Attaining Sustainability in Egypt

Running Head: ATTAINING SUSTAINABILITY IN EGYPT

Attaining Sustainability in Egypt Emily T. C. Fitzsimmons University of Oklahoma, GEOG 3233 001

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Introduction This article focuses on the nation of Egypt as well as its experiences and future regarding sustainability. I selected Egypt because my schooling has revolved almost entirely around western perspectives, so, when the opportunity arises, I take the chance to learn about nonwestern cultures. In particular, I have not completed much research on Africa, which drew me to choose a country in that region. I picked Egypt, specifically, because the country has more information available in the resources provided and in the library database versus other African countries. Though it is important to research lesser-known nations, I do not have the resources to do so accurately; therefore, I chose a country that already had a considerable amount of data.

Lastly, I liked the idea of studying someplace in Africa for this project because of the solar energy potential many African countries have, which could not only be a viable solution for world sustainability but also an incredible asset for developing countries to grow out of the developing status. However, to achieve such a promotion, Egypt must progress holistically by investing time, effort, and money into a variety of technologies, systems, services, ideas, and developments. Furthermore, the state needs to frame all future actions towards a goal of sustainability. Thus far, Egyptian leaders have established policy that is heavily weighted toward economic development, allowing tradeoffs of social and environmental welfare. This strategy is detrimental to the nation’s current well-being and progress toward a sustainable future. To approach sustainability, Egypt must specifically make new efforts in the sectors of energy, water, food, waste, and physical development with respect to environmental, social, and economic factors.

The Triple-Bottom-Line Framework Due to past government action, Egypt’s people and natural environment have suffered

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considerable damage, which limits economic growth as a result. In order to counteract this, future measures toward achieving sustainability should follow a triple-bottom-line framework.

Strong sustainability relies not only on economic development but also on environmental and social well-being and requires long-term planning (Gliedt & Larson, 2018). A generally accepted definition of sustainability includes “development that meets the needs of the present while safeguarding Earth’s life-support system, on which the welfare of current and future generations depends” (Griggs et al., 2013, p. 306). Egypt should follow a sustainability framework that stresses the interconnectivity of human and natural systems in a long-term plan. In particular, this framework should also be based on the idea that the market serves humans – rather than the other way around – which influences civic well-being. Additionally, social, economic, and environmental welfare are necessary to the success of each other, meaning that all three “must be considered in the design and evaluation of economic development efforts” (Hammer & Pivo, 2017, p. 3). Many other frameworks could potentially benefit Egypt; however, based on Hammer and Pivo’s denotation of sustainability, the triple-bottom-line framework is the most suitable choice. This framework aims for both quantitative and qualitative improvements, accounting for the shortcomings of each (Gliedt & Larson, 2018). The most important defining factor of the triple-bottom-line framework is that it decouples “economic benefits from environmental and social costs,” so there are no tradeoffs that undermine environmental and human health for the sake of economic development (Gliedt & Larson, 2018, p. 106). The triple-bottom-line framework enforces green financial, institutional, regulatory, and cultural principles and actions (Gliedt & Larson, 2018). This framework also emphasizes continuous learning, comprehensive planning, infrastructure upgrades, strict regulation, improvements to existing programs, and long-term benefits as opposed to short-term results (Gliedt & Larson, 2018). The most common

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industries that arise from the triple-bottom-line framework include “clean technology research, development and manufacturing, sustainable agriculture systems, food processing and organic gardening, green financial services, investment and commercialization, sustainable energy, transportation and buildings, as well as green retail, repair and cleaning services” (Gliedt & Larson, 2018, p. 107).

Energy Egypt has been irresponsible regarding energy production and use. The country’s energy sector is largely dominated by nonrenewable resources; in fact, roughly “70% of Egypt’s electricity is fueled by natural gas, 19% by petroleum and 11% by renewable energy which is mostly hydroelectricity (9%)” (Shaaban, Scheffran, Böhner, & Elsobki, 2018, p. 3). These proportions are understandable considering that – according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration’s (EIA) 2015 data – the country “held 4.4 billion barrels of proven oil reserves, and 77 trillion cubic feet of proven natural gas reserves” in addition to the mighty Nile River, which is the world’s longest river (Shaaban et al., 2018, p. 6). Unless more reserves are found, these fossil fuels will empty by 2100, assuming all of it is used solely for electricity (Shaaban et al., 2018). Without diversification of the energy industry, the country will be hit hard as its nonrenewable resources run out. Even the country’s renewable energy sector lacks diversity, which can still result in other negative economic impacts. 9% of Egypt’s energy is produced via hydroelectricity in the Aswan High Dam and Aswan Reservoir Dam on the Nile River (Shaaban et al., 2018). Hydroelectricity is beneficial in that it is a renewable power source; however, this process also emits large amounts of CO2 and methane; disrupts ecosystems during construction, use, and decommission; displaces local residents; salinizes and eutrophicates water; increases evaporation; and costs massive amounts of money. Moreover, Egypt’s hydroelectric potential is

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already completely exploited, so this resource has little future in achieving Egyptian sustainability (Shaaban et al., 2018). Thirdly, much of the nation’s energy is wasted at both the production and consumption level. Between 2007 and 2011, Egypt lingered in the world’s list of top twenty gas flaring nations; during this time, Egypt burned 8.1 billion cubic meters, which equals about 4.2 billion U.S. dollars (Abdulrahman, Huisingh, & Hafkamp, 2015). Additionally, the government has provided major subsidies to energy companies; these subsidies amounted to “16 billion U.S. dollars in 2011, or 7% of Egypt’s GDP and 24% of the State budget expenditures” (Abdulrahman et al., 2015, p. 117). The energy subsidies have lowered fuel prices dramatically, which invokes irresponsible consumption in both domestic and industrial spheres (Abdulrahman et al., 2015). Furthermore, the low costs discourage motivation to research more efficient processes and technology (Abdulrahman et al., 2015).

Currently, Egypt is able to provide electricity to most of its citizens, but the situation is precarious. Notably, the country suffers from shortages of energy that negatively affect quality of life, poses dangers to everyday living, and results in economic loss. Within the past eight years, Egypt has had regular blackouts due to “rising demand, natural gas supply shortages, aging infrastructure, and inadequate generation and transmission capacity” (Shaaban et al., 2018, p. 3).

In particular, the country has been experiencing seasonal shortages of natural gas, its largest electricity contributor; Egypt compensates by importing diesel and oil (Shaaban et al., 2018). In 2015, the EIA reported that Egyptian generating capacity amounted to 31.45 gigawatts (GW), which barely surpasses the 2015 expected demand of 30 GW (Shaaban et al., 2018).

In order to best coordinate with environmental, social, and economic needs, Egypt should diversify its energy sector with an increasing focus on renewable resources and decreasing reliance on nonrenewable energy. Still, Egypt continues to invest heavily in nonrenewable

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energy, such as the 4 GW coal-fired power plant in West Mattrough, the 2,640 MW coal-fired power plant in Ayoun Moussa, and an additional coal-fired power plant in Hamarawein Port (Shaaban et al., 2018). These investments make little sense as the country does not have many coal reserves (Shaaban et al., 2018). However, Egypt is beginning to transition its energy sector toward more sustainable practices, as proven by Suez Oil Processing Company’s plans “to install a complete flare gas recovery system” to minimize wasted gas and use it to power the refinery’s heaters (Abdulrahman et al., 2015, p. 118). Additionally, the country is diversifying the industry with nuclear power, which is currently limited to one small reactor that is utilized for research rather than commercial electricity. However, as of 2015, Russia granted Egypt a loan to construct a nuclear power plant in El Dabaa with four reactors, each of which will produce 1,200 MW (Shaaban et al., 2018).

Despite the country’s preference for nonrenewable energy, Egypt has fantastic potential for renewable energy. Notably, the country experiences highly intense “direct solar radiation ranging between 2,000 and 3,200 kWh/m2/year from North to South,” and “sunshine duration ranges between 9 and 11 hours/day” with few overcast days throughout the year (Shaaban et al., 2018, p. 4). In addition to solar power, Egypt also has high wind speeds: The Suez Gulf average wind velocity amounts to 10.5 m/s at a height of 50 m, which indicates “high wind resource potential” (Shaaban et al., 2018, p. 4). Similar areas near the Nile, particularly in the Western and Eastern Deserts, display high wind power potential as well (Shaaban et al., 2018). In a report by the Deutschen Zentrums für Luft- und Raumfahrt (DLR), also known as the German Aerospace Center, Egypt’s potential for photovoltaic systems, wind power, concentrated solar power, and biomass equals about 73,656 TWh/year, 7,650 TWh/year, 36 TWh/year, and 15.3 TWh/year, respectively (Shaaban et al., 2018). The country already has a hybrid natural gas and solar-

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thermal power plant in Kuraymat that generates 140 MW; however, only 20 MW are derived from solar power (Shaaban et al., 2018). There are also several successful wind power plants generating 545 MW in Zafarana, 5 MW in Hurghada, and 240 MW in Gabal el Zeit (Shaaban et al., 2018). Lastly, as discussed earlier, nearly 10% of the country’s energy comes from hydropower produced by the Aswan Dam on the Nile, but this resource is completely exploited and has had negative social, economic, and environmental impacts that do not align with the triple-bottom-line framework toward sustainability (Shaaban et al., 2018) Water Just as with energy, Egypt’s water system is barely sufficient. Egypt’s quantitative supply of water is limited, increasing its importance as a necessary and valuable resource. Nearly 97% of water extracted in Egypt for any use comes from the Nile; the remaining water is provided by the minimal rainfall and groundwater, which is nonrenewable (El Bedawy, 2014). Additionally, because Egypt shares its water supply with neighboring states in the region, there is severe conflict over the management of and rights to this precious resource (El Bedawy, 2014). For example, the Ethiopian Renaissance Dam poses a serious threat to Egypt’s share of the Nile River. In order to meet the water needs of both countries, clear communication and negotiation between the pair will be necessary during planning, construction, and future use of the dam (El Bedawy, 2014). Egypt’s limited water supply also constrains future economic growth, for water is needed in many sectors, including agriculture, industrial production, and construction (El Bedawy, 2014). Any further loss of water would cripple the natural environment, public welfare, and, as a result, the economy. Man-made and natural environments would sustain considerable damage, especially plants and animals, and people would be forced to turn to unsanitary sources of water, impacting hygiene as well as public health (Yehia, Fahmy, Mehany, & Mohamed,

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2017).

The large and growing population concentrated around the Nile River poses several dangers to the country’s main water resource: Both industrial and domestic pollution, in particular, threatens surface and groundwater (El Bedawy, 2014). Agricultural runoff also impacts bodies of water, which can result in eutrophication from fertilizer, turbidity from erosion, and toxicity from chemicals (El Bedawy, 2014; Yehia et al., 2017). This pollution shrinks water supplies even further, especially because many of the water treatment plants are inefficient and often nonfunctioning due to poor maintenance and operation (El Bedawy, 2014; El-Sayed Mohamed Mahgoub, Van Der Steen, Abu-Zeid, & Vairavamoorthy, 2010). Even when the treatment facilities work well, sewage leaks into the clean water from the poorly built infrastructure (El Bedawy, 2014). Overall, these issues continue because of both high and low standards of living, industrialization, as well as lack of regulation (El Bedawy, 2014).

The social, economic, and environmental implications of Egypt’s water supply and consumption impact Egyptians on both the macro and micro level. Individual citizens are suffering from disease, dehydration, and unemployment. Egypt’s population grows by about 1.3 million each year, so the demand for water to satisfy the most basic needs – hydration, hygiene, agriculture, etc. – quickly grows every day (El Bedawy, 2014). Likewise, insufficient water treatment plants and industrial pollution pose serious dangers to public health (El Bedawy, 2014). Seawater intrusion and over-pumping decrease the availability of drinking water, which hinders local economies, particularly agriculture, upon which many families depend on for employment and sustenance (Eissa et al., 2013). The availability and control of water also decide the political stability of the state and region (El Bedawy, 2014). Conflict over water disrupts citizens’ health, safety, livelihoods, and everyday life, lowering their social well-being.

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Egypt has enacted multiple water-centered laws and projects; however, many of these policies have been either ineffective, unenforced, or the cause of negative social and environmental effects (El Bedawy, 2014). Originally built at the turn of the 20th century, the Aswan Dam has been heightened multiple times over the past 100 years, resulting in an impressive structure as well as several unintended impacts. For instance, 10 billion cubic meters of water are lost each year from seepage and evaporation off Lake Nassr, which was created by the Aswan Dam (Parizek, 2014). The dam “protects Egypt from floods, stores water for yearround irrigation and produces hydro power”; however, the stemming of the river’s natural flooding also prevents the annual fertilization of the surrounding area, negatively impacting the local agriculture and wildlife (El Bedawy, 2014, p. 111). Other consequences of the Aswan High Dam include coastal erosion and soil buildup (El Bedawy, 2014). Another significant program has been the Wadi El Saya’ada Land Reclamation Project, which has also stimulated unintended challenges. Throughout this project, insufficient knowledge of geologic conditions, salinization of irrigation water from the Nile, and poor drainage have damaged new and ancient structures, farmlands, and archeological sites (Parizek, 2014). Such deterioration results in economic loss from decreased property value and undermines the people’s social well-being, for their cultural ties to land and history are ruined. The Egyptian government has also implemented various water management plans throughout the decades with varying degrees of effectiveness. In 1977, the Ministration of Irrigation created the National Water Master Plan; however, the first utilized water use plan was the Arab Republic of Egypt Master Plan for Water Resources Development and Use in 1981 (El Bedawy, 2014). At the same time, the country’s policy converted to the goal of acquiring more water rather than conserving it; this ideology persists today (El Bedawy, 2014). In 1997, the Ministry of Water Resources and Irrigation (MWRI), the governing body of

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water use in Egypt, wrote the plan Water Resources Strategy of Egypt until 2017 (El Bedaway, 2014). Six years later, the MWRI established Integrated Water Management Districts (IWMD) to decentralize water management for irrigation (El Bedaway, 2014). In theory, an IWMD operates and maintains all irrigation in its district, but this also assumes that each IWMD has the needed “manpower, material, and financial resources to operate and maintain all water resources under its jurisdiction,” though most government agencies fall short (El Bedaway, 2014, p. 111).

Likewise, Law 48 was written to regulate water pollution in reaction to the industrialization of the 1950s; however, the law is dated, poorly written, and hardly enforced (El Bedaway, 2014).

To compensate for the country’s faulty history regarding water resources, Egypt needs stronger water management, increased investments, and more scientific research and analysis that work toward water consumption reduction rather than searching for new water sources.

Stricter laws, enforcement, and administration of water management can help the country reach sustainable water consumption and quality levels. Currently, the MWRI possesses the most control over water as they make all the final decisions involving irrigation, drainage, surveys, and infrastructure for agricultural land (El Bedaway, 2014). However, their laws and programs are poorly executed and, thus, are not satisfying “the government’s needs in a manner consistent with its policy reform and economic plan” (El Bedaway, 2014, p. 118). Likewise, the MWRI lacks support from other departments, for water regulation is not considered by many other agencies (El Bedaway, 2014). Furthermore, the government does not offer many incentives for farmers to conserve water quantity or quality; if such incentives were available, sustainable water use in agriculture would become more feasible (El Bedaway, 2014). Gathering additional data on the situation would grant the government the knowledge to make informed decisions and efficient plans. Currently, inadequate data plagues water resource planning, as “the availability

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of reliable information data on various water quality parameters are basically non-existent” (El Bedaway, 2014, p. 120). Conducting thorough investigations – such as the life cycle assessment – is a necessary measure to improve the nation’s water system (El-Sayed Mohamed Mahgoub et al., 2010). Furthermore, as a basic human need and a critical step toward overall sustainability, this situation must receive priority funding. Currently, water management and infrastructure receive limited funds, though the entire network urgently needs to be updated (El Bedawy, 2014). This funding must also be funneled toward those who provide extraction, transportation, and treatment of water (El Bedawy, 2014). Likewise, much of the funding should come from those who use and pollute the water the most (El Bedawy, 2014). In Egypt, this does not occur because water is priced as if it is unlimited; the price does not “reflect the actual cost for providing” the water (El Bedawy, 2014, p. 116). Neither individuals nor companies directly experience the fiscal effects of water scarcity, so they do not actively strive to conserve water. As a result, both domestic and industrial consumption is extremely high and wasteful (El Bedawy, 2014).

Food Production Closely tied to water is food production, another basic human need that Egypt must improve upon in order to reach sustainability. With a rapidly growing population, Egypt is not only struggling to meet the quantitative food supply demanded but also the qualitative food supply. As a developing country in Africa, just 4% of Egypt’s land is arable as most of the country lives under “arid and semi-arid climatic conditions,” and water supplies are precarious (El Bedawy, 2014; Mohamed, Saleh, & Belal, 2014, p. 3). As proven by multiple researchers, most of Egypt’s land is considered either “marginally below the requirement of sustainability” (Kawy, 2013, p. 733) or does “not meet sustainability requirements” based on factors of

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productivity, protection, security, social acceptability, and economic viability (Mohamed et al., 2014, p. 1). The scarce water and arable land coupled with population growth, lack of infrastructure, high interest rates, poor agricultural management, and environmental degradation highly hinder the potential sustainability of the agricultural sector (Kawy, 2013). This, in turn, cripples the economy and social welfare. Many of those employed in Egyptian agriculture, aquaculture, and husbandry lack the necessary resources to thrive and contribute to a sustainable system. For decades, agricultural villages have lacked proper infrastructure, health services, education, and training, particularly for water and soil conservation (Kawy, 2013; Mohamed et al., 2014).

Because of the complexities surrounding the food production industry, the Egyptian government has no choice but to take action in its operation. Most government policies and programs have focused heavily on farming and aquaculture but also include the raising of livestock. Since the 1950s, the Egyptian government has been implementing policy in an attempt to reclaim desert land for farming (Osman et al., 2015). Through this long-term project, the government aims to decongest areas with high concentrations of people – particularly in the Nile Delta and Valley – and to strengthen national food security (Osman et al., 2015). In order to decrease food imports while increasing exports, the Egyptian state has been supporting largeand medium-scale agricultural corporations that invest in the reclaimed desert land (Osman et al., 2015). Such support tactics include distributing land and facilitating access to the Nile’s water (Osman et al., 2015). Similarly, the aquaculture industry has experienced endorsement that allows considerable expansion so that Egypt’s fish farming industry is the largest in Africa and ninth in the world (Soliman & Yacout, 2016). In fact, this industry has reached a market value of $2.18 billion and supplies 75.46% of the nation’s fish, though nearly all the production originates

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from medium- and small-scale fish farms (Soliman & Yacout, 2016). Even so, according to the Sustainable Development Goals Center for Africa, Egypt has a critically low score for the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goal of no hunger (Begashaw & Sachs, 2019).

In order to approach sustainable food production, Egypt should invest in human capital and services as well as strengthen its regulatory policies and enforcement. Properly training and educating people in sustainable farming practices will reduce negative social, economic, and environmental impacts. In fact, a study over Egyptian agricultural land confirmed “a high correlation between social and economic factors with sustainable agriculture” (Mohamed et al., 2014, p. 14). In this same vein, Egypt should increase research of crop and livestock raising processes so that the information can be passed along to those in the agricultural industry who do not have time or money to perform in-depth research (Osman et al., 2015). By increasing farmers’ personal capacity through interactive knowledge, training, and workshops, the socioecosystem’s efficiency improves – particularly the food and water systems (Osman et al., 2015).

Providing basic services to farmers, their workers, and their families will not only improve livelihoods and production but also attract others into the food production industry. Young people are not currently drawn to the field of food production because of difficulty, high costs, and disconnection from services (Osman et al., 2015). Increasing social sustainability through constructing markets, reducing prices of farming supplies, lowering interest on bank loans, building infrastructure, and providing education and medical care in rural areas will not only bring more people to the industry – stimulating food production and employment – but also improve social welfare (Mohamed et al., 2014). Furthermore, tighter regulation on sustainable farming practices will prevent damage to the natural environment and promote long-term economic growth. For example, Egyptian policy already bans the hosha fishing system due to its

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negative environmental impacts, and fish farms must undergo an Environmental Assessment Impact (EIA) (Soliman & Yacout, 2016). However, both of these existing regulations are poorly enforced (Soliman & Yacout, 2016). Because each place is unique ecologically, economically, and socially, regulation should be based on small-scale analysis in order to be representative and effective (Mohamed et al., 2014). Local planning and management are much more practical at enhancing sustainability methods than national policy in that respect.

Waste Management Similar to other necessary sectors, Egypt is severely lacking in proper waste management. For one, government policy regarding waste is poorly coordinated, written, and executed. The country does not even have a designated set of laws for solid waste management; rather, the rules for waste management are “scattered in many pieces of legislation” (Ibrahim & Mohamed, 2016, p. 344). Moreover, proper waste disposal and processes do not receive enough funding, as it is not a priority; because of this, the Egyptian government “has been unable to provide the required services effectively” (Ibrahim & Mohamed, 2016, p. 336). As a result, “illegal disposal of domestic and industrial waste remains a common practice” (Ibrahim & Mohamed, 2016, p. 336; El Bedawy, 2014). Even the Minister of State for Environmental Affairs has stated that public and private waste management is entirely inadequate, for the country’s 2009 estimations reported that annual solid waste generation “reached nearly 75 million tons, while municipal waste was about 20 million tons” (Ibrahim & Mohamed, 2016, p.

344). As a result, Egypt’s people, environment, and economy are all suffering. The lack of clear strategies to process waste impairs local economies and exposes communities to environmental and public health risks (Ibrahim & Mohamed, 2016).

To reach sustainable waste management, the government must write and enact a clear

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plan that prioritizes waste reduction, recycling, education, research, and technology. Decreasing the amount of waste produced in the first place as well as reusing or repurposing products are critical components of sustainability. To be most effective, Egypt’s management system should include enforcement strategies for reducing waste production at the source (Ibrahim & Mohamed, 2016). Likewise, the government should utilize programs and policies that encourage citizens and companies to reuse objects, for this “delays the need for producing new products and land-filling the existing ones (Ibrahim & Mohamed, 2016, p. 337). Educating citizens about the effects of consumption and methods to reduce municipal waste will help decrease the amount produced, which will ease the strain on the system. Solid waste is generated from industrial, commercial, and residential activity, but about 25% of Egypt’s solid waste is municipal, meaning it is produced by individuals’ everyday habits (Ibrahim & Mohamed, 2016). In addition to regulating companies, organizing awareness programs for the public would stimulate a major reduction in waste production (Ibrahim & Mohamed, 2016). In particular, training communities to recycle and manage their own waste could increase incomes as well as improve waste management (Ibrahim & Mohamed, 2016). Funding research and technology that make products and processes more efficient will further reduce the negative impacts of waste. Statistics formulated for Egypt, including that of waste, tend to be unreliable due to the lack of proper data collection and analysis, so investments in the manufactured and human capital to research current waste management would increase the sector’s effectiveness (Ibrahim & Mohamed, 2016). Correspondingly, Egypt should funnel money into technological upgrades at disposal sites to meet health and safety standards (Ibrahim & Mohamed, 2016). This research and development should result in “an effective national plan for sustainable solid waste management” (Ibrahim & Mohamed, 2016, p. 347). Overall, the Egyptian government must compose a cohesive legal

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framework that is actually enforced for these policies to be most productive. A variety of other governments – Austria, Greece, Nepal, etc. – have successfully enacted stricter waste management policy through the actions listed above (Ibrahim & Mohamed, 2016). With similar strategies as well as short- and long-term planning that is tailored to specific areas within Egypt, waste collection and processing will align more with public health, economy, and sustainability needs as in other nations (Ibrahim & Mohamed, 2016).

Physical Development In the past, Egyptian construction methods were extremely environmentally oriented and sustainable but have since transitioned to the opposite due to European influence. As proven by Egypt’s trademark archeological structures, ancient Egyptians understood the local environment well; as a result, their planning, design, and construction methods were more sustainable than current practices. For example, ancient Egyptians typically used local materials, such as limestone, marble, and mud bricks, which are more suitable to the country’s conditions and require fewer resources to retrieve (Ayyad & Gabr, 2013). They also reserved most of the arable land for growing crops while building farther inland, efficiently designating land uses (Ayyad & Gabr, 2013). Over the centuries, however, Egyptian development methodology has become unsustainable and often detrimental to social, environmental, and economic health. Notably, Egypt transitioned to European-inspired urban planning and architecture, in which “little attention was given to understanding the Egyptian environmental profile and responding to it” (Ayyad & Gabr, 2013, p. 715). This willful ignorance of the environment in development not only degrades nature but also communities, lowering social welfare in Egypt. Especially in the last century, very few development projects have been people- or environmentally-oriented; in fact, most development solely benefits the elite class (Ayyad & Gabr, 2013). The most obvious

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example is the country’s history regarding affordable housing: In the 1950s and 1970s, the country sought to increase affordable housing development, but the results were economically and socially unsustainable because they were built to be a quick solution, much like urban renewal in the United States (Ayyad & Gabr, 2013). When the affordable housing failed, many residents were forced into informal settlements, which are typically built on arable land (Ayyad & Gabr, 2013). As of 1996, 56% of Cairo’s population lived in slums, and that number has only grown with the rising population (Ayyad & Gabr, 2013). Though the luxurious housing for the wealthy still consumes large amounts of water and electricity, the informal settlements also consume high amounts of resources due to improper maintenance and design (Ayyad & Gabr, 2013). Informal settlements are often unsafe, unsanitary, and vulnerable to decisions by the government. For instance, another failure of modern urban design in Egypt is the proximity of industrial zones to cities. During industrialization, Egypt over-welcomed and over-planned for industry, so now the city residents and environment suffer from severe pollution, which, in turn, negatively affects the economy in a variety of ways (Ayyad & Gabr, 2013). Correspondingly, urban centers are expanding on arable land that should be conserved for agriculture, especially because Egypt possesses such a limited amount (Ayyad & Gabr, 2013). Ten years ago, the Ministry of Housing, Utilities, and Urban Development established the Egyptian Green Building Council (EGBC), who created the subsequent building sustainability index named the Green Pyramid Rating System (GPRS) (Ayyad & Gabr, 2013). This system is similar to Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design, or LEED. The EGBC and GPRS certainly indicate steps toward sustainability in Egyptian environmental design; however, their authority is still new and unestablished.

Environmentally oriented architecture and development have great potential to reduce

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Egypt’s consumption, waste, and food shortages while improving overall quality of life. For instance, sustainable architecture and city planning would reduce energy consumption and waste.

Globally, the construction sector depletes 40% of the world’s generated energy; buildings in Egypt consume 50% of the country’s energy (Ayyad & Gabr, 2013; Sameh, 2014). With this in mind, environmentally compatible architecture and city planning would significantly cut back resource consumption as well as improve social, economic, and environmental well-being. Issues worsened by overpopulation – food shortages, poor public health and safety, poverty, inequality – can also be alleviated by sustainable environmental design. With 91 million people living in the Nile Valley, food, water, housing and energy shortages as well as other social and economic issues are aggravated by extreme overpopulation and overconcentration (Ayyad & Gabr, 2013).

Environmentally conscious design has incredible influence over all these issues through housing, transportation, infrastructure, neighborhood programming, regional planning, weatherization, and more.

Sustainable architecture uses creative methods to work with the local environment and, as a result, improve economic and social health while mitigating environmental degradation. In Egypt, sustainable development would include tactics like dense urban planning, narrow streets, natural lighting and ventilation, and city building in the desert. Egypt’s population lives on 7.7% of the country’s land (Ayyad & Gabr, 2013). Though dense living is beneficial because it requires less land and provides more accessibility, agricultural economies could grow more if urban centers were located in the desert rather than on the limited arable land (Gouda & Masoumi, 2018). Current buildings and infrastructure should also be retrofitted as much as possible so that money, energy, and materials are not wasted (Khalil, Hammouda, & El-Deeb, 2018). In fact, “studies show that greening existing buildings can be very feasible in the long-

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run,” and weatherizing current buildings “can save 30%–50% of a building’s energy consumption” (Ayyad & Gabr, 2013, p. 724). The Egyptian climate is hot and arid, so previous architecture was designed with that in mind. Such elements include narrow streets and tall buildings that create shade, sheltered street markets, inner courtyards, gardens, wind-catchers, shokhshekhs, and mashrabeyas, all of which facilitate natural cooling and ventilation, conserving energy (Ayyad & Gabr, 2013). Similarly, using local, recycled, or recyclable materials reduce water, material, and energy consumption (Ayyad & Gabr, 2013). As an example, mud bricks are recyclable, inexpensive, simple, and require just “1% of the energy needed to produce any other conventional material like concrete or burnt bricks” (Sameh, 2014, p. 365).

Conclusion Reaching sustainability in Egypt requires new and continuous efforts to improve the energy, water, food, waste, and development sectors under a triple-bottom-line framework. We will know that Egypt has reached sustainability – or at least begun approaching it – through statistical measures, such as the Human Development Index (HDI), gross domestic product (GDP), per capita income, pollution reports, food production, and other data that indicates a positive transition to social, economic, and environmental welfare. The country’s HDI ranking will rise, indicating structural changes that facilitate economic activity and the related social improvements (Hammer and Pivo, 2017). Correspondingly, GDP and per capita income will increase while cost of living will decrease, so “disparities between regions, socio-economic groups, or urban-rural divides” will become less prevalent (Gliedt & Larson, 2018, p. 106).

There will also be a proliferation of jobs that are safer and environmentally sustainable created by the shift to a green economy while dangerous and polluting industries fade out (Gliedt & Larson, 2018). The United Nations Sustainable Development Goals data, in particular, will be a

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good indicator of Egyptian sustainability because the system is holistic, including a diverse array of measures as shown in Figure 1 (Begashaw & Sachs, 2019). However, a conclusion of sustainability cannot rely entirely on numerical information because context and wording can make statistics lie; observable, abstract effects should also be considered, such as qualitative improvements in housing, food, health, and happiness. Most importantly, the goal of sustainability is always ongoing: To truly reach social, economic, and environmental sustainability in all the areas throughout this report, Egypt and other nations must continue researching, experimenting, and developing better ways to be sustainable. Otherwise, the lack of progress would cause the country to digress to unacceptable, unstainable conditions.

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Fitzsimmons 20 Figure 1. Chart indicating progress according to the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals in African countries (Begashaw & Sachs, 2019).

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Fitzsimmons 21

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