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Acknowledgements Principal authors and researchers Grace Barakat PhD Candidate York University Dr. Brenda Spotton-Visano PhD, University Professor Economics and School of Public Policy & Administration Faculty of Liberal Arts and Professional Studies

Editors Reyhana Patel Head of Communications and Government Relations Islamic Relief Canada Sanam Islam Communications Coordinator Islamic Relief Canada Mashaal Saeed Communications Coordinator Islamic Relief Canada Hassam Munir Editor Islamic Relief Canada

This work was supported by Mitacs through the Mitacs Accelerate program.


Executive Summary Over the past 30 years, economic inequality has been rising in many OECD countries including Canada. Prior to COVID-19, Canada was experiencing both a growing income and wealth gap between the rich and the poor. According to recent reports, the majority of the increase (66%) in wealth has gone to the wealthiest 20%.1 The level of wealth inequality in Canada has reached such extremes that in 2012, according to figures derived from Canadian Business magazine, the 86 wealthiest Canadian-resident individuals (and families) held the same amount of wealth as the poorest 11.4 million Canadians combined.2 Income inequality has exhibited a similar trend (CCPA, 2016). This report explores the economic impacts of COVID-19 on marginalized groups. Using data from Statistics Canada and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) as well as related policy studies, we review data trends and patterns in inequality before the crisis and seek to forecast the general contours of an impact on inequality of the current crisis along the dimensions of income, wealth and debt. Additionally, we examine demographic dimensions of that inequality, for example, its effect on women, single parent families, racialized persons and those suffering from homelessness. We have identified several key drivers that have intensified the levels of economic inequality in Canada: the shift in the labour market to a service/knowledge-based economy, the rise of precarious work, the dismantling of the welfare state and the disinvestment of social welfare programs (neoliberalism), and the implementation of austerity policies, and the discrimination/segmentation in the labour market. These drivers have contributed to the economic inequality we see today in Canada and elsewhere.

COVID-19 threatens to worsen economic inequality and further marginalize vulnerable groups. The lockdowns and closures of non-essential services to slow the spread of the virus has devastated economies and severely impacted the economic wellbeing of many. Emergency income supports offered by governments have cushioned the impact but are driving up public debt. As economies reopen, questions of who will bear the burden of this crisis and how this will impact economic inequality arise. The impact on social and economic inequality of COVID-19 has been considerable and its effects appear to be intensifying these disturbing trends. Emerging evidence suggests that marginalized communities, especially BIPOC, women, and low-income people have been hit the hardest by the pandemic. Not only have they incurred higher percentages of illness contraction, but they have also experienced the most job losses and economic hardships. COVID-19 has already caused a series of harmful longterm damages. Our findings suggest that there will be an increase in low-income and poverty measures, such as the LIM, LICO, and MBM. Poverty rates will likely soar, in Canada, and globally. There will also be a spike in small and medium sized business closures. Those who have experienced income interruptions will struggle to pay for their essentials, leading to a rise in household debt, and mortgage defaults. We anticipate seeing an increase in precarious housing, fast-tracked evictions, and people suffering from food insecurities. Profound unemployment may also occur for those working in industries that have been shut down.

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Recommendations 1. The federal government must continue to provide financial relief 2. Eligibility for financial relief must be extended to those who have not been attached to the labour market 3. Raise the minimum wage to a living wage using the Canadian Living Wage Framework 4. Remote skills training programs for those who have lost their employment, temporarily or permanently 5. Creation of a federal subsidized early learning and childcare program at a cost and contribution to GDP of $1B per year for 10 years 6. Legislation of 7 permanent paid sick days and 14 additional paid sick days during pandemics

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7. Prioritize vaccination for BIPOC communities, essential workers, the elderly, and those with underlying medical conditions 8. The federal government should provide a rental relief assistance program, similar to CERS, to individuals unable to pay rent due to financial hardships 9. Targeted support for BIPOC community, lowincome people, women, single parents, and new immigrants 10. The creation of a BIPOC financial relief fund, that supports economically marginalized BIPOC members 11. Raise the percentage of the federal charitable donation tax credit rates


Introduction This report outlines the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the gap between the rich and the poor in Canada. COVID-19, “an infectious disease caused by a newly discovered coronavirus”,3 is worsening economic inequality – an inequality that has been on the rise for more than 3 decades. 4

In March 2020, the Canadian government imposed a mandatory two-week lockdown nationwide, promptly closing schools, and all businesses classified as nonessential. Employees were ordered to work from home when they could to manage the spread of the disease. By April 2020, much of Canada was experiencing the most restrictive phase of the lockdown as provinces had fully imposed and implemented closures. As of winter 2021, much of Canada remains in a state of partial lockdown with many people experiencing job loss, a reduction in hours, and unemployment. Those who cannot work from home have been hit the hardest by the pandemic and are paying the highest price. COVID-19 threatens to worsen growing income and wealth gaps between the rich and the poor. In Canada, the majority of the increase (66%) in wealth between 1999 and 2012 has gone to the wealthiest 20%5 the 86 wealthiest Canadianresident individuals (and families) now hold the same amount of wealth as the poorest 11.4 million Canadians combined.6 Income inequality has exhibited a similar trend.7 The impact of COVID-19 on social and economic inequality has been considerable and its effect on inequality appears to be intensifying these disturbing trends.

Emerging evidence reveals that marginalized communities have been hit the hardest by the pandemic.8 Women, visible minorities, new immigrants, refugees, and lowincome Canadians incurred higher percentages of illness contraction, experienced the most job losses, and greatest economic hardships.9 Preliminary jobs data suggests that the economically marginalized have borne a disproportionate burden of the crisis, an impact that is expected to continue throughout the economic recovery. Despite its status as a wealthy nation, poverty, and economic and social inequality, have and continue to be disturbing features of the Canadian landscape. Prior to the pandemic, economic inequality in Canada was on the rise and will likely worsen in the foreseeable future. Below, we examine the longer-term trends in economic inequality in Canada leading up to COVID-19. Both income and wealth inequality have increased over time. This historical account serves as the context for our predictions; we review existing indicators of past and current trends in income and wealth inequality and speculate on how the pandemic lockdowns will worsen these trends.

The Impact of the Pandemic on Canadian Unemployment10 ▶ As of April 2020, the closure of non-essential services resulted in a rise in the unemployment rate to 13.8% from 7.8% in March of 2020. ▶ The total number of jobs lost between MarchApril 2020 was more than 3 million. ▶ Women are disproportionately represented in the job losses (60% versus 40% for men).

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What does poverty look like? Income Inequality Since the 2008 recession and financial crisis, income inequality has become an area of concern in many OECD countries. We continue to see an increasing polarization of income: the unequal division of income between the rich and poor.11 As of 2020,12 the Gini coefficient13 for Canada was 0.310, slightly lower than the average for OECD countries, at 0.315.14 Between 1976 and 2011, the Gini coefficient15 for inequality in family market income rose from 0.365 to 0.446, a 22% increase.16 Canada is a wealthy nation, yet we continue to see the share of the middle-class decline.17

Measures of economic inequality ■ Gini Coefficient: a measure of the inequality of a statistical distribution, ranging from 0 (total equality) to 1 (maximal inequality). ■ The Market Basket Measure (MBM): a measure of low income which is based on the cost of a basket of goods and services required to meet basic needs and a modest standard of living. ■ The Low-Income Measure (LIM): households that make an income less than half of the average are low-income. ■ The Low-Income Cut-off (LICO): an income threshold below which a family will likely devote a larger share of its income on the necessities of food, shelter and clothing than the average family.

Income inequality in Canada serves as a strong indicator of overall economic inequality and poverty. In Canada, we

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have witnessed the widening gap of incomes between the top earnings levels and all other earners over the past 20 years or so.18 There is a concentration of income gains in the hands of the richest few while middle-class Canadian incomes have declined.19 In fact, the current highest earners are claiming a larger share of economic growth than any previous generation in Canadian history. Over the past 20 years, we have seen a trend where the gains from overall growth are being streamed almost exclusively to the highest-income individuals and households. Examining income inequality through the after-tax Low-Income Measure (LIM) reveals that poverty in Canada has been, to some extent, unpredictable and is slowly increasing over time in most cities.20 Between 1995 and 2015, the LIM increased slightly from 12.1% to 14.2%.21 These statistics vary based on location as certain cities face elevated levels of poverty. For example, the growth rates of people with a low income increased by 70.8% in Toronto and by 37.8% in Winnipeg.22 When examining the earnings of full-time Canadian workers between 19702015, it becomes apparent that there has been a large shift in the earnings shares of three groups.23 Middleclass earning shares of male workers and full-time female workers declined significantly, while the earning shares of high earners rose considerably with a very strong rise in top earnings levels.24


Gini Coefficients in 2020, select countries16

Tunisia

The drastic changes to the labour market and the increasing use of non-standard forms of employment have led to earnings insecurity for many Canadians.25 Since the mid1990s, the redistributive effects of taxes and transfers have not been able to successfully address income inequality.26 The changes made to the tax-and-transfer system have exacerbated, rather than offset, inequality. Significant amounts of income inequality are known to have “negative consequences on everything from life expectancy and health to crime rates and social trust. More equal societies tend to be happier and healthier, and better at providing opportunities for low-income people to move up the income ladder”.27

Income Inequality40 ▶ “Income inequality has been rising over the years in the vast majority of OECD countries. Addressing these trends has moved to the top of the policy agenda in many countries”. ▶ The unequal division of income between the rich and poor is a worldwide phenomenon. ▶ Over the past three decades, Canada’s top 1% of income earners have amassed 37% of the total income growth. ▶ “Canada’s richest 1%— the 246,000 privileged few whose average income is $405,000— took almost a third (32%) of all growth in incomes in the fastest growing decade in this generation, 1997 to 2007”. ▶ Incomes today are as concentrated in the hands of the richest 1% as they were in the Roaring Twenties.

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Wealth Inequality It is important to understand that income inequality and wealth inequality are closely connected. Similarly to income inequality, there is a massive wealth gap globally, and in Canada today.28 Although income inequality exposes barriers in the labour market, wealth provides a snapshot of access to, and the accumulation of, resources over time. There are several measures which can be used to determine wealth inequality in Canada. The 87 wealthiest Canadian families have collectively accumulated the same amount of wealth as the lowest earning 11.4 million Canadians.29 In addition to economic security, wealth provides endless opportunities such as the potential for entrepreneurship, funding for education, access to better neighbourhoods, cultural and social capital, and greater choice.30 Marginalized groups do not have the opportunity to accumulate wealth the way others can in Canada; this has been known to negatively impact their well-being.31 Those with wealth begin a cycle of cumulative advantage where their assets continually increase over time. These assets can then be passed down to future generations preserving overall wealth. Groups who do not have access to wealth accumulation instead incur higher levels of debt and risk falling behind on payments.32 Furthermore, “those with less education, those with persons with disabilities present, and those who immigrated to Canada, have seen net worth disparities increase in comparison to other more advantaged groups, even though group disparities in home ownership, a key component of wealth, have declined over time”.33 This cycle of wealth concentration is extremely problematic and can have detrimental long-term effects on economic inequality. Research has revealed an uneven distribution of

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wealth gains with those in the top quintile receiving most of the recent wealth.34 Wealth trends can also be examined through homeownership. Some Canadians are far less likely to be homeowners in their lifetime; these groups include Indigenous peoples, immigrants, single parents, and those with a disability.35 This sobering reality reinforces the importance of group membership and social location.

What’s going on?28 • Between 1970-2015, there has been a large shift in the earnings shares of full-time Canadian workers. • Middle-class earning shares of male workers and full-time female workers declined significantly. • The earning shares of high earners rose considerably with a very strong rise in top earnings levels.


Drivers of inequality We can identify several key trends that have played a role in the widening and embedding of economic inequality: the dismantling of the welfare state and the disinvestment of social welfare programs (neoliberalism), the implementation of austerity policies, the shift in the labour market from industrialization to a service/knowledgebased economy, the rise of precarious work, and labour market discrimination and segmentation. These drivers have contributed to the economic inequality we see today in Canada36 and elsewhere.37

To understand the significance of the neoliberal era and its impact on economic inequality prior to the pandemic, we must first introduce Keynesianism. Under Keynesian policies, the state took an active role in the welfare of its citizens, intervened in areas such as education, healthcare and social security, and aimed to achieve full employment.40 The investment in social provisions and a social safety net41 were meant to lessen the detrimental impacts of capitalism and to redistribute resources when necessary.42 With a strong set of welfare services, Canadians could count on their government for much needed support. When “stagflation”43 emerged in the early-1970s, Keynesianism had difficulty coping and neoliberalism gained significant momentum. The Keynesian system was dismantled over time and transitioned to a neoliberal regime.

Labour

Drivers of Inequality

Neoliberalism, austerity, and the welfare state The 1970s were a pertinent time in the transformation of the Canadian welfare state.38 The rise of the neoliberal regime, austerity measures, and the dismantlement of the welfare state, have played an integral part in the propellant of economic inequality. These key changes have directly enhanced the advancement of the restructuring of social provisions.39

Keynesianism40 • The period of Keynesianism economics came at a time when widening inequality gave rise to a renewed class struggle. • During the post-war era in Canada, citizens needed an economic system that would yield more employment opportunities and financial stability. • This led to the adoption of a more interventionist government and the creation of a welfare state. • Social provisions were created to protect and shield Canadians from the uncertainties and hardships of the economy. • Should they experience unemployment, a health crisis, or fall into poverty, the social safety net in place was meant to lessen the blow.

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Features of Neoliberalism

Neoliberalism is a policy framework which facilitates the unregulated operation of the market.44 It was used as a tool to control the labour force, reverse the social provisions that had been gained over the past thirty years, and increase profits for capitalists.45 This turbulent period of economic regression led to a steady erosion of the social welfare state.46 Neoliberal advocates dubbed social provisions as wasteful, unaffordable, and unnecessary.47 A leaner state, which would rid itself of the responsibility of the collective good, would become more efficient.48 The implications of this attack can still be felt today. Many of the significant social provisions that were created to aid those in need were eroded. Benefits designed to lift Canadians out of poverty or to supplement their incomes49 were heavily clawed back.

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Neoliberal policies typically support fiscal austerity; a set of political-economic policies that aim to reduce government budget deficits through measures such as spending cuts on social welfare programs.50 The outcomes of fiscal austerity51 have disproportionately impacted the more disadvantaged in society. As a result, those less fortunate have experienced a significant fall in living standards. The effects of austerity are felt in different ways based on social location.52 The dismantling of the social safety net that once protected Canadians puts many marginalized people at risk of falling into entrenched poverty. We have seen that social safety nets can assist those in need, especially during crises such as COVID-19. As the pandemic continues to impact the labour market and access to employment, those in urgent need of financial/income assistance and supplements may not have the long- term resources they require to survive.


Precarious Employment Another key driver of economic inequality is the growth of precarious work. The new economy has transformed and restructured work and labour markets in contemporary Canadian society. Over the past thirty years, employment opportunities in Canada have become increasingly precarious through significant neoliberal restructuring and a series of austerity measures. With the decline of the manufacturing industry, Canada, and many parts of the world, have progressively moved towards a service-based sector.53 Precarious work has gradually expanded since the 1980s and is currently the most common form of employment in Canada.54 Part-time, temporary, and contract work are rapidly replacing full- time secure employment.55 Currently, full-time, well-paid, and stable employment is much more difficult to attain in comparison to the previous decade;56 it has declined from 67% of total employment in 1989 to 63% in 2005.57 Precarious employment does little to ensure that employees will have access to a regular, living wage. Many of these precarious positions include retail, the food and beverage sector, and secretarial positions, etc. The features of precarious work create the necessary conditions for entrenched economic inequality and pose a threat to the financial well- being of Canadian workers.

Precarious work can be defined as, “atypical employment, in the form of temporary, casual, seasonal, short-term, or low-security work; persistently low earnings that are insufficient to independently support oneself; a limited number of key fringe benefits such as paid vacation leave, paid sick leave, unemployment insurance, and a pension plan; and a working environment where employees are not in a position to defend their interests in terms of working conditions and practices, wages, and discrimination”. Pupo & Thomas, 2010, p.58

Moreover, the unstable nature of precarious work has made it difficult for people to experience upward social mobility in Canada; meaning for those positioned in a particular class,60 it has become harder to move into a higher earning class. If the jobs that exist are not paying Canadians a sufficient living wage or giving them the promise of security and longevity, those who are employed in these positions will likely face high level of economic marginalization.

As precarious work becomes more common, those concentrated in these positions encounter difficulties in securing long-term, well-paid careers. Precarious work is particularly salient amongst racialized groups, women, and new immigrants.58 The 1996-2001 census period reveals that racialized group members and new immigrants are overrepresented in many precarious, lowpaying occupations, and are underrepresented in the better paying, more secure employment.59 ONE YEAR L ATER | UNMASKING COVID-19

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Labour market discrimination and segmentation

Additionally, labour market segmentation62 has streamed visible minorities and women into devalued and deskilled occupations.

The Canadian labour market is a driver of inequality as its inherent discriminatory barriers prevent some groups from accessing decent work. It continues to be a site of oppression for women and visible minorities among other groups. Poverty and economic exclusion are directly linked to the structure and organization of the labour market. If specific groups are being streamed into low-wage occupations, or if they are underemployed, they will face economic oppression. As women and visible minorities are concentrated in precarious work, low wages have pushed many into poverty and have held them there long-term. In 2015, the OECD reported that “Canada is the country with the highest rate of poverty for non-standard workers among OECD countries (35%, compared to an OECD average of 22%)”.61 The increasingly polarized labour market has become an ideal arena for persistent economic inequality.

In Ontario, women of colour are the most disadvantaged in the labour market. They continue to hold higher unemployment rates (9.6%) than all other Ontarians and are making approximately 59 cents for every dollar that a white male earns.63 This trend has only slightly improved over time - by just five cents since 2006.64 In 2016, visible minorities had an unemployment rate of 9.2%, while white Canadians had a rate of 7.3%.65 Apart from women of colour, men of colour hold the highest unemployment rate at 8.8% and earn approximately 78 cents for every dollar earned by a white male.66 Labour market discrimination has undoubtedly marginalized certain groups of people. Since income is an essential component to overall economic welfare, those who experience structural discrimination are at risk of economic exclusion.

Unemployment Rates in Canada65

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Who does poverty look like? Poverty is both coloured and female.67 The feminization and racialization of poverty refers to the increasing tendency of women and visible minorities to experience poverty.

Racialization of Poverty Visible minorities have higher unemployment rates, lower incomes, and face employment segregation in the labour market.68 Moreover, women of colour have less access to employment and high wages than do men of colour and non-racialized men and women.69 Visible minorities are overrepresented in families in the bottom half of the income distribution at 60%, while non-racialized individuals comprise 47%.70

✎ In 2015, the LIM for visible minorities was 20.8%, compared to 12.2% for non-racialized Canadians.69 ✎ All visible minorities had above average poverty rates. Arabs, West Asians, and Koreans had poverty rates almost three times higher than the majority group.69

They have suffered from high levels of poverty well before the pandemic and are more likely to live in poverty than the white population.71

tend to obtain lower levels of education and earn lower wages than other groups.76 They are also incarcerated at disproportionate rates and have much worse health outcomes.77 The racialization of poverty is an enduring feature of both the Canadian and global narrative.

Intersectional Approach ➲ Economic inequality in the COVID-era has undoubtedly harmed certain groups more than others. Many of these groups have historically endured high levels of marginalization and tend to account for those suffering from poverty. ➲ Adopting an intersectional approach to economic inequality is essential; through this lens, the impacts of oppressive social markers such as race, gender, class, ability, etc. are analyzed cumulatively. ➲ Those who face multiple and intersecting barriers based on their social location can experience heightened forms of discrimination that cannot be overlooked.

Poverty rates among individuals aged 15 and over, 201569

Racialized new immigrants have a much higher likelihood of economic exclusion than long-term immigrants and those who are Canadian born.72 Furthermore, disparities in the poverty rate between visible minorities and the white population remains large even after social markers73 are considered.74 Immigrants and visible minorities have less wealth and are less likely to be homeowners.75 In addition, visible minorities, immigrants, and Indigenous peoples ONE YEAR L ATER | UNMASKING COVID-19

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Feminization of poverty Statistics on poverty clearly indicate that women form the majority of the poor in Canada with more than 2.4 million living on a low income.78 There are many reasons79 why women continue to suffer from poverty. Countless structural inequalities exist which put women at a disadvantage when it comes to earning power and economic stability. Some women experience more severe economic inequality than others including Indigenous women, visible minority women, women with disabilities, immigrant women, single mothers, and senior women.80 The gender wage gap has devalued the work women contribute to the labour market, earning them only 67 cents for every dollar non-racialized men earn.81 Women also form the majority of Canada’s minimum-wage workers.82

This has one-third of employed women making less than $15 an hour.83 Additionally, women are more likely to be working part-time.84 Because women spend a large amount of time performing unpaid domestic labour and raising children, many must take on part-time employment. Having to juggle both home and work life forces women to sacrifice their career progression and long-term economic security. Although most of the women suffering from poverty in Canada are employed, precarious and parttime work do not provide the compensation needed to lift them out of poverty. The feminization and racialization of poverty poses a significant threat to economic equality. The damaging nature of these trends continue to harm visible minorities, women and their children. With soaring preexisting levels of economic inequality, COVID-19 will have the most devastating and long-lasting impacts on these particular groups.

Structural Barriers

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Who has been hardest hit? As the impacts of the pandemic begin to take shape, it becomes increasingly evident that “COVID-19 is not the great equalizer — it discriminates”.85 Various sources have and continue to reveal that the impact of the pandemic is not being felt equally by all Canadians.86 The outcomes of COVID-19, both economic and health related, have disproportionately affected marginalized communities.87 As previously discussed, these same groups have historically faced social and economic exclusion and tend to suffer from higher levels of poverty.

Groups hit the hardest by COVID-19

These statistics add to the growing body of literature highlighting the reality that certain communities have been hit harder by COVID-19 in comparison to the majority of Canadians.91

Heightened economic oppression

Impact of Covid-19

• Women • Visible minorities • Arab, Black, Latin American, South Asian, and Southeast Asian communities • Households with incomes of less than $50,000 • Overcrowded households

Evidence continues to indicate that COVID-19 reflects and compounds the existing inequities embedded in our society. The damaging repercussions of the pandemic have fallen on the shoulders of those living in the most dire conditions. Not only do these communities have higher rates of COVID-19 infection and mortality, but have also struggled with temporary job loss, unemployment, housing and food insecurity, and economic oppression.88 Mortality rates from COVID-19 in ethno-cultural neighbourhoods located in British Columbia, Ontario, and Quebec are three times higher than the general public.89 While many have struggled to cope with the virus, others have been underrepresented, namely white and East Asian communities.90

In late March 2020, the Federal government’s decision to shut down the economy led to mass amounts of workers scrambling to make ends meet. By April 2020, 5.5 million workers were impacted by the shutdown, including a drop of 3 million in employment and an increase of 2.5 million in absences from work.92 As of October 2020, the figure was roughly 1.1 million, with a drop of 636,000 (-3.3%) in employment.93 Some industries have undoubtedly suffered more than others; part-time work was particularly influenced by the labour market shock.

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Many industries where part-time work is prevalent were unable to transition to a work-from-home arrangement. These industries include retail trade, tourism, and accommodation and food services.94 The groups95 concentrated in precarious work are most likely to suffer from employment loss during the public health crisis. As previously mentioned, women, visible minorities, and new immigrants are overrepresented in part-time work.96 These marginalized groups are not shielded from the virus by having the option to continue to work remotely. When there is a shutdown or a reduction in working hours, their livelihoods are directly impacted. The economic effects can keep many from accessing the necessities of life. Already faced with above average rates of poverty, those concentrated in parttime work are susceptible to long-term economic oppression. For those who have managed to retain their employment and are not working from home, the risk of contracting the virus is a constant danger. As many have reported, the virus itself can be harmful both physically and economically. Exposure to COVID-19 varies on the type of employment that workers and their families engage in. Large outbreaks are connected to unsafe workplaces, especially in long-term

care facilities and food processing plants where workers did not receive adequate protective equipment.97 Systemic discrimination in the labour market has led to the concentration of racialized workers in many of these high-risk jobs. Black and Filipino female workers are overrepresented in the health care field and are typically earning substantially less than their white co-workers.98 Not only are these racialized women more at-risk of contracting COVID-19, but they are also earning less money while doing so. Conversely, census data demonstrates that white workers are disproportionately represented in professional and managerial employment.99 This type of employment was able to quickly transition to working from home, which minimized the risk of contracting COVID-19. It also allowed these workers uninterrupted access to their regular incomes. Many lowerpaid, hourly workers experienced job loss and went unpaid for a period of time; a significant portion have yet to return to the labour market. 50,000 workers in the hard-hit sector, accommodation and hospitality, lost their jobs during the second wave of COVID-19 in October 2020.100 Many jobs in various industries including construction, transportation and warehousing have yet to recover from the initial shutdown in March 2020.101

Job loss percentages between February-April 2020100

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The data also indicates that racialized workers and women have struggled with higher unemployment rates since the pandemic began.102 Women are experiencing disproportionately lower rates of employment than men, with racialized women in particular facing the greatest disadvantage.103 Those without savings and who depend on their income for survival are in danger of not making ends meet.104 The ability to buffer income losses resulting from work interruptions is much more limited. Government support has been made available through income supplements such as the CERB and the CRB, but they do not provide a living wage, nor do all at-risk Canadians qualify.

As of October 2020, visible minorities continue to hold a higher unemployment rate of 11.7% in comparison to other Canadians (6.7%).100

has exacerbated these conditions further marginalizing vulnerable groups.

Economic Difficulties107 ➲ 44% of Arab Canadians, ➲ 43% of Filipino Canadians, ➲ 42% of Southeast Asian Canadians, and 39% of Black Canadians have reported difficulties in meeting their financial obligations or basic needs. ➲ 23% of white Canadians have reported similar struggles.

Initial reports on the labour market suggest that onethird of workers in most groups experienced job loss or a reduction in working hours.105 Statistics Canada recently revealed that racialized groups are more likely to report strong negative financial impacts related to COVID-19 than their white counterparts.106 This was especially evident for those who identify as Arabs, West Asians, and Filipinos.107 This should come as no surprise as Arabs and West Asians had some of the highest poverty rates prior to the pandemic. Furthermore, “the differences between most visible minority groups and white participants in the financial impact of COVID-19 remained large after taking into consideration their differences in job loss, immigration status, pre-COVID employment status, and other demographic characteristics”.108 Visible minorities are more likely to suffer from poverty and poor housing, and to be employed in precarious positions. All these compounded factors lead to worse economic circumstances. COVID-19 ONE YEAR L ATER | UNMASKING COVID-19

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Racialized disparities and impacts Areas with higher levels of economic inequality and with a larger racialized population have suffered tremendously. There is a national trend of low-income and racialized people experiencing financial difficulties resulting from the pandemic. In Toronto, a highly racialized area, hourly earners in the bottom 25% have experienced a reduction in their working hours by 30% relative to February 2020.109 Conversely, hourly earners in the top 25% (making upwards of $36 per hour) have experienced an increase of 21% in their working hours.110 As previously mentioned, low-income people have struggled to cope financially with the pandemic. With higher costs of living in Toronto (in comparison to the rest of the Canada), particularly the cost of housing, many lowincome and underhoused people can no longer afford their essentials.111 Statistics Canada found that 29.6% of lowincome Torontonians were struggling with essential bills, while 23.8% of Canadians shared a similar struggle.112 The existing income inequities stemming from the past decade have intensified the economic hardships of racialized and low-income people in Toronto. With the cost of living continuously rising, the vulnerability of these groups becomes increasingly visible.

• Filipinos and West Asians experienced work interruptions and job losses at higher levels, 42% and 47%.74 • White workers also faced labour market interruptions, but at a lower rate of 34%.111

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Women, single mothers, and domestic violence Women continue to struggle with the repercussions of the virus. Data shows that women have higher rates of COVID-19 exposure, infection, and death.113 The pandemic has hit women particularly hard as many were among the first to experience job loss amidst the economic shutdown.114 The concentration of women in precarious work has been costly; many of the over three million jobs lost within the first two months of the pandemic were occupied by women.115 With women already suffering from higher rates of poverty than other Canadians, the suspension of income can have astronomical impacts on housing security and economic well-being. While some women have remained in the labour market, they are likely to be front-line healthcare workers. These women risk exposing themselves to the virus with each working shift. Women employed in hospitals or longterm care homes have put their health in danger to take care of the public and to make ends meet. Furthermore, women with children have had to navigate the complexities of childcare and school closures all

while working-from-home or commuting to their regular employment. Some women, especially single mothers, are faced with choices between caring for children or continuing to work.116 For two-parent households, coping with the pandemic has reignited conversations about caring responsibilities such as “who cares, who works, and how”.117 Women have been performing more unpaid domestic and childcare duties in comparison to their partners prior to the spread of COVID-19.118 They are far more likely to spend their spare time cleaning, cooking, and caring for children and elderly family members than men.119 Since the implementation of physical distancing restrictions, many families have found themselves at home far more frequently; emerging research suggests that this has led to an increase in domestic duties for many women.120 Social reproduction is an essential feature of the capitalist economy. The system could not operate without the unpaid caring responsibilities often pushed onto women. COVID-19 has exacerbated these domestic tasks for women, and many have struggled to balance them with their paid employment. The closure of childcare and schools has added a great deal of stress and anxiety on parents.121

Reduction in working hours for women with children123

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What is commonly an institutionalized responsibility has been shifted onto parents, with mothers shouldering much of this burden.122 By August 2020, the impacts of increased childcare and domestic duties had begun interfering with women’s attachment to the labour market.123 Women across Canada with children experienced a decrease in their working hours, compared to February 2020.124 Those without children experienced the smallest decrease in working hours, further reinforcing the motherhood penalty.125 COVID-19 has forced some women to make the difficult decision to leave their paid employment altogether to focus on their family and household responsibilities. Not only do employment gaps put women in disadvantaged positions financially, but also risks jeopardizing their longterm careers. Employment gaps have been negatively associated with future income, job satisfaction and prospects.126 Additionally, it can leave women in precarious and vulnerable positions; they become dependent on their partner for financial stability. Being financially dependent makes it more difficult for women and their children to leave potentially abusive and dangerous households. COVID-19 has further entrenched the gendered inequalities in employment. Even after the pandemic comes to an end, the unequal employment losses threaten the economic well-being of women and single mothers across Canada. Moreover, isolation measures have led to an increase in domestic violence against women. With lockdown orders across the country, women who were already suffering from abusive partners are further at risk of gender-based violence. Since March 2020, we have seen an alarming rise in the number of calls from women facing domestic violence.127 A Statistics Canada128 study found that “one in three women reported a very high concern about family stress from confinement (33.4%), and one in 10 women reported

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very high concern about violence in the home during the pandemic (9.9%)”.129 They continue to disproportionately experience many of the negative impacts of COVID-19, including an unequal share of domestic violence.130 Many of the women at risk of domestic violence have no other option but to stay in these dangerous environments.

■ The Assaulted Women’s Helpline reported an increase in calls by 50% during the first lockdown in March 2020.127 ■ This number increased to 75% in the subsequent months of April and May 2020.127 ■ The hotline is estimated to have almost 4000 calls monthly.127 ■ Racialized women, specifically Black, brown, and Indigenous women, were the largest group forming 73% of calls in May 2020.127

Prior to the pandemic, violence was identified as the leading cause of women’s homelessness.131 Homeless shelters have long documented this trend, and access to affordable housing would benefit many of these vulnerable women. Before the pandemic hit in March 2020, the shelter system in Toronto was already operating close to full capacity. By August 2020, half of the shelter spaces that were occupied in March were eliminated due to physical distancing requirements.132 Unfortunately, the city of Toronto was unable to replace all these spaces, leaving many women in precarious housing situations. COVID-19 has made it increasingly difficult for women who live with domestic violence to leave their homes. With limited shelter spaces, they often must choose between an abusive home or no home at all. For the women who have experienced domestic violence during the pandemic, the psychological and physical effects will persist long after the pandemic has ended.


Housing, homelessness, and underhoused people The pandemic has been difficult to navigate for those who are underhoused or suffer from homelessness. Individuals experiencing homelessness are in danger of being infected with COVID-19 at higher rates than other Canadians.133 Their lack of access to safe and sanitary housing, and their exposure to transient populations contribute to this accelerated risk. Shelters may also increase the risk of exposure to COVID-19, as the volume of people accessing these facilities can be quite substantial.134 The pandemic has proved to be especially dangerous in low-income, racialized, and poverty-stricken areas. With the closure of essential services such as drop-in centers, and public washrooms, those suffering from homelessness have even fewer options for support and assistance. Reports estimate that Canada has approximately 235,000 people suffering from homelessness each year.135 This figure excludes those who are underhoused and raises many concerns about the ways in which COVID-19 has impacted people on the brinks of homelessness. In March 2020, shelter systems across the country drastically cut the number of available beds to facilitate physical distancing measures.136 Since that time, we have witnessed a rise in homeless encampments that have emerged in parks and empty spaces in some cities.137 With no real affordable housing options, especially in larger cities, Canadians who are underhoused have found themselves in vulnerable positions.

In Toronto, one of the most expensive cities in Canada, between 8% and 13% of renters could not afford to pay their rent in full between March and May 2020.137

Many Canadians struggled with mortgage payment as 16% were deferred early in the pandemic.138 With most deferral options and eviction bans coming to an end in August 2020, Canadians with precarious housing situations are facing great uncertainties.139 Many underhoused people are worried about the long-term impacts COVID-19 will have on their housing situations. Those currently making rent payments may not be in a position to do so in the coming months. A recent survey indicates that “one-third of additional respondents [said] they will be unable to pay rent in four to six months, if current situations continue”.140 Shutdowns are occurring abruptly, in various regions, and for prolonged periods; this has caused income interruptions for many. Now that legal residential evictions have resumed, underhoused people are feeling increasingly uneasy about their circumstances. While residential evictions were suspended between March and July 2020, there were approximately 6,083 applications filed for evictions with the Landlord and Tenant Board across Ontario.141 Statistics Canada142 data reveals that the working hours of those renting in Canada have not yet returned to their pre-pandemic levels. Conversely, homeowners have not experienced this trend.143 As of July 2020, renters had 40% fewer working hours compared to February 2020, before the initial shutdown.144 Homeowners have, for the most part, bounced back and are estimated be working 10% fewer hours.145 COVID-19 has emphasized the importance of affordable housing as a social determinant of health. The longterm economic implications of COVID-19 could push more people into a state of homelessness. The homelessness and housing crises across Canada reignite questions surrounding the current approaches to addressing these systemic inequalities. It is quite clear that the mainstream approaches must be re-evaluated.

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What to expect:

Speculating on the damage Canada’s economy is still facing an uncertain future; however, based on the data we have at this time, we can speculate on some of the damaging economic outcomes. Although the long-term economic fallouts of the responses to the pandemic are only just starting to emerge, there are various economic trends that will likely occur postCOVID-19. Higher-income workers were able to transition to a workfrom-home arrangement and were therefore shielded from income interruptions. The unequal access to employment and decent wages will contribute to the rise in income inequality. A growth in the wealth gap can also be expected. The recent trends in income and wealth inequality combined with the known impacts of the pandemic suggests lowincome Canadians, new immigrants, and refugees will experience even higher rates of poverty in the near term. Poverty rates across the country, and globally, are estimated to significantly climb. UNICEF recently claimed that child poverty will most likely rise to above pre-COVID levels for at least five years in many high-income countries.146 The looming recession will detrimentally affect many economically marginalized Canadians. As a result of these expected increases in economic inequality, we can predict that the Gini coefficient will also rise, making Canada a more polarized and inequitable country. With this increased stratification, poverty rates will inevitably rise. Canadians will experience a plethora of damaging projected economic outcomes such as a rise in household debt, precarious housing, mortgage defaults, fast-tracked evictions, food insecurities, and profound unemployment. The economy has undergone massive transformations throughout the pandemic. As lockdowns and temporary closures continue to unfold, the unemployment rate will undoubtedly fluctuate, leaving many Canadians without a job or income.

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Long-term implications of COVID-19 ■ Wealth and income inequality are expected to worsen. ■ An increase in low-income and poverty measures, such as the LIM, LICO, and MBM. ■ Soaring poverty rates, in Canada, the MENA region, and globally. ■ Economic inequality for those employed in precarious or part-time work as they form the majority of temporary, or permanent job losses. ■ A spike in small and medium sized business closures. ■ A rise in house hold debt, and mortgage defaults. ■ An increase in precarious housing and fasttracked evictions. ■ More people suffering from food insecurities. ■ Profound unemployment.


Certain groups, specifically BIPOC147 communities, will face the highest levels of unemployment post-pandemic. As of November 2020, Black women have one of the highest unemployment at rates 13.4%, while Indigenous women averaged 16.8%.148 Although more than 80% of the jobs lost during the start of the pandemic have recovered, racialized women have not returned to work.149 Many of the hardest hit industries will suffer in profound and long-lasting ways. Those concentrated in the retail, hospitality, tourism, accommodations and food industries will have difficulties securing stable employment in the future. We may also see a spike in small and medium sized business closures as many will not be able to withstand the economic blow. This will further contribute to the rising unemployment rate.

Small Businesses Suffering “The hardest thing for us is trying to stay on top of things. We try to find out the lowest prices for items and stock up on it. Also, we still had to pay our bills. The landlord wasn’t accepting the terms the government had set out for rent. So instead of us reducing our hours to meet the requirement for government aid, we actually increased our hours and sacrificed our time just to build something”. - Restaurant Owner

In addition to elevated poverty levels, we can expect to see more people suffer from precarious housing. Homelessness in Canada is a serious and growing concern. The unaffordability of the housing market, especially in large, urban areas, has created a homelessness crisis. As COVID-19 jeopardizes the financial security of countless

Canadians, their ability to pay rent and mortgages will be compromised. The Bank of Canada has already projected a spike in the number of people behind on their mortgage payments.150 They suspect that the mortgage arrears rate could rise to twice as high as the 2009 financial crisis.151 That could mean more than one out of every fifty homeowners would be, at the minimum, three months behind on their mortgage payments.152 In the early stages of the pandemic, more than 760,000 Canadian homeowners deferred or skipped a mortgage payment; one out of every six people with a mortgage opted to defer at least one mortgage payment.153 Since COVID-19 began, there has been approximately $1 billion in deferred mortgage debt each month.154 As the majority of the deferral programs are only available for six months, mortgage payments have resumed as of fall 2020. The expiration of deferral programs is anticipated to cause an increase in mortgage defaults in the future. Renters are also facing precarious housing conditions. We can expect an increase in evictions for renters across Canada during and after COVID-19. This again has the potential of increasing homelessness. Renters are struggling to cover their housing bills since many have experienced a loss of income and stretches of unemployment. When eviction bans resumed in August 2020, we witnessed an eviction blitz in parts of Canada.155 In Ontario, there were more than 6,500 evictions hearings in November 2020, an increase of 21% compared to November 2019.156 There were more than 7,000 eviction hearings scheduled for December 2020.157 With little protections in place, we can assume that more marginalized and low-income renters may be evicted in the future.

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Another economic trend we can expect to see post-pandemic is a rise in household debt. With income interruptions taking place and bills piling, an increase in personal bankruptcies will likely occur as well as soaring levels of household debt. Prior to COVID-19, Canadians were struggling with “debtto-income ratios topping 176 per cent in the third quarter of 2019, which means for that every dollar of income we earn we owe $1.76”.158 With Canadians earning, on average, considerably less than in 2019, credit card and line of credit debts are likely to climb. Even with the income supplement programs such as EI, the CERB and the CRB, people will still struggle to make ends meet, especially those who have lost their jobs. The uncertainty of the time frame for an economic recovery makes it increasingly difficult for those who have deferred payments to be in a position to resume them. Taking on more debt is one of the only options Canadians will have available should they require more money. Data from the MNP (a private firm of licensed insolvency trustees), reveal that 46% of Canadians are concerned about their debt, with 25%

unable to meet all their minimum payment requirements every month.159 Most alarming is that these figures were collected before the initial lockdown in March 2020. In addition to rising household debt, the financial impacts of this pandemic could lead to more pronounced food insecurity. Early evidence suggests that this has already begun to take shape for economically marginalized groups. In May 2020, Statistics Canada reported that 14.6% of Canadians were living in a household with food insecurity.160 While temporary programs such as the CERB may have assisted those in need for a period of time, the long-term implications of food insecurity could be catastrophic. Once the temporary benefits come to an end, we could see levels of food insecurity heighten. Food insecurity in Canada was at an all-time high prior to the pandemic when more Canadians were employed.161 An estimated 4.4 million Canadians were experiencing difficulties accessing a stable source of food pre-pandemic.162 Food banks were already functioning at capacity and were struggling to cope with the demand for their services.163

MNP’s Consumer Price Index, March 2020158

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While temporary programs such as the CERB may have assisted those in need for a period of time, the long-term implications of food insecurity could be catastrophic. Once the temporary benefits come to an end, we could see levels of food insecurity heighten. Food insecurity in Canada was at an all-time high prior to the pandemic when more Canadians were employed.161 An estimated 4.4 million Canadians were experiencing difficulties accessing a stable source of food pre-pandemic.162 Food banks were already functioning at capacity and were struggling to cope with the demand for their services.163 With an expected surge in the use of food banks postpandemic, these services will not be able to accommodate all those suffering.164 With no guarantee of employment opportunities, and income-support programs postCOVID-19, food insecurity will become more entrenched across Canada. Economic inequality will worsen in Canada, and globally, post-COVID-19. Although most Canadians have felt the financial impacts of the pandemic in some way, certain

groups will continue to bear the burden of COVID-19 longterm. Women, visible minorities, single parents, and lowincome people have and will encounter disproportionate levels of economic marginalization long after the pandemic comes to an end. As previously mentioned, women of colour have suffered some of the highest unemployment rates, even after the lockdowns were partially removed. We are currently witnessing the unequal impact of COVID-19 on diverse groups of Canadians. Although these inequities pre-date COVID-19, they have become further exacerbated by the pandemic. Marginalized groups have been hit the hardest in all areas: temporary job losses and income interruptions, high unemployment rates, housing and food insecurity, economic exclusion, increased childcare responsibilities, dangerous work environments, and higher COVID-19 infection and mortality rates. Other Canadians have, to an extent, been shielded from the pandemic and will likely recover post-COVID-19. The same cannot be said for marginalized groups alike. The impacts, especially the economic impacts, will shape the lives of many for years to come. If programs are not created to ensure that stimulus is tailored to their needs, we can expect to see more marginalized groups falling into a cycle of poverty.

Hardest Hit Marginalized groups have been hit the hardest in all areas with: ■ temporary job losses ■ income interruptions ■ high unemployment rates ■ housing and food insecurity ■ economic exclusion ■ increased childcare responsibilities ■ dangerous work environments ■ higher COVID-19 infection and mortality rate

Food Security163 ■ 4.4 million Canadians faced difficulties accessing a stable source of food pre-pandemic. ■ In May 2020, 14.6% of Canadians were living in a household with food insecurity. ■ Food insecurity will become more entrenched post-COVID-19.

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Looking beyond our borders: MENA countries and COVID-19 164

✎ Some regions in the world will be hit harder than others: MENA (Middle East and North Africa), SA (South Asia), and SSA (Sub-Saharan Africa). ✎ COVID-19 poses a serious threat to the UN Sustainable Development Goal of ending poverty by 2030. ✎ Global poverty rates are expected to increase for the first time since the mid-1990s in MENA regions. ✎ In MENA, a “10 per cent contraction could exacerbate the rising trend in poverty observed since 2013 up to reaching as high as, worryingly, the levels observed in 1990—at least for both the US$1.9/day and US$3.2/day poverty lines”. ✎ Prior to the pandemic, MENA suffered from both high levels of poverty and unemployment rates. ✎ Pre-pandemic numbers indicate that 42% of MENA’s population lived on incomes below US$5.50 per day. ✎ The ongoing conflicts and wars in many of the regions led to amplified levels of extreme poverty. ✎ The World Bank estimates that “poverty has increased by roughly 12 million to 15 million people in 2020 alone at the middle-income poverty line of living on US$5.50 per day”. By the end of 2021, that number could rise to upwards of 23 million.

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Next Steps The COVID-19 situation in Canada, and globally, is everchanging. As we near the one-year mark of the pandemic, questions surrounding the next steps arise. When government relief packages and income supports come to an end, many marginalized people will struggle to pay for groceries and rent. Labour markets are fragile and COVID-19 shutdowns can push unemployment rates even higher. The economic implications of COVID-19 will likely persist long after the pandemic comes to an end. Those who were hit the hardest will be the ones left to pick up the pieces. Although the government response in Canada has helped many people, eligibility was still tied to the employment system. Marginalized groups detached from the labour market such as those with precarious immigration status, those on social assistance, and people with disabilities were excluded from the benefits.166 Additionally, students and recent graduates only received limited supports for a

shorter period of time. These vulnerable groups are in need of financial assistance and can no longer be ignored. We must ensure that all those who need aid receive it, at any cost. In order to help at-risk Canadians and to reduce the pending levels of poverty, the government must continue to provide financial relief. These benefits must also extend to those who have not been attached to the labour market. Canadians who have lost their employment, temporarily or permanently, should have the opportunity to engage in remote skills training programs that can ultimately lead them to a new employment opportunity or field. Perhaps most importantly, the pandemic has made it painfully clear that the current minimum wage in precarious and parttime work is simply unacceptable. Those concentrated in precarious work were already struggling to make ends meet before COVID-19. We advocate to raise the minimum wage to a living wage using the Canadian Living Wage Framework.167

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Next Steps ➲ The government must continue to provide financial relief. ➲ Eligibility for financial relief must be extended to those who have not been attached to the labour market. ➲ Raise the minimum wage to a living wage using the Canadian Living Wage Framework. ➲ Remote skills training programs for those who have lost their employment, temporarily or permanently. ➲ Creation of a federal subsidized early learning and childcare program at a cost and contribution to GDP of $1B per year for 10 years. ➲ The federal government should provide a rental relief assistance program, similar to CERS, to individuals unable to pay rent due to financial hardships. ➲ Targeted support for BIPOC community, low-income people, women, single parents, and new immigrants. ➲ The creation of a BIPOC financial relief fund, that supports economically marginalized BIPOC members. ➲ Legislation of 7 permanent paid sick days and 14 additional paid sick days during pandemics. ➲ BIPOC communities, alongside essential workers, the elderly, and those with underlying medical conditions, be prioritized for vaccines. ➲ Raise the percentage of the federal charitable donation tax credit rates.

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As per the framework and methodology suggest, the living wage will be based on and calculated by location and family type to meet the contextual needs of communities across Canada. This will ensure that workers are given access to a decent wage and decent life.

to find suitable and well-paid employment should be a priority. The immediate need for support and financial assistance is crucial to the recovery process both locally and globally.

Additionally, every worker must be entitled to paid sick days, especially in the midst of a global pandemic. Our government’s failure to legislate paid sick days not only jeopardizes the health of essential workers, but also risks furthering the spread of COVID-19. We strongly advocate for the legislation of 7 permanent paid sick days and 14 additional paid sick days during pandemics.

Who should be vaccinated first?

Furthermore, the federal government must work with provincial governments to achieve a sustainable solution to early learning and childcare in Canada. This can include immediate support to maintain childcare programs in the interim, and a move to universal, subsidized childcare system in the near future. Parents, especially those who are considered low-income, need financial assistance to transition their children’s education to remote learning. The cost of upgraded technology and software needed is not accessible to all. Parents who cannot afford the cost of the transition must receive immediate financial assistance. We recommend that the federal government commits to a contribution to GDP of $1B per year for 10 years to create a strong and equitable early learning and childcare system. 168 The education of our next generation depends on it.

 Since BIPOC community has highest levels of COVID-19 contraction and mortality, vaccination of this group is essential

Those who have been hit the hardest, the BIPOC community, low-income people, women, and single parents, should receive further and targeted support. Since these communities are shielding other Canadians from the detrimental economic impacts, they should be given the adequate resources they require to survive the long-term effects. Programs assisting Indigenous and Black women

 Prioritize vaccination for BIPOC communities, essential workers, the elderly, and those with underlying medical conditions

 Vaccination of BIPOC community will decrease the likelihood that the virus will spread more widely  Black communities have a history of mistrust when it comes to the healthcare industry  Rooted in the history of racism, many Black communities still suffer from trauma of exploitative studies such as Tuskegee syphilis study in 1932  Indigenous peoples have also experienced abuse by healthcare system  Government officials and medical professionals must build trust with these communities while addressing their vaccine fears

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The fallout of the pandemic has only just begun. Islamic Relief Canada is committed to supporting those in need during these dire times. As a community, we must respond to COVID-19 in impactful ways. Specifically, we must address the needs of those that have been struggling to cope with outcomes of the pandemic. BIPOC communities, especially women, continue to suffer from the economic effects of COVID-19 at disproportionate levels. Providing these vulnerable groups with the financial resources they require is essential for survival. Islamic Relief Canada works with BIPOC communities on programming around poverty reduction, supporting food banks, and many other initiatives. Moving forward, we will continue to stand with BIPOC communities during the COVID-19 recovery process. The federal government must recognize the uneven hardships BIPOC people have endured throughout this pandemic. Universal financial support, such as CERB and the CRB, will not adequately address the economic inequities the pandemic has exacerbated. Targeted support, specifically for members of the BIPOC community, must be prioritized. The creation of a BIPOC financial relief fund, that supports economically marginalized BIPOC members, has the potential to minimizes some of the economic effects of the pandemic. Those who were hit the hardest should receive more financial support than those who have not been impacted to the same degree. Targeted support recognizes the additional support BIPOC communities require to recover the way other Canadians will. Furthermore, we call on Canadian governments to begin collecting disaggregated data on COVID-19 and social markers. After immense pressure from community advocates and healthcare professionals, the federal government and a limited number of provincial jurisdictions began collecting more demographic information on COVID-19 patients. Canadian governments must take an intersectional approach to COVID-19 and begin the mandatory collection of demographical data in all jurisdictions. The need for data that

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accurately depicts the social markers of those who contract the virus will help us to develop better long-term targeted policies. Islamic Relief Canada is devoted to supporting these groups and communities. We also recommend that BIPOC communities, alongside essential workers,169 the elderly, and those with underlying medical conditions, be prioritized for vaccines in areas with high rates of COVID-19. With the current data demonstrating that Black Canadians and other people of colour are most at risk of contracting the virus, governments must prioritize their vaccination.170 Not only does this help protect vulnerable groups with high-contraction and mortality rates, but it also decreases the likelihood that the virus will spread more widely. With certain groups being more likely to experience COVID-19 related deaths, it becomes imperative that they are given the chance to protect themselves through vaccination before others. Low-income people, and those who are underhoused need our immediate assistance. Low-income people and those experiencing precarious housing don’t have the luxury of working from home or a paid sick day. They have undoubtedly struggled to cope with the loss of work and piling bills. We believe that people should never have to choose between food or shelter. With many low- income and underhoused Canadians at risk of eviction, it is essential that we take a stand to ensure their protection and safety. Although rental housing falls under provincial jurisdiction, the federal government should provide a rental relief assistance program to those who are unable to pay rent due to financial hardships. In October 2020, the federal government created the Canada Emergency Rent Subsidy (CERS).171 This program provides direct relief to various organizations172 that continue to be economically disadvantaged by COVID-19.173 Organizations that qualify can receive a subsidy for commercial rent, property taxes, property insurance, and interest on commercial mortgages, etc.174


Count of total cases of Covid-19 As of March 1st 2021

The federal government must develop a similar emergency rent subsidy for underhoused and low-income people struggling with rental payments. Lastly, we call on the federal government to raise the rates for the charitable donation tax credit. As it stands now, donations to registered non-profits can result in a tax break. This allows the public to generously donate to non-profits working hard to improve the conditions of society. Since the pandemic began, donations have declined, putting many non-profits at risk of not having the resources necessary to make a difference.175 If the government raises the rates for the charitable donation

tax credit, more people can comfortably donate during these uncertain times. This increase will not only help non-profits across Canada, but more importantly the vulnerable groups and people who rely on them. It is not enough to identify and acknowledge those who have been hit the hardest. Targeting and supporting the groups most impacted by the economic outcomes of the pandemic is an effective way to make a difference. We must come together to combat the inequalities of COVID-19. How we choose to respond to this global outbreak will shape the course of our future.

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Appendix I:

END NOTES 1

Smith-Carrier, T., & Benbow, S. (2019). Access to a basic income: Exploring a matricentric feminist approach to poverty alleviation for mothers in Ontario. Journal of the Motherhood Initiative for Research and Community Involvement, 10(1/2) 2 Smith-Carrier, T., & Benbow, S. (2019). Access to a basic income: Exploring a matricentric feminist approach to poverty alleviation for mothers in Ontario. Journal of the Motherhood Initiative for Research and Community Involvement, 10(1/2) 3 World Health Organization. (2020). Coronavirus Retrieved from https://www.who.int/health- topics/ coronavirus#tab=tab_1 4 OECD. (2018a), “Basic statistics of Canada, 2017: (Numbers in parentheses refer to the OECD average)”, in OECD Economic Surveys: Canada 2018, Paris, France: OECD Publishing, https://doi.org/10.1787/eco_surveys-can-20181-en; OECD. (2018b), OECD Economic Surveys: Canada 2018, Paris, France: OECD Publishing, https://doi-org.ezproxy. library.yorku.ca/10.1787/eco_surveys-can-2018-en; Duru, C. (2018). Persistent Childhood Poverty in Canada: A Political Economy Analysis of its Causes 5 Moroto, 2016; Smith-Carrier, T., & Benbow, S. (2019). Access to a basic income: Exploring a matricentric feminist approach to poverty alleviation for mothers in Ontario. Journal of the Motherhood Initiative for Research and Community Involvement, 10(1/2) 6 Smith-Carrier, T., & Benbow, S. (2019). Access to a basic income: Exploring a matricentric feminist approach to poverty alleviation for mothers in Ontario. Journal of the Motherhood Initiative for Research and Community Involvement, 10(1/2) 7 Maroto, M. (2016). Fifteen Years of Wealth Disparities in Canada- New Trends or Simply the Status Quo. Canadian Public Policy, 42(2), 152-167. http://www.jstor.com/ stable/24883709

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8

Ahmed, S. F., Quadeer, A. A., & McKay, M. R. (2020). Preliminary identification of potential vaccine targets for the COVID-19 coronavirus (SARS-CoV-2) based on SARS-CoV immunological studies. Viruses, 12(3), 254 9 Ahmed, S. F., Quadeer, A. A., & McKay, M. R. (2020). Preliminary identification of potential vaccine targets for the COVID-19 coronavirus (SARS-CoV-2) based on SARS-CoV immunological studies. Viruses, 12(3), 254 10 Statistics Canada Labour Forces Survey 2020a 11 Beach, C. (2016). Changing income inequality: A distributional paradigm for Canada. The Canadian Journal of Economics, 49(4), 1229-1292. Retrieved August 18, 2020, from www.jstor.org/stable/24915779; Green, D. (2015). Inequality in Canada: Symposium introduction. The Canadian Journal of Economics / Revue Canadienne D’Economique, 48(2), 647-654. Retrieved August 18, 2020, from www.jstor. org/stable/43818225; Macdonald, D. (2018, July 31). Born to Win. Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, https:// www.policyalternatives.ca/sites/default/files/uploads/ publications/National%20Office/2018/07/Born%20t o%20 Win.pdf; Osberg, L. (2019, December 19). What’s So Bad about Increasing Inequality in Canada? Institute for Research on Public Policy, https://on-irpp.org/2qS26t0; Temmer, J. (2017, October 16). Tracking the SDGs in Canadian Cities. International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD), www.jstor.org/stable/resrep17141 12 The latest figures available from the World Bank 13 A measure of the inequality of a statistical distribution, ranging from 0 (total equality) to 1 (maximal inequality) 14 OECD. (2020), “Basic statistics of Canada, 2017: (Numbers in parentheses refer to the OECD average)”, in OECD Economic Surveys: Canada 2018, Paris, France: OECD Publishing, https://doi.org/10.1787/eco_surveys-can-2018-1-en


15

Gini index measures the extent to which the distribution of income (or, in some cases, consumption expenditure) among individuals or households within an economy deviates from a perfectly equal distribution. A Lorenz curve plots the cumulative percentages of total income received against the cumulative number of recipients, starting with the poorest individual or household. The Gini index measures the area between the Lorenz curve and a hypothetical line of absolute equality, expressed as a percentage of the maximum area under the line. Thus, a Gini index of 0 represents perfect equality, while an index of 100 implies perfect inequality 16 Green, D., Riddell, W. C., & St-Hilaire, F. (2016, February 25). Income Inequality: The Canadian Story. Institute for Research on Public Policy. https://irpp.org/research/ income-inequality-the-canadian-story/ 17 Those earning between $30,000 and $60,000 with inflation-adjusted. Yalnizyan, A. (2010). The rise of Canada’s richest 1%. Toronto: Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives. Retrieved from https://ywcacanada.myhostpanel.net/data/ research_docs/00000192.pdf 18 Beach, C. (2016). Changing income inequality: A distributional paradigm for Canada. The Canadian Journal of Economics, 49(4), 1229-1292. Retrieved August 18, 2020, from www.jstor.org/stable/24915779; Green, D. (2015). Inequality in Canada: Symposium introduction. The Canadian Journal of Economics / Revue Canadienne D’Economique, 48(2), 647-654. Retrieved August 18, 2020, from www.jstor.org/stable/43818225; Klein, S., Yalnizyan, A. (2016, February). Better is Always Possible A Federal Plan to Tackle Poverty and Inequality. Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, https://www.policyalternatives. ca/sites/default/files/uploads/publications/National%20 Office/2016/02/Better_Is_ Always%20Possible.pdf.; Osberg, L. (2019, December 19). What’s So Bad about Increasing Inequality in Canada? Institute for Research on Public Policy, https://on-irpp.org/2qS26t0; Temmer, J. (2017, October 16).

Tracking the SDGs in Canadian Cities. International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD), www.jstor.org/stable/ resrep17141 19 This trend can be described as unbalanced growth. Osberg, L. (2019, December 19). What’s So Bad about Increasing Inequality in Canada? Institute for Research on Public Policy, https://on-irpp.org/2qS26t0. 20 Temmer, J. (2017, October 16). Tracking the SDGs in Canadian Cities. International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD), www.jstor.org/stable/resrep17141 21 Temmer, J. (2017, October 16). Tracking the SDGs in Canadian Cities. International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD), www.jstor.org/stable/resrep17141 22 Temmer, J. (2017, October 16). Tracking the SDGs in Canadian Cities. International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD), www.jstor.org/stable/resrep17141 23 Beach, C. (2016). Changing income inequality: A distributional paradigm for Canada. The Canadian Journal of Economics, 49(4), 1229-1292. Retrieved August 18, 2020, from www.jstor.org/stable/24915779 24 Beach, C. (2016). Changing income inequality: A distributional paradigm for Canada. The Canadian Journal of Economics, 49(4), 1229-1292. Retrieved August 18, 2020, from www.jstor.org/stable/24915779 25 Beach, C. (2016). Changing income inequality: A distributional paradigm for Canada. The Canadian Journal of Economics, 49(4), 1229-1292. Retrieved August 18, 2020, from www.jstor.org/stable/24915779 26 Green, D., Riddell, W. C., & St-Hilaire, F. (2016, February 25). Income Inequality: The Canadian Story. Institute for Research on Public Policy. https://irpp.org/research/ income-inequality-the-canadian-story/ 27 Macdonald, D. (2018, July 31). Born to Win. Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, https://www.policyalternatives. ca/sites/default/files/uploads/publications/National%20 Office/2018/07/Born%20t o%20Win.pdf

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Macdonald, D. (2018, July 31). Born to Win. Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, https://www.policyalternatives. ca/sites/default/files/uploads/publications/National%20 Office/2018/07/Born%20t o%20Win.pdf 29 Maroto, M. (2016). Fifteen Years of Wealth Disparities in Canada- New Trends or Simply the Status Quo. Canadian Public Policy, 42(2), 152-167. http://www.jstor.com/ stable/24883709 30 Keister, L. A. (2000). Race and wealth inequality: The impact of racial differences in asset ownership on the distribution of household wealth. Social Science Research, 29(4), 477-502; Maroto, M. (2016). Fifteen Years of Wealth Disparities in Canada- New Trends or Simply the Status Quo. Canadian Public Policy, 42(2), 152-167. http://www.jstor.com/ stable/24883709 31 Macdonald, D. (2018, July 31). Born to Win. Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, https://www.policyalternatives. ca/sites/default/files/uploads/publications/National%20 Office/2018/07/Born%20t o%20Win.pdf; Maroto, M. (2016). Fifteen Years of Wealth Disparities in Canada- New Trends or Simply the Status Quo. Canadian Public Policy, 42(2), 152-167. http://www.jstor.com/stable/24883709 32 Keister, L. A., & Moller, S. (2000). Wealth inequality in the United States. Annual Review of Sociology, 26(1), 63- 81 33 Maroto, M. (2016). Fifteen Years of Wealth Disparities in Canada- New Trends or Simply the Status Quo. Canadian Public Policy, 42(2), 152-167. http://www.jstor.com/ stable/24883709 34 Maroto, M. (2016). Fifteen Years of Wealth Disparities in Canada- New Trends or Simply the Status Quo. Canadian Public Policy, 42(2), 152-167. http://www.jstor.com/ stable/24883709; Morissette, R., Zhang, X., & Drolet, M. (2002). The evolution of wealth inequality in Canada, 1984-1999. Statistics Canada Analytical Studies Working Paper, (187). http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/ download?doi=10.1.1.196.3144&rep=rep1&type=pdf

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Maroto, M. (2016). Fifteen Years of Wealth Disparities in Canada- New Trends or Simply the Status Quo. Canadian Public Policy, 42(2), 152-167. http://www.jstor.com/ stable/24883709 36 Evans, B., & Fanelli, C. (2018). Ontario in an Age of Austerity: Common Sense Reloaded. The Public Sector in an Age of Austerity: Perspectives from Canada’s Provinces and Territories, 128-60 37 OECD. (2015). “In it together: Why less inequality benefits all”. Paris, France: OECD Publishing 38 Bryant, T., Aquanno, S., & Raphael, D. (2020). Unequal Impact of COVID-19: Emergency Neoliberalism and Welfare Policy in Canada. Critical Studies: An International and Interdisciplinary Journal, 15(1), 22-39; Cleaver, F. (2000). Moral ecological rationality, institutions and the management of common property resources. Development and change, 31(2), 361-383; Fanelli, C., & Hurl, C. (2011). Janus-Faced Austerity: Strengthening the. Alternate Routes: A Journal of Critical Social Research, 22; Karimi, S. (2017). Welfare State Restructuring and Neoliberal Variations in Canada and Australia. In Beyond the Welfare State: Postwar Social Settlement and Public Pension Policy in Canada and Australia (pp. 140-160). Toronto: University of Toronto Press. doi:10.3138/j.ctv1005dqg.13 39 Bryant, T., Aquanno, S., & Raphael, D. (2020). Unequal Impact of COVID-19: Emergency Neoliberalism and Welfare Policy in Canada. Critical Studies: An International and Interdisciplinary Journal, 15(1), 22-39 40 McBride, S. (1997). Dismantling a nation: The transition to corporate rule in Canada. Fernwood Pub 41 Such as unemployment insurance, cash assistance, maternity leave, pensions, universal healthcare, etc.


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McBride, S. (1997). Dismantling a nation: The transition to corporate rule in Canada. Fernwood Pub; Cleaver, F. (2000). Moral ecological rationality, institutions and the management of common property resources. Development and change, 31(2), 361-383; Fanelli, C., & Hurl, C. (2011). Janus-Faced Austerity: Strengthening the. Alternate Routes: A Journal of Critical Social Research, 22 43 The simultaneous rise in unemployment and inflation 44 Burke, R. J., McKeen, C. A. (1996). Employment gaps and work and career satisfactions of managerial and professional women. International Journal of manpower, 17(1), 47-55. Retrieved August 18, 2020 from http://dx.doi. org/10.1108/01437729610110611; Fanelli, C., & Hurl, C. (2011). Janus-Faced Austerity: Strengthening the. Alternate Routes: A Journal of Critical Social Research, 22; McBride, S. (1997). Dismantling a nation: The transition to corporate rule in Canada. Fernwood Pub; Harvey, D. (2005). The new imperialism. OUP Oxford 45 McBride, S. (1997). Dismantling a nation: The transition to corporate rule in Canada. Fernwood Pub; Cleaver, F. (2000). Moral ecological rationality, institutions and the management of common property resources. Development and change, 31(2), 361-383; Fanelli, C., & Hurl, C. (2011). Janus-Faced Austerity: Strengthening the. Alternate Routes: A Journal of Critical Social Research, 22 46 Public programs and social services 47 Burke, R. J., McKeen, C. A. (1996). Employment gaps and work and career satisfactions of managerial and professional women. International Journal of manpower, 17(1), 47-55. Retrieved August 18, 2020 from http://dx.doi. org/10.1108/01437729610110611; Sears, A. (2003). Retooling the mind factory: Education in a lean state. University of Toronto Press

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Burke, R. J., McKeen, C. A. (1996). Employment gaps and work and career satisfactions of managerial and professional women. International Journal of manpower, 17(1), 47-55. Retrieved August 18, 2020 from http://dx.doi. org/10.1108/01437729610110611; Sears, A. (2003). Retooling the mind factory: Education in a lean state. University of Toronto Press 49 Should they find themselves out of work 50 A set of political-economic policies that aim to reduce government budget deficits through spending cuts, tax increases, or a combination of both. At the core of austerity measures are cuts in state expenditure 51 Reduced benefits, wages, pensions and public services 52 There are profound differences in geography, generation, gender, race, and class, etc. 53 Pupo, N., Thomas, M. (2010). Interrogating the New Economy: Restructuring Work in the 21st Century. University of Toronto Press 54 Cranford, C., Vosko, L., Zukewich, N. (2003). Precarious Employment in the Canadian Labour Market: A Statistical Portrait. Just Labour, 3, 1-5; Kalleberg, A. L. (2009). Precarious work, insecure workers: Employment relations in transition. American sociological review, 74(1), 1-22 55 Vosko, L. F. (2006). Precarious employment: Towards an improved understanding of labour market insecurity (Vol. 2006, pp. 3-39). Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press; Pupo, N., Thomas, M. (2010). Interrogating the New Economy: Restructuring Work in the 21st Century. University of Toronto Press; Kalleberg, A. L. (2009). Precarious work, insecure workers: Employment relations in transition. American sociological review, 74(1), 1-22 56 Cranford, C., Vosko, L., Zukewich, N. (2003). Precarious Employment in the Canadian Labour Market: A Statistical Portrait. Just Labour, 3, 1-5

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Noack, A., Vosko, L. (2012). Precarious Jobs in Ontario: Mapping Dimensions of Labour Market Insecurity by Workers’ Social Location and Context. Report prepared for the Ontario Law Commission, Vulnerable Worker Project, Toronto: Ontario Law Commission, 1-60 58 Teelucksingh, C., Galabuzi, G. E. (2005). Working Precariously: The Impact of Race and Immigrants Status on Employment Opportunities and Outcomes in Canada. Ottawa: Canadian Race Relations Foundation; Fuller, S., Vosko, L. F. (2008). Temporary employment and social inequality in Canada: Exploring intersections of gender, race and immigration status. Social Indicators Research, 88(1), 31-50 59 Teelucksingh, C., Galabuzi, G. E. (2005). Working Precariously: The Impact of Race and Immigrants Status on Employment Opportunities and Outcomes in Canada. Ottawa: Canadian Race Relations Foundation 60 I.e., working class, working poor 61 OECD. (2015). “In it together: Why less inequality benefits all”. Paris, France: OECD Publishing. 62 “The labour market is segmented along racial lines, with racialized group members overrepresented in many low paying occupations, with high levels of precariousness while they are underrepresented in the better paying, more secure jobs. Racialized groups were over-represented in the textile, light manufacturing and service sectors occupations such as sewing machine operators (46%), electronic assemblers (42%), plastics processing (36.8%), labourers in textile processing (40%), taxi and limo drivers (36.6%), weavers and knitters (37.5%), fabrics, fur and leather cutters (40.1%), iron and pressing (40.6%). They were under-represented in senior management (8.2%), professionals (13.8%), supervisors (12%), fire-fighters (2.0%), legislators (2.2%), oil and gas drilling (1.5%), farmers and farm managers (1.2%)” (Teelucksingh & Galabuzi, 2005, p.34) 63 Block, S., Galabuzi, G. (2018, December). Persistent Inequality. Ontario’s Colour-coded Labour Market. Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives. https://www.

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policyalternatives.ca/sites/default/files/uploads/ publications/Ontario%20Office/2018/12/Persistent %20 inequality.pdf.= 64 Block, S., Galabuzi, G. (2018, December). Persistent Inequality. Ontario’s Colour-coded Labour Market. Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives. https://www. policyalternatives.ca/sites/default/files/uploads/ publications/Ontario%20Office/2018/12/Persistent %20 inequality.pdf.= 65 Block, S., Galabuzi, G. (2018, December). Persistent Inequality. Ontario’s Colour-coded Labour Market. Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives. https://www. policyalternatives.ca/sites/default/files/uploads/ publications/Ontario%20Office/2018/12/Persistent %20 inequality.pdf.= 66 Block, S., Galabuzi, G. (2018, December). Persistent Inequality. Ontario’s Colour-coded Labour Market. Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives. https://www. policyalternatives.ca/sites/default/files/uploads/ publications/Ontario%20Office/2018/12/Persistent %20 inequality.pdf.= 67 Hou, F., Frank, K., & Schimmele, C. (2020, July 6). Economic impact of COVID-19 among visible minority groups. Statistics Canada. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-280001/2020001/article/00042-eng.htm 68 Block, S., Galabuzi, G. (2018, December). Persistent Inequality. Ontario’s Colour-coded Labour Market. Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives. https://www. policyalternatives.ca/sites/default/files/uploads/ publications/Ontario%20Office/2018/12/Persistent %20 inequality.pdf; Block, S., Galabuzi, G. E., Tranjan, R. (2019, December). Canada’s colour coded income inequality. Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives. https://www. policyalternatives.ca/sites/default/files/uploads/ publications/National%20Office/2019/12/Canada%2 7s%20 Colour%20Coded%20Income%20Inequality.pdf


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Power, K. (2020). The COVID-19 pandemic has increased the care burden of women and families, Sustainability: Science, Practice and Policy, 16:1, 67-73, doi: 10.1080/15487733.2020.1776561; Public Service Alliance of Canada. (2020, July 17). Women & COVID-19: Effects will linger long after the pandemic ends. http://psacunion.ca/ women- covid-19-violence 121 Power, K. (2020). The COVID-19 pandemic has increased the care burden of women and families, Sustainability: Science, Practice and Policy, 16:1, 67-73, doi: 10.1080/15487733.2020.1776561 122 Power, K. (2020). The COVID-19 pandemic has increased the care burden of women and families, Sustainability: Science, Practice and Policy, 16:1, 67-73, doi: 10.1080/15487733.2020.1776561 123 August 2020 in comparison to February 2020. Public Service Alliance of Canada. (2020, July 17). Women & COVID-19: Effects will linger long after the pandemic ends. http://psacunion.ca/women-covid-19-violence 124 Public Service Alliance of Canada. (2020, July 17). Women & COVID-19: Effects will linger long after the pandemic ends. http://psacunion.ca/women-covid-19-violence 125 Toronto Foundation. (2020, November). The Toronto fallout report. Retrieved from https://torontofoundation.ca/wpcontent/uploads/2020/11/Toronto-Fallout-Report-2020.pdf 126 Burke, R. J., McKeen, C. A. (1996). Employment gaps and work and career satisfactions of managerial and professional women. International Journal of manpower, 17(1), 47-55. Retrieved August 18, 2020 from http://dx.doi. org/10.1108/01437729610110611 127 Public Service Alliance of Canada. (2020, July 17). Women & COVID-19: Effects will linger long after the pandemic ends. http://psacunion.ca/women-covid-19-violence 128 Statistics Canada. (2020). ‘Labour Force Survey, November 2020’, https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/dailyquotidien/201106/dq201106a-eng.htm


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Toronto Foundation. (2020, November). The Toronto fallout report. Retrieved from https://torontofoundation.ca/wpcontent/uploads/2020/11/Toronto-Fallout-Report-2020.pdf 130 Toronto Foundation. (2020, November). The Toronto fallout report. Retrieved from https://torontofoundation.ca/wpcontent/uploads/2020/11/Toronto-Fallout-Report-2020.pdf 131 Toronto Foundation. (2020, November). The Toronto fallout report. Retrieved from https://torontofoundation.ca/wpcontent/uploads/2020/11/Toronto-Fallout-Report-2020.pdf 132 Toronto Foundation. (2020, November). The Toronto fallout report. Retrieved from https://torontofoundation.ca/wpcontent/uploads/2020/11/Toronto-Fallout-Report-2020.pdf 133 Perri, M., Dosani, N., & Hwang, S. (2020). COVID-19 and people experiencing homelessness: challenges and mitigation strategies. Canadian Medical Association Journal, 192(26), E716-E719, doi: 10.1503/cmaj.200834 134 Perri, M., Dosani, N., & Hwang, S. (2020). COVID-19 and people experiencing homelessness: challenges and mitigation strategies. Canadian Medical Association Journal, 192(26), E716-E719, doi: 10.1503/cmaj.200834 135 The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. (2020, May 31). COVID-19 pandemic could lead to ‘unprecedented levels of homelessness,’ foundation warns. Retrieved from https:// www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/toronto- foundationcovid-19-brief-housing-homelessness-evictions-1.5592404 136 The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. (2020, May 31). COVID-19 pandemic could lead to ‘unprecedented levels of homelessness,’ foundation warns. Retrieved from https:// www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/toronto- foundationcovid-19-brief-housing-homelessness-evictions-1.5592404 137 The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. (2020, May 31). COVID-19 pandemic could lead to ‘unprecedented levels of homelessness,’ foundation warns. Retrieved from https:// www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/toronto- foundationcovid-19-brief-housing-homelessness-evictions-1.5592404

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Toronto Foundation. (2020, November). The Toronto fallout report. Retrieved from https://torontofoundation.ca/wpcontent/uploads/2020/11/Toronto-Fallout-Report-2020.pdf 139 Global News. (2020, August 4). Thousands of Ontario renters brace for evictions as Landlord and Tenant Board reopens Tuesday. Retrieved from https://globalnews.ca/ news/7248823/ontario-landlord-tenant-board-reopensevictions/ 140 The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. (2020, May 31). COVID-19 pandemic could lead to ‘unprecedented levels of homelessness,’ foundation warns. Retrieved from https:// www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/toronto- foundationcovid-19-brief-housing-homelessness-evictions-1.5592404 141 Toronto Star. (2020, July 24). More than 6,000 Ontario tenants could face eviction for nonpayment of rent during COVID-19, new figures show. Retrieved from https:// www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/07/25/more-than6000-ontario-tenants-could-face-eviction-for-nonpaymentof-rent-during-covid-19-new-figures-show.html 142 Statistics Canada. (2020). ‘Labour Force Survey, July 2020’, https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/dailyquotidien/200807/dq200807a-eng.htm 143 Statistics Canada. (2020). ‘Labour Force Survey, July 2020’, https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/dailyquotidien/200807/dq200807a-eng.htm 144 Statistics Canada. (2020). ‘Labour Force Survey, July 2020’, https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/dailyquotidien/200807/dq200807a-eng.htm 145 Statistics Canada. (2020). ‘Labour Force Survey, July 2020’, https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/dailyquotidien/200807/dq200807a-eng.htm 146 Richardson, D., Cebotari, V., Carraro, A., and Damoah, K. (2020). Supporting Families and Children Beyond COVID-19: Social protection in Southern and Eastern Europe and Central Asia, Innocenti Research Report UNICEF Office of Research

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Black, Indigenous and people of colour 148 Statistics Canada. (2020). ‘Labour Force Survey, November 2020’, https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/dailyquotidien/201106/dq201106a-eng.htm 149 Statistics Canada. (2020). ‘Labour Force Survey, November 2020’, https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/dailyquotidien/201106/dq201106a-eng.htm 150 The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. (2020, May 14). Mortgage arrears rate could spike to double what it was in 2009, Bank of Canada says. Retrieved from https://www.cbc. ca/news/business/bank-of-canada-thursday- 1.5569391 151 The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. (2020, May 14). Mortgage arrears rate could spike to double what it was in 2009, Bank of Canada says. Retrieved from https://www.cbc. ca/news/business/bank-of-canada-thursday- 1.5569391 152 The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. (2020, May 14). Mortgage arrears rate could spike to double what it was in 2009, Bank of Canada says. Retrieved from https://www.cbc. ca/news/business/bank-of-canada-thursday- 1.5569391 153 This was authorized by the big banks in Canada, who created mortgage deferral programs allowing borrowers to temporarily skip some payments on their mortgages. The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. (2020, May 14). Mortgage arrears rate could spike to double what it was in 2009, Bank of Canada says. Retrieved from https://www.cbc. ca/news/business/bank-of-canada-thursday- 1.5569391 154 The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. (2020, May 14). Mortgage arrears rate could spike to double what it was in 2009, Bank of Canada says. Retrieved from https://www.cbc. ca/news/business/bank-of-canada-thursday- 1.5569391 155 The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. (2020, December 17). Technological barriers leave low-income renters at risk of eviction under COVID-19. Retrieved from https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/hamilton/evictionpandemic- covid-1.5844327

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The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. (2020, December 17). Technological barriers leave low-income renters at risk of eviction under COVID-19. Retrieved from https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/hamilton/evictionpandemic- covid-1.5844327 157 The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. (2020, December 17). Technological barriers leave low-income renters at risk of eviction under COVID-19. Retrieved from https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/hamilton/evictionpandemic- covid-1.5844327 158 Macleans. (2020, May 8). COVID-19 has created a debt crisis for Canadian households. https://www.macleans.ca/ economy/covid-19-has-created-a-debt-crisis-for-canadianhouseholds/ 159 Macleans. (2020, May 8). COVID-19 has created a debt crisis for Canadian households. https://www.macleans.ca/ economy/covid-19-has-created-a-debt-crisis-for-canadianhouseholds/ 160 Statistics Canada. (2020). Food insecurity during the COVID-19 pandemic, May 2020’. https://www150.statcan. gc.ca/n1/en/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00039-eng. pdf?st=JNb-VaGh 161 Food Banks Canada. (2020). A Snapshot of Food Banks in Canada and the COVID-19 Crisis. https://www. foodbankscanada.ca/FoodBanks/MediaLibrary/COVIDReport_2020/A-Snapshot-of-Food-Banks-in Canada-andthe-COVID-19-Crisis_EN.pdf 162 Food Banks Canada. (2020). A Snapshot of Food Banks in Canada and the COVID-19 Crisis. https://www. foodbankscanada.ca/FoodBanks/MediaLibrary/COVIDReport_2020/A-Snapshot-of-Food-Banks-in Canada-andthe-COVID-19-Crisis_EN.pdf 163 Food Banks Canada. (2020). A Snapshot of Food Banks in Canada and the COVID-19 Crisis. https://www. foodbankscanada.ca/FoodBanks/MediaLibrary/COVIDReport_2020/A-Snapshot-of-Food-Banks-in Canada-andthe-COVID-19-Crisis_EN.pdf


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Food Banks Canada. (2020). A Snapshot of Food Banks in Canada and the COVID-19 Crisis. https://www. foodbankscanada.ca/FoodBanks/MediaLibrary/COVIDReport_2020/A-Snapshot-of-Food-Banks-in Canada-andthe-COVID-19-Crisis_EN.pdf 165 Messkoub, M. (2008). Economic growth, employment and poverty in the Middle East and North Africa. ISS Working Paper Series/General Series, 460, 1-34. hdl.handle. net/1765/1873; World Bank. (2020). Middle East and North Africa. Retrieved from https://www.worldbank.org/en/ region/mena/overview#2 166 Government of Canada. (2020). Expanding access to the Canada Emergency Response Benefit and proposing a new wage boost for essential workers. Retrieved from https:// www.canada.ca/en/department- finance/news/2020/04/ expanding-access-to-the-canada-emergency-responsebenefit-and-proposing-a-new-wage- boost-for-essentialworkers.html; Law of Work. (2020). How the Canada Emergency Response Benefit is Failing Low-Income Precarious Workers, and How it Can be Fixed. Retrieved from https://lawofwork.ca/how-the-canada- emergencyresponse-benefit-is-failing-low-income-precariousworkers-and-how-it-can-be-fixed/49 167 Living Wage Canada. (2020). Canadian Living Wage Framework. Retrieved from http://www.livingwagecanada.ca/files/3913/8382/4524/ Living_Wage_Full_Document_Nov.pdf 168 Center for Future Work. (2020). The Role of Early Learning and Child Care in Rebuilding Canada’s Economy after COVID-19. Retrieved from https://centreforfuturework. ca/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/ELCC-Report-FormattedFINAL-FINAL.pdf 169 People working in transportation and logistics, food service, education, housing construction and finance, information technology, communications, energy, law, media, public safety, and public health.

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The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. (2020, September 21). People of colour make up 66% of Ottawa’s COVID-19 cases. Retrieved from https://www.cbc.ca/ news/canada/ottawa/covid-19-strategy-racializedcommunities-1.5730934 171 Government of Canada (2020). Canada Emergency Rent Subsidy. Retrieved from https://www.canada.ca/en/ department-finance/news/2020/11/canada-emergencyrent-subsidy.html 172 Businesses, non-profits, and charities 173 Government of Canada (2020). Canada Emergency Rent Subsidy. Retrieved from https://www.canada.ca/en/ department-finance/news/2020/11/canada-emergencyrent-subsidy.html 174 Government of Canada (2020). Canada Emergency Rent Subsidy. Retrieved from https://www.canada.ca/en/ department-finance/news/2020/11/canada-emergencyrent-subsidy.html 175 The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. (2020, April 28). Charities and nonprofits struggling to stay afloat during pandemic, says Imagine Canada. Retrieved from https:// www.cbc.ca/news/politics/pandemic-covid- coronaviruscharities-1.5548590

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Unmasking Covid-19, One Year Later | Islamic Relief Canada  

Unmasking Covid-19, One Year Later | Islamic Relief Canada  

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