one of 1ny pul1Jic functionaries, Ras, priest or soldier, wl1ose services I re111unerate by allo\.ving hin1 the revenues from a lc1od belonging to tl1e crown is not tl1 e o,v11er of this la11d. H·e can11ot sell it or bequeat11 it.

It is mine, not l1is. But as far as all otl1er lands not part of the imperial domains are concerned. tl1ey belong to tl1ose \Vl10 possess the1n. Tl1eir owners can sell the1n not only to an Abyssinia11 or ::1 Galla bt1t also to a foreigner.''

After a 1110111ent's reflection tl1e Emperor continued: ''Tell me, when an EngLish1nan wisl1es to buy land in France does he ovvn it according to t]1e English law or the Frencl1. ?'' (

•

5. Duchesne-Fournet , op. cti., I, 261.

6. Ibid,• I, 261 ..

• 7. Skinner, Qp. _ cit., 149.

•

- 171 -

. .

replied. , ux o R Le ''The ·Frencl1, of course ... , m r a ch l1e en et Fr wh an n, o rs pe or ''a d a ue in nt o Em pe tl1e w e ''A nd ?, . " . � f c; doe bjs ownership of it exe mp t llim from all � . .foreig s ner, obtains a piece of an overn n1ent in y o ur co11ntry?'' g 's r o r pe m E e th payments to wl1at corresponds to ns n e d p di ro in u E ot ty er op co pr of ti tl1e ownersl1ip tl1at ed · itt m ad L e Roux • . d d . onclu e c r o er p m E e th n o p u re e w h n, o tute exemption from taxati ­ d e n.

1er la ! in ow !1s co er ac gn e� or f rd A . pe ''It is tl1us the same here as in Euro 1as _ to pa y t� e tax. l lcb :'h elf its d lan e th is it us ance with Abyssinian law. \.Vith sl 1 to o�ta111 has wi u yo ich wh a alk Ivl a dic Te at d lan I s11ppose that tl1is piece of l era se� d days labour. an y n� ho of _ts p o l e�a s�v f o e to pay the Crown an annual du oo tirh bo gb the nei d. Here rn ds lan ial per im n tai cer Tl1ese lands serve to cultivate you will ha ve to pay this tax in the same way as yo11 v:011Id ha,�e to pay tl1e tax in your own cot1ntry or in whatever c ountry anyo ne obtamed a piece of land."

At this point, Le Ro11x tells us, the E1nperor appeared t o reflect a moment, looked in front of l1imself, slightly knitting his eyebrows, and suddenly re111arked as though to hin1self:

''And if it were otl1erwise? Tl1e f oreigners wl10 purchased lancl in my country would th.us become the king of what they acq11ired?'' 8 Notwithstanding tl1e aml)iguities o f traditional tenure and the Emperor's fears of land ownership by aliens, foreigners steadily increased their ownership, parti­ cularly in Addis Ababa. De Coppet states that ''many properties'' in the capital were by tlJe end of tl1e Menilek period owned by Europeans and Armenians, having eitl1er been purchased by Ethiopians o r more often received as gifts from tl1e En11)eror. Tl1e same observer adds that tho11gl1 ownersl1ip was facilitated by tl1e city's cadestral survey practical difficulties still existed n ot only in the payment of custon1ary forms of tribute but als o in the req11irements of milita.ry service which could not bind foreigners. 9 Foreingers of the late Menilek period like those of earlier times often voiced a strong desire to obtain outright tenure. A British report for May 8, 1897, stated tl1at Italian prisoners captured at Adwa wl10 were then ret11rning from Addis Ababa declared that : ''One of the pri11cipal objects'' of the French mission to Ethiopia then led by M. Lagarde was to obtain for the French the rigl1t to purchase and hold. imm obile pr operty in Abyssinia, which King Menilek v,rould not hear of." 10 A dec�de or s o _later the French Mi11 ister in Addis Ababa, M. Klobukowski, suc�eeded in per�uad1ng the E1:1peror t o agree t o a treaty on 1·anuary 10, 1908, �1cle II of wh1cl1 granted subjects of the two nations the right to own property 1n <:ach other's _ lan�s. The text n on�theless contained an imp o rtant qt1alifying clause statmg that this right of ownership was to be ''s11bject to tJ1 e custom of the country." 11 Tho ugh legally applicable only to citizens of France this privilege , as 8. Le Roux, Menelik et nous, pp. 433-5.

9. Guebre Sellassie, op. cit., IT, 615.

10. F.O., 4031255, Sadler, 8. 5. 1897.

11. A. Zervos, f.:'Empire d'Ethiopie, (Alexandria, 1936), p. 435. Vid e also De Felcourt, op. cit., p. 71; D. N1kolopoulos, Ac/dis Ababa ou "Fleur nouvelle" (Marseil le, 1923), p. 133.

- 172 •

de Coppet observes, was in fact extended to all foreigners, no distinction what­ soever being drawn between Frenchmen and persons of other foreign nationalities."t2 The sale of land to foreigners, however, was later prohibited by a decree issued in 1910 during the period of Lej Iyasu, leases being, as we shall see, later limited to thirty years. Foreign landowners already established were nonetheless entitled to contin11e to own s11ch land as they already l1e]d or to dispose of them freely, even to other foreigners. 13

12.

13.

Guebre Sellassie, op. cit., II, 615. . ,noderne . ie ,Erlt,op be t, L 11om ° C E. o als e Vid .

183 p. le, Ni e Blu y the ry of u11t Co /11 tfre Re , il n, 19 28 ) , p. 16 5 · (B l er (Dijon, 1935), pp. 110-12; E.H. Scrrenzel, Abessi11ier1

173 -

XXXVIII TENANT OBLIGATIONS A significa.nt body of n1aterial is available 011 t_l1e st� tus of the. giibbar, or . tenant, i11 Sl1oa as \.Vell as some of the southern l)rov1nces 1� the. Menilek per1� d.

Tli e aab!Jcir was as de Coppet observes, the arcl1 on .whicl1 tl1e wl1ole soc ial systen� rested a�d tl1 e prodt1cer ,vho sup1)lied all the o�her classes. 1 The term giibbar, \1/hicl1 tl1eoretically 111eant one ,vho paid gebr or tribute, l1ad become nar­ rowed to such an extent as to signify a person quartered 011 tl1e land of anotl1er, tl1e 11earest E11 glisl1 equivalents being tl1erefore tenant or sqt1atter, the French term meta_ver being however more exact. 2 Gabbars were to be � ound on all. types_ of land, whet11 er l1eld by State, Cht1rcl1 or private persons, and d1scl1arged tl1e1r obliga­ tions to the ow 11 ers of the land on w]Jich tl1 ey worked in various manners rar1ging fron1 labo11ring to re11dering agricultural produce. 3 Tl1e giibbar�s positio 11 , wlJic11 was never clearly defi11ed, tended to b� depressed _ were,

by J1is i 11a.bility to obtai11 lan.d. of l1 is o\.v11. Foreign detractors o. f Etl110p1a . l1owever, mistaken in equating a person of tllis status ,vith a. slave o_r even a serf.

Thus Mo 1 1ta11don clearly affir 1 ns that a. gabbar was merely ''a s11bJect wl10 owes tax to tl1e governor of the province or district," and adds: ''All those ,vl10 are not officials, priests or soldiers are gabbars." 4 A generatio 1 1 or so later the British Consul Walker reiterated tl1e same point, declari11 g, ''tl1ere is no shame in the \Vord. gabbar, one wl1 0 IJays gibir, for even Menilik l1imself paid taxes to tl1e go\rernment on his land. Tl1t1s any lJigl1 officer will be a giibbar." 5 Gabbars were, l1owever, expected to 1111dertake an infinite variety of tasks de­ pending 011 tl1e needs of tin1e a11d pl(1ce. Tl1eir status in fa.ct varied greatly. In tl1e nortl1ern provi11ces, ,vl1ere tl1e syste1n ,vas longer established and wl1ere gabbars and non-gabbars ,vere part of a relatively hon1ogeneo11s popt1lation and often in fa.ct related, the land o\v 1 1ers were less exa.cti11g. On the other hand, in southern Sboa where tl1 e giibbars \.Vere normally of a different culture from the fief l1olders and still n1ore ft1rtl1er to the south, wl1ere the control of tbe central government was more remote, tl1e status of tl1e gabbar ,vas one of s11bjection.6 Charles Michel, writing at tl1e end of the centu.ry, noted. for exan1ple tl1at in tl1e older provinces the corvees led to ''little abt1se," bt1t in m11 ch of the Galla cot1ntries tl1e opposite \\ as tl1e case.7 Tl1e same observer, describing tl1e Galla countries to tl1e sol1tl1 a 1 1d west, observes that the chief wo11ld. 11sually decide at his pleast1re l1ow n1 uch labour ,vould ·be r �quired and Woltld also oblige l1is tenants to transport wood a 1 1d other supplies. Tl1e French1nan adds that the tenant's own land often suffered on f1ccount of tl1e time he was obliged to spend on ]Jis master's estate. In son1e places half the fields migl1t tl1us ren1ain t1nct1ltiva.ted becat1se tl1e te11ants l1ad been 1

l.

2.

4.

5.

6.

7.

Guebre Sellassie, op. cit., Il, cit., II, 614. Vide also A. Dooaldsot1 SmitJ1, Tlirough unknown African Countries (Lo11don, 1897), p. 68.

Duchesne-Fournet, op. cit., I, 245.

Montandon, op. cit., p. 218. Vide also Cerulli, Etiopia occidentale I 134-6, 206-8; De Cas tro, ' ' Etiopia, pp. 281, 283-6.

Walker, op. cit., p. 192. Vide also De Felcourt, op. cit., p. 70; Schrenzel, op. cit., pp. 17�-4.

F.O., 401/12, Kelly, 10. 2. 1909. .

Michel, op. cit., p. 473.

174 -

comman�ed_ to transport merchandjse to the capital or to accompany soldiers on 8 . n 1o 1t d e p x e n a stimates of tl1e giibbar':,• . res_ponsibilities in Shoa varied considerably as the � . s1tuat1on wa.s by no means uniform and. observers were not always exact. Soleillet describing the province in the 1880's states tl1 at the giibbar gave two days Iabou; service 011t of ,1 five day working week.9 Borelli, writting of the A.nkobar area at about tl1 e same tin1e s11ggests that the exaction was even greater. He states tl1at the tenant had to give one ot1t of e,,ery two days' service to the landlord a.nd had to make certain gifts to the latter, generally pots of l1 oney. Tl1e giibbar was also supposed to give five days' work a year t o the sovereign: one for working the land, one for redigging it, one for sowing, one for reaping, one for l1arvesting and one for stacking the harvest, a11d had to carry baggage ,vl1 en called on to do so. 10 A decade or t\.vo later the Dt1c]1esne-Four11et mission learnt that gabbars in Shoa often gave about 50 days' corvee out of a total of approximately 150 working days a year, 11 wlule Skinner at about tl1 e san1 e time observed tl1 at te11 ants ''owe, upon demand three days of labo11r every week." 12 Scbrenzel, a deca.de or so later, wrote of a . mere day's work a week, a11 d de Felco11rt of one day every four b11t Giaccardi said two days a week were norn1 al in Sidamo. 13 De Cot)pet, disc11ssing the situation in the south, concedes tl1 at a giibbar would still be a free man, not a serf, bt1t says tl1 at in the 111 ore remote areas l1e wo11ld in fact find. it ''diffic11lt'' to leave the Ia11 d on whicl1 l1e \.Vorked. 14 Oppositio11 to his doing so, it sl1011ld be poi11ted ot1t, wo11ld not con1 e from tl1e central a11tl1 ori­ ties, but fro1n holders of tl1e fiefs concerned. Thus Walker claims that in the Galla cou11 tries a giibbar co11]d escape by nigl1t \Vitl1 his family and _pass into another provi11 ce. If taken on tl1e road before he passed tl1 e bot111dary l1e \Vas liable to be restrained and con1 pelled before the qoro, or district officer, to produce a guarantee lest l1 e escape again, if l1e l1 ad crossed tl1e bo11ndary the juclge wot1ld ref11se to detain him, u11less of cot1rse l1e l1 ad take11 son1 ebocly else's property. 15 Darley, thot1gl1 bitterly critical of many Etl1 iopian i11stitt1tions, insisted tl1 at during Menilek's reig11 tl1e Sanqallas were ''treated as l111n1 an beings,'' even tl1 ot1gl1 ''ma11 y of tl1em were serfs.'' 16 Griaule, writing ,vitl1 SJ)ecial knowledge of Gojam, Sl1n1mecl tl1e 1 :1atter 11p in the 1930's by saying tl1e t}1at an1 ot1nt of corvee depencled greatly on c1rc11n1stances.

I I- e e111pl1asises, 110\vever, that it \Vas aln1 ost untl1 inkable for a gabbar to ref11se to 11nde1ial<e the service reqt1ested of l1 in1 , and tl1 at l1e cot1ld. be fined fo\ so doing. A village of gabbars faili11g in tl1eir cl11ty 1nigl1 t, for example, be obliged to J)rovide a ba11 q11et · for tl1e lord and his dependents, followers or soldjers. 17 The position of tl1e giil1bc1r is also extensively disct1ssed by several 111 oder,n Ethiopian· writers. Mal1 tan1a Sellase says that a typical gcibbar, appare11tly in Shoa, 8.

9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

Ibid, p. 475.

Soleillet, op. cit., pp. 18, 35.

Borelli, op. cit., pp. 87, 94.

Duchesne-Fournet, op. cit., I, 246.

Skinner, op. cit., p. 148.

Schrenzel, op. cit., p. 74; de Felcourt, op. cit., p. 69; Giaccardi, ''Le Popolazioni del Borana e del Sida1no,'' p. 1563.

Guebre Sellassie, op. cit., II, 614 & n.

Walker, op. cit., pp. 192-3, I-I. Darley, Slaves ancl Ivory (London, 1935), p. 42. , Griaule, Le travail en Abyssinie pp. 14-15. ,

- 175

• s) . re of y lit 20 ne . ho ut bo (a o and ,zd qu e on d might be expected to give bis Iandi � r als of cere tals qt1in a year 3 ork w f 0 d a in ste a day's work every tl1ird day, or . re an tra als d ns po ce rt them of kil os · · 25 d in gr to 7 d a ' l1 • a, l "b ·· In a dd·1t1on ga · re�t a to lus . . th ree tim es a year or ay, aw far t no ed Jiv lJe to tl1e palace four tin1es a yea_r if t ransport 20 Idlos to expected s a h e war of if 11e lived fttrther afield. In t11ne ta a bat lly a ina co1n nor nt not s � wa 11 b army the of n1aterial for tl1e forces. I-le followed r a Wald, were ab G d an se lla Se a m ta ah M to g in rd co ac .

Typical work of ga"bba,s, as follows: · · Tl1e cu.1t1vat1on of h udaCil a11d other types of State land a11d tl1e can·ying of the produce to tl1e Govern1nent store.

Tl1e 1now1ng · of gra.ss on Governm. ent lands · If s11fficient wa s no t forthcoming tl1e giibbars were often expected to bring 12 arn1sfuls of hay or stravv from tl1ei.r own land or an armful on the tenth of every n1ontb.

The erection of houses and fences for provincial governors.

Looking after one or two mules for provincial governors.

If in the vicinity of tl1e court the bringing of flour f. rom tl1eir homes.

Transporting a tithe of tl1eir produce to Goverill:1e.n_t granaries, the building, repair and gi.1arding of which were also tl1eir respons1b1lity.

Carrying of arn1y baggage in tin1es of war.

Acting as territorial guards in warti1ne.

Bearing baggage for salaqas or otl1er officers travelling from one province to anotl1er.

Acting as prison gua.rds.

Building a11d repair of ch11rches. (A gift of 5 litres of grain had a.Isa to be give11 to the clergy.)

Looki11g after telephone posts (after Menilek's introduction of telecommunications.)

Gabbars were also expected to make gifts or payments to the authorities on certain occasions, s11ch as religious festivals (Easter, J.1iiskiil and Cl1ristmas) or on the appointn1ent of new officials, \veddings, funerals, etc. Typical gifts at such times were a gi,mbo of tiilla, 20 enjaras, or a gz,mbo of taj. Mahtama Sellase states that giibbars often paid 2 miilialeqs, i.e. 1 /8 of a dollar, to the saliiqa on religious holidays as a contribution to tb.e expenses of tl1e festival.

Mal1tama Sellase confirms tl1at a giib!Jar was liable to 111eet with sanction if he failed to carry out the work required of l1im: ''lf he failed to comply witl1 his obligations to work on t\.vo occasions tl1e total of his service was doubled.

For a further failure be l1ad to pay a co111pensation of one dollar.''20 .

Tho11gl1 ou.r documenta�ion on t?e class relatio11s of the JJast is ver y lin1ited . tt 1s k�o�n _that ten��t . discontent 1n tl1e early 1880's led to a peasants' revolt at Gorabela 1n the v1c1n1ty of Ankobar, wl1ere, according to an Italian traveller, 18. Mahteme Sellassie, ''The Land System of Ethiopia," p. 284.

19. Ibid, p. 288.

20. Ibid, pp. 287-8; idem, Zekra Niigar, p. 114.

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S. Martini, . there \Vas a rebellion of 500 giibbars ''armed with primitive Abyssinian arms. ''21 There are no other references in the literature to risings of this kind known to the author except possibly for the c11rious events of March 1917 when spont�ne? usly established_ gro ��s of soldiers and peas�nts s11cceeded in obtaining the d1sm1ssal of tl1e cabinet ministers who were temporarily banished to tl1eir Iands.21 Some of the ed11cated Ethiopians of the Menilek period were deeply distressed by tl1e traditional obligations of the tenants. One of tl1e bitterest critics was Afa­ warq Gabra Jyas11s who had received l1is ed11cation in Switzerland and Italy. In an interesting book entitled Gt1icle di, Voyagei,r. en Abyssi11ie, p11blished in Rome in 1908, he argi.1ed that ''as long as tl1 e feudal system exists in tl1 e Ethiopian empire neither equality nor freedon1 will ever rule there." Discussing the situation as l1e saw it, 11 c declared that ''the vassals in Shoa are persecuted terribly by their chiefs and officials ,:vl10 on one JJretext or another seize all their property witl1 011t lea,1ing tl1em as n1ucl1 as a needle." Ela.borating on tl1is tl1eme l1e added: ''If you k11ew tl1e services wl1icl1 these unfort11nate vassals s11frer, vassals wl10 grind tl1e cor11, carry tl1e flour, wheat, ho11ey, etc. to the residences of tl1eir chiefs, for wl1om they c11t ,.vood for the constr11ction of 11ouses, or for b urning or for the gro11nd of vassalage and, during expenditions, follow their cl1 iefs, carrying their tents and arms, and cloing everything wl1ich their nobles com111and them."

Whe11 Christians were tl1 t1s ''terribly oppressed'' by their brother Christians, he added, one co uld irnagine tl1e condition of the poor pagans who \Vere treated ''l.ike dogs." 23 A si111 ilar endictment \Vas penned by another foreign edt1cated Etbjopian, Gabra I-Iaywat Bayqadafi, \Vho had stt1died in Gern1a11y. ''Great," he said, ''is the l1ard­ ship of the farmer in our country. Before l1 e starts to J1old tl1e plo11gh to farm, an officer comes to charge 1:um land tax. vVl1en he goes home after a hard work on the field, l1e fi11 ds his wife being kicked and slapped by tl1e soldiers that she sho11ld prepare tl1em food. WI1enever he is ordered by his rt11ers l1e goes and works for then1 like a slave leavjng his work aside."

The solution Ga.bra I-Iaywat proposed lay in the i11troduction of a modern system of taxation rather tl1 a11 a reform in property relations. ''Let tl1e tax tl1e people pay to the Governrnent be fixed according to tl1eir prodt1ce." he said; ''let peoJJle pay tl1 e t,:ix i11 tern1s of dollars a11d not in terms of cereals, l1oney and cattle.''24 Whatever its defects it sho11ld be e1npl1asised, however, tl1at the giibbar system was more or less i11evitable, as Cl1arles Rey recognised, as long as provi11cial and other officials remai11ed 11npaid. 15

21 22.

23.

24.

25.

S. Martini, La baia d'Assab (Fire112e, 1881), p. 58.

M. Boucoiran, "La situation econornique de l'Ethiopie," Re11seignen1ents Co/011,au;r, 1918, p. 180 • G. J. Afevork, Guide clu voyageur en r.tbyssinie (Roma, 1908), pp. 237, 239-40.

Gabra Hayv1at Bayqadan, Berl,an Yelturz, (Asmara.) passim.

Rey, Unconquered Abyssinia, pp. 189-90; iden1, In the Country of the Blue Nile, p. 222•

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XXXIX TAXATION Traditional land taxation \Vas subject, as \Ve have seen, to many vageries and was largely paid in the prod11ce of tl1e different localities wl1icI1 var1ecl from place to place. Michel, wrting at tl1e end of the century� reported tl1at tl1.e tax, tl1e assess1nent of wl1jch was often left to the local chief, was usually collected at l1,1rvest tin1e, otl1er payments being freq11ently paid �t festivals sucl1 as Easter, Miisqiil and Cl1ristn1as. In tl1 e I1igl1lands the tax wo11ld 1nclucle butter, sl1eep, goats, m11les, sa111111as a 11d b11rnouses; in lower lands and forests, 11oney, b11tter, civet and cattle, and in areas sucl1 as the Blue Nile, Lalce R11dolf and the Ogaden, ivory, lion and leopard skins, civet, butter and cotton. An a1111ual tax, generally in n1oney in the later period, was collected 0 1 1 tl1e basis of the pr�ducer's we�lth or tl1e nun1ber of his plough oxen. L::1bou.r d11es were not tl1eoret1cally speaking in1posed on the individual, b11t were demanded i 1 1 ret11r11 f. or the rigl1t to cultivate the la11d · tl1e amount of \vork due was 11 or111allv decided by the local cl1ief and would. co111prise so 111any days a wee1(, as well as certai1 1 obligations to tra 11sport IJroduce or firewood or to acco1 npany officials or soldiers from one area to anotl1er. .

Tl1e greater JJart of all tl1ree types of JJa.yment never reached tl1e sovereign, bu t went directly to tl1e cl1 iefs i11 tl1e areas concrened tl1ougl1 they woulcJ have to s11pply ltim on occasion v..1itl1 large c111antities of prod11ce, meat, butter, honey, coffee, biirbiire, cotton clotJ1, b11rnooses etc. to clothe his n1e11, a.s well as 11orses, n111les, lion and leopard skins a1 1d otl1er articles.1 Mahtama Sellase, who also e1111Jl1asises the great variety of tra.ditional taxes, gives a few exa 111ples, of tl1e differing obligations of the giibbar in several areas: In Kinbibit be I1a.d to pa.y one-tl1ird of his prod11ce; l1e was in addition obliged to grind. and deliver five q1.1nnas of grain every montl1 a·nd to s11pply a 11 extra qunr,a of flour in tl1e for111 of qollo, or dry bisc11it, and five chickens. In tj1 ne of war be l1 ad tl1e addition,11 duty of transporting five qi1n11as of grain. A gabbar in Meca l1ad to provide tl1ree clai,vi,las of grain, a gunclo of l1oney and a ra111.

In W11rji W11cale he l1ad likewise to s11pply tl1ree da1rvulas of grain a11d a gu11clo of 11011ey, but apparently no ram.

In Ragat l1is obligation \Vas to cultivate tl1e lzudad, or State land., as well as to s11pp]y ,1 gundo of honey.

In B,1co a giibbar on giirz gab land h,1d to provide tl1ree da11,i,las of grain, one gi,11clo of honey, and t,vo lil< 2 of firewood while a gabbar working for tl1 e lords supplied tl1em witl1 t,vo lik of \Vood and gave tl1e Government ten gi,nclos of flour and a f11rtl1er Iii( of wood.

A giibbar in . Walamo and :Kan1b �ta 1 11ight simjlarly l1 ave to provide 5 q1111nas every month, besides a q1.1nna of geso, and a load of fire-wood. He had ::1lso to s11pply 50 �1n�los o� honey a year, as \vell as vario11s locally made articles, �uch as pots, gr1nd1ng nulls �tld trays and a 11un1be � of n1011etary pa.yments, includ1 11g one do�lar o � tl1e appo1nt1nent of a new . offic1al, one q11arter of a dollar for the three big festivals of the New Year, Christmas and Easter. '

1.

2.

�

Micl1el, op. cit., pp. 473-7.

One lik equals 5 kends, or cubits.

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In lllt1babo r he \Vould have to give 3 dawulas of grain and five to seven dollars 1n lieu of honey. 3 <;:>ne of tl1e_ most importan_t taxes on land at this tin1e, as in tl1e past, was the tithe on agricultural production. Wylde, writing of Shoa, roundly declares: ''The tenth of the produ �e . goes to the king or the ruler of tl1 e province."" Tl1e Italian scholar, Co nti Ross1n1, later observed that tl1is wo rked out at 75 to 115 kilos for t11e average prodtrcer, or m o re for the larger.5 Certain provincial variations were in ho\vever, Thus apparent.

R eju o Wylde: t according was, taxation Wale's s :V � . ,, _ ''a tr1flle over ten per cent wl11le that 1n the northern pro vinces was much higher.''6 The existence of the tithe was confirmed by late ni·neteenth and early twentieth centt1ry w riters st1ch as Michel, B oyes and Skinner and de Felcot1rt. 7 Later, t owards the end of ot1r period, A rnold Hodson said it existed .in many of the southern territories by tl1 en tinder Ethio pian rule, s11cl1 as Kan1bata, Walamo and Baroda, 8 while Giaccc1rdi clescribed it as operative in b oth Sidam o a11d B o rana' Saitta in Boran.a and tl1e lands to tl1e \Vest, and Brotto in Cercer province. 9 Besides the titl1 e and otl1er payments it1 kind it was also the practice by the end of tl1e nineteenth century f or n1 any peasants to pay a certain amo11nt of taxation in mo11ey. Th11s Michel n otes that peasants owed their ruler an an.oual s11m of 2, 5, 10 or 20 dollars, depending ot1 t11e in1portance of their procluction ancl tl1e size of their l1erds.10 · easants A decade or so later Mont,1ndo11 reported that the tax paid by tbe p in Jin1ma l1ad increased fro1n a quarter of a dollar to :five dollars per head. 11 The burden of taxation seems in 1nany cases to l1ave bee11 greatly exceecled by otl1er exactions. Tl1 is at least was tl1e view of \Vylde vvl10 observes of the tithe: ''tl1is tax is not s11ch a l1eavy one t o the be b orne, but tl1e collector of tl1 e taxes wants something for himself, and the soldiers also have to bave provisio ns gi\1en to tJ1en1 , and officials witl1 tl1eir servants travelling to a11d from tl1e chief to\vos also have to receive free rations fron1 the villages, so if tl1ere is a11y great 1n o vemeut i11 tl1 e co11ntry, or wars or r11m o urs of \Vars and large forces of so ldiers o n foo t there is no end t o the taxation, and the villages o n tl1e line of 1narch and in its neigl1bo 11rl1ood are eaten 011t of ho 11se and home, anci are left in a n1ost n1iserable cooditio11." 12 Elsevvl1 ere, describing lus jo11rney tl1rough Wag, he m o st pertinently ob� erves: ''I got.. . tl1e sa1ne information as I had before, ... that tl1ere was no end1n� to tl1eir taxation. It was 11ot tl1e annual tax in tl1e shape of tribt1te that tl1 ey co1npla1ned of, but it was tl1e everlasting feeding [ of J o �cials a11d tl1eir escorts who w� re ��� _ content ,.v1tl1 wl1at t.l1 ey we re supposed to have given then1, but took w}1at they liked.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

!vfahtan1a Sellase, Zef...ra N;igar, pp. 131-5.

WyJde, Mocler11 ,4b;,ssinia, p. 262. Vide also p. 400; MaJ1tan1a SeUasie, Zekra Nagar, p. 156.

Conti Rossini, Italia eel Etiopia, pp. 323-5 & n. \-VyIde, Afocler,z .4.byssinia, p. 365.

J. Boyes, li1y Abyssinian Journey, n.d., p. 33; Skinner, op. cit., p. 148; Michel, op. cit., P• 473; De Felcourt, op. cit., p. 69.

A.W. I-Iodson, Seven Years in Southern Abyssinia (London, 1927), p. 29; idem, "Southern Abyssinia," Geographical Journal (1919), p. 67.

Saitt' a ' · " i l ';,·. ; �;0 .

189 pp ," tale iden occ a opi 'Eti nell sina abis 11e azio nizz i, colo ard "Le Giacc . l ta t, ana, ·1mpero a bb'1ss1n a ;r1c A 1 1 c,e 111ca no1 eco na seu Ras o " , · o sisten1a tributario del vecchio XXVII, 285; Brotta, op. cit., p. 60. iv1ichel, op. cit., p. 474.

Moniandon, op. cit., p. 88.

Wylde, Afodern Abyssinia, pp. 262-3.

Ibid, p. 319.

- 179 -

XL

EA TR Efil IN TS EN M RI PE EX N O TI IA PR O PR ITALIAN EX Tl1e idea of E11ropean settlement in tl1e _ cool . �ighl�nds of Eritrea play ed a significant role in tl1e theory of Italian colonial act1v1ty 1n tl1e las t ? ecade of the ninetee11tl1 century. The project of _ establishing �arge_ nu�bers '"of Ita�1an settlers i ?

Eritrea, though soon aba11doned, 1s of son1e h1stor1cal 1 nterest the more s� a_s 1t thro\VS ligl1t both on the realjties of land tenure and on the \vay tl1e Etluop1ans of the time clu11g to their land.

Italian expansion in the area began in Febru�ry, 1885, v1l1en Rear_ Admiral Cain:u seized the port of Massawa. After occup:)11ng th� port _the It�l1ans soon ·began to move inland, and succeeded in sumn1er of 1�89 1n 1n�k1ng their way up to the plateau. By the end of the year they were 1n possession of an extensive stretcl1 of highland territory \vliich seemed climatically ideal for Europeans to live in and contained considera.ble areas of land which on account of war, fan1ine and epiden1ics had at least temporarily been abandoned by their inhabitants.

Tl1e question of European colonisation did not in1mediately con1e to tl1e fore.

General Baldissera, who occupied the town of Asmara and the neighbo·uring plateau was at the time most anxious to avoid provoking po1J11lar opposition, and accord­ ingly issued a proclamation on A·ugust 2, in \V11 jcl1 l1e pardoned criminals, promised to protect all existing interests a11d even called on people who had earlier been deprived of their land to come to l1 im so that he could afford tl1em justice. The proclamatio11 declared inter a/ia: ''Cultivators, traders. Do not fear. The Govern­ ment will be the Government of Italy. Come: I will give you \vl1at belonged to your fatl1er. Yot1 wl10 say tb.at you l1ad gulti, resti, and sumet, and were dispos­ sessed, con1e and let me know of this." 1 Tl1ougl1 these words 1night l1ave been taken to constitt1te a guarantee tl1at traditional ow11ership of land would be respected ., significant changes were soon introd11ced.

In tl1e ��st place the Italians by taking action against the Ethiopian rt1lers, ,, \vept a ay as �a:gery_ Perl1am later observed, tl1e ''upper structure'' of Etltio­ � � � p1an prov1nc1al ad1111n1strat1on except i11 so far as ''f,1vo11red chiefs'' were allo\ved ''to hold their o\vn estates." 2 Tl1e province of Hamase11, for exainple, ha d been ruled by its famotis oo,,ernor . s Al11la. \Vylde, who Ra �ad seen Alula's adniinistration at work in 1883, 11�d bee 11 _ greatly 1m�;essed, recording that taxes ,vere collected regttlarly e,, ery six mo11tl1s; a11d that . a ?ood l1ot1s� an� a ft1ll farn1yard witl1. clean clo genethe an d s ral prosperity di d not· entail an increased taxation ''4 Li1· · e ot h � rs, governo · � er prov1nc1a. · · 1 . . tlie chief l1ad been given lands 10 the province tl1e te11t1re of wl1icl 1 was dependent : ✓

1.

2.

3.

4.

A . 't<.1ori, Manuele_ di legi_slazione de/la colonia Eritr . . ea (Roma, 1914), I, 711. V1de also A. Omodeo ' V. Peglion and G Va' lenti ' L-a co1on1a E1·1trea (Roma, 1913), p. 17n. . : Perl1anJ, op. cit., p. 292. V1de also Martini II .d'za,.·io e,.·itreo, * II, 237; Nadel, op. cit., 20.

Wylde, '83 to '87 i11 the Soudan, II, 336.. ' .

Iden1, Moclern Abyssinia, p. 264 et passim .

- 180 -

on . 11is service. Thus Wylde me . ntions a ''large farm ''' a.s well as ''several Vt·11a. ges,., -" r h1s " soId1ers ne a.rly all of whom were ''of t he yeoma wh1c h A1u 1a l1e ]d 1o n class."5 After �heir occupation tl1e Italians seized Alu]a's house at Asmara an d the whole of his est ates. Wylde, w ho visited the area again in 1896, reports tha t ''for nearly five years .Ras Alula had been anxious to get hold of General Barati eri, w?o , had taken his l1 ouses, lands and prop erty, not only in th e Hamasien but i n T1�re as well; the only house tha t l1ad b een spare d was tl1at in Axun1 , the Italians owing to the sacr ed nature of the town not daring to plunder this place, as they would h ave lost the confidence of the e11tire Abyssinian people which they wished partly to r etain.''6 On consolidating their position the Italians began to tlunk of settlement. The argument soon developed that the territ ory was ideally sui ted for European sett1e­ me� t, t!3at th e Colony sl1ot1]d be 11 1ade to absorb at l east part of the then massive em1gration from Italy, tl1a.t State and ''abandoned'' lands should w11erever 11ecessary be curtailed in the interests of white settlement.

To t1nderstand tl1is turn of Italian policy i t is necessary to recall tl1at nortL1ern Ethiopia was at tl1is tin1e s11ffering from acute economic difficulties unprecedented in its re corded history. Tl1e co11ntry h ad been ravaged by the fighti11 g of 1875 and 1876 against tl1 e Egyptians and by subsequent Egyptian-inspired banditry. Wylde, describing tl1e pr ovi nce of Hamasen, observed: ''poor Hamasen'' from 1873 to 1878, both yea rs includ ed, i t l1ad a bad tin1e of i t. This plateau used to be called tl1e Plain of tl1e Thousand Vil]ages. Not one-l1alf of them are now occupied, and son1e of them l1ave only perl1aps five or six famj]ies li ving in tl1en1, while others are totally deserted. " 7 At the beginning of 1889, little n1ore than a decade after tha t accou11t \Vas written, tJ 1e great cattle plague broke out sweeping away the majority of the country's livestock almost o,1ernigl1t.

TJ1e virtual non-existence of plo11gh oxen r endered cultivation almost in1possible, and an ac11te fa1nine resulted i11 which th e starving p easants fell easy prey to cholera and s111allpox. Tl1e populatio11 of n111ch of the cot1ntry was decin1ated, wl1ile thousa1 1ds of farnj11e victin1s abandoned tl1eir h omes a11d farms and n1ade their way to tl 1e coast in the l 1ope of obtaining imported grain.8 T11 e position around Asn1ara at tlus time n1ay be seen from tl1e account of the Britisl 1 travelle r, TJ1eodore Bent, who observed: ''Civil war, famine, and an epidemic of cholera J1ave, \Vitl1in the last decade, play ed fea rful havoc i11 Abyssinia, villages are aban­ doned, the land is goi11g out of cult ivatjon.... It is scarcely possible to realise witl1 ot1t visiting the cot1ntry, the abject n1 isery and \Vretchedness which has fallen 11pon tl1e Empire d11ring la te years." 9 Tl1ese calamities prodt1ced ex te11sive de pop11lation and th t1s provided an apparent justification for Italia11 colonisation of a �ando1 1ed . or s�111i�abandoned � rea_s. The qu est io11 of such lands, which was to donunate Italian thinking on col_on1sat1on for the next fe w years, became a crucial matter after Ju]y 1, 1890, when King Umber to 5. Ibid, p. 145.

6. Ibid, p. 220. Vide also Conti Rossini, Italia ed Etiopia, p. 28; Bent, op. cit., p. 18.

7. Wylde, '83 to '87 in the Soudan, I, 216.

8. R. Pank.liurst, "TI1e Great Ethiopian Famine ?f �889-92,'_' University College of Add1s Ababt ?, 1 888-9�: A New A ssessmen , Review, I, No. 7, 90-103; ide�! "The Gr�at Et�1op1an Famine of _ 24, 271-9 ..

95-1 I, XX nces Scie ed rlll1 a11cl e Journal of the History of Mecltcu1 9. Bent, op. cit., pp. 11-12. Vide also Martini, II cliario Eritrea, II, 237.

- 181 -

tl1 e rigl1.t to make all ed um ass ad 1 1 of Italy dec1·eed tl1at the Italian 10 · . re nu te tl1e Colony's laws, inclu.ding tl1 ose relating to Jand e . rapid progress. d · a.

111 u ea at pl • . n ea itr Er e 1 tI The idea of Italian settle111 ent. 00 e Itali -tl1 t1on la1na . proc 's a era s s_ Id' n ' a B · 1 1 ra 11e Ge .

011 March 5, 1890-only 7 1no 11tbs after . · at tl1 1t ei ttle ment m se 1a rl Pa n ia " al It e tl1 d 1e rn uo ·r · I · p r11ne · r1sp1, i: iruster, -1"'raocesco M c �• . ' ,,1 I A co·uple of montl1s later ; . . , o. n 1n Africa was ''part and parcel of Italian pol1c) • . . _ Italy wo tll d short m fro ly lvlay, 13, l1 e gave tl1e news tl1at farmers and capitalists b e sailing for tl1e colony. 12 Ma11y Italians at tl1is time were· greatly .infl· t1e11 cecl by tl1e exte�t ot· emigration foreign lands fron 1 tl1eir country and by the feel111g tl1at . en11�rants :"h 0 settlecl .1n _ . . . e of rat e 1 TI g1 at1on e�i y.

Ital not under tl1e Italian flag were somehow ''lost to l1ad reached imn1euse proJ)ortions, no less tl1a11 2,207,331 persons leaving Italy between 1876 and 1889. 13 At first tl1e Italian autl1orities in Eritrea. thought of giving Italian colonists land i11 large estates of JOO sq11are ldlometres, somewl:�t in tl1e n1 a?ner whic11 ,:vas soon to be practiced i11 tl1e ''wl1ite hiolilands'' Br1bsh East Africa. Soon, l1owof . o l 1-4 . d gro11nc. ever, the idea of smaller farms for peasant cultivators ga1ne Gover_nn1 ent

An important role in tl1e question of Italian �ettlen1 ent in Erit_rea was pla�ed by the 13aron Leopoldo Francl1etti wl10 was pt1t 1n charge of �ta]1an colon1sat1?n 011 J11ne 19, 1890, 15 and st1bsequently became l1ead of the Uffic10 per la Coloruz­ zazione wl1ich was set up on Ja11uary 25, 1891. 16 Operations began in tl1e latter part of 1890 wl1en Francl1 etti establisl1ed an agricu]tt1ral ex1Jeri1ne11tal station just ot1tside Asn1ara. In the following year two additio11al stations were establisl1ed, one ,1t G11ra in Akele Guzay and tl1e other at Kudofelassi i11 Serae. 1i Fra11cl1etti's thesis was, very si111ply, t1 1at tl1ere was an abu11dance of cultivable land on the Eritrean plateau s11fficient, he believed, to absorb Italian peasant emi­ grants for a period of two generations. He urged. that s11cl1 peasa11ts be given free land and credit facilities and claimed t11at they wo11ld fu1d little difficulty in acclin1 atisi11 g tl1en1selves to life in Africa, tl1e presence of Italian n1ilitary _posts providing the1n witl1 gt1aranteed 111arkets. 18 10.

11 .

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

Mari, op. cit., II, 95-7; L. Francl1etti, Mezzogiorno e colonie (Ron1a, 1905), p. 133.

Italy, Ministero degli Affari Esteri, L' Africa Italiana al par/a,nento nazio11ale, 1882-1905 (Roma, 1907), p. 204.

C. Matteoda, "II pensiero dei pionieri sulla valorizzazione econon1ico-agraria delle colonia Eritrea," Atii di Pri,no Congresso di Studi Co/011iale, VII, 332.

Italy, Commissario Generale dell' Emigrazio11e, L'en1igrazione Jtaliane dal 1910 al 1923 (Ron1a, 1928), p. 819. .

Franchetti, op. cit., pp. lx-Ixi. Vide also L' Africa lta/iana al parlan-1e11to 11azionale, p. 224.

Mori, 01). cit., l!, 90-1; C.· de la Jonquiere, Les Italiens e,1 Erythree (Paris, n.d.), p. 187; Matteoda, o.p cit., VII, 335. tvf ori, op. cit., II, 220-2.

P. de Lauribar, Douze ans en Ab;1ssinie (Paris, 1898), pp. 48-9; B. Melli, Colonia Eritrea La (Par�1a, . 1900), 52-3, 73-4; I �1ostri err�ri, pp._ 133-38, 166-72; Fra1 1chetti, op.· cit. · Ixxiii; A. de G. Ma1str�, C �ntro la p�/it1ca · col?n1a/e (Milano, 1888), passim; I:;-. Virgil "D, all'e ii, 1igrazione n ,, col? n1zzaz1one, A�t1 . de! P,�·,mo Congresso di S,'tudi Coloniali,• VI, 188; Ital Relazione alla y, . sta _ 1ss1011.e cl 111chie generate cl�llq R. co1nn1 . sulfa Co/0 11ia Eritrea (R om a, 1-89 1), pp. 35-7.

L: Francl1etti, £'Italia e ll! sua colonia Africana (!\1ilano, 1891), pp. 3.1,. 34 5, 9, 39 4 , -4 37 , �ide also Matteoda., op. cit., pp. 336-8; L'Africa ltaliana al parlan1e11to 1zazio11ale, pp. 259 .,33, 354, 361, 365�.. .

•

- 182 -

..

.

Tl1 e idea ? f �talian settlement which Crispi had first propounded in 1890 was accepted by lu� r i val and s 11ccessor, the Marchese d � Rttdini, 00 May 5, 1891,•9 and took an _ 1�portant step forward when tl1e Ital ian Gover11ment appointed a 20 The comm.ission after visiting of Enquiry on March 11.

Comnuss1on the al Ro� . ter!1tory, _ produced a rep�rt on November 12, w.l1ich declared: ''The colony of Eritrea 1s _able to· serve 10 the f �1ture as . tl 1� · . vent_ of part of Italian emigration, and there 1 s reason t o hope that little by little 1t wil l be able to finance itself."21 The Comn1issioners were convinced tl1at the Eritrean hio-Wand s were suitable for extensive settle111ent. T11 e area J 1ad fairly good soil and ;b11ndant rainfall and could yiel� pJentif11l agricultural produ ?tion. The cl imate was cool and l1ealtl1y and therefore ideal for the permanent res 1de11ce of E 11ropeans. Tl1e platea11 moreover \Vas but sparsely pop11lated , a11d tl1e co111n1issioners were led to believe tl1at its inhabitants bad fal1e11 by more tI 1ai1 half in the few years prior to their visit.22 T11rning to tl1e q1 1 estion of laud o w11 ership, tJ1e co111n1issioners 11rged tl1e need for ftexibilit:y, a principle whicl1 they believed ,vo11l d ens 11re an openi11g for Italian colo11isatio11. Tl1ey d eclared tl1at property rights shoulcl ''not be subjected to a system incompatible \Vith a rapid increase of agric11lt11re a11d scientific colo1:usation," as ''\vo11Id certainly be the case'' if tl 1e authorities atte.m1Jted to respect ''all tl1e laws a. nd. local custo111s'' of tl1e l a nd, or introdt1ced ''tl1e rigid concepts'' of the Italian civil code an.d the ''ties a11d fetters'' of Itali::1n la\v. 23 Ha,1ing tl1L1s d evised a forn1ula wl1icl1 wou.ld permit tl1 e acq11isitio11 of land impossible 11 .nder either Etl1iopia11 or Italian ]aw, tl1e co1u1nissioners JJroceeded to argue tl1at tl1 e Colony contained extensive State lands ,vhich cot1ld be 1nade avail­ able to Ital ian colonists. These lan ds, it was argued, includ ed both tl 1o se wl1icl1 l1c1d alwa)1S belonged to tl1e St:1te a1 1d those ,vl1icl1 l1ad for one rea.so11 or another reverted to it. The latter category, tl1e comn1issioners believed, co1uprised tl1ree main divisi ons. F.i rstly, ''lands for111erly tl1e property of cla 11s and villages, but abandoned by tl1eir i1Jl1 abitants. '' Stich Jancls, \Vl1icl1 were said to include ''so1ne of the best in the Colony," l1ad, it was clain1ed, passed into tl1e possession of tl1e St,1le ''ac­ cordi ng to Ethiopia11 law." Second ly, ''lands ,vhich J1acl becon1e tl1e property . of t:11e State tl1ro 11gl1 tl1e extinctio1 1 of the ]and holding cla1J." Tl1 irclly, lands wb 1cl1 l1ad been confisc,1ted by tl1e E111peror ·Yohannes or R,ts Al11la prior to tl1e Italian occupatio11. 24

•

Elaborating on their claim tl1at tl1e above lat1ds cot1ld be taken over for p�r­ poses of settlen1 ent, the Com111issioners de,1eloped a .11t1111ber of �rg� 11nents whi ch constitut ed littl e n1 ore than special pleading in favour . ? f expropr1at101:1. :r11ey de­ clared tl1a t expropriation was JJart of tl1e co11ntry's !rad1t100 as tJ1_e Etl11op1an s?ve­ reign l1ad al,va.ys l1ad ''tl1 e po\ver t o do \vl1at 11 e wished, the. sub� e� ts _were obliged to obey hi111, ancl l1e w,1s responsible_ only before ?o� for t� e 111Just1ces he com­ ,, 1 h1 d tl c: 1 t E t o p1ans did 11o t l1ave a gre�t Cor11111issioners also c]a1me mitted." The attacl1n1ei1t to tl1e soil or i 11 general to the place of birtl1," and accordingly ''m1gr;1ted easily.'' A i1 ir1cliviclt1al proprietor or tribe n1o ved by tl1e Government for iale (1892), p. 219. erc ,nm Co e ion ra-:: plo E,'< L' ," rea rit l'E ca cir ne zio E. Cerulli, "Considera Mori, op. cit., II, 231-3. . . , p. 2O4. v·d 1 e aIso ea itr za Er lon Co lfa su ta ies 11ch cl'i Re/azione ge11erale clef/a R. co1n111issione Nfatteocla, op. cit., p. 336. . ea, p. 4 0• 22. Relazione generate clef/a R. conunissione d'inchiesta sulfa Co/0111a Eritr 23. Ibid, p. 178.

• 24. Ibid, p. 178.

19.

20.

21.

� 183 -

tl1e latter's own purposes wot1ld submit, the report claimed, �'witl1 resig�ation a11d perl1aps even witl1 pleasure'' when tl1e new locati?n was believ d Supe ior to tl1e : _ old. Tl1e report supported these argun1ents by stating tha� the � mperors: Yol1annes . and Me11ilek both frequently transposed entire populations from on: place to . another, and had carried out expropriations on a more or _ Iess � ast scale, leaving _ tl1e p1·oprietors 011ly such land as they cot1ld themselves ctiltivate. 2 Tl1e Commissioners' final argument was tl1at it \voul� not be difficult to find available land in a country wl1ere the density of popt1lat1011_ was 0111)' abo11t four . inl1abitants per square kilometre and was) they believed, tending to fall ra�her than _ to i11crease, and where tl1e c11ltivable land greatly exceeded not only tl1e needs of tl1e people but also their possibilities of cultivation. 26 The report therefore concluded tl1at Italian land legisla�ion sl1ould be �esigned ''to facilitate colonisation and the progress of agricultL1re; 111 otl1er \Vords rt must make easier tl1e passage of land into the l1ands of Italians, and, as between Italians, of tl1ose who can cultivate it best." 27 To achieve this objective the Cormnissioners reco1nn1ended an enquiry into the cadastral register a.t Aksum and the archives of Dabra Bizen, ,1s well as research an1ong the older generation, \Vith a view to establisl1 tl1e extent and location of the State domains of former ti111es. Tl1e purpose of tllis enq11iry was to assist in preventing or eradicating tl1e ''usurpation'' of sucl1 land by ''11atives," and, when suitable, to place it at the disposal of Italian. emigrants.

Since State lands even on tl1e loosest definition were presumed insttfficient to meet sett]e1nent requi.ren1ents the Con1n1issioners recomn1ended a policy of con­ :fiscatio11, bt1t urged t11at it sl1ould be carried 011t with great caL1tion, bit by bit, and \Vitl1 a minimum of pl1blicity. They claimed that in 1nost cases no hardship would be i11volved. as every clan IJossessed much n1ore land than it could use.

Nevertl1less tl1ey again warned against recourse to ordinary legal rnetl1ods, observing tl1at tl1e application of ltalia.n exprop1�iatio11 laws \Vo11ld be a ''massive mistake.''

Compensation, \\1here required, should be made in money, the provision of alter­ native land or partial or total exemption from taxes.28 The Commissioners also recon1mended a policy designed ''to facilitate in every way the acquisition by Italia11s of lands belonging to tl1e natives." Up to that tin1e, the report noted, Italian pt1rcl1ase of land l1a. d \Visely been prohibited in the fear that speculators would buy up extensive stretches of good land at give a\vay prices and tl1en 111onopolise t11e la.nd without cultivati11g it, a cot1rse of action alike deterimental to tl1e State and to bona fide colonists. To avoid this da.nger the report urged tl1e need to determine exactly \vhich land sl1ot1ld be reserved for future devel�pn1ent either by tl1e State or by Italian farmers, and proposed that sales by natives to Europeans sl�ould not . be considered valid unless approved by the Government, the latter havmg the right to refuse s11ch autl1orisation or to insist on the modification of a.ny agreeme11ts contrary to tI1e pub]jc interest.29 At the same time !l1e Commis��oners recomn1e11ded that traditional systems of land tenure be mod1fied to fac1I1tate tl1e pt1rcl1ase of land by Italians. The 25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

Ibid, Ibid., Ibid, Ibid, Ibid,

p. pp. p. pp. pp.

179.

179-80.

180.

181-2.

182-3.

- 184 -

•

reporr po.inted ou! that collectiv� ownership presented an almost insuperable obsta.cle to sales _or long ter.n1 concessions, as tl1e consent of the entire village or tribe was required before they could be made. '"fhe Commissioners therefore considered it necessar� to encot1rage the emergence of a system of private property, ''in order'' as they said, ''to ren1 ove a great obstacle to colonisation." 30 Finally, the Commissioners urged the need for a system of co111pulsory land registration, a proposal wl1icl1 clearly supplemented all their otl1er recommendations.31 The Commissioners' re port, which, it will be perceived, virtually gave a blank . cheque to t1nlimited settle1nent at1d expro1Jriation, l1ad no s111all effect on Italia11 policy, as a stt1dy mission of the Societa Italiana. per il Progresso delle Scienze later remarked, \Vas now dominated by three major assumptions each embodied in tl1e report. Firstly, that tl1e ownership of land in Ethiopia \vas traditionally vested in tl1e sovereig11 who cot1ld allocate or appropriate in at will. Secondly, tl1at t11e State lands were not reqt1irecl by tl1e inl1a.bitants wl10 cultivated them, and tl1at persons wl10 l1ad abandoned tl1eir lands b.ad tl1ereby forfeited to the State all rigl1ts of tenure. Tlurdy, that tl1e needs of ltaljan e1nigrants necessitated and justified the placing of vast amou11ts of la11cl at their disposal. 32 Tl1ot1gh tl1ese asst1mptions largely passed uncl1aJlenged at tl1e tin1 e they were each open, as the Societa Jtalia.11a IJer il Progresso delle Scieoze observecl, to tl1e gravest possible criticism. 33 In the first IJ]ace tl1e sovereign's traditio11al o,vnership of the land was a l1ighly tl1eoretical affair; tl1e basic feature of the Erjtrean plateat1, as all authorities agree, was tl1at tl1e greater part of tl1e land was in one \Vay or anotl1er vested in the con1 1nt111ity and cot1ld 11ot tl1erefore be alienated except in very special circt1n1stances.

Tl1us tl1e n1odern a11thropologist Nadel notes tl1at family ownersl1ip (resti) ''re­ presents tl1 e para111ount l(tnd title i11 Eritrea. . .. the people SJJeak of resti as a 'fundame11tal' rigl1t and a 'sacred' possession. 34 ln the seco11d place Italian conte11tio11s about State lands were considerably distorted. St1cl1 lands l1ad been devised to st1pply tl1e sovereign witl1 st11Jplies, but were nonetl1eless i11babited by cultivators who lived on a sl1are of the crops wluch tl1ey prodt1ced. Tl1e allocation of State lands to Italian peasant ct1ltivators was a ,1ery different tl1ing fron1 tl1e traditional grant of gi1lt and would generally necessitate the expropriation of already establisl1ed Etl1iopia11s, who, tbougl1 they might not theoretically have any per1nanence of tent1re, v\1ould 11nder the traditional Ethiopian syste1n seldom or never l1ave bee11 obliged to n1ove from tl1e land.

In the tliird IJlace tl1e Italian tl1esis tl1at abandoned land traditionally became tl1e property of tl1e State and cot1Id tl1erefore be used for settlen1ent was little rnore that1 a l1alf truth. It was true tl1at s11ch lands if really abancloned were said to revert to tl1 e State, but the principle of clan ownerslup was so strong that descendants cot1ld al\v,1ys reclai1n their sl1are in ancestoral property, even after the passage of 1nany generations. Tl1e traditional positio11, as Conti RossirJi later ex­ plained, \Vas that ''the Crown or its legitimate representatives'' were ''tlJe natt1ral 30. Ibid, · pp. 183-4.

31. Ibid, pp. 184-6.

32. Omodeo, Paglion and Valenti, op. cit., p. 16.

33. Ibid, JJ. 16.

34. Nadel, op. cit., pp. 1-22, 99-109 "Coosuetudini giuridiche del Serae," p. 81n; Manetti, op. cit., pp. 76-7.

- 185 -

i1 1 g claris or famili , d ow lan by ned ndo aba y aril por es• , b ut 1 ten · ,, · . , · cust. od·Laos of Iand ,, · on,1 I bas1s until such 1s1 pr ov a on d te oca all be ly o11 ld . time . tl1 at sucl1 lands cou d l c d an 1e . ur1 1e d possession· 35 ret a1rr ts dan cen des ir the or s ner ow 1 .· a .

Tl1e I or1• g1.11 as t1e s 10 fact. ab andon e d wa n1oreover an imp e wer ds )an d pie ccu uno · orth h'c degree to w 1 . . . . · 1 t. at ten su · 11. Because of c1 1 ev t10 ot . e . d fil t? d ile fa ns i� al It e til l cl hi � w the ant questioil 1nany �reas h a.d . been evacttated by ss, tre dis �nd n atio loc dis ,ic non eco teinporary d, t die bu l1ad on1 wh of 11 t10 por pro ge lar a ts, . m ma11y cases tllere their inhabitaii ld cou 111 y a�a tl1e as n res�ne cultivatio n. soo as lrn_ retl to ed liop who were survivors ?s, la11 ned ndo 1rrespect1ve of wl1.ether ab� d_ ute stit con as are se the To tile Italians any siirvivors mjglit still be alive. This v1�w ran entirely . co11trary to Ethiopian traditiori, which held tl1 at righ.ts of ownersl11p were :ested 1 n _tl1e com111u 1tity ai1d could not be alienated from any descendants wl10 n11ght r�mrun or return to the area even generations later. (It 1nay be argued that �tal1an a�areness of these facts prornpted the report's e1nphasis on tl1e need to reJect trad1t1 011 al systen 1s of land tenure.)

Fi1Jally the Italian arg11n1 ent tl1at settlers _should ?e give11 all st1itable land · which 1nioht be available was based on two assumpt1011 s whicl1 were also open to question.

Fi�tly tl1at Jtalian settleme11t was somehow intrinsically 111 ore desirable tl1an Eritrea□ existed. Though ownership of tl1e land, and secondly tl1at considerable land surpluses . the economic difficulties of tl1 e period. resulted i11 extensive depopLt1ation, history was to sl1ow that within a few generations Eritrea was to becon1 e ,111 overcrowded territory a11d that there \Vas tl1erefore in tl1e long run no roo1n for extensive fo­ reign settle1ner1t. 36 ltalia11 opinion in tl1e early 1890's was i11 the 1nain favourable to tl1 e idea of settlen1ent, the more so as tl1 e weaknesses in tl1 e con1missioners' case were not yet appare11t. Tl1 e jour,nal L' Explorazione Co1111r1erciale ca1·ried an important article in 1892 -v;1J1ich revealed tl1at tl1e famous Ger1nan explorer George Scl1weinfurth l1ad pointed out that Eritrea was 011 e of the colonies nearest to Et1rope at1d that al­ most all tl1e Colo11y's villages possessed more ]and than they needed. A11other Gerrnan author, Gerhard Rol1lfs, was cited a s stati11g that no less than 100,000 perso11s could live in the then largely uni11 habited Ghi11da valley. 37 Settle1nent began in earnest in the latter part of 1893 when stone 11ouses were built at Addi Ugri. In Nove1nber and December a band of 29 Italian peasants with 15 wome11 and 17 children arrived. Eacl1 fanlily received 20 or 25 hectares of _ land, agricultl1ral instrur11ents, cattle and the necessary provisions for the period prior to the first crop. 38 Not long afterwards son1e 200 Italia11s were given land at Ghinda. 39 Life in Eritrea, however, turned ot1t far less satisfactory tl1an the early settlers had b�en led to expe�t. Tl1e hardships of the pioneering stage were intensified by the effects of the famme and by incompetence in official qt1 arters. There was from 35.

36.

37 ·

Conti Rossini, Principi di diritto consuetudinario de//'Eritrea, p. 114.

S.H. Longrigg, A Short Histor}1 of Eritrea (London, 1945.) pp, 164-5.

Cerutti, op. cit., pp. 220-1. Vid.e also P. Borsari Le zo11e co/0111·zzabili dell'Eritrea e de/le fii,iitln1e regioni etiopiche (MiJano, 1890), pp. 73-88; G. Scliweinfurth, JI preserzte et l'avi•enire clella Colonia Eritrea (Mila.no, 1894), pp. 40-3.

38 · De Lauribar, op. cit., p. 51; Franchetti, M·ezzogiorno e colonie, pp. lxxvi-iii, 320, 403; I nostri errori, p. 133.

39 · De Lauribar, op. cit., p. 208. Vide also L' Africa Ital iana al par/anzento nazionale, PP• 1?4204, 335, 338, 503-4, 662, 710.

- 186 -

the outset an act1te sl1 ortage of all supplies. It was f 01111d 11 ecessary to import mules and even water from Italy:40 Thougl1 the Italian Governn1ent and its local admin.istration both favottred colonisation friction soon developed between Franchetti and General Baratieri the Governor of tl1e Colony. The pioneers n1 oreover for their part had been badly selected and ,vere soon cle111 oralised.

Despite tl1ese difficulties tl1 e Italian Governn1ent proceeded with its plans for the acqt1isitio11 of Eritrean land. Decrees were drawn up in the spirit of tl1e 1889 report to 1nake vast areas of tl1e plateau availa.ble to Italian coloo.isation.41 An initial decree est,tblisl1i1Jg the principle of State lands in Eritrea was signed by King Umberto on January 19, 1893,42 and a few mo11tl1s later a Cadestral office was set up on J11ne 6. 43 Not long after\vards, on At1gust 26, Baratieri issued a decree forbiddi11 g anyo11 e from occ11pying abandonecl land witl1 ot1t previo11s authority from the Gover111neot. TJ1 e decree defi 11 ed st1cl1 land as territory wl1ose inhabitants l1ad left for any reaso11 wl1atsoever, be it to e111igrate elsewhere, because they were drive11 away by ca]a111ities, or becat1se of eXJJropriations by for1ner ki 11 gs.� 4 The attitude bel1ind tl1is decree n1a.y be see11 from a report produced by Fran­ cl1etti on April 2, 1894, wl1icl1 reveals that a co11 siderable cl1 ange in the situation l1ad occurrecl since the report of 1889. At that time tl1e commissio 11 ers l1ad been argi.1i11g as \1/e l1ave seen tl1at ''abandoned'' la.nds sl1otlld be declared State JJroperty, as had in fact been decreec1 on Jarluary 19, 1893. Franchetti was no\V at pains to enst1re that tl1 e ''natives," who J1 ad by then largely recovered from tl1e f am ine and were benefiting fro1n the absence of hostilities 11nder Italian r11Ie, sl1ot1ld be prevented fron1 ''arbitrarily'' rett1r11ing to tl1 e ''vast fertile plait1 s'' which l1 ad been ''reserved for Italian colo 1 1is,1tio11'' by being JJroclaimed Sta.te pro1 Jerty. ''lt is i 11 dispensable'', l1 e declared� ''tl1 at native ct1ltivation sho11Jd be forbidden in tl1e areas destined for Italiar1 colonists. l 1<11ow tl1at at first sight it see111 s pait1 f11l to place obstacles to tl1e cultiv11tio11 of tl1e land. B11t tllis i1npression disappears \Vhe 11 011e reaLises t11 at tl1 e obsta.cle to cuJtivatio11 is 0 11 ly apparent becctt1se tl1e natives have not only tl1e power to carry tl1eir l::1bot1r long distances to tl1e t1nct1ltivated land at tl1eir disposal, bt1t: are encou.ragecl to do so." Fra.11chetti opposed even the te1upo­ rary gra11 t of Sta.te la11 d to tl1e ''natives'' 011 tl1� grou1 1d tl1at it wot1ld ''create clilfict1lties to futtire colonis,1tion," ancl added that unless tl1c ''11 alives'' \-Vere JJre­ ,,ented fro1n occuJJying s11ch land it wot1ld be i111_possible to achieve the l,-1rge Italia11 agraria 1 1 colo1lis,:1.tion of tl1 e pl,1teat1'' wJ1icl1 \Vas esse11 tial if Italy's co11 trol of tl1e colo 1 1y \Vas not to remai11 �1 1nilitary occt 1patiot1 and a bttrden on the Italian State. J\,foreover J1 e argt1ed. that unless tJ1 e resettle111e11 t of ''11atives'' was firn1ly stopped tl1ere wo11ld be 11 otl1ing to IJrevent tl1e1n from pouring across tl1e Etl1io1 Jian fro11tier, i11 wl1ich case tl1e tl1 en docile population \Vould beco1ne ins11bordinate, e,,en tl1e nat.ive troops n1igl1 t be affected a11d tl1 ere \1/0uld be a clanger of ins11rrection. 45 Fra11cl1etti's argt1ment that Etl1iopians 111igl1 t cross over tl1e frontier to settle o. n ''u 11 occupied land.'' reqL1ires co1111Ile11t. A significant n1igratio 11 was 11nclo11btedly at tl1 is ti111e 1111de.rway, pron1 pted partly by the great famt 11 e and partly b)' employ40. De Lauribar, op. cit., pp. 500-2.

41. Omodco, Peglion and Valenti, op. cit., p. 15. Viele also Vigrilli, op. cit., p. 188.

42. Mori, op. cit., II, 639-46.

43. Ibid, II, 72.1.

44. Ibid, II, 745-7.

45. Franchetti, Mezzogiorno e colonie, 333-3.

187 -

ment opportunities tinder Italian r11le.◄6 Tl1e in�ux f these _land-l1un�ry migrants � was nattirally a source of alarm t� persons 11�� Fra11cl1ett1 wh? ,v1she� to see , _ ,,, all ''unoccupied land'' reserved for Europea11 se� tl� me� t. Tl1e Soc1eta Italiana per _ . correct 1n ruguints �hat t1nder the tradi� il Progresso delle Scienze was nonetheless tional system of teiiure immigrants from other �arts of Ethiop1a \Vould 11ever llave been allowed to obtain land at the expense of_ the local people.47 Crispi, wl1o returned to power as Prime Minister in December, 1893, gave the idea of settlement his ft1ll s11pport� as _m�y be . see11 fro� . a letter wl1ich he wrote on April 28, 1894, to General Barat1er1. In 1t tl1e M1r11s� er observed that the General ''kne\\' better tl1an anyone else'' tl1at one of the fore111ost aims of Italian colonial expansion was that of '�preparing a vast field st1itable for [Italian] emigration," and went on: ''Tl1e stud.tes th11s far 1n� de . and_ the effort� of the brave Franchetti are st1fficient to demonstrate that this ruin 1s botl1 logical and practical. To att::1in it two things only are required: ti111e a11d _patience." Con1ing to tl1e heart of the qt1estion Crispi gave his backing to a rL1tJ1Iess solution of tl1e land problen1 in a series of sentences whicl1 combined cy11ica.l disregarded for Eritrean lar1d rights witl1 a. scrupulous insistance on Italian bL1dgetary 01ihodoxy.

He declared: ''i11 order th.at tl1e objective is not co1npro111ised we 1nt1st be on guard that native colo11isation does 11 ot debar our own road and that we are not swayed by an exaggerated scrupulosity wl1en taking over lands wl1ic11 1n11st be in great n1easure considered res nullius and available to tl1e first occ111)ier. Since it is 11ot dot1bted tl1at these are also J'Ot1r ideas, I a111 certai11 that yo11 will do everytl1ing to tra11slate tl1em i11to action, assisting, th11t is to say, the establisl1ment ar1d development of l'talian colonists on the plateatr, always, be it 1111derstood, within tl1e li111its of tl1 e b11dget, anc1, 011 the otl1er hand, rest:rai11ing nati\ e colonisa­ tio11 11otil it has been . possible to direct into those regions a sponta11eous and vigorot19 current of national [i.e. Ita.lia.n] en1igration."

1

''The ad.vantages whicl1 tl1e security of Eritrea will derive from a stro11g Italian popt1lation esta.blisl1ed at Asn1ara, Keren and other con,,inient localities," he added, ''will su.rely not escape you for vvhom the political and military history of the differe11t colonial powers I1as no secrets."-t 8 Baratieri was tot,:11ly convinced of the desirability of settle1nent. I-Ie accepted tl1 e thesis that ''tl1e land. belonged to the State," his only reservation being that in alienating la11d ''precautions'' sl1ould be t,1ken to avoid l)roducing an ''atJ11os­ phere of l1ostility among tl1e natives." 49 Even before the receipt of Crispi's letter he had begu11 issuing a series of decrees specifyino areas of tl1 e Colony as State lands ''reserved for colonisation." The first s11cl1 a;ea was anno11nced on May 11, 1893, and others followed 011 Septen1ber 18 and Decen1 ber 2. Decrees establisl1ing State land and expressly reserving it for colonisa.tion were issued t11rougl1out tl1e latter part of th.e year, t11e whole of 1894 and the first l1 ,1lf of 1895. Several specifically stated that the lands in q11estjou contained ''de 1Jopt1lated villages," ''re­ du11dant land'' or ''abando11 ed lands'', wl1 ile an edict of 1\.1arc11 20, 1895, declared the confiscation of lar1ds belonging to rebels. The result, as �Aarti1ii, tl1e later go46.

47.

48.

49.

Pankht1rst, "�ta �us, Division of Labour and Employ1ne11t in N'ineteer1tI1 a.nd Early T\ventietl1 Centt1ry Etb1op1a," p. 47. Vide also G.K.N. Trevaskis ' Eritrea ' a Colon�v in Transition, (London, 1960), p, 53.

On1odeo, Peglion and Valenti, op. cit., p. 55.

F. Cris pi, .La pri,na guerra d'Africa (Roma, 191914), pp. 272-3.

0. Baratieri, Me,noires d'Afrique (Paris, n.d.), p. 167.

- 188 -

verno . r of the colony reveals, was that between 1893 and 1895 u· o less than 314,792 hectares of land were alienated. 50 •

Italian l,:tnd . policy l :d to co1� siclerable dissatisfaction among JtaJy's colonial . stibJ�cts. :1/Ylde cites tl�e si111:, or cl1 1ef, of one of the largest villages in the Kltdo­ f�las1 region ne�r _Addi Ugr1-a11 area selec!ed for early settlement-as con1plaining bitterly. The cl11ef-s argt11uent, Wylde explains, was tl1 at if Italy claimed tl1e laiid that by r!ght .of conqt1est it . 1night be s aid ''all private titles to landed property _ .

1 no 11at e ar _e invalid and �\ l1 as a right to . an_yth1ng; but wl1at the cl1 oum comp­ lained of_ ... vvas, that ne1tl1er l1e 11or tl1_e 1naJor1ty of tl1 e landowners fo11gbt against tl1 e Ital1a11 s; on tl1e contrary, tl1 ey aided tl1 e1n l1nder the idea that t]1 ey wotild be treated fairly a□d tl1 at tl1 eir pro1Jerty would be respected." 51 Wyld.e, wl10 to11red tl1e area, coin1nents: ''Tl1at afternoon, I pa.ssed tl1 rot1gh the new Italian agricultural settleme11 t and I saw tl1at tl1 ey l1ad tl1e pick of tl1 e ground, and tl1is \Vas given to tl1 e settlers from Italy, dispossessing tl1 ose tl1 at J1 ad ct1ltivated tl1 e land forn1erly) and wl1ose a11cestors n1 igl1 t l1ave \Vorked on it for ce11 tt1ries. I l1 ave only given 011 e isolated case in one district, b11t tl1is .had been done in other parts as well." ''What co11 ficlence," l1e adds, ''co1ild tl1 e natives be expected to have i .n a govern­ ment tl1at started business 011. sucl1 a basis ?''52 Tur11ing to tl1 e philosopl1ical or 1u.oral aspects of the problen1, l1e concl11ded: "Tl1ere is laL1d in tl1e Ha111 ::1sie11 st1fficient for all, and had tl1 e government take.n wl1at tl1 ey reqt1ired for fortifications 1:1nd govern,rnent offices notl1iog would have bee11 said; a11d l1 ad tl1 ey isst1ed a proclamation tbat all tl1 e natives sh.otlld be allo\ved to retain tl1eir cultivated property on having tl1 eir clai1ns registered, and also allo\ved grazing rigl1 ts on the mot1ntains, no diffictdty \VOL1ld l1 ave arisen, a11d tl1 e gover11 1nent wo11ld have fot111 d tl1at tl1 ey l1 ad more territory tl1 a11 tl1ey kne\1/ wl1at to do \Vith. Abyssinia, i 11 spite of all it bad gone tbrougl1 , still l1as a very large popt . 1lc1tion, and tl1 e people sl10\V a great vitality a.nd have large fa r nilies, so it is in1possible to wipe tl1 en1 011t Iil<e tl1 e Al1stralia11 natives or Nevv Zealanders.

Tl1 ere is no reaso11 tl1 at I ca11 see at present why tl1 e Christian }JO_p11Iation shot1ld dimi11isl1; 011 tl1 e contrary, tl1 ere is every prospect of their i11 creasi11g in 11u111ber under a settled govern111 e11 t; so tl1e la11d q11estion is 011 e of tl1e greatest i r nport;1nce, and as 1011 g as the Abyssi11 ians are treated in a fa.ir and eq11itable n1anner they will be fo1111 d to 111 ake good a11 d peacef11I s11bjects, a11d tl1 e reverse if treated badly. I tl1i.nk w h. en tl1 e Englisl1 public learns tl1e facts of our dealings witl1 the land belongi11g to tl1 e 11 atives in. Africa tl1 a.t tl1ey \Vill be tl1orougl1 ly disgustecl, and I tl1 ink tha.t the wl1olesale seizt1re of la11 d tl1 at has taken place i11 some parts is little ren1 oved if any fron1 tl1 eft. I a111 sorry to use sucl1 a barsl1 term, bt1t nothing nulder will n1eet the case; tl1 ese ]ands are give11 a\vay to the first settler tl1 at co111 es along. . .. ''l do not tl1inl,;: the Italian governn1 e11t a.re precede11 t for it fro111 \Vl1at I1 itl1 erto l1as been by dishoi1est and ill-advised a11d I am afraid that l1 eld by people in Africa that tl1e title-deeds

so 111 11ch to blan1 e, as tl1 ey ]Jad a 11s in Africa; bt1t I cor1sider it was there is a good deal of property \¥otrld not bear lookjng into." 53

R. PanJ(hurst, "Italian Settlement Policy in Eritrea and its Repercussions, 1889-1896," Boston University Papers in African History, l, 143-4.

51. Wylde, /v[oder,1 Abyssinia, pp. 129-30. Italy, Camera dei Deputati, Relazione sulfa Colonia E'ritrea (Roma, 1913). I, 169; II, 971-4.

52. Ibid, p. 130.

53. Ibid, 1Jp. 130-1. Viele also Koln1odu1, Traditions de Tsazzega et Hazzega, Traduction frani;.aise, pp. 55-6.

50.

- 189 -

ly d Iar ba c11 ies rti ter 1Ja as on 1:11 serious polith om f d lan of � � � . le expropriation Ti . d ,Lt the conve r1e cu oc . s on nt ct1 ev1 of s iou ser 0st 1 Dabr"a 11 e Th 8 . · t· 1· 10n · 1ca p im al t1c • ned bet wee . s sig • h wa 1e w 1uc W .., 11ca f o aty Tre tl1e of IV e ticl Ar n Th ugh B' t tha tl1e ed cifi ssio spe sse po 9, ns 18� 2, y Ma of tl1e on s lian Ita the d a� . ek �Ji �! nt ue s seq tl1e nk sub n1o , p1a ly 0 th1 t los of E rty pe pro . the much n 1ai ren uld t sho en conv s nk d 111o ha tl1e t tl1a n ed bee no 3, 189 in deprived g lin vel tra ! nt, Be • d.s lan ir of the �r � sun1 of n1oney. which urn ret ''1n ds lan ir the � of st mo of s lian Ita the by .

Lhe ole t 111 wh tha s of \Va s, add e their Red 1 l lt, resu Tl1e m." the sfy sati not s doe "SS n t tha the en 1 1 . po nk t op mo en em 1 l ve re mo no .ave h Sea colony tl1e Italians The various acts of expropriation 11ndoubtedly ?ad profou11d influence on tl1e local people. As tl1e Societa per il Progress� delle Sc1e�ze f ater 11� ted, expropriation had ''provoked tl1 e discontent o: f the nat�ve population, , and 1nd11ced � n atmo­ . sphere of rebellion which led almos! 1ne�1tably to . war . bet\veen tl1e Italians aiid Etluopians.s6 Tl1 e n1ost striking n1arufestat1on 011 tlus discontent was perha.ps the rebellion of Dajazmac Bahta Hagos, the chjef of Akele G11zay, on December 15, 1894. This event came as a considerable sl1ock to the Italians who regarded him as 011e of their most loyal chiefs. So far from havi11g a record of ser\1ice to the Ethiopian cause he l1ad fo11gbt against tl1 e En1 peror Yohannes a11d Ras Alula and l1ad 011 one occasion sacked Adwa. ltalia11 s11rprise at tl1e re,1olt was intensified by tL1 e fact that Bahta I-Iagos had been converted to Ro1nan Catbolicis1n, the State religion of Italy, and 1nigl1t therefore l1ave been pres11med more ''loyal'' than 1nost Eritreans.

The significance of the land questio11 in the rebellion is appa.rent from tl1 e local traditions of the area as recorded by Kolmodi.n \Vl10 relates tl1at when Bahta Hagos saw the Italians gradually appropriate tl1e land of Akele Guzay he said to l1is brotl1 er Sangal, ''Let us rebel!''. The l,1tter is said to have asked, ''What reason can we invoke for a rebelJion against Italy?'', wl1ereupon Babta replied witl1 an epigram: ''0 n1y brotl1 er Sangal, do not be so stupid.

When tl1e wl1 ite serpent l1as once bitten you You will search in vain for a remedy against its bite." 57

In tl1e proclan1 ation he issued at the time of his rebellion .Bal1ta Hagos is quoted by Mantegazza as saying, ''We curse the Italians; they are taking our land."

These words 1nade a big appeal to tl1e populace and were taken 11p by the soldie rs of Ras Mai1gasa of Tegre, who, seizing Bal1ta's epigra1u, exclaimed, ''fron1 _ the bite of the black serva11t one recovers; tl1 e bite of the wl1ite serpent is n1ortal.''58 1 e signal for extensive fighting bet\veen tl1 e Italians and tl was ion Tl rebel e � � . .

Eth1op1ans which culminated over a year later on March I, 1896, in the Italian defeat at Adwa.

54.

55.

56.

57.

58.

Rossetti, op. cit., p. 83. Vide also F. Martini, Nell'Ajfrica /taliana (Milano, 1896), 83; Perini : op. cit., 63, 85, 86, 90.

Bent, op. cit., p. 44. Vide also Trevaskis, op. cit., p. 62.

Omodeo, Peglion and Vale11ti, op. cit., p. 188.

J. Kobnodin, Traditions de Tsazzega et }lazzega Traduction franc;aise, p. 201.

V. Mantega�a, La guerra in Africa (Firenze, 1896), pp. 262, 267-9, 282; Melli, op. cit., p. 91 ; G .P.H. �erkeler,. The Can1paig11 of AdOlVQ and the Rise oj· 1'1enelik (London, 1935), pp. �2-4; Conti �?ssrru, lta_lia eel Etiopia, •�· 111; Crispi, La pri,11a guerra d'Africa . .P�, 291-5 '. De la Jonqu1ere, op. cit., pp. 198-202. Vrde also Perini, op. cit., pp. 247-50; Barat1er1. op. Cit., pp. 105-10.

- 190 -

TJ1e exte�t to wltlc� settlement _ policy and expropriations contributed to the fail �1re of Italian e�pans1on �as ad?11tte� a decade or so later at a Congress or­ 1te 1n 1911 at which the Director of Colonial Inst1tt gan1�ed _by the Ita�an Co_lon1al _ _ _ Affrurs 1n the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Comm. Agnese observed that the l �nd ''que�tion'' was !he most delicate _ matter affecting the �oloniaJ people.

Draw1n� . attent1?n to Bald1ssera's _proclamation of 1889, promising the protection of trad1t1onal r1gl1 ts, he agreed with the subsequent Italian Commissioners' tl1esis that State ownersl1ip of land \Vas . a ' �ft111dam_ent �l and ba�ic principle'' of Ethiopian land tent�re, but_ declared that_ tl1 1s_ did not JUS �ify t �e se1zt1re of land from people who cultivated 1t on tl1 e basis either of acql11red rights or traditional occt1pation.

He also attacked tl1e co11ceptio.n of ''abandoned land'', argt1 ing that Sltrplus or abandoned lands l1ad existed during tl1e period of war, cholera and fami11e, but that ''on the return of peace the villages were reoccttpied and tl1e lands were no longer st1rpll1s.'' Looking at tl1 e questio11 from tl1e purely Italian _point of view he stated tl1 at tl1e 1893 decree establisl1ing State land in Eritrea a11d. the subsequent acts of expropriation hacl led to the ''gravest inconve11 iences," and cited tl1e observa­ tions of an Etl1 iopian \Vl10, wl1ile ad111 itting seriot1s defects in the adn1i11 istration of h .is O\vn cou 11 try, nevertheless expressed wholehearted preference for Etl1 iopian as against ltalia11 rttle, on the grouncls tl1 at the latter endangered the people's O\X.'nersbip of the la11d. ''In Etl1io_pia," he I1 ad declared, ''we are n1altreated, burdened ,vitl1 taxes and witl1 out good justice; but ,ve h«ive the land and no one takes it from us. Tl1e Italian Govern111ent in Eritrea is taking the land from the inhabita11ts.

We tl1erefore prefer to remain here." 59 Martini, spe,1ki 1 1g as a forn1er governor of Eritrea, confirmed Agnese's remarks, observing qt1ite blt1ntly that po_pulations st1bject to Italian rt1Ie had rebelled and rallied to Menilek's cause becat1se they had been robbed of the land. fie cited the case of tl1 e convent of Dabra Marqorewos near Addi Qt1ala, where 150 monks had been rendered destitute arid converted into ''a real nest of dangerous mal­ contents." The ex-governor quoted Menilek's Minister Ras Tasatnma as telli 11g his master tl1 at tl1e 1Jeople of Tegre ,vot1ld be hostile to Italy ''bec,tuse tl1ey k 11 ow very well tl1 at the Italia11s take tl1e la11d." 60 Carlo Rossetti, anotl1 er Italian expert on colonial affairs, confir111 ed tl1e above argt1n1 ents, declari11 g tl1a.t Eritrea11 s in tl1 e Sttdan also co1npJ::1i 11ed that tl1e Italian govern111ent l1 ad seized the land. 61 Tl1 e settlen1 e11t sche111 e \vl1icl1 l1ad produced so 111 ucl1 discontent coJlaJJsed al1nost i11evitably \Vith tl1 e outbreak of hostilities bet\vee11 Etl1iopi,1 and Italy. The revolt of Bahta I-Jaaos a11 d tl1e :figl1tir1g witl1 Ras Mangasa jeopardised tl1e sect1rity 0 of the Kudofelassi settlers, 62 ,vl1 ile tl1 e subseqt1e11 t Italian ,vitl1 clrawal fron1 Maqale in the middle of Decernber, 1895, cat1sed panic to break out an1 ong the colonists.

A.B. Wylde records tl1 at ''ne:1rly a.II tl1 e Itali,1n_ cultivators'' ran a_way to tl1e coast after the st1bseqt1e1 1t Italia. 1 1 defeat at Ad,va.. Italian settlen1e11 t l1ad 1n fact suffered a very severe blovv from which it coulcl not ea.sily recover. 63 Istituto Coloniale Italiano Atti �el seconclo con�resso c{eg!i ltaliani alf'e� tero (Roma, 191 l ), • 11, part I, 482-3; Omodeo, Peghon and Valenn) op. cit., pp. 16-170. V1de also pp. 43-9.

60. Atti clef secondo congresso clegli Jtaliani all'estero, II, p�rt I. 48_ 6. Vide also On1odeo, Peglion and Valenti, op. cit., pp. 16-17n; F. !v1artini, Cose Afjr1cane (iv1ilano, 1896), 120, 140; Perini, _ _ op. cit., pp. 114, 127. Relazione sulfa co/0111a Eritrea, I 169 61. Atti def seconclo congresso degli ltaliani a/l'estero, II, part, I 487.

62. I nostri errori, 171.

63. Wylde, Moc/ern Abyssinia, p. 131. Vide also Mantegazza, op. cit., p. 284; De Lauribar, op. cit.. p. 52.

59.

- 191 -

Tl1e policy of land expropriation was s0011 �bandone�-· �I1e isst1e of.decrees _ establishing State Jands. at1d reserving tl1 em for ltali�n col?n 1sat10? �ad,. s1gn1fica1itly enough, been ter111 i11ated at tl1e ot1tbreak of fighting · Vi'ltll Et l11? Pia 1n tl1 e latter . _ part of 1895. There is no evidence of a.ny attempt at expropr1� t1on between July, 1895, and May, I 899; indeed tl1e only Gov�r1�me11t decree r� Iat111g to land in this })eriod was 011e of Marcl1 31, 1897, prov1d111g co1upe11sat1011 for one grou1 ) of 6'1 A :villagers who had earlier been deprived of their. li:1nds. � ecree of 1899 none­ _ tl1eless laid down the 1)rinciple . that }Jersons d1sobey1ng Italian orders \Vot1ld be ''deprived of giLlti a11d resti''. 65 Decrees creating or defi11i11g State land began t� be issued again i11 M:ay, 1899, _ b11t n1ade no more reference to colo11isatio11. Mart1111, wl10 took office on Decen1 ber 16, 1897, was totally opposed to tl1e land J)olicy o. f liis predecessor and had 110 intention of reinstating it. He 11oted in l1is diary as early as Ivlarch and. April, 1898, that the seizure of 1nonastery lands at Dabra :Bize11 J1ad bee11 ''t111 jt1st'' a11d tl1e ''greatest possible error." 66 In later entries l1e ridic11led Franchetti's ignora11ce of cl1s to1nary land te11ure, described the Bize11 expropriation as a ,:foolisl1 error'', the effects of wl1 ic]1 J1ad been ''very i11jl1rio11s for us'', a11d declared tl1at tl1e con­ fiscation of land fro1n tl1 e Dabra Marqore\vos mor1ks ''unjust and unjL1stifiable," as \Veil as botl1 stL1pid and dan1aging to Italy. 67 Ma.rtini, 011 becomi11 g governor of Eritrea, rejected tl1e old settlen1 e11t thesis, declari11g tl1at the Eritrea11 plateat1 ''does not possess vast pieces of land suita.ble for E11roJJea11 settle111ent." 68 Tl1eoretical aJ)proval for tl1e idea of settle1ne11t was 11onetl1eless voiced by tl1e Italian .Foreign J\1iruster, Tonm1aso Titto11i, i11 a speecl1 in tl1 e Cl1amber of Deputies 011 l\1ay 16, 1907, though tl1e need for •'great caution'' was also stressed, the Italians ]1a.vi11 g eviclently Iear11 ed. 111 11cl1 from their previous 1uistakes. Tittoni argt1ed. tl1 at the ''best pieces of land," if really 11noccL1pied, sho11ld be reserved for in1migrants from It,:lly, b11t added: ''if 11pon the ex 1Jiratio11 of tl1e leases \V}1 jc]1 tl1e natives at prese11t l1 old we shot1ld send the1n away from tl1e land tl1 ey now occupy, tl1 en tl1e question wo11ld becorne very serio11s and \VOt1ld asst11ne a political cl1aracter ... it i � clear tl1 at a11 y provision too lightly decided 11pon 111.ight start a dangerot1s u11 rest 1n tl1 e Colonv." 69 Despite !vfartini's cr.iticis111 s of earlier expropriations a ft1rtl1 er 69,172 hectares were aliena.ted between 1897 and 1913, tl1ot1gh l1e claims tl1at 30,000 l1 ectares of th.is was ur1cL1ltiva.ted land and tl1::1t the operation \Vas effected in accordance with ''11 ative CL1stoms''.70 TJ1 e qt1estion of land allocation i11 tl1e colony was regt1Ia.ted by tl1 e Italian La.nd Statute of 1909 (revised in 1926) wl1ich tra11sforn1ed f11rther land into Cro\v11 property, i.e. terre. demania!i or do111anial lands. Tl1e ap1)licatio11 of tl1 is statLtte �tffected a large Vftr1ety of Jands-la11 ds in tl1 e case of whicl1 the 11 ative titles were a·b.rogated for 1nilitary or econ.01nic reasons, or for reasons of public 11ti1ity, e.g.

64. Mori, op. cit., III, 604.

65. Martini, II cliario eritreo, I, 431.

66. Ibid, I, 106, 119.

67 • Ibid, II, 29, 99, 266, 30.1, 407; IlJ, 32; Relazione sulfa Colonia Eritrea, I, 169.

68. Relazione sulfa Co/onia Eriirea, I, 173.

69. T. Titton.i, Italy's foreign and Co/011ial Policy (Londo11, 19 I 4), p. 281.

10. Relazione sulfa Co/onia Eritrea, I, 169-70; II, 971-4.

- 192 -

building-land, roads, river courses, land needed for fortifications or aerodromes 1nines, qt1 arries, and forests, lands in tb.e case of whjch the old titles were re� pealed for poljtical reasons; and land to wl1ich no clear native titles existed.7t ''T11 e regard for t11 e Italian colorusts," . writes Nadel, ''o.ften overruled all other co11siderations, so tl1at tl1 e expropriations exceeded the ter1ns of the Statute and beca :me indistingt1ishable fron1 expropriations Cld h.oc. . The banks of rivers are a typical instance: l1ere it beca111 e the established practice to regard as do1nanial, . ot only th. e rivercourses tl1e1 11 selves, but also tl1e land on the· banks to a depth n of 20-30 yards, land th,1t is which is specially adapted. for the E t1ropean type of ct1ltivation. " 72 The urge to settle had however, by now largely evaporated.

The f,1ilt1re of tl1 e policy of Francl1 etti and bis followers was symbolised in 1904 wl1en a co111n1ission of agricultural l,1bot1rers was sent to Eritrea fro1n Ro­ magna. Ascending tl1e slopes of Gl1inda, 011e of tl1e men indignantly exclaimed, ''Ro1nag11 a. shall 11ever con1e l1ere. '' 73 APPENDIX: GU.LT AND RESTE GULT IN ERITREA

Tl1ot1gh statistical n1aterial is al111 ost 11 on-existent tl1 e Italians collected a certain an1ot1nt of dat,1 011 gi1/t ,tnd resta gi,lt land ,ls it existed in Eritrea at the end of the ninetee11 tl1 ce1rtury. Tl1 is clata, as quoted by Perini, is sun1 marized i_n tl1 e follo\vi11 g table \vl1icl1 st1ggests that tJ1e largest amot1nt of gi,1/t was to be fou11d itl Akele Guzay and Serae ancl tl1e largest an1ount of restii. gi./lt in Serae and Hamasen. 74 Province

I-Iamasen Akele Gt1zay Serae Serae Deka Tasfa Deka Melgae

Number of units

Gult Number of villages

Resta gult Number of units

8 5 9 9

158 283 283

18 32 21 21 5 12

276

119 124

l

2

•

71.

72.

73.

74.

Nadel, op. cit., pp. 18-19.

Ibid, p. i9n.

F. Coletti, Deli' e1nif!1·azio11e italiana (Ron1a, 1911), II, 137.

Perini, op. cit., 59-67, 82-3, 85-91, 95-7, 105-15, 117, 127-8, 134-6. Vide also Manetti, op cit., 78-80.

193 -

XLI ITALIAN POLICY IN WESTERN ERITREA Italian policy in the lowlands of wester11 Eritrea faced p roblems very different from those encot1ntered in the highland plateau. The Italians on occ11pying the wester11 plateau were confronted among the Teg_re speaking people of the Keren and Agordat region witl1 a. tiniq·ue type of soc1� l . structur� where generations of figl1ting had resulted in tl1e en1ergence of _ two d1st111ct_ social groups? the Asgada and tl1e Tegre, who l1ave often been described respectively _as an aristocratic and a11d a serf class. It is asserted that the powers of tl1e aristocrats were once so great that they could declare one of their vassals a _ slave for tl1e sn1allest offence.

The slave was then obliged to serve bis 1naster u11t1l J1e_ cot1ld pt1rcl1ase his free­ dom. Sucl1 manun1ission is said to have cost 20 Maria Tl1eres,L dollars in the case of a n1an or 30 dollars it1 the case of a wo1nan. 1 The Italian. authorities were on the whole outraged by tl1is systen1 of class relations. T11e situation in this part of their colo11y \Vas de11ounced i11 1912 by Conti Rossini, tl1e Italian scholar, wl10 referred to the aristocrats as a ''do1ni11ating class'' and likened tl1e social system to ''a l1uman octop11s of a few thousand parasites exploiting a great number of vassals." 2 Notwithstanding such criticism tl1e Italians were reluctant to do more tl1an remove the worst abuses as tl1ey were t1nwilling, tl1ey said, to embark on any­ thing resembling a ''soci,11 revolt1tion." Tl1e dilemma facing the Italian autl1orities may be seen in the diary of Gover11or Martini \.Vho noted on September 21, I 903, tl1at tl1e Tegres, or serfs, den1a11ded that the Government sl1ot11d protect tl1en1 from tl1e vexatjons and injustices of tl1eir cl1iefs. Martini's comment was that s11ch action would be ''l1ealtl1y, j11st arid l1t1mane." Tt1r11ing the n1atter over i11 bis 1nind he considered the possibility of emancipation. ''I a111 wondering,'' he says ''wbetl1er, for the I-Iabab, for exa111ple, I cannot establish by decree tl1at the n1ere fact of owning and cultivating the l::1nd frees tl1e serf from all dependence on the Bet Asgiida." To do tl1is, however, would, he thougl1t, mean a ·'social revolution'' \Vl1icl1 he was ,1pparently u11willing to undertake.3 Reverting to the same qt1estion on Decen1ber, 18, 1905, dt1ring a visit to tl1e area l1e noted in l1is di,1ry that th.ot1gh he was the person res1)011sible to ren1edy the state of affairs i11 western Eritrea tl1e qt1estio11 seemed to l1i111 ''insoluble'' as it would take ''n1any decades to bt1ild 11p a 11ew social systen1 to replace tl1e old."

It wa.s necessary, l1e observed, si11 1ultaneously to allow the Asgada to live and to raise tl1e Tegre fron1 their oppression. Asking l1imself wl1ether tl1 is could be done, l1e replied tl�at there was ''little l1ope'', b11t ''we would see." Two days later Four Po\\_'er Com.missio �1 of Investiga.tion for the Forn1er Italian Colonies, .Report on Eritrea, (Londo �, 1948), Ap �end1x I �,. p. �- V1de aJso F. Martini, Nell','1ffricc1 Jtaliana, 255-8, 301-4; L. Pennazz1, _Dal Po a, due N1/1 (Mtla110, 1882), pp. 157-8, 247-8; s.1:.. Nadel, "Notes on Beni Amer Society,,, Sue/an Notes and Recorcls, XXVI, Part I, 23-32; K. G. Roden, Le Tribu dei Me !zsa (Stock11oln1, 19.13) pp. 177-84; A. Issel, J/iaggio nel Mar Rosso e Ira ; Bogos (Milano, 1872), pp. 177-84.

2. Istituto Agricola Colo1:tiale Italiano, L'eco110111ica eritrec1 (Firenze, 1932), p. 83.

3. Martini, II ciiario Eritreo, III, 288. Vide also ru, 249-50, 269.

1.

- 194-

he noted _ quite defi�itely; ''The Habab question h.as no solution: I said this be­ fore leaving, everything confirms me in this opinion''.4 of service hitherto paid by the �artini goes . on_ to relate that four types .

Tegre l1 ad at this time been abolished, a further nine major obligations being, however, retained.

The services abolished were the following.

1. Wot Tsahai, or ''co,v of the sun.'' During the dry season when the cattle p �oduced litt !e ..milk any Tegre wl10 owned cattle l1ad formerly been obliged to _ give the Asgada to wl1om he was attacl1 ed one cow for the latter to slaughter.

2. Wot Maka11, or ''sterile cow." Sterile cattle belonging to the Tegre were traditionally divided equally between l1im and the A.sgada to whom he was attached.

3. Negalet elegh, or ''goat of syJJhilis." Wl1en an Asgada cal1ght syphilis l1e l1ad 11ntil then bee11 entitled to collect a goat for slaughter from the Tegre at­ tached to him.

4. A1esl,angel. An Asgada was traditionally entitled to den1and one Maria Tl1eresa dollar wl1enever l1e 1net any Tegre attacl1ed to him.

Thot1gl1 abolisl1ing these obligations, at least on paper, Martini states that the Italians permitted th.e following to be n1aintained: I. Medar1et. A Tegre \Vas obliged to give the Asgada to whon1 l1e was at­ tached a certain qt1antity of butter irrespective of the size of l1is flock. Tl1is pay­ n1 ent was valt1ed at fot1r Maria Tl1eresa doJlars for a herd of cattle and two dollars for a flock of goats.

2. Wot kalib or ''milk co,v." Tl1e Tegre l1ad to supply tl1e Asgada with a 1nilk co,v in the summer and anotl1er in the winter. Such cattle were milked by tl1e Asgad.a for l1is o,vn 11se, but were later rett1rned to the Tegre.

3. Ta/it lzalib, or ''milk goat''. This obligation resembled that of Wot halib, but applied to goats.

4. S/1i1n1r1et glzilsa, or ''gift of cover." The Tegre was obliged to give the Asgada d11ring the rains a wollen blanket, or a goat or a dollar in lie11 tl1ereof.

5. Ja111ael Z/1an, or ''tra11sport camel." Tl1e Tegre l1ad to s11_pply a camel to tl1e Asgada on the occasion of tl1e latter's twice yearly n1igration.

6. Zu1nbc1/c1t, or ''1narriage present.'' Wl1 en tl1e Asgada got married. the Tegre ,vas 11sually expected to give hi111 a present, tho11gl1 Martini says tl1is was optio11al and not obligatory.

7. Roggaz, or ''f11nera1''. On tl1e death of tl1e Asgada the Tegre was obliged to give the cleceased's son or otl1er heir a cow or goat, tl1e kind of ani1nal de­ pe11ding on wl1at the vassal possessed.

8. Ta/it /1aj, or ''goat of the ha)''. The Tegre had to give tl1e Asgada one goat at t]1e ti111e of tl1 e pilgrimage to Mecca.

9. Diz1an, or ''l1ospitality." Tl1e Asgad a wl1en visitin? t�e stockade was entitled to obtain milk from tl1e Tegre t\vice a day. Though tl11s right was _p� eserved t 11 e Italians declared th,:1t the Asgada's stay tl1ere should be kept to a nurumum. 5 4.

5.

Ibid, III, 110-11; IV, 114.

Ibid, IV, 117-20.

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Despi�e � c�rtain . an1elio�·ation of dues tl1� syste1�1 of aristo_ crats .c1nd vass als was thus 111runtaLn�d; 1t co11trnued th;rougbo11t ��e pe1· 1od _of Ital1�1n colonia l· rule, _ . at ·the end of wl11cl1 tl1e Representative �omm1tt�e of Italians 11� Eritrea ii1forined the Fot1r Power · Con1IDission . of Inq11ry 10 1947 tha.t. to have eliminated tl1is ty of social syste1n would l1ave resulted in ''co111plete. a11arcl1y." The Ita]ia11 Govei �� 1nent, the co1nmittee explai11ed, l1ad t� erefore ''abo�s_hed s0�1e of tl1e more objec­ tionable dues, b11t in ge11eral, recognised tl1e traditional r1ght of tl1e aristocrat · . IC . pa.y111ent a11ct . orced t1 1e1r �lasses to dues and services, and� wl1ere necessary, en� per6 forn1ance. of custon1ary law."

'

•

6 · · Report on Eritrea, Ap pendvc 1 7, pp. 2, 10. .(

� 196 -

P.t\.RT EIGHT THE EARLY TWENTIEfH CENTURY XLII PRE-WAR LAND REFORIVIS OF Tl-IE EMPEROR HAILE SELLASSIE The reign of the En1 peror I-Iaile Sellassie I prior to tl1 e Italian invasion witnessed a number of important reforms designed to modernise the system of land tenure.

A refor 111 in tl1e system of surveying and n1easurino was announced in 1929 the . relevant law being subseqt1ently i 1 1troduced 0 11 Sept;'mber 17, 1930. It stated i� Article I tl1at whe11 as a rest1lt of an offi.cjal survey it was discovered tl1 at tl1ere were excess Ia 11ds tl1ey shot1Jd not be taken from the holder provided tl1ey were being _ t1sed for ftgricultt1re or pastt1rage or were occupied by build.ings, trees or \Vater1ng places for cattle and tl1at tl1 e appropriate tax was paid on them.

Article I.I ]a.id do\vn, on tl1 e other I1 and, that if st1ch lands were not utilised and \Vere sitt1ated ir1 an inl1 abited area tl1ey sl1ould be divided into fotrr portions, and be allocated as follo\vs: a q11arter to tl1e former holder, a quarter to the tenant, a quarter to tl1 e balabbat, a11d a quarter to strch persons withot1t land \Vho might petition the Go,rernme11t for it.

Sl1 ould no 011 e in the area be able to benefit by the three last grounds cited above tl1e l1older could, according to Article III, cu.ltivate the1n if be fur11 ished a guarantor ,ind paid the price at \Vl 1 icl1 the land \Vas esti111 ated. If tl1e l1older was not prese11 t the guardian or near relatives wo11ld be informed that tl1e holder mt1st present l1imself witlu.n six montl1s; if he f,1iled to do so the land would be sold.

Tl1e law also specified in Article IV that all excess land. \Vl1ich was 11ot clas­ sifiecl as giibbar or ge11rla biil sl1 011ld be taxed. Land that was not sold, but under a J-.;1,1111, or local cl1ief, sho11ld be assessed in (1ccordance \Vitl1 this decree and shot1ld. not be exen1pted on the grot1i1 d of it being excess Jand.

Article \T stated tl1at all excess ,,1arlareya, ,nallcafiffa a11 d n1ii/111iil lancl sho11ld be as�essed in accordance \Vith tl1e decree, but tl1e tax shot1ld be paid by soldiers who \vere statio11 ecl tl1ere for }Jt1rposes of JJrotection a11d J1 acl to pay five clollars and serve one 111 011tl1 i11 every three, gt1arcling tl1 ieves� rnurclerers ancl so fortl1 .

Excess cht1rcl1 land, accordi11g to Article VI, was to be given to persons l1 old­ ing i11adeq11ate amou.nts of s11ch land and to churches where there \Vere inSt1fficient priests to co 11duct a mass.

In otl1er cases tl1e occ11pc:1nt \vould have to pay 20 dollars per gasa, tl1is re­ venue to be t1sed for the schools of the area.

Article VII sta.ted tl1at on tl1e establisbme11t of the cl1 t1rch the priest should get one foL1rth of the land, tl1 e ren1aining three-fourths to belong to th� laodlo�d.

The incon1 e tro111 land belongi11g to the persons condt1cting the comn111n1on service should be used to JJurchase cht1rch parapl1 e11 alia.

Excess J)rivate Ja.nd co11ld be retai11 ed by its owner i_ f already ctiltivated on payn1e11t of 80 do.llars per gasa; if fallo\v it was to be subJect to tl1e above 1ne..n­ tionecl quadruple division, each new proprietor having to pay 10 dollars per gasa.

Persons bri11ging unt1sed land t111der ct1ltivation had further to pay tax on tl1 e fallowing scales: - 197 -

LANDS ON TI-IE NEAR SIDE OE TI-IE AWAs

For the 1st year of tl1e tax payable by a giibbar. ,, '' ,, '' 2nd '' ½ '' '' 3rd '' onward tl1 e com1)lete tax.

LANDS BEYOND 1'1-JE AWAs

the 1st year nothing '' 2nd '' of tl1 e tax payable ·by a giibbar, ¼ '' '' 3rd , ' '' ½ '' 4th '' onward tl1 e ft1ll tax. 1 Steps were also taken to reduce bot1ndary dispt1tes. A decree was issued 011 July 18, 1934, stating that as fron1 Se_pten1 ber 12 of tl1 at year all l_a11cl Vi'as to be 1neasured. Shot1ld it transpire tl1at a property was sl1 ort of a cert� 1n area and anotl1er have more tl1a11 its due, rest.itt1tion was to be nJade by taking frorn tl1e estate with st1r·plt1s land rather tl1an by givi11g the otl1 er es�ate o\-vner la�d else­ wl1ere. If there was furtl1 er excess land it shot1ld be sold to its occupants 1n con­ formity with the law of Septernber 17, 1930.

Mal1 ta111a Sella.se states that if, on the contrary, no excess land was found witl1 wl1icl1 to compensate a proprietor with less than the official n1 easure1nent, the tax payable by him would corres1)011dingl)' be reduced. 2 · or F '' '' ''

Ai1 important decree curtaili11 g obligations of personal service was isst1ed shortly afterwards and also co11tained J)rovisions designed to i11crease agric11ltural prodt1ction.

Article I stated tl1at the CL1 ltivators of the land, wl10 ''provided for tl1 e needs of the populatjo11," \Vere he11 cefortl1 freed fro1n a11y obliga.tions of perso11al service and that 110 governor or cl1 jef of a1.1y sort could exact st1cl1 service. Ct1ltivators co11ld only work 011 tl1e la11 d of :}aliiqas, i.e. 111i1itary officers, if tl1ey them­ selves preferred to work tl1ree days a :')'ear in liet1 of 11a ving to pay t11ree qut111as of grai11. 111 carrying out tl1e latter obligatio11 c11Itivators were not to be expected to provide for the transport of tl1e cereal 11or to carry otl1 er st1pplies or n1ake fences as for111erly. Tl1e malci11 g of granaries for the Governn1 e11t and any sin1ilar 1abot1r service for tl1e C1111rcl1 ,vas limited to tl1 ose mo11tbs of tl1e year ,vl1e1.1 the farn1er was engaged 11either in plot1gb.ing 11 or harvesting. He was tl1 erefore 01 1ly allowed to give service fron1 _yii/(atit I to 111.iJ'GZJJa I .

Article II stated tl1at far111 ers s11ould not \Vor]c more tl1an five days a year for ,niill<:iifiPias or landed pro1)rjetors. La11downers and farmers were 11rged to ,vork their land \:\1 .ith dilige11ce, and. were \Varned tl1at the titl1 e wotild be calctilated 11ot on tl1e.ir actL1al productio11 , but, except in cases of disaster or crop failure, ,vot1ld be assessed on tl1e basis of tl1 e yield of sin1ilar land of eq11al fertilit.y.

Article II I decl,:ired tl1at landlords sl1ould not s11 bject tl1 eir tenants to services otl1er than far111i11 g. Where other services, st1cl1 as house construction and fence making, ,vere required. they shot1ld not be carried 011t in tl1e plot1gl1 i r1 g or b.arvesting s�asons. Sl10L1ld _the tenants' crop Slrffer becat1se o f. tl1e services l1 e had give11 to his landlord d�1r!11g tl_ 1 ese sea�ons tl1e la11dlord would ·be expected to com1)ensate the tenant by giving him tl1e l11re of an ox a11d. b:')' payi 1 1g tl1e tithe to tl1e Govern­ ment. �t was clearly stated, however, that tl1ese regulatio11s did 11ot apply to te11ants w1tl1 1noney who employed wage workers; such tenants were obliged to pay 1. Mahten1e Sellassie,_ "Tl1e Land System of Ethiopia," pp. 295-6; idetn, 30; Bretto, op. cit., JJp. 55-6.

2.

Zel,ra Nagar, pp. 128-

Mahteme Sellassie, "The Land System of Ethiopia," p. 297; ide111 Zekra 1Vei·gar, p. 140

- 19 8 -

the t1st1al dt1es botl1 to tl1e Government and to the sa/aqa or governor .

Farmers w ag or � e d es w �· k er f r e, o on th e other hand, exempt from a.ny ta x ,vho _w an d should i cert 1 1cat to h es t at g1ve 11 effe ct b y the governor. be

A rticle IV w s designed to e1;1cot1rag: people to bring new land •und er cultiva­ f .

1 at sta pe d te � rsons ea 1 v111g tl1e1r lands fallow should ctiltivate tllem. tion. 1 t lo pe stof inf cas ect ed e qollo . lands whose grass could 11ot be used the proprieto tl1 e r was exempted fro1n tax and t1tl1e for the first year, bt1t would be expected in the seco11d_ year to pay a q11arter of tl:e land tax and a tithe of a tlurtieth, and in the tl11rd year, half the tax and a tithe of a twentieth. Tl1ereafter payment shou· ld be at tl1 e norn1a.l rate.

Article V stated that _persons clearing unct1ltivated 1,vayna clega or clega areas would l1ave to pay according to tbe following scheclule: For the 1st year ½ tl1e t�lX and a tithe of 1-20 For tl1 e 2nd year ¾ of tl1e tax and a tithe of 1-15 Thereafter the norn1al ta.x and titl1.e would be operative.

Article VI stated that proprietors of hitl1erto 11ncultivated lands wl1 0 failed to c11ltivate it wo11Id 11 ot be exen1pted fron1 pay111e11t of tax and titl1e unless tl1ey had good cat1se, such as ill-l1ealtl1 or the death of their oxe11 . Under sucl1 circt1n1stances tl1ey ,vould have to pay a tl1ird of the tax the tl1ird year on\vards. Tl1ey vvould, however, be expected to pay the normal tithe and would receive no ex­ emption fron1 a11y other obligations.

Article VII stated tl1 at farmers cultivating tl1e land prior to the decree were expected to J)ay tl1eir ta.x a.nd titl1e as before.

Steps were also taken to reform and modernize the systen1 of land tax. A decree of May 1, 1935, laid do\vn that gabbczr land was no longer sttbject to any tax of l1oney or labour d11es, eacl1 gczsa havi11g, ho,vever, to pay 30 per year in. addition to tithe. The decree stated that persons possessing inferior land cot1ld apply to the l'v1inister of tl1 e Interior for a reduction of tl1e tax, but J1 ad to J)ay at tb.e old rate t1ntil tl1e fixing of a red,uced tax. 3 Tl1 e Etltiopi,1t1 sttbject's rigl1ts to security of te11ure in land ownersl1 ip were formtilated in 1931 in tl1e cot1ntry's first Co11stitt1tion, Article XXVI of which stated tl1at ''except in cases of pt1blic t1tility determi11ed by la\v, no one sh,111.be e11titlecl to deprive an Ethiopian st1bject of the movable or landed property wl11ch he holds." 4 A11otl1er development \Vas to be seen in the 1nodernisation of taxes, it_ being tl1e Emperor's policy, as Brotto says, to encot1rage payment wl1erever possible in money rather than i11 ki11d. 5 Land refor111 s in several of tl1e provinces require special notice. ..., .Efforts at refor111 appear to l1ave been partict1 1i:1rly noticeable in Cercer, tl1en under tl1 e adn1i11istration of Fitawrari Takla Hawaryat, a notable governor who had been eclt1cated in Tsa.rist R11ssia. 6 3.

4.

5.

6.

6-j.

2 pp. ," opia Ethi of em Syst d Lan ?

The , idem 41, 138pp. iir, Nag rci Zek , asse a Sell tam Mah , ivoe 1 orc.

L 6 Y t epor .

R 27 6 G. Vide also Oxford, Rhodes Library, MSS Brit. Emp S 22,

Buxton ancl Lore! Polivortlz.

Perhan1, op. cit., pp. 280, 413.

Brotto, op. cit., p. 60. . z rar aiv 1 Fit h , 1936 Etlzio,,nian Constitution wit Mengesha Gessesse, Report on arz Interview . on t,ze r-, Tel<le llaivariat (Addis Ababa., n.d.), passun.

- 199 -

The reforms in Cercer were complex and n1any sided.

In tlle first place the 1 r1 a/lciiflfi.as, or A1nl1ara lord�, v1ere . UJ )rooted fron1 tlle province and transferred to I-Iarar where tl1e� wer� g�ven pensions. The tenants were thus virtually overnight freed from all their obl1gat1ons except to the State.

In the second place the governn1 ental structure was reorganised, tl1e })rovince being divided into workable administrative units and sub-11nits, know11 respectively as 111iiriiclas and kabales.

Special legislation for tl1e provinc� \Va� also . initiated. The Emperor at about the tiine of Jiis Coro.natio11 gave deta1Jed 1nstr·uct1011s for tl1e �easure�ent of the land. Thus it was laid do,vn that measure1nent sl1ot1ld be carr1ccl 011t 1n tl1e pre­ sence of a judge ar1d that the old measuring cord :w11?se !e11gth c�ul_ � easily be altered• was to be replaced by a 50 meter long cl1a1n bearing tl1e 1rut1als of tl1e sovereign.

Scientific measurement, according to Brotto, proved slow and expecsive, and was tl1erefore soon abandoned in favour of more traditio11al methods, ropes being once again employed. Tl1e Ita.lia11, who states that over 3,000 qalads of rest land were measured in. this way, nevertheless declares tl1at ''11 1east1ren1 ent was effected in Cercer on a larger scale and with greater precision than in tl1e I-Iarari J1igl:tlands."

Measureme11t was acco1npanied by a ne\v system of taxation, it being decreed, according to Ras Imru, the the11 gover11or of Harar province, tl1at the land should be taxed on tl1e basis of its size and quality. Good land was to pay 80 to 90 dollars per gasa, medium land 60 dolla.rs per gasa and poor land 30 dollars. All taxes were henceforth to be paid in cash, no lo11ger in kind.

Cash payments are said to l1ave been a notable innovatio11 as taxes had hither­ to been pa.id almost entirely in ki11d, a mode or procedure \vhicl1 tl1e old 1110!­ kiinfl.as had preferred as they h,1d lived in tl1e area and were therefore in constant need of provisions.

The ne,:v system of taxation, tl1ougl1 equitable in principle, appears to have produced diffict1lties for the G·overnment as land reven11e seems to have been in­ adequate. Ras Imru informs tl1e present al1tl1or tl1at a gasa of land, if inhabited by 8 to IO giibbar families, migl1t, prior to the refo11n, l1a.ve given its n1iilkiii1fia as mt1cl1 as 500 dollars, b11t, as we have seen, ,vas tl1ereafter subject to a tax of not more t!1a1? 90 dollars. Friction, Ras Imrt1 says, soon res11lted. Tl1e pro,rin­ c1al governor 1ns1sted that tl1e peasants sho11ld continue to pa.y at the same rate latter demanded that they shol1ld be allo\ved to pay only tl1ose as before,_ but tl1e _ dues spec i fied 10 tl1e new law. The dispt1te was tl1en taken to Addis Ababa and \\ as still u11settled at the time of tl1e Italian invasion.

1

Througl1out the pre-war years tl1e tenants as a whole tl1e.refore co11tinued to only level, old the pay at taxes their tr.om be11efiting settlers new tl 1 e rates offi­ _ c1ally decreed.7 A further reform introd11ced at this ti111e \Vas en1bodied i i1 a decree isst1ed by �h � Empero� in 1931. �t pro�1ibited Governn1ent employees in Cercer from obtaining land 111 _ the province wi thout approval of the abagaz, or coin.roander.

It was further . laid down that the latter ft1nctionary before authorizing any sucl1 transfer 1J1ust interrogate the vendor to ascertain tll at J1e had freely entered into 7. Information kindly supplided by Ras Imru Haile Sellassie.

-200-

tl1e ter1ns of tl1e contract. When it was discovered that fraudulent sales liad occttrred the land, in q11estion had to be ret11rned to the vendor, while tl1e ptirchase price was to be ceded to the State. Tl1e purcl1ase of land by the abiigaz himself \Vas to be allowed by permission from tl1e Emperor.

Despite tl1ese provisions tl1ere were ways of violating the Jaw ' Brotto cl;:1ims, as the abagaz or officials co11 ld 1nake contracts whereby the land was no1ninally acquired by tl1 eir v,1ives or 111 e11 of straw. ""

1 11e G·overnn1 ent, l1 e ex1)lai11s, was 11ot only opposed to tl1e divorce of any cultivator from tl1 e la11d, but looked with disfavour on the acq11isition of lai1d by Amharas ,vho took no part in tl1 e actl1al work of cultivation. 8 The� area of land held by garac!s and mala!(s, traditional local officials, in eastern Cercer was, as in Hara.r province, restricted to 600 a11d 300 jeribs respective­ ly. �[]1 e la11ds thus defined were clivided equally, half being given to tl1e garad or 111a!ak concerned a1 1d l1alf partitioned among the original c11ltivators of the lancl. Tl1e status of tl1e garac/ ,1nd rnalc1/c a11d even n1ore of the gcibbar of easter 1 1 C ercer \Vas tl111s, Brotto ernpl1asises, very different from that of Harar province, for tl1ey were recognised as tl1e true owners of the land.

A not dissi1nilar policy was - ad.opted for abba bi,rl(a lands, or lands l1eld by traditional rulers, in ,:vestern Cercer wl1 ere tl1e abba b1,1rlca, or local ruler, was allo,ved to select fron1 ,1n1011 g l1is best la11ds one ga:fa whicl1 was recognised as his absolute property. A second ga.fa as designated as rest and divided among tl1ose c11ltivators wl10 at the act of co11fiscation were found inl1abiting tl1 e area allocated to the l,urlcct. Tl1e remainder of tl1e b11rlca's fo1·mer land was considered as crown land.

Wl1eu n1easu.rement was carried out it \Vas found tl1 at there ,vere 517 bi ,rl<-as, 200 gctracls and 4,329 giibbars occupyi11g 949 ga:}as. The ch11rcl1es possessed 280 qii!ads and received tribute from a f11rther 245 gasas of rest land. Tl1e soldiers bad 456 gasas and tl1e 11obles and Gover11ment ern1)loyees 228 ga!}as.

Lands were offered for sa.Ie first to the abba bur/ca a11d the gc,racl, tl1en to the original ct1ltivators of the area a11d finally to la11dless persons of tl1e locality, priority being al\Va)'S s11pposed. to be given to tl1ose \Vho I1ad not already lands i11 cttltivation.

Sales vvere effected 011 tl1e basis of a sched11le based on tl1e q11ality of tl1e land, and vrLried fro111 25 IVIaria Tl1eres,1 dollars per gc1sci for poor 1111cultivatecl land to 500 dollars for tl1e most fertile la11d. Tl1e proceeds of these sales \Ve11t 11ot to tl1e g11lt l1older b11t to t11e Goverm11e11t.

Tl1e result of Tal{la IJa\varvat's adn1inistratio11, Brotto declares, was tl1at the n1.ii!!(a11i1as \.Vere aln1ost co1npletely eHn1 i11ated, tl1e b11lk of tl1e land taxes of Cercer findir1g tl1eir way to tl1e holders of gi1lt on tl1e basis of fixed dues whicl1 varied fro1n 39 dollars J )er year on first q11ality to 6 dollars on sixtl1 quality la11d. 9 ✓

-

Another refor1n ,vortl1y of mention was reported in tl1e north where Ras Seyum of Tegre rescinded the ,1lrea.dy n1entionecl obligations of the people of Adet to pay trib11te to the convent of Dabra Gannat. 10 8.

9.

10.

Brotto, op. cit., p. 58.

Ibid, pp. 57-60.

Villari, op. cit., p. 1441.

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Tlie State's power over the ownership of land \vas furtl1er specified in Artie] XV of the Constitution wl1ich stated that the Emperor had the right to establis� personal estates of restii gult." 11 The Emperor, discussing bis decre �s duri11g his s_ubse9-uent exile, claimed that some of them were among the most 1mport�nt. of,, his reign. In �ormer times, he explained, the l1olders of land l1ad been . ?bliged, under c �mpuls1on, to pay, be­ sides the fixed tax payable annually, add1t1onal dues �or various reasons, and also to perform manual labour without wages.'' I-J.e claimed that J1e bad, however brought this state of affairs to an end a11d had ''abrogated by regulation and decree dues of all kinds apart fron1 tl1e fixed tax payable once a year, whether manual labour witl1out wages or any other additional .Payments.''

Turning to his . efforts to protect the peasants from tl1e exactions of �he soldiery he observed tl1at hitherto ''the count�y folk were. ordered under ,� ornpuls1on to give them food, grass and wood, st1pply1ng them without payme11t, but that he had ''brought to an end the obligation of tl1e country1nen to accept orders to suppl), provisions of any kind, unless against payment."

The above were by no means the only reforms conte1nplated in this period.

The Emperor subsequently declared that he had at tl1is ti1ne also envisaged a thorough reform of church land so as to vest it no longer in individuals but in the Cl1urch and to make it serve a social purpose. ''In my opinion,'' l1e observed, ''all the land which is inalienably assigned to each person in virtue of church responsibilities should cease to be tl1e inalienable property of the individt1,tl and should becon1e tl1at of the Chttrch; tl1e revent1es therefro1n should be assigned by the incumbents to their priests and deaco11s, chairmen and Jay-readers, in st1fficient amotmts for their maintenance, \Vl1ile tl1e surpll1s should be used by the church a·uthorities, after consulting togetl1er, to btlild schools, hospitals, and l1omes for tl1e aged and for cl1ildren of poor parents tl1e Government l1elping tl1en1 out when there is a deficit."

11.

Perl1am, op. cit., p. 413.

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XLID ADDIS ABA BA CITY LEGISLATION AND THE LAW AFFECTING FOREIGNERS Tl1e development of Addis Ababa in the first decades of the twentieth century was s �ch tl1at. land values rose steadily. Dr. Merab stated that in 1908 a square metre 1n the ne1ghbourl1ood of tl1e n1arket-the most valuable area-cost from a quar­ ter of a dollar to a dollar, \\1l1ile on the outskirts of the town the same amount of land could be obtained for a sixteenth of a dollar. By 1923, however, Rey discovered that land i n the ca.pital had reached the ''almost incredible value'' of 011e to fo11r dollars a metre, wliile in 1929 an Armenian trader, Garabed Ebeyan, estimated that in the market area it was worth fro1n 5 to 8 dollars and ½ to 1 dollar on tl1e ot1tsk:irts. Land values l1ad tht1s risen between 8 and 32 times in a matter of only two decades. 1 House rents were likewise considerable and on the increase. Merab states that the land for a good four or five roon1 European type house and. garden \Vould cost 1,000 dollars and tl1at tl1e building wot1ld fetch 30 to 60 dollars a n1onth, tl1ot1gh a two year o]d sheep cost only a dollar and a half. A decade or so later MacCreagl1, \\1riting in. tl1e nineteen twenties, quoted similar prices, observing that a good ceqa, or mt1d, l1011se of fo11r or five rooms and a verandal1 could be rented for 12 dollars a n1onth. Rey, on the ot11er band, mentioned much higl1er sums, saying that rents were ''exceedingly expe11sive'', the monthly rent of a small l1ot1se ''almost a cottage'' beit1g sometl1ing like 166 to 250 dolJars. 2 Steps \Vere taken at tl1is time to i111prove the system of land taxatio11 i11 the capital. A decree of 1932 laid down that la11d \Vithin tl1e confines of Addis Ababa s]1ot1ld be taxed irrespective of \vhetl1er it I1ad title deecls. The decree n1ay be translated as follows: ORDER

''Conq11eri11g lion of the Tribe of Jt1dal1 Haile Sellassie I Elect of God, En1peror of Ethiopia.

After l1avi11g exa1nined tl1e vievvs prese11ted on city la11d reven11e by tl1e Senate and Cl1a1nber of Dept1ties and in reference to Article 46 of tl1e Constitt1tion3 we . l1ereby agree with the view presented by the Cl1an1ber of Dep11ties a11cl cleclare as follo\vs. r\.1erab, op. cit., III, 611; Rey, Unco11q11erecl Abyssinia, p. 150.

Merab, op. cit., III, 612; G. I\1ac Creagh, The Last of Free .11/rica (Nev, York, 1928), p.217; Rey, Unconquerecl Ab.vssinia. p. 150.

3 Article 46 of the 1931 Etbiopi.in Constitution read as follows: ''If after deliberating an in1porta11t 01atter, the t\VO Chambers co111e to different decisions, the En1peror having received ,vritte11 staten1ents of their respective opinions, shall exan1ine the reasons ·for ti1eir clisagrecn1ent. f\fter having con1e to a conclusion on t!1e matter, l1e sh� II seek a compro1nise capable of bringing them to a final agreement, by selecting 'vvhat he considers best in the l 1,vo resolu lions."

"In tbc event of its being in1possiblc to reconcile the opinions of the two Chambers, the En1peror legally has the right either lo select and promulgate the opinion of one, or to defer the question." Perha,n, op. cit., pp. 4 I 4-15.

3 . l'vlahta1na Sellase, Zek.r/i N,·ig,ir, P!). 173-5.

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2.

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Because the Municipality provides s11ch public servic.es as road and public security it is essential that all those who make use of sticl1 services pay a tax for tl1eir l1JJkeep.

Siiice those not iri possession of tit!e deeds use these �ervices as 1nuch as those witl1 deeds ancl because it is essential that botl1 categories of owner should pay tax, in tl1e i11terests of the future development of tl1e lvI�nicipality, we hereby order tl1at engineers a11d city elclers assess_ tl1e ta. x to be lev1�d on lands without title deeds, preferably with reference to ne1gbbounng lands which have st1cl1 deeds.

In order to avoid the negligence of tl1e p11blic wl1ich may not botl1er to ob­ tain title deeds for their land once the tax on it bad bee11 assessed, the Munici­ pality is autl1orized to double the tax 011 tl1ose lands wl1icl1 after five years are still without title deeds.

On tl1e other hand, tl1e Mt1nicipality will be held responsible for any delay in issuing a title deed once an owner bas n1ade an application. E,,en those lands wl1icl1 have title deeds must be .re-assessed for taxation purposes because the value of la11d has increased since tl1en.

A11 annuaJ tax of 3¾% sl1all be levied by referring to the a11nual income of nearby re11ted l1ouses or reside11ces built on other people's land. Tlus tax must be paid by tl1e owner of tl1e land, tl1ougl1 both the resident and the landlord can make arra11gen1ents \Vith tl1e Municipality as to who sl1all pay such tax.

If tl1e owner of the land l1as built a house and rented it, he shall pay an annual i11co1ne tax of 3¾% except in cases where tl1e land is occt1pied by a factory or industrial enterprise \Vhere a ta.x of 3% \vill be applicable.

If the owner of tl1e land has built a l1ouse in which he himself resides he shall pay only the land tax. This la.tter shall come into effect as of I mi:iskiiram 1926 Ethiopian calendar." 4 A decree \1/as issued at the same time preventing foreigners from leasing land for n1ore tl1an tl1irty years except witl1 special permission from the Government a.11d la)1ing do\v11 regulations for lands l1eld by foreigners. The provisions \Vere a� follows:· ''Article I

All lands to be rented or leased in cities shall be measured i n square metres, tl1ougl1 tl1ose in the countryside may be n1easured by any standard n1easurement agreed upon b:y both parties.

Article II

. The rent of_ �1e land shall be determined by the two parties with due consideration to the fert1l1ty and other q11alities of tl1e land.

Article ID

If a foreigner a.grees to give all bt1ildings and property bu su ch ilt on to the landlord free of charge on ter1nination of the cont , rac 11 b 1 e . . t a s 1e h . to bui'Id as many_ such b. 111�drng_ s as he wishes; if tl1e terms a,re otherwise contract must spec1fy the 11n 1 1tat1ons on tl1e rentee.

4.

Ibid, pp. 173-4.

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land f ree the

CARTE VII

PLAN d'AODiS-A BEBA r: .

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Addis Ababa m 1925 • from Guedbr'e Se/lassie Chronique u Regne de Meoelik Il

Article IV No land shall be leased for a period exceeding tl1irty years thot1gh it sl1all be possible to renew st1ch a contract \Vitl1 pernlissio11 from the Government.

Article V Foreigners who grow agric11lt11ral J)rod11cts 011 leased land shall be s11bject to the normal tithe and i11con1e tax and 111a�)' not export such prod11cts withot1t prior permission; tl1e goods sl1all be st1bject to norn1al Etl1iopiau custo111s' regulations.

Article VI Since objects of I1istoric interest and 111inerals fot1nd in any la11d are the pro� perty of tl1e Government, foreigners w110 l1ave rented la11d \Vitl1 such contents may not export them witl1011t 11otifying tl1 e Government. In such cases the Government shall be free to take over the land by refL1ndi11g the .an1ot1nt spent by the rentee.

Article VII A foreigner ca1111ot refuse to allow \Vater for irrigatio11 to pass through his land; l1e s11,ill, 110\vever, be entitled. to con1pe11sation for any clamage caused by such water.

Article Vlll Tl1e Gover11n1et1t sl1all have tl1e right to take any ]and deen1ed necessary for markets, cl1 urches, n1ilitary operations, railways or otl1er si111ilar services, bt1t 1nust give dt1e co111pensation.

Article IX Any conflict arisi11g amo11gst Etl1iopians residing on ]a11d rented by a. foreigner sl1all be governed by Ethiopian law.

Article X All leasees sl1all pa.y the necessa.ry fees to l1ave tl1eir contracts registered witl1 Governn1ent and all la11dlords sl1all pay an annt1al inco1ne t,tx of l %.

Article XI Upon termination of tl1e contract period botl1 parties shall select two representa. tives each of V-i'hon1 sl1all a.ssess th� value of buildings built wit.Ii per 11 1ission of the land]o�d. If tl1e four of them fail to co111e to an agree111e11t, tl1ey sl1all select a fifth ar ?•t ?r wl1ose ,,,ord shall be final. All puildings built by a foreigner \¥itl1out pe:1n1ss �ot1 of tl1e landlord may be destroyed by tl1 e latter l.tnless he of his own will w1sl1es to purcl1ase tl1em. '' 5

5. Ibid, pp. 175-7.

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PIANTA DI ADDISABEBA

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Addis Ababa 1r1 1929 fro,n Enciclopedia ltaliana •

Feudal tenure, moreover, i1 1 one way or another ''su�vived in a modified f rm. � Powerft1l cl1iefs, favoured by tl1eir Italian n1lers, coul� still af!-1�ss land, �y . var1o?s means by occupying village land or the land of ext1�ct fan11l1es, by claiming d1s­ pr?portionately large arbeita land [i.e. the share of v1lla�e land !located to the � . chiefs] wl1ich, against all tradition, they would convert into 11ered1tary possessio ns, even by false clai1 ns to inheritance or the Italian Government would invest their favot1rite chiefs with tracts of Crown land, especially land that bad fallen to tl1e Crown througl1 the expropriation of tl1e landed possess�ons of rebellious chiefs." : 'In theory," Nadel explains, such land ''would be ass_1gned to tl1e_ new owners 1 n trust, or as agrict1ltural concessio11s but the trusteeship beca1ne _soon obscured; and the concession, granted without rent or time limit, became 111distinguisl1able from permanent property." 4 The hitl1erto extensive ·fiefs of the monasteries, Nadel 11otes, also ''largely dis­ appeared," under Italian rule, though ''a few 1nonasteries'' still o,:vned ''small tracts of tribute free gulti land.'' A portion of this was worked by the monies tl1em­ selves, tl1e rest being given to the peasants of neighbouring villages, whicl1 had once been sitt1ated on tl1e domains of tl1e monastery. According to these n1etayer agreements tl1e monastery, which furnished the land, but nothing else, received one-fifth of the crop, ,vl1ile t11e tenant-farmers kept the remaining four-fifths. 5 Significant changes in land tenure also occurred at Asmara, an old Etl1iopian town wl1icl1 at the end of t11e nineteenth ce11tt1ry became the capita.I of the Italian colony of Eritrea and as sucl1 an urban centre of so1ne in1portance.

Municipal government in the city was not, however, initiated until late in tl1e Fascist period, indeed. until the very eve of the Italo-Ethiopian war. On April 12, 1932, the Italian Governmen.t issued a decree instit11ting mt1nicipal adnli 1 1istration in Asmara and Massawa, and, three years later, on Febrt1ary 25, 1935, provided for the appointment of mt1nicipal administration drawn fron1 an1ong n1embers of the Italian colonial adn1inistration.6 Asn1alas Bayana, in a recent study of the city's n1t1 1 1icipal governn1e1 1t, argues that by tl:us ti1ne ''more tl1an 75%'' of t11e city's land l1ad been ''expropriated from the n.atives," but gives no details, merely adding that tl1 e persons expropriated received i11 return ''pieces of land ot1tside the to,vn li.n1it,'' as ,vell as a certain �t 1 not1nt of la11d.7 TI1is S)1sten1 of expropriatio 1 1, tl1ough tJrobably unj11st to tl1ose deprived of tl1eir lands, was of obviot1s advantage in that it preve 1 1ted persons ow11ing Ia11d i 11 tlJ e city from dra\ving t1nfair profits from t1rba11 development. B The !egal I?osition in the city \Vas formalized by a special decree of May 7, 1940, ,vl1 1ch laid down tl1at al� _Sta�e lancls witlli 1 1 the mt111ici1)ality's boundaries ,vere hand_ed over to the 1 nt1ruc1pal �ty free of charge, tl1e only exception bei 1 1g la11ds reqt1 1red for Governmental serv1ces. St1cl1 land ren1ained in the hands of t]1e agencies concer11ed. 9 4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

Ibid, JJ. 20.

Ibid, pp. 21-2.

Asn1elash Beye11e, Municipal Acl,ninistration in Asrnara · a J'rol:/e r 0 · 'J' r1e B11reaucracy (Addis 'J 1, pp.

8-9.

Ababa, 1964), Ibid, p. 10.

E.S. Pa1Jkhurst, Eritrea on the Eve (Woodord Grec11, 1952), pp. 65-9.

As11)elash Beyene, op. cit., p. 10.

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XLIV LAND REFORlVI IN ERITREA PRIOR TO WORLD WAR II TJ1 e Italians introduced a number of sigi1ifica.nt reforms in Eritrea in tl1 e years prior to World War ll. These reforms, as Nadel observes, reflected the Italian policy of weakening the privileged restiififi.a, or land owning class, and included botl1 tI1e strengtl1 eni11g of t11 e ''Forty Years' Rigl1 t'' and the extension of villa.ge ow11ed laud, as \Ve11 as the curtaili11g o.f land in tl1 e possession of the nobility and church.

The position of landowners who l1ad obtained land by right of occupation was stret1gtbened b y a11 Italian decree of 1929 which laid down that owt1ersh.ip on tl1e basis of the ''Forty Years' Right'' established almost half a centt1ry earlier by tl1 e En1 peror Yol1annes and Ras Alt1la could, if proved, override aJl claims by restiifiatat \Vl10 abandoned their land. Tl1 e decree was qualif ied only in one respect.

It \Vas laid down tl1 at if restaiiatat who l1ad forfeited tl1eir land, tl1 rot1gh absence or em.igration, rett1rned to their country and fouuc.i themselves landless, the Ad­ ministratio11 would atte11 1pt to find tl1 e1n land in tl1 eir community. It \Vas however, speci11ed tl1at any sucl1 apportionn1 e11t of land in no sense i1nplied recognition of tl1 eir forrner rigl1 ts and status as resti land.lords. 1 Tl1e Italians in certaju areas of the plateat1 also endeavored to transform resti, or clan ow11 ersl1 ip of land, into village o'rvnership locally known as desa or sal1ina. districts of Dekki-Teshim, Tl1t1s Nadel re1Jorts that certain villages in the IIamasen Takala-Agaba, and Karnasim were made to convert their resti into clesa (or sahi11.a) in 1935. ''The reaso11 for tl1is n1ove," he states, ''was the bitter, incessant fet1ds over resti cJain1 s, wllicl1 end,:tngered peaceful admi11 istration in tl1 ese districts." ''The Govern111 e11 t'', 11 e adds, ''sa,v the remedy in con1 mu11al ow11 ership, a remedy wl1 icl1 proved 011 th,e whole effective." 2 Similar action, tl1ougl1 appare11 tly for otl1 er reasons, was taken in the Senafe area of Al<ele Guzay wl1 ere, Nadel reports, sal1i11a and resti tent1re J 1ad ''existed for a long period side by side." ''111 1935," l1e says, ''tl1e Italian Government issuecl a decree 11 1aking the shef1ena system t1niversal in that area." The reason for tl1e decree was that tl1 e Italia11 s bad expropriated a large stretch of land for the building of tl1e Se11afe aerodro1ne a11 d intended to con1 pensate tJ1 e conID1 unities f 1nost closely afected by giving tl1 em land i11 nearby areas. ''In order to make this possible," Nadel explains, ''tl1e old resti rigl1ts bad to be overriden and all private land co.nverted into land owned co1n1nunally." 3 Italian policy, as already noticed i n a previot1s chapter, also tended to curtail the extent of land in tbe possessio11 of the nobles and ecclesiastics.

Feudal tent1re, accordi11g to Nadel, ''disap JJeared tinder the Italian rule," thou�h ''landecl possessions'' were ''still largely in existence'' at the end of Italian colonial n1le.

1.

2.

3.

Nadel, op. cit., p. 18. Vide also "Consuetuclini giuridiche de! Serae," p. 13n.

Nadel, op. cit., pp. 13-14.

Ibid, IJ. 14.

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CONCLUSION Et1?1opia's long hi�to:y, so far fron1 being as is often imagined an unchanging saga, witnessed many s1 gnifica11t events and far-reaching political, econon1ic and social transformations. T .he powerful n1edieval state, which withstood external presst1 re and _ was renowned far and wide as the Land of Prestor John, gave way in the course of tin1 e to the disunity and civil strife of the era of the masafint, or princes, in which the con1mon people stiffered greatly from the ravages of war and in which the level of civilisation al1nost certaiu]y regressed. Tltls sorry state of affairs was followed in tl1e last ce11tury by an era of innovation and hope in wl1jcl1 the modern State first envisaged by tl1 e Emperor Tewodros beg,ln to emerge, the pio11 eer work of tl1e Emperor Menilek bei11g continued in more recent ti111 es by the Emperor Hiiile Se]lassie who presided over developments of l1 itherto unparalleled significance.

Tl1roughout tJ1 ese ancl other 1najor developments Ethiopia retained b.er essentially agricultt1ral character, the vast bulk of l1er people living on the land. as farmers and l 1 erdsmer1 . As in otl1 er agrict1ltural cot1ntries la11d was a 1natter of vital impor­ tance to the society. Laud was often regarded as an aln1ost sacred possession, and everytl1ing possible \Vas done to preserve the sanctity of ow11ership rigl1 ts, bot1udary n1arks and the like; tl1 e inl1abitants were freqt1ently willing to give tl1 eir lives for their lands.

Throt1 gl1out the vicissitudes of tl1e last l1alf nlillenium tl1e Ethjopian State devot­ ed mt 1 cl1 of its attention to qt1estions of la11cl te.nu1·e. Tl1e rulers of for111er times 011 ado.pting Christianity macle large-scale gifts of land to the cl1 urch a11 d used tl1 eir extensive power to allocate lands to tl1eir followers as tl1 e basis of tl1eir syste1n of governn1 e11 t and admi11istration, la11d being indeecl made available to persons in all walks of life.

Though there \Vas little sl1ortage of land in the past the peasant's lot was i11 111a11y ways a11 unenviable 011e: his obligations to l1 is lords were legion and often \.Veigl1ed l1eavily 011 1111 11 .

La11d te11 ure contint1ed to be regarded as in1 portant by the rulers of later ti111 es. The political reorga11isation of Bage111der effected by Ras Gt1gsa Mersa at tl1 e da\vn of tl1e nineteentl1 century rested squarely oo. cl1 anges in tl1e system of land tent1re, ,vI1ile tl1 e En1 1)eror Tewodros, an in11ovator in so n1any fields, considered land refor111 as an objective of supreme im.portance. },1enilek's creation of 1nodern i11stit11tions, and tl1 e establish111 ent of a fi_xed capital, roads a. n d the railway were si111ilarl:y acco1np:1nied by tl1 e evolutio11, at least to cl limited extent, of 11ew types of la11 d ten11re, \vl1ile the develo1)ment of Italian colonial rule in Eritrea Jed to significant cJ1a11ges in tl1e pattern of Eritrean land tent1re. In the immediate post­ war era the En1 peror Haile SeJlassie's development of a centralised State n1achine led, almost i11 evitably, to tl1 e first tentative efforts at scientific land reforn1 cot1pJed wit11 atten1pts to a111eliorate tl1 e condition of tl1e peasantry.

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