Durham University Department of Archaeology Master's Degree Programmes Academic Poster Exhibition

Department of Archaeology

Durham University Master's Degree

Academic Poster

Exhibition

Each year the students on our MA in Archaeology and MSc in Human Bioarchaeology and Palaeopathology degree programmes create posters as one of their assignments.

In order to further the reach of our students’ work and to complement our move into digital delivery, we have mounted an online poster exhibition.

We hope you enjoy the display.

Online exhibition open until Sept 30 2020

Imagesincludedinthepostershereareusedfornon-commercialeducationalpurposesunderfairdealing.

A Road to Nowhere?

Exploring the Abandoned Remains and Use of Mallygill Road

By Katherine Briggs, 09/01/2020 katherine.briggs@durham.ac.uk

1. Lost In The Woods: What, Where & When?

What and Where is Mallygill Road?

• This poster concerns an abandoned cobbled route following the bed of the Mally Gill watercourse to the River Wear within Raintonpark Wood (Figure 1).

• 6km north-east of Durham city.

• Situated within a wider industrial landscape around the north-east bank of the River Wear (Figure 2).

• Placed between a Victorian quarry and 300 year old coal workings.

• Was interrupted by the A1 in the 1960’s.

How Old is Mallygill Road?

Evaluating industrial transportation methods and historical maps provides possible terminus post & ante quem dates. The road appears not to relate to the quarry.

The first time these particular Wear stone works were recorded was on a 1873 OS map, despite OS maps originating in the 1860’s. The quarry fell into disuse by 1897. Mallygill was first noted in a report on the NorthEastern mining industry in 1843. It is likely given the age of the former coal workings to the east of the A1 that the Mallygill Road serviced this site predating the quarry,

Figure 2 (Above): 1888-1913 Map of Raintonpark Wood with industrial sites highlighted (Image by Archi Uk,

1843 report and nearby railway.

https://www.archiuk.com/cgi-bin/build_nls_historic_map.pl?search_location=,%20Easington%20Colliery, %20Durham&latitude=54.789059&longitude=-1.332836&password=freesearch@freesearch.com, Last accessed 09/01/2020. Graphics by Katherine Briggs, 2019).

Figure 1 (Above): Terminus of the Mallygill Road by the River Wear, the end facing stones were placed by conservationists, originally the road continued to the river bank edge (Photo by Katherine Briggs, 2019).

`

3. Are You Going My Way?: Distribution By Land & Water A large amount of faced stone can be found in the Wear at the road’s

2. Make Tracks: Precursors and Evolution of Mallygill Road

terminus, suggesting that it originally came to the river’s edge. If the

The coal industry utilised a variety of transportation methods, however Mallygill

road served the nearby coal works, it would play an integral part in the

Road appears to be a unique hybrid of the contemporaneous wagonway and

distribution of coal. One of the cheapest methods for transporting coal

jagger-track:

available to the works in the late 18th - early 19th century was by water,

• Wagonway - Parallel wooden tracks later topped with iron, set straight

as coal was practically worthless if transported more than 15 miles by

through the landscape, length averaging 4.5 miles in the North-East. Iron

land. Yet the River Wear only became navigable to traditional mining

• Jagger-Track - Cobbled pathways across the North

keels (low hulled sail boats) downriver after Chester-le-Street. Small

Pennines, 2ft wide. Teams of pack horses would

flat-bottomed lighters would have to carry coal instead. The coal was

carry coal across the poor terrain.

of low quality, extracted near the surface, suited for local distribution

The Mallygill Road bears two sets of carriage ruts,

rather than nationwide shipping. County mines like Penshaw and

the result of iron wheeled vehicles, averaging 4ft

Lumley were instead suitably equipped for this purpose due to their

apart (Figure 3), the same width as carts traditionally

proximity to the tidal section of the Wear.

used on wagonways. The road takes advantage of the only nearby shallow incline, negating the surrounding steep limestone outcrops. As the road followed the stream, wood and iron tracks would rot and rust, so granite was imported at great expense, the closest deposits of igneous rock being in the North Pennines, Sunderland or Consett.

Figure 3 (Right): Carriage rut within Mallygill Road, water can be seen flowing down the thin central depression (Photo by Katherine Briggs, 2019).

4. Built to Last: Preservation and Wider Context Very little research has been carried out on this seemingly unique road.

The only close comparison that can be found in England is the cobbled Cotton Famine path, a job creation scheme, on the open moors of Rochdale, Lancashire. Unfortunately Mallygill appears neglected, buried beneath years worth of decayed vegetation. There is no indication along the nearby public footpath as to the site’s history. This road

Bibliography: Aalen, F. H. A. & Muir, R. (2006). Mosaic of Landscapes. In England’s Landscape: The North East. Aalen, F. H. A. & O’Brien, C. (eds.). London: Collins. pp.201-224. Flinn, M. W. (1984). The History of the British Coal Industry Vol.2 1700-1830: The Industrial Revolution. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Griffin, A. R. (1977). The British Coalmining Moorland Publishing Company. Hutton, G. M. (2011). Roads and Routeways in County Durham: 1530 -1730. Durham University: Phd Thesis. MacRaild, D. M. & Purdue, A. W. (2006). The North East: Modern Period. In England’s Landscape: The North East. Aalen, F. H. A. & O’Brien, C. (eds.). London: Collins. pp.77-108. Mountford, C. E. (2004).

The Private Railways of County Durham. Melton Mowbray: Industrial Railway Society. National Trust. Moorhouse Wood Coal Workings Listing: https://heritagerecords.nationaltrust.org.uk/HBSMR/MonRecord.aspx?uid=MNA151732. Last accessed: 09/01/2020. National Trust. Mally Gill Paving Listing: https://heritagerecords.nationaltrust.org.uk/HBSMR/ MonRecord.aspx?uid=MNA151734. Last accessed: 09/01/2020. Nef, J. U. (1932). The Rise of the British Coal Industry Vol.2. London: Routledge & Sons ltd. Peck, T. R. (1987). The Demographic History of an English Coal Mining Parish: Houghton-le-Spring, County Durham 1660-1820. Ohio State University: Phd Thesis.

represents the wider identity of the integral industrial community of the North-East. The Wear Valley is saturated with such history, but only 3% of industrial sites have been recognised as nationally important. This road is close to being forgotten or overlooked despite its rarity in a modern world. Raintonpark Wood is ripe for further research to explore how its industrial sites coexisted to further understand the regional nuances of the mining industry.

The Iconography of Identity The evolution of numismatic iconography in late Iron Age Britain Ashley Thornton, Department of Archaeology, dcxc83@durham.ac.uk

The tribes of late iron age Britain were not a single entity but instead differed from region to region. The numismatic evidence offers an insight into the unique insular art style that they created, and the iconography

54-20 BC - Slow beginnings

- Caesar’s Gallic wars across the channel had knock on effects for the access of metals. The island was known for sending mercenaries across the channel to fight against the romans. (Cunliffe, 2009) -Uninscribed coins were mainly developed during this period, but the first inscribed coin came from Commius. He lead the conflict against Caesar, and fled to the tribe of the Atrebates (Berkshire). The imagery represents a unique style of an abstract wreath and horse, accompanied by a wheel and a sun.

Above: Commius

20 BC-10 AD – The Interregnum -The coinage of Tincomarus, son of commius, emerges in the East, following the iconography of his father.

-At the same time, the coinage of Tasciovanus of the Catuvellauni/Trinovantes (St Albans) produces coinage that contains images of crescents and comets.

-Within the iconography are fill in ornaments, which are commonly referred to as ‘entoptic phenomena’, representative of hallucination induced symbols.

Left: Commius Right: Tasciovanus

10AD-43AD – The Golden Age -The Iceni (Norfolk) begin to produce coinage which is extremely abstract as do the Dubunni (Gloucester, Bristol) to the West also have increasingly abstract imagery. The realm of Tasciovanus however, is taken over by Cunobelin.

-Cunobelin is thought to have the strongest and longest known rule of the late iron age in Britain. He produces coinage, from Colchester, which have steady metallic levels which alludes to a strong rule. His iconography appears increasingly Roman, and presents the image of a side on facing head which is extremely unusual in Iron age Britain.

-The coinage of Verica in the South loses its abstract elements, and follows the style of Roman minimalism.

-Within the turn of the century, Iron age coinage begins to feature Latin words such as ‘REX’ (King), and ‘F’ for Fili (Son of). The inclusion of Latin phrases is a remarkable shift for an island that had little contact with the language.

Left and Right: A coin of the Iceni

CONCLUSION -The late iron age in Britain saw some kings demonstrate their ability to create abstract imagery, while others became undoubtedly influenced by Roman iconography the closer they were to the channel.

-Shortly after the death of Cunobelin, the Roman invasion began, prompting theories that the move towards a more Roman appearance was symbolic of a desire to adopt a Roman identity.

Perhaps they had an understanding that their world was about to change.

Above: Verica Below: Cunobelin

Creighton, J. (2000). ‘Coins and power in late Iron Age Britain (New Studies in Archaeology)’. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Creighton, J. (1995). Visions of Power: Imagery and Symbols in Late Iron Age Britain. Britannia, 26, 285-301 Cunliffe, B. (2009). ‘Iron Age communities in Britain : An account of England, Scotland and Wales from the seventh century BC until the Roman conquest’(4th ed.). London: Routledge.

Haselgrove, C. (1993) ‘The Development of British Iron-Age Coinage.’ The Numismatic Chronicle (1966-), vol. 153, pp. 31–63 All images are my own

Intro: Countermarks Countermarks are special marks or symbols punched into coins using a metal stamps.

The Meaning of the Marks Revisiting Roman Countermarks

Connor J. Sweetwood | connor.j.sweetwood@dur.ac.uk

Most countermarks appear only during the Julio-Claudian Dynasty and nearly disappear beginning with the Flavian Dynasty. They are also rarely found during the early years of The Crisis of The Third Century.

While the Roman government often placed these marks, many were made by local cities and officials or even by Roman Legions abroad. These marks indicated many things based on location and issuing authority.

(Courtesy Classical Numismatics Group)

This coin of Nero is Stamped “XI” for use by the Legio XI Claudia, and commonly found in Pannonia along the Danube Frontier.

The question then is simple: Why do Roman Coins have different countermarks in different places?

Courtesy Brewminate

(Courtesy Classical Numismatics Group)

The Julio-Claudian Dynasty

(Courtesy. Martini 2018)

Finding the Four Reasons Research was conducted via a detailed search of numismatic collections and a rigorous analysis of existing numismatic literature. This research revealed four distinct reasons for countermarking, which are illustrated on the map to the right.

Military: Roman Legions often countermarked coins for use in their camps.

These coins primarily show up in Germany, the East, and along the Danube frontier.

These two coins of Nero from Nicea are stamped “GALBA”. This is a damnatio memoriae of Nero, who committed suicide in AD69; These coins are legally authorized by his successor, Galba.

Imperial: The Emperor could have his own coins countermarked with new titles, such as “Augustus” or “Germanicus”. Also, When a damnatio memoriae (condemnation of memory) was issued, coins could be countermarked with a new emperor or a repudiation of the old one.

Works Cited -Baker, R. (1984) The Countermarks found on Ancient Roman Coins: A Brief Introduction. Journal of The Society of Ancient Numismatics. XV (1984) 52–58.

-British Museum, Mattingly, H., Carson, R.A.G. and Hill, P.V. eds. (1975) Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum. Reprinted with revisions. London, Published for the Trustees of the British Museum by British Museum Publications.

-Burnett, A. (1987) Coinage in the Roman World. 1st Edition. London, Spink & Son Ltd. -Burnett, A., Amandry, M., Ripollés Alegre, P.P. and Butcher, M.S. (1998) Roman provincial coinage. London : Paris, British Museum Press ; Bibliothèque Nationale de France.

-Howgego, C.J. (1995) Ancient History from Coins. Approaching the ancient world. London; New York, Routledge.

-Howgego, C.J. (1985) Greek Imperial Countermarks: Studies in the Provincial Coinage of the Roman Empire. Special publication/Royal Numismatic Society 17. London.

-Howgego, C.J., Heuchert, V. and Burnett, A. eds. (2005) Coinage and Identity in the Roman Provinces. Oxford ; New York, Oxford University Press.

-Kaizer, T. (2017) ‘Ich Bin Ein Palmyrener’ or ‘Je Suis Tadmor’: On How To Be a Proper Citizen of the Queen of the Desert. In: Joan Aruz (ed.). Palmyra: Mirage in the Desert. The Metropolitan Museum of Art Symposia. New York:New Haven, The Metropolitan Museum of Art; distributed by Yale University Press. pp. 76–89.

-Kraay, C.M. (1956) The Behaiviour of Early Imperial Countermarks. In: R. A. G. Carson and C. H. V. Sutherland (eds.). Essays in Roman Coinage Presented to Harold Mattingly. Oxford University Press. pp. 113–136.

-Martini, R. (2018) Countermarks in the Name “Galba” on Roman Imperial and Provincial Coinages: Considerations on the Countermarks and the Circulation of Local Bronze Coins in Pannonia (?), Moesia, Thrace and Asia Minor (?). Gephyra. [Online] 163-73.

Images Cited -Some images courtesy Classical Numismatics Group (CNGcoins.com, CNG 70, Lot:648; CNG 11, Lot 483).

-Dynastic image courtesy Brewminate.com (https://brewminate.com/wpcontent/uploads/2018/08/080518-16Rome-Roman-Ancient-History-JulioClaudian.jpg).

-Map image Courtesy Ancient World Mapping Center, With additions by the Author.

Conclusions

(Courtesy. Kaizer, in Aruz 2017)

This coin (possibly of Tiberius) from Palmyra is marked with special punch in both Greek and Palmyrene, representative of Palmyra’s unique status as the only publicly bilingual Eastern Roman City.

Authority: In the Eastern Roman Empire, coins of many different denominations and currencies circulated. Cites could use countermarks to “claim” coins for use in their territory or make it equivalent to other types of coins, such as Parthian tetradrachms.

Function: Since coins naturally wear out over time, the Romans would stamp old coins with marks stating their value, allowing them to circulate for much longer periods.

They could even be stamped as a different denomination, raising or lowering their value as needed.

This coin is a counterfeit Claudian Sestertius. The “DV” Countermark stands for “Dupondius”, a coin worth ½ the value.

This poor-quality coin was countermarked down 50% in value for use along the Rhine frontier, possibly as small change.

Countermarks are stamped into coins in service of four separate purposes. They are used to facilitate trade in legionary camps, as propaganda to promote damnatio memoriae or imperial titles, to modify coins so they can circulate longer, and to claim authority over coins for use in novel ways or new locations. These marks illustrate a fascinating selection of the ways in which coins were used by governments and their people in the 1st Century.

The Barbarians Clean Up Well?: Grooming Implements and Identity in Roman Britain Chelsea Peer Introduction 200

Grooming implements were used as a sign of status. If not necessarily the objects themselves, but the ‘leisure and non-physical work’ implied in their use and the notion of being well groomed.

160

140

120

100

80

60

Grooming Implements in Roman Britain The most common early Roman instruments are tweezers, nail cleaners, and small ear scoops (Fig. 1) and are often found in sets suspended on a ring and worn on a belt, though most finds are individual.

Sets often include tweezers, an ear-scoop and a nail-cleaner. These culminated in the later 1st and 2nd century châtelaine brooches (Fig. 2), a spectacular example of the toilet set as a means of display.

Expressions of Identity: Status

180

Number of Finds

Grooming implements is not a particularly glamourous subject. But their appearance in late Iron Age and Roman Britain is peculiar.

Grooming implements were extremely rare in Mid-Iron Age Britain. They did not appear in Britain in significant numbers until 20/10 BC-AD 40/50, and during this period were restricted to high status individuals.

However, these tools seem to have exploded in use in the 1st century AD (Fig. 1), and while at first glance may seem to point to Romanization, it may instead be an example of indigenous ways persisting.

Recorded Grooming Implement Finds

chelsea.n.peer@durham.ac.uk

40

20

0 Pre-Conquest

1st Cen. Post-Conquest

2nd Cen.

3rd Century

Find Period Nail-Cleaner

Tweezers

Ear Scoops

Total

By the Roman period, grooming implements are not often found in wealthy graves, but in more modest burials. They also are not confined to core urban areas, rather, most finds come from rural and small settlement sites. This may suggest that, as elites turned to Roman culture for new ways of expressing their status, grooming implements became more available to lower classes, who continued to use them as a traditional sign of wealth. This new availability may also explain the sudden explosion in their use.

Fig. 1 Table data from the “Styling the Body in Roman Britain” database on ADS. Hella Eckardt, 2008.

Nail-Cleaner Distribution Grooming implements are mainly found in southeast England where La Tène culture made the most impact. Crummy and Eckardt mapped the distribution of 3 types: Baldock, Bone Disk and Grooved. (Fig. 4)

Fig. 6 An unusual anthropomorphic nailcleaner found through the Portable Antiquities Scheme near Norton, Northamptonshire. A suspension loop extends from the back of the head.

Could the inclusion of a human head in the design of this nail-cleaner be connected to the importance the head appears to hold in Celtic culture? From Eckardt and Crummy, 2008: 46-47.

They connect their distribution to ‘tribal or civitas areas’, notably those of the Catuvellauni/ Trinovantes and the Dobunni.

Distribution of Nail-cleaner Types

Conclusion Grooming implements appear to have exploded in use with the arrival of the Romans in Britain in a way that seems both resistant to and a result of Roman influence, with elites turning their interest to the culture of their new rulers and the less wealthy gaining access to them as traditional symbols of status.

Baldock Type Bone Disc Type Grooved Collar Type

Fig. 2 Châtelaine brooch. From The British Museum.

Fig. 3 Late Roman nail-cleaner strap end. From Hansons Auctioneers and Valuers Ltd.

Fig. 4 Modeled after maps from Eckardt and Crummy, 2008: 66-67.

Fig. 5 Copper Alloy nail-cleaner. 3rd or 4th century. Hampshire Cultural Trust.

Nail-cleaners Nail-cleaners were virtually non-existent on the Continent, making them a peculiar British phenomenon. Commonly made of a copper alloy, they are identified by their distinctive bifid tip. (Fig. 5) There is debate over whether they were worn on the body visibly, but there is evidence for their display in the late Roman period. In a burial in Winchester, a nailcleaner appeared to have been worn on the belt of the man interred. This manner of wearing nail-cleaners may be connected to the appearance of late Roman ‘nail-cleanershaped’ strap ends. (Fig. 3) The Winchester burial may be evidence nail-cleaners were worn on the belt and later ‘transformed’ into these distinctive strap ends.

Expressions of Identity: Origin As the design of Romano-British nail-cleaners follow the boundaries of some tribal territories (Fig. 4), it could therefore be argued the designs of a nailcleaner signified an owner’s regional identity within Britain. This may not have been intentional, as these distinctions may have been the result of the ranges of influence of particular workshops. However, the result remains the same, and the development of displaying grooming implements on a belt or a brooch suggests that they may have been utilized as a way of displaying one’s regional/ethnic origins.

Additionally, nail-cleaners are an example of indigenous interpretations of La Tène material culture continuing despite Roman influence. It could therefore be argued to be a way of expressing ones’ ‘Britishness’ within the Roman world.

Further Questions Crummy and Eckhardt write nail-cleaners represent ‘a reflection of the continued use in Britain of a La Tène object that was going out of fashion on the “Roman” Continent and was, moreover, never manufactured there in large quantities’. If this is the case, and nail-cleaners are ‘virtually non-existent’ on the Continent, this raises some questions to pursue: 1) Were they ever ‘in fashion’ on the Continent?

2) If nail-cleaners are a British interpretation of La Tène material culture, how much can they still be considered La Tène, rather than uniquely British, objects?

21. January, 2020

Christian Residence or Domus Ecclesiae?

Does the ‘Christian Building’ at Dura-Europos Require a Re-Evaluation?

The Christian Building at Dura-Europos Around 241 CE, an aristocratic, private home in Dura-Europos, on the eastern frontier of the Roman Empire (modern-day Syria), was extensively renovated. When archaeologists excavated this house in the 1960s, they concluded these renovations were made by a Christian community which converted the house into a 0 40 80 Miles house-church, or, 0 60 120 Km more precisely, a Fig. 1 Domus Ecclesiae.

The Location of DuraEuropos in Modern Syria

What is a Domus Ecclesiae?

‘Domus Ecclesiae’ is the Latin term, used to describe an aristocratic, atrium-style Roman house (or Domus), which was renovated to serve as a Christian meeting-place in the centuries before Christianity’s legalization.

Scholars once theorized that many such ‘housechurches’ existed, but the Domus at DuraEuropos remains the only site which is still widely regarded to have served as one.

Karl Berg - karl.berg@durham.ac.uk

A Challenge to this Interpretation During the 3rd and 4th centuries CE, many wealthy Roman houses were extensively renovated. Seeking to project an image of wealth, status and power, the owners of these homes installed baths, expanded rooms and adorned the public sections of their houses with ornate decorations.

Since these common domestic renovations share many similarities with the renovations which transformed a Domus into the ‘Christian building’ at DuraEuropos, the renovation of this building merits closer examination.

Fig. 2 The Christian Building at Dura as it appeared in 2005

Explore the Renovations Examining the renovation of the Christian Building at Dura Europos paints a complex picture of this building’s transformation. The renovations affecting three of the rooms are discussed below: Proposed Baptistry

The ‘Assembly Hall’ During the renovations, the wall dividing the Triclinium, or dining room, (4a) from an adjacent room (4b) was removed to create a single, large hall. This was identified as a Christian ‘assembly hall.’

4b

5 6

Proposed Assembly Hall 4a

Although the walls of this room were plastered over, a partial Bacchic frieze (which had run around the Triclinium) was allowed to remain in fragmented form (see Fig. 4).

1 Courtyard

7b 7a

Fig. 5-6 Reconstruction of the water basin and canopy with restored frescos (left) and the water basin and canopy as they appeared in situ (right).

8 3

2

0

The only room which clearly indicates Christian use was identified as a ‘baptistry.’

10 m

Fig. 3 A floorpan of the Christian Building at Dura-Europos Fig. 4 A section of the remaining Bacchic Frieze that once encircled the Triclinium

That this frieze was allowed to remain complicates the room’s identification as Christian, as this pagan motif would have served as the room’s sole decorative element.

Nevertheless, similar pagan motifs are known to have existed at some Early Christian sites.

The ‘Baptistry’

The Courtyard

The courtyard was paved during the house’s renovation, and at this time, the structure’s cistern was covered over and permanently sealed.

This strongly indicates the house’s domestic functions ceased at this time.

In the westernmost room of the building, a water basin was installed beneath a vaulted canopy. The ceiling of the room was lowered and an extensive program of Christian iconography was introduced.

Christian graffiti, including requests to be remembered before Christ in prayer, indicate that this room was not used as a private bath, but rather by a community of Christians, likely for the ritual of baptism.

Conclusion The renovations discussed above occurred at the same time. This indicates the entire building was renovated for one, unified purpose. While some of these renovations would not have been out of place in the homes of wealthy Romans in the 3rd and 4th centuries CE, the sealing of the cistern and creation of the ‘baptistry’ indicate that the entire building was most likely converted for use by a Christian congregation. The Christian building at Dura-Europos was then, in all likelihood, a true Domus Ecclesiae and not a Christian residence.

Fig. 7-8 Christian Iconography in the ‘Baptistry’ featuring Jesus healing a paralyzed man (left) and Jesus as the ‘Good Shepherd’ (right)

Works Cited Baird, J. A. (2012) “Re-excavating the houses of Dura-Europos.” Journal of Roman Archaeology [Online], vol. 25, 146-169. Available from Cambridge Core. [Accessed Figures Cited 15. January 2020].

Fig. 1 Map by author Bowes, K. (2008) “Early Christian Archaeology: A State of the Field,” Religion Compass, vol. 2. pp. 575-619 Fig. 2 Photograph: 2005 ‘Dura-Europos House Church with Chapel Area on Right.’ [Online]. [Accessed 18. Jan. 2020] Available from en.wikipedia.org Cianca, J. (2018) Sacred Ritual, Profane Space: The Roman House as Early Christian Meeting Place. McGill-Queen's University Press. Montreal.

Fig. 3 After “Fig. 1” in Kraeling, C. (1967) The Excavations at Dura-Europos, Final Report VIII, Part II: The Christian Building, pp. 4 Ellis, S. (2006) “Late Antique Housing and the Uses of Residential Buildings: An Overview.” Late Antique Archaeology [Online], vol. 3, no. 2. pp. 1-22. Available from Fig. 4 Scan of Photograph: ‘Frieze from Block B2’ in Kraeling, C. (1967) The Excavations at Dura-Europos, Final Report VIII, Part II, Plate VI. Brill [Accessed 3. December, 2019].

Fig. 5 Photograph: The Byzantine Legacy [Online] [Accessed 19 Jan. 2020] Available from https://www.thebyzantinelegacy.com/dura-church Hopkins, C. (1934) “The Christian Church” In The Excavations at Dura-Europos: Preliminary Report of Fifth Season of Work October 1931-March 1932. ed. M. I. Fig. 6 Photograph: Yale Art Gallery) [Accessed 18. Jan. 2020] Available from http://media.artgallery.yale.edu/duraeuropos/ Rostovtzeff. New Haven, CT: Yale University. pp. 238-253.

Fig. 7 Photograph: 2017. ‘Fresque de la Domus Ecclesiae (baptistère) de Doura Europos.’ [Online] [Accessed 19. Jan. 2020] Available from Kraeling, C. (1967) Excavations at Dura-Europos: Final Report VIII, Part II: The Christian Building. ed. B. Goldman. New Yaven, CT: Yale University Press. fr.wikipedia.org Peppard, M. (2017) The World’s Oldest Church: Bible, Art, and Ritual at Dura-Europos, Syria. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Fig 8 Photograph (edited): ‘Baptistry Wall Painting: Good Shepherd and Adam and Eve’. Yale Art Gallery [Online] [Accessed 18. Jan. 2020] Available Sessa, K. (2009) “Domus Ecclesiae: Rethinking a Category of Ante-Pacem Christian Space.” Journal of Theological Studies [Online], vol. 60, no. 1. Available from from artgallery.yale.edu Oxford University Press [Accessed 17. December, 2019].

Identity or

By fran Lam march

Bibliography Phillips, E.J., 1977. Corbridge, Hadrian's wall east of the North Tyne.

Toynbee, J.M., 1964. Art in Britain under the Romans. Oxford, Clarendon.

CONTEXT

The stela was found 1878 in Carlisle on the west side of the Roman city. Carlisle was a place of wealth and multiple cultures with 2 romans forts and home to a royal mint. Although difficult to date, the hairstyle suggests 2nd to early 3rd century and it dates to around the same time of similar tombstones that may have been sculpted at the same workshop.

Carlisle

Image: tullie house trust

1

Fig 1: map of uk roman African inscriptions, Eckardt, H., 2014. Objects and identities: Roman Britain and the north western provinces. Oxford University Press, USA.

Looking at the intentions behind the iconography of the woman with the fan at Carlisle.

7

ICONOGRAPHY & ANALYSIS

1. Lions flanking a sphinx holding a head. It has been suggested that this imagery could be related to the cult of Mithras which seems unlikely, as women were prohibited from joining the cult. This said, a meaning of protection from a mythological protective seems probable.

2. High-backed chair.

3. Insignia. The woman wears a short sleeved dress with two hems which is unique across the Empire.

Scholars have suggested that her dress is similar to those worn in the Rhine regions, however, these have been hard to locate.

4. Boy. The child forms a link of affection between the woman who has her arm around him and he himself is stroking the bird.

6 Fig 2: image of mosaic in Tunisia,, croom, a. 2010. roman clothing and fashion. Amberly publishing

ICONOGRAPHY & ANALYSIS

2

3

5 4

CONCLUSION

The tombstone evidences that rich people of different cultures lived in Carlisle.

There are multiple ethnic influences (African, German, Roman) alongside a caring and feminine identity within the imagery. This suggests that Roman culture in Carlisle was to be affected by a hybrid of different cultures.

Furthermore, the imagery presents the woman as a protective motherly figure who is wealthy, modest and stylish. The choice to hold a fan, which in Carlisle’s chilly climate would have been a luxury item as opposed to a necessity, showing a link to, or at least influence from, the far side of the empire. The lack of fans in Roman imagery suggests this was a unique fashion choice as opposed to the typical jewellery or work related objects on other stelae (see fig 3). This implies an attempt at individuality was trending in Roman Carlisle. Moreover, the quality of the woman’s dress could conceivably exist in Carlisle, however, the short sleeves would not be practical. Furthermore, the style seems to be unique across the empire, which would insinuate a specific trend in Carlisle.

5. Bird. Most scholars agree that the bird is a dove which would have been used as pet as opposed to having a religious meaning.

6. Fan. Arguably the most iconic part of the stela is the fan. There is archaeological evidence that fans were used in Roman Britain as there were fan handles discovered in York. Interestingly, the only other image of a fan of this kind being used is on a mosaic in Tunisia (see fig 2). This could establish possible African links to the stela. Further, research into inscription displays a high level of archaeological evidence of Africans in this area (see fig 1), including Numerus, a garrison stationed at Aballava Fort 9km from Carlisle.

7. Hair. Although it has suffered some damage it still resembles the 2nd Century Hadrianic trend, however this style continued in Rhine region till 3rd Century.

necklace

Jewellery box

Fig 3: Regina From Arbeia, arbeai roman fort museum

COLOSSAL HEADS OF THE SAN LORENZO OLMECS Rulers of Mexico’s earliest civilisation?

Who do the faces of these monumental sculptures belong to?

Utilising facial recognition technology to help determine a lineage…

Natalie Wilkinson, Department of Archaeology -

natalie.wilkinson@durham.ac.uk

THE SAN LORENZO OLMEC

- The Olmec were the earliest Civilisation in Mesoamerica, from the Early Formative period (around 1800 BCE) to the end of the Late Formative (0 AD) they are widely considered to be the mother culture of subsequent Mesoamerican societies

- The Olmec region is located in the Western Gulf Coast of Mexico, in the modern states of Tabasco and Veracruz - three cities of note are - Tres Zapotes, La Venta and San Lorenzo (Fig.1). My focus is on the Colossal Heads of San Lorenzo.

- San Lorenzo is the oldest Olmec city, and was Mesoamerica’s first urban civilisation, with radiocarbon dates placing it in the Early Formative period, of around 1800-1000 BCE (Coe, 2019)

- Ten colossal heads were located in San Lorenzo (the largest volume of colossal heads in the Olmec region). They measure up to 2.85m in height and weigh up to 25 tons each

- Each colossal head is unique, and can be individually identified by the symbols or glyphs featured on the headgear worn, a type of helmet, possibly that worn by players of the famous Mesoamerican ballgame. (Coe, 2019)

Fig.1 Map of the Olmec Region

COLOSSAL HEADS

- Each of the ten colossal heads has unique stylistic features to suggest each head belongs to an individual.

These include - differing headgear, mouth and eyes open or closed, lip shape, facial expressions and hair styles/ adornments carved into the sculpture

- Each head clearly depicts a fold in the skin between the eyes on the nose and full cheeks, and some with double chins (suggesting, well fed, plump persons - likely to belong to the Elite) (Fig.2)

- The colossal heads are widely believed to portray past rulers or chiefs (Grove, 2003), the helmet like headgear worn could have offered protection in war and is similar to that worn by ballplayers. (Fig.4)

- Although the colossal heads are all monumental in size, there is some degree of variation, the research aims to investigate if this is potentially an intentional act, thus suggesting a form of hierarchy

- There is still very little more known about these colossal heads, and little thorough comparative research of quality has been executed, however recent discovery of Olmec writing has excited Olmec (and Mesoamerican) scholars - if fully deciphered it could offer a new insight into the lives of the Olmec (Blomster, 2017)

Fig.2 Olmec Colossal Head, San Lorenzo

RESEARCH AIMS

- Using ‘Interface’, a facial recognition RESULTS

program, in conjunction with Professor Bob Kentridge, Dept. Psychology, Durham) my aim is to determine if there is sufficient evidence to confirm paternal lineage amongst the ten Colossal Heads of San Lorenzo

- To establish potential paternal lineage of the colossal heads as rulers/ chiefs of San Lorenzo

- To contribute to a more thorough chronology of the emergence of the Olmec civilisation, rulers and society

- The highest quality images available will be used for scanning to Interface to ensure the most concise results

- The data can be compared with other

- Points on the face are plotted (Fig.4) Fig.3 ‘Interface’ plotting

measurements taken, and comparisons are then possible

- Thorough research into the helmets and glyphs will also be undertaken in order to ascertain dates or names of rulers

Fig.4 Olmec Colossal Head, San Lorenzo

evidence available (such as other monumental sculptures, burial offerings and portable objects) from across the Olmec Region to provide a contemporary insight into the earliest Mesoamerican civilisation

- The data from this research will also be read alongside the decipherment of Olmec glyphs enabling all available resources to provide at last, a more comprehensive insight into the lives of the Olmec

References

- Blomster, J. & Cheetham, D. The Early Olmec and Mesoamerica - The Material Record, Cambridge University Press New York, April 2017 online ISBN 9781316228098

- Barnes, T. & de la Fuente, B, Tres Zapotes, http://doi.org/10.1093/gao/9781884446054.article.T086115, 2003

- Coe, M.D, Urcid, J. & Koontz, R. Mexico From the Olmecs to the Aztecs, Thames & Hudson, London, 2019 (8th Edition)

- de la Fuente, B. Toward a Conception of Monumental Olmec Art’, in ‘The Olmec and Their Neighbors', M.W.Stirling, 1981

- Diehl, R. The Precolumbian Cultures of the Gulf Coast, In ‘The Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of the Americas’ (The Cambridge history of the Native Peoples of the Americas, pp. 156-196). Adams, R. & MacLeod, M. (Eds.), Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2000

- Heizer, R.F, Smith, T, Williams, H. Notes on Colossal Head No. 2 From Tres Zapotes, American Antiquity, Vol.31, No.1 Jul 1965, pp. 102-104, Cambridge University Press

Images - Figure 1, Map of the Olmec Region, taken from (and edited) Pool, C.A. “Asking more and better questions: Olmec Archaeology for the next Katun”, Ancient Mesoamerica, Vol. 20, No. 2, "Katun" Special Issue, (Fall 2009), pp. 241- 252. (p.242), Cambridge University Press

- Figure 2, Olmec Colossal Head from San Lorenzo, Veracruz, Mexico, Basalt. Open air museum of La Venta, Tabasco State, Mexico / Bridgeman Images https://www-bridgemaneducation-com.ezphost.dur.ac.uk/en/asset/207596/summary

- Figure 3, from Professor Bob Kentridge, Department of Psychology, Durham University

- Figure 4, Olmec Colossal Head, San Lorenzo Monument 61. Basalt. Height 220 cm. Early Formative period. Museo de Antropologia, Xalapa, Veracruz, Mexico. Courtesy of the National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C. from Diehl, R. 2000

An Exploration of Pictish Symbol Stones at Rhynie Erin McDonald, Department of Archaeology, Durham University

The Picts were a network of tribes with lands in northern and eastern Scotland. The term first appeared in historical chronicles before the 4th century AD and ostensibly was used to describe groups that lay north of Romancontrolled Britain. The end of the Roman occupation led to the formalisation of the Pictish identity and cultural growth. Little is known about the Picts beyond the archaeological evidence left mainly in the form of symbol stones.

Northern Britain in the 7th century AD

Pictish symbol stones are organized into three types; Class I stones are the focus of this discussion. Characteristics include natural stones with symbols incised on one side. Typically, the layout consists of a cluster of drawings in the upper portion of an upright slab. More than 50 individual designs have been identified to date, however, the meaning and purpose of the symbol stones are not well understood.

The modern town of Rhynie is located in Aberdeenshire due north of area believed to be the original settlement. Dating back to the 4th century, archaeologist believe Rhynie was an important seat of power based on the name, a possible derivation of the Celtic word for ‘king,’ as well as the types of artefacts discovered. Eight symbol stones have been found in and around the area mainly uncovered through farming activities. It is believed that only one symbol stone remains in its original position.

The most recent series of excavations began in 2011 as a result of identification by aerial imaging of circular enclosures around areas where symbol stones had been found. Archaeologists uncovered unprecedented evidence of a structurally complex settlement which included ditched enclosures, outer walls and domestic dwellings. Carbon-14 dating determined the site was active from early 5th century – 7th century AD.

Rhynie no. 2

Rhynie no. 5 Rhynie no. 3

Rhynie no. 1: The Craw Stane

Rhynie no. 8 Rhynie no. 6

Rhynie no. 6

Ink drawings of Class I symbol stones found at Rhynie (scale 1:15) http://canmore.org.uk/collection/1525657)

Rhynie no. 7: Rhynie Man

Stone Name

Symbols

Rhynie no. 1: ‘Craw Stane’

Fish & Pictish Beasts

Rhynie no. 2

Double disc & Z-rod, crescent & V-rod

Rhynie no. 3

Man with spear & shield, other possible weaponry

Rhynie no. 4

Pictish beasts, crescent & V-rod(?), mirror Based on 19th century drawings; stone is lost

Rhynie no. 5

Beast head, double-disc & Z-rod, mirror & comb, 13 cup marks (possibly pre-historic stone)

Rhynie no. 6

Double-disc & Z-rod, crescent & V-rod, mirror

Rhynie no. 7: ‘Rhynie Man’

Man with axe-hammer

Rhynie no. 8

Pictish beast, curvilinear symbol, comb

Comb and Mirror

Sword

Fish

Rhynie

Pictish Beast

Rhynie was located between two Pictish kingdoms; Ce and Fortriu (Moray).

(Base map © Crown Copyright/database right 2018. An Ordnance Survey/EDINA supplied service.)

With the discovery of new enclosures and monuments, are researchers any closer to learning more about the meanings behind the Pictish symbol stones? The findings from the most recent round of excavations at the site have provided new layers for interpretation.

Barrows: Stones 2 and 3 were found in close proximity to a cemetery identified in the mid-19th century. It was reported stone 3 was found as part of a cairn. More recently, a barrow was discovered during an excavation in 2013. Within the barrow, archaeologists found evidence of human remains. Given the location of the symbols stones relative to the burials Diagram of the find locations of stones 2 and and their inscriptions (especially stone 3 relative to the excavated barrows 3), it’s possible they were used as part of funerary tradition.

Circular Enclosure:

Crescent and V-rod

Double-disc and Z-rod

Pictish Beast

Diagram of the features found in the Craw Stane complex including the Craw Stane symbol stone and stone socket. Rhynie Man stone was found at the northeast edge of the complex palisade.

The Craw Stane is the only symbol stone at Rhynie remaining in its original position and is situated in alignment with opening of a circular complex. During excavation, archaeologists found a round cut with a fill of sand and rocky debris.

It was determined it could be a slot to hold a symbol stone; possibly Rhynie Man given its find location and site topography. The Craw Stane complex also held a vast quantity of important finds including objects from across Europe. The symbol stone monuments could have been used to indicate it was a site of immense wealth and power.

It is evident symbol stones were used as a method of commemoration and communication. Combinations of geometric symbols repeatedly seen together (e.g. crescent and V-rod) suggests these are part of a written language. It’s possible the animal figures carry a sacred connotation. In attempting to understand their significance, it is important to not adopt a myopic view in analysis of symbol stones. The placement, grouping, terrain and nearby features are all important pieces in interpreting these monuments. There are many sites awaiting further exploration, and while archaeologists may never fully understand the meaning behind Pictish symbol stones, new clues are being uncovered with each excavation.

Rhynie Man

http://canmore.org.uk/collection/1525657

Burcu Aksahin Durham University burcu.aksahin@durham.ac.uk

“BY RACE A LYCIAN”

A Study of the Public Interaction of the Payava Tomb 1. THE PAYAVA SARCOPHAGUS

Figure 7: Sarcophagus of Payava. (©Dheritage)

3. GREEK, PERSIAN, OR LYCIAN?

WHO? Four inscriptions bearing Payava’s name indicate that he is the owner. The partial survival of the inscriptions make his relationship to the Persian satrap of the period, and his status in Xanthos unclear.

WHEN? The tomb is dated by Demargne to 370-360 BC based on stylistic grounds (1974, p.64). Childs adds the mentioning of satrap Autophradates in the inscriptions although the time of his rule over Lycia is unclear (1984, p.74).

Figure 6 (above): The roof, two figures in a chariot . (©Dheritage)

WHERE? Xanthos, modern day Turkey (Fig. 1).

Figure 5 (below): East relief, Payava in war, defeating enemies, (©Dheritage).

2. AIMS AND OBJECTIVES Past its practical use, the monumental tomb is a way for Payava to be remembered after his death, and an opportunity for him to reflect his identity to the public.

The reliefs show Payava in acts of heroism such as a winning athlete (Fig 2), and a warrior (Fig 4 and 5).

In another scene, Payava is shown in presence of a Persian authority (Fig 3). However, the partial survival of the reliefs and inscriptions only give an outline of the scene, details should be approached with caution.

The reliefs were initially identified as Persian dynastic themes, carved in Greek style by Demargne (1974, p.166). Later studies show that the scenes are common themes in tombs of Persian, Greek and local Anatolian dynasts (Novakova, 2017, pp. 12-13).

Combined with the unique Lycian shape of the sarcophagus, and the inscription on the south relief “Payava, son of A…. Secretary to A…. By race a Lycian”, the reliefs can be identified as depictions of Payava, as a Lycian, performing his duties (in front of a Persian authority, or in war) and acts of heroism.

Figure 1: Map of Turkey, showing Xanthos. (Author)

These scenes are chosen to celebrate him in the traditional ways of 4th century Lycia, under the influence of both Greek and Persian cultures.

This poster aims to study a selection of the visual material on the sarcophagus, to understand how Payava wanted to present himself to the public.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Figure 2: North relief, an athlete and his companion in Greek clothing . (©Dheritage)

Keep in mind…

Payava had authority over what was depicted on the sarcophagus (Demargne, 1973).

It is a monumental tomb, showing the power, wealth, and the identity of its owner: Payava chose to present the three aspects of his identity which he deemed the most important: his descent (father), his social status (secretary), and his ethnicity (by race a Lycian).

Figure 3: West relief, seated figure in Persian clothing, accepting a delegation. (©Dheritage)

Figure 4: South relief, two military figures and an inscription. (©Dheritage)

CONCLUSION Although his relationship with the satrap is uncertain, their names are mentioned together in all four inscriptions of the tomb, emphasizing Payava’s involvement and importance in the social and political life in Xanthos.

While the reliefs may seem to reflect Greek and Persian mortuary traditions, Payava puts additional emphasis on his Lycian identity through the inscriptions. Erasing all question marks about this part of his identity that the public might have, he wants to be remembered as a successful Lycian in the Persian-dominated politics of 4th century BC Anatolia.

Childs, W.A.P. (1981). Lycian Relations with Persians and Greeks in the Fifth and Fourth Centuries Re-Examined.

Anatolian Studies, 31, 55-80.

Demargne, P. (1974). Le Sarcophage De Payava A Xanthos De Lycie : Étude De Style Et D'iconographie. Revue Archéologique, (1), 164-166.

Novakova, L. (2017) Tombs, Images and Identities in Ancient Anatolia in Iliria International Review, 9-20.

Figures retrieved from http://www.raiznewmedia.com/ dheritage/tomb-of-payava.html Last accessed on 20/01/2020.

Homeless Quasimodo: Ethical Dilemma of Cultural Heritage Reconstruction Qiwu Li

Department of Archaeology

IntroductionďźšIt has long been a debate about how to rebuild a destroyed cultural heritage. Some argue that it should be rebuild as it used to be, others insist that it should be rebuild as a symbol in different forms. This research aims to illustrate the problem of how to reconstruct ruins, by analyzing the two opposite arguments with real life examples. Methodology is that compare arguments from two different positions and analyze the reasons through three main aspects: symbolic value, economic value and interpretation value.

Symbolic Value

Economic Value

Interpretation Value

Argument 1

Argument 2

The cultural heritage is regarded as a national symbol, so the building played an essential role in national history.

Besides, rebuilding heritage is a way to show the ambition of national reunion. (eg: Warsaw Old Town, Poland)

The symbolic value depends on the meaning behind the building. If the heritage is a symbol of national calamity, it could be rebuilt or shown as another form to act as a reminder of sorrow. (eg: 911 twin towers, USA)

A reconstructed building can appeal tourism and thus creat income for the public or authorities who manage it. (eg: Durbar Square, Nepal)

Reconstruction needs huge financial expenditure, which could be a burden for citizens. It takes a long time to rebuild, whether the project could be finished is unpredictable. (eg: Old Summer Palace, China)

Reconstruction is also a research project, the building itself is a resource for further education and reservation. (eg: Brazil National Museum, Brazil)

Summary: Choosing which way to reconstruct a heritage depends on values that authorities pay most attention to.

However, there are some principles that all the reconstruction projects should obey. Keep the original materials as much as possible, authenticity of the material should be achieved.

Finally, it is the vistor who should be regarded as the most important not the ruins.

References: Nicholas Stanley-Price. 2009. The Reconstruction of Ruins: Principles and Practice Naomi Mezey. 2007. The Paradoxes of Cultures of Cultural Property Herb Stovel. 2000. The Riga Charter on Authenticity and Historical Reconstruction in Relationship to Cultural Heritage: Riga, Latvia

The complexities of sites with a long history are obscured if they are reconstructed to feature a single period. Besides, the difficulty of achieving authenticity should be considered (eg: Bamiyan Buddha, Afghanistan)

Tomb of the Cottid: issues regarding Neolithic chambered tomb fauna Since animal remains were found in Neolithic chambered tombs they have been claimed to show ritual funerary practice, including excarnation and totemism, despite little taphonomic or scientific examination of animal and human remains. Some tombs continue to promote this notion after contradictory evidence. Combining data from the Orkney tombs (fig 1) of Isbister (Hedges 1983), Holm of Papa Westray North (Ritchie 2009), Point of Cott (Barber 1997) and Quanterness (Renfrew 1979) I wish to explore the facts.

Quantity V MNI

If we take the species with the greatest number of fragments found at a site as being significant (see table right), sheep are most numerous at Point of Cott and Quanterness, Cottid at Isbister, and Gadoid at Holm of Papa Westray North.

If we use the Minimum Number of Individuals (table below), we have sheep most abundant at Holm of Papa Westray North and Point of Cott and Quanterness , sheep and cattle joint first at Isbister.

Reanalysis programs

Quanterness ox was found to be a later intrusion (Barber 1997) and some material has been reassessed as otter spraint. Spraint has also been identified at Isbister. Isbister otter bones are Neolithic, Point of Cott otter is later. Isbister White Tailed eagle bones are 2484BC at the earliest (Sheridan 2005), at least 500 years later than the youngest Neolithic burials (2930BC excluding Bronze Age cist) (Davidson and Henshall 1989).

Dogs at Cuween are 2600-2450BC, later than Neolithic burials but earlier than the Bronze Age human bones (Sheridan 2005).

Faunal remains at Quanterness span 3400BC1000AD (Crozier 2018)

window

Conclusions

Evidence is building that the majority, if not all, fauna in tombs is non-anthropogenic in nature. Eagle bones are probably from eeries and as an apex predator it could be responsible for the majority of birds, fish and baby ungulates, (Whitfield 2013). What remains could be predated by otters.

Although less spiritually satisfying it is more probable that avian and terrestrial predators deposited the fauna in tombs and not Neolithic shamen.

Fig 1: Orkney tomb locations:

National geographic.com/magazine.2014/8/ Barber, J.. The Excavation of a Stalled Cairn at the Point of Cott, Westray, Orkney.1997 Historic Scotland, Edinburgh.

Beckett, J. and Robb, J. Neolithic Burial Taphonomy, Ritual and interpretation in Britain and Ireland, in Social Archaeology and Funerary remains, Gowland, R. Editor. 2006, Oxbow Books, Oxford.

Crozier, R. A taphonomic approach to the reanalysis of the human remains from the Neolithic tomb of Quanterness, Orkney. BAR series; 635. 2018. Oxford BAR Publishing.

Hedges, J. Isbister, a chambered Cairn in Orkney. BAR Series, 115 1983 BAR Oxford England.

Hedges, Tomb of the Eagles: a window on Stone Age Tribal Britain.1987 Murray, London.

Renfrew, C. Investigations in Orkney. The Society of Antiquaries of London, 1979. London.

Ritchie, A. On the fringe of Neolithic Europe. 2009. Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, Edinburgh.

Sheridan, A. Discovery and Excavation in Scotland, in The Journal of the Council for Scottish Archaeology, Turner, R. Editor. 2005, p182. Dorchester, England.

Whitfield, P. Breeding Season Diets of sympatric White Tailed Eagles and Golden Eagles in Scotland. Bird Study 2013.

Photography: Avril Keith

Lorraine Clay MA Taught Archaeology lorraine.clay@durham.ac.uk

Emily Eckford Fdfq38@durham.ac.uk Wordcount: 1047

Fig 2

Fig 1

1

Research Aim: To assess the extent to which bioarchaeological evidence can inform studies relating to structural violence and postmortem agency, regarding the exploitation of marginalised groups in the development of the medical profession.

2

3

Methods:

Almshouses and Anatomy Laws

1.

Assessment of historical evidence to determine the level of postmortem examination (PME) likely to be present in Almshouse populations during 18th and 19th century America

2.

3.

Review the bioarchaeological evidence for PME in several Almshouse populations

Consolidate all evidence to determine the degree to which true rates of PME are reflected in the skeletal record

4

Identification of PME

PME encompasses both autopsy and dissection. While autopsies aim to determine the cause of death and elevate the individual as important enough to warrant investigation, dissection reduces the body to anatomised parts for objective analysis (6). Below are some skeletal indicators of dissection. Contextual clues include multiple skeletal elements in the same grave, higher degree of fragmentation and deviation from normative autopsy practices and artefacts such as pins to hold body parts together for demonstration (2)

Historical evidence indicates that medical institutions used the bodies of the indigent and marginalised for anatomical study. The development of modern medicine in the US led to an increased demand for cadavers for use in medical schools, and a subsequent proliferation of grave robbing.

Public outcry eventually led to the passing of the Anatomy Acts; these gave medical schools legal authority to use the bodies of unclaimed individuals from institutionalised contexts for anatomical dissection and training for their students, such as those from almshouses, prisons or asylums (1) Medical dissections were originally formulated as postmortem punishment for executed criminals. Condemnation to be dissected therefore continued to take on a punitive form for the poor and marginalised, as it was conceptualised as a means for the indigent to repay their societal debts (2) Almshouses were created as a way for the “able-bodied” poor to receive aid whilst avoiding the encouragement of pauperism (2). Legal enforcement of the donation of the remains of almshouse inmates to medical institutions not only rendered them commodities in death (3) but in turn perpetuated the structural violence inflicted on these individuals during life. Medical hospitals were built adjacent to almshouses to facilitate access to the dead. This not only caused psychological stress to the living, who feared that “they would be permitted to die so autopsies could be undertaken” (4), but denied them their rightful postmortem agency.

Demand for cadavers was high; for example, the Medical College of Virginia required a “minimum of 18-24 bodies” each term (7). Anatomical dissection is an exceptionally invasive act which leaves identifiable markers on the skeleton (see section 4). The extensive scale of this exploitation is well documented in the historical literature, therefore it should be expected that the bioarchaeological evidence is reflective of this activity.

Assessment of the skeletal material from five almshouses in 19th-20th century America is reviewed here to determine the extent to which this exploitation is embodied in the surviving skeletal record.

5

67

[Fig 3] Craniotomies with false starts and additional kerf marks [Fig 4] Laminectomies [Fig 5] Thoracotomies [Fig 6] Trephination practice

Site Name

Period

Location

1851-1913

New York State

MNI 376

Erie County Poorhouse Cemetery (9) Dunning Poorhouse Cemetery (10)

1851-1869

Chicago

1826-1926

New York State

120 903

County Almshouse Cemetery (11) 1878-1925

Wisconsin

• Data may initially suggest that Blockley Almshouse was the only institution where the inmates were subject to a significant amount of PME. Factors that may contribute to this discrepancy include: - The excavated Blockley Almshouse interments were exclusively commingled remains, while the other cemeteries adhered to more normative practices. Blockley Almshouse cemetery therefore more closely reflects ‘medical waste’ deposits such as those found in the basements of Holden chapel (7) or the Medical College of Virginia (8).

- Blockley Almshouse was associated with the Philadelphia medical school, one of the most prestigious in the country, naturally inciting a higher turnover of students and cadavers.

- Differential survival of PME evidence due to taphonomic factors, differential skills of osteologists and varying dissection techniques, such as cutting the sagittal plane during a thoracotomy through the costal cartilage, leaving minimal skeletal markers.

Percentage of PME

• Excluding Blockley Almshouse, evidence for PME at all other sites does not exceed 20%.

- Overall, the evidence indicates that PME in almshouse cemeteries was not as extensive as the historical record claims. However this is likely due to several confounding factors discussed below.

985

12.2 5.3

5.65

Erie County Poorhouse Cemetery

Albany County Almshouse Cemetery

0.042 Dunning Poorhouse Cemetery

Milwaukee County Institutional Grounds Cemetery (12) Blockley Almshouse Cemetery (13)

1865-1985

Philadelphia

248

Figure 7: Percentage of PME in each sample

Milwaukee County Institutional Grounds Cemetery

Blockley Almshouse Cemetery

Table 1: Almshouse Case studies

Discussion 6

The historical evidence indicates widespread exploitation of almshouse inmates, while the skeletal data indicates otherwise. While historic sources must always be read with caution, in this case the bioarchaeological evidence appears to be the culprit of this discrepancy. The enforcement of the Anatomy Laws indicates that there was a real demand (and supply) for cadavers. So where is the evidence?

•

Dissection results in the creation of fragmentary remains. Many remains were not reinterred in a proper burial as the laws stated but were commonly kept for use as anatomical specimens or placed in pathology museums. Once dissected, body parts were commodified and objectified and were disposed of in trash deposits, many of which have likely not been located.

•

Evidence for body snatching is present at most almshouse sites, suggesting inmates were exploited for PME but not returned.

•

Differential survival of elements due to taphonomic factors.

•

Incomplete excavation of cemetery sites.

•

Difficulty identifying markers of PME, or use of dissection techniques which only affected the soft-tissue.

7

Future Research

•

A more in-depth consolidation of the historical and bioarchaeological data, incorporating cemetery contexts for other marginalised groups such as slaves, and an expansion into wider geographical territories for a comparison of the differential ways the medical profession developed worldwide.

•

Identification of the ways that other forms of structuralised violence have been embodied into the bioarchaeological record

Conclusion This preliminary study has identified the difficulty in uncovering the physical evidence for PME and the perpetuation of structural violence on almshouse inmates. However even as little as 5% of individuals presenting evidence for PME is significant, as the presence of these lesions is not normative. While evidence for autopsy and dissection are sometimes difficult to distinguish, and we must avoid assuming all evidence for PME is concomitant with structural violence (2), careful consideration of the historical context of the site can prevent this. By identifying the presence of PME we can confirm the exploitation of these people and begin to reformulate a fair narrative of their lives; not as paupers, outcasts, cadavers or as specimens, but as individuals.

[1] Garment, A., Lederer, S., Rogers, N., & Boult, L. (2007). Let the dead teach the living: The rise of body bequeathal in 20th-century America. Academic Medicine, 82 (10), 1000–1005 [2] Nystrom, K. C. (2014). The bioarchaeology of structural violence and dissection in the 19th century United States. American Anthropologist, 116 (4), 765–779.

[3] Crist, T.A. and Sorg, M.H., 2017. Renaissance Anatomy in the Americas: A Bioarchaeological Perspective on the Earliest Skeletal Evidence of Autopsy in the New World. In The Bioarchaeology of Dissection and Autopsy in the United States (pp. 25-40). Springer, Cham.

[4] Savitt, T.L., 1982. The use of blacks for medical experimentation and demonstration in the Old South. The Journal of southern history, 48(3), pp.331-348.

[5] Dougherty, S.P. and Sullivan, N.C., 2017. Autopsy, Dissection, and Anatomical Exploration: The Postmortem Fate of the Underclass and Institutionalized in Old Milwaukee. In The Bioarchaeology of Dissection and Autopsy in the United States (pp. 205-235). Springer, Cham.p.206 [6] Dougherty, S.P. and Sullivan, N.C., 2017. Autopsy, Dissection, and Anatomical Exploration: The Postmortem Fate of the Underclass and Institutionalized in Old Milwaukee. In The Bioarchaeology of Dissection and Autopsy in the United States (pp. 205-235). Springer, Cham.p.206 [7] Owsley, D.W., Bruwelheide, K.S., Jantz, R.L., Koste, J.L. and Outlaw, M., 2017. Skeletal Evidence of Anatomical and Surgical Training in Nineteenth-Century Richmond. In The Bioarchaeology of Dissection and Autopsy in the United States (pp. 143-164). Springer, Cham.

[8] Hodge, Christina J. 2013 Non-Bodies of Knowledge: Anatomized Remains from the Holden Chapel Collection, Harvard University. Journal of Social Archaeology 13(1):122–149.

[9] Nystrom, K.C., Sirianni, J., Higgins, R., Perrelli, D. and Raines, J.L.L., 2017. Structural inequality and postmortem examination at the Erie County Poorhouse. In The bioarchaeology of dissection and autopsy in the United States (pp. 279-300). Springer, Cham.

[10] Grauer, A.L., Lathrop, V. and Timoteo, T., 2017. Exploring Evidence of Nineteenth Century Dissection in the Dunning Poorhouse Cemetery. In The bioarchaeology of dissection and autopsy in the united states (pp. 301-313). Springer, Cham.

[11] A Lowe, K.L., 2017. A Historical and Osteological Analysis of Postmortem Medical Practices from the Albany County Almshouse Cemetery Skeletal Sample in Albany, New York. In The Bioarchaeology of Dissection and Autopsy in the United States (pp. 315-333). Springer, Cham.

[12] Richards, P.B., Jones, C.R., Epstein, E.M., Richards, N.W., Drew, B.L. and Zych, T.J., 2017. “You Couldn’t Identify Your Grandmother If She Were in that Party”: The Bioarchaeology of Postmortem Investigation at the Milwaukee County Poor Farm Cemetery. In The Bioarchaeology of Dissection and Autopsy in the United States (pp. 237-257). Springer, Cham.14 Blockley almshouse

Figures: Figure 1: https://www.google.com/url?sa=i&source=imgres&cd=&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=2ahUKEwjm4_36wZLpAhVYBGMBHe_DVQQjB16BAgBEAM&url=https%3A%2F%2Fcommons.wikimedia.org%2Fwiki%2FFile%3APostmortem_pathology%3B_a_manual_o f_the_technic_of_postmortem_examinations_and_the_interpretations_to_be_drawn_therefrom%3B_(1906)_(14764866281).jpg&psig=AOvVaw30Ceps M0Hxfv7rxCqAKdTF&ust=1588389089623561 Figure 2: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f9/Postmortem_pathology%3B_a_manual_of_the_technic_of_postmortem_examinations_and_the_interpretations_to_be_drawn_therefrom%3B_%281906%29_%2814581320110%29.jpg Figures 3-6:Nystrom, K.C. ed., 2017. The bioarchaeology of dissection and autopsy in the United States. New York: Springer International Publishing.

Background Image: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/dc/Postmortem_pathology%3B_a_manual_of_the_technic_of_postmortem_examinations_and_the_interpretations_to_be_drawn_therefrom%3B_%281906%29_%2814744914406%29.jpg

Don’t Get Bogged Down By These Bodies: Analysis of post-mortem damage on Iron Age Bog Bodies Sheridan Strang sheridan.n.strang@durham.ac.uk Introduction: • • • • • •

Preserved bog bodies are an excellent source of archaeological information Insight into hair styles, last meals, parasitic infections, body treatment, cause of death and clothing [8] Many of these bodies are found from peat deposits in northwestern Europe [8] Interpretation of cause of death usually associated with murder/sacrifice/ritual [5] Careless excavations and loss or reburial of bog bodies leads to missing information and damage to bog bodies[8] Other cases of post mortem (PM) damage seen on bog bodies [1]

Research Question:

What does re-evaluation of trauma on Iron Age bog bodies reveal about their deaths?

Aims and Objectives: AIMS: • Are these individuals an examples of “overkill”?

• Was PM damage interpreted as trauma?

• What does the re-evaluation tell us about Iron Age practices?

OBJECTIVES: • Re-evaluation of traumas of 2 famous bog bodies from Denmark (Figure 1) • Post-mortem vs Perimortem injuries • CT-Scan analysis (Figure 5A and 5B)

Figure 1: Map location of Tollund Man and Grauballe Man, Denmark

The Bog Bodies:

Figure 2: Tollund Man preservation and burial position [11]

A

B

Figure 5: CT scans of cranial damage on Tollund man (A) and Grauballe man (B). [3]

Tollund Man (Figure 2): • Discovered in a peat bog in Jutland in 1950 [5] • Found lying on his side, eyes and mouth closed, “sleeping position” [7] • Deliberately placed in the bog in old peat cuttings [2] • Signs of trauma: blunt force trauma on skull and impression on soft tissue of neck from rope [3] • Found sheep skin cap, leather belt and rope around neck [4] • Buried with short wooden spade [7] • Recently shaved faced, eyebrows present [7] • Last meal: Porridge [7] • Death Interpretation: Tollund man was hit over the head before free-fall hanging then disposed into the bog [3]

Grauballe Man (Figure 6): • Found near Tollund Man location in 1952 Silkeborg [7] • Lying on chest with left leg stretched out [7] • Deliberately placed in a cutting in the bog [2] • No signs of disease or illness [7] • Sign of trauma: blunt force trauma to skull, fracture to left tibia and throat slit [3] • No grave goods • No signs of manual labour and no calluses on fingers [6] • Last meal: meat soup [4] • Death Interpretation: Grauballe man had his leg broken to prevent him from escaping, the blow to the head was part of a sacrificial rite that ended in his throat slit and disposed in the bog. [3]

CT Scan Discoveries: • Skull trauma (shaded red) in Tollund man was recognised as PM damage (shaded green) (Figure 3) [3] • Skull trauma and fractured tibia (shaded red) in Grauballe man recognised as PM damage (shaded green) (Figure 4) [3] • CT scans proved damage occurred after death (Figures 5A and 5B) [3] • Skulls for both Tollund man and Grauballe man were not fractured but bent inward due to peat pressure [3] • Grauballe man tibia fracture had no signs of healing and was compared to other PM leg fracture, concluding it was also PM damage [3] Figure 4: Grauballe Man; evidence of trauma before and after CT scan analysis. Soft tissue cut on throat, skull damage and fractured left tibia.

Figure 3: Tollund Man; evidence of trauma before and after CT scan analysis.

Rope wound on soft tissue and skull damage.

Conclusions: • Most of the trauma seen in Tollund Man and Grauballe Man occurred postmortem • Previous narratives of overkill and gruesome murders should be reassessed • Deaths of Tollund man and Grauballe man were not as violent as interpreted • Care was shown through placement of body and burial • Bodies were healthy and well-fed possibly indicating higher status • Iron Age practices may not have been as violent or horrific as previously thought and these individuals may have been willing participants instead of outcasts or hostages Figure 6: Grauballe Man body preservation and burial position [12]

References/Sources [1] Brothwell, D., and H. Gill-Robinson, 2002: Taphonomic and forensic aspects of bog bodies, in W.D. Haglund and M.H. Sorg (eds), Advances in forensic taphonomy. Method, theory and archaeological perspectives, London and New York, 119–31.

[2] Ravn, M. 2011. Bog Bodies: A Burial Practice During the Early Iron Age? In: L. Boyle, ed. The Iron Age on Zealand: Status and Perspectives (Nordiske fortidsminder 8). Copenhagen: Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries, pp. 83–89.

[3] Lynnerup, N. (2015) Bog Bodies: BOG BODIES. The Anatomical Record. [Online] 298 (6), 1007–1012 [4] Brown, S.E. (Unpublished) European Bog Bodies: From the Iron Age Peat Bog to the 21st Century. 19.

[5] Spindler, K., Wilfing, H., Rastbichler-Zissernig, E., zur Nedden, D., et al. eds. (1996) Human Mummies: A Global Survey of their Status and the Techniques of Conservation. [Online]. Vienna, Springer Vienna.

[6] Giles, M. (2009) Iron Age bog bodies of north-western Europe. Representing the dead. Archaeological Dialogues. [Online] 16 (1), 75–101.

[7] Fischer, C, Bog Bodies of Denmark. Pp 177-193. In: Mummies, Disease and Ancient Cultures, eds A. and E. Cockburn. Cambridge University Press: London 1980.

[8] W.A.B. van der Sanden: Bog Bodies: underwater burials, sacrifices, and executions, in: F. Menotti en A. O’ Sullivan (red.), The Oxford Handbook of Wetland Archaeology, Oxford 2012, 401-416 [9] Asingh P, Lynnerup N, editors. 2007. Grauballe man. An iron age bog body revisited. Jutland: Archaeological Society Press (Source couldn’t be accessed) [10] Van der Sanden, W., 1996: Through nature to eternity. The bog bodies of northwest Europe, Amsterdam. (Source couldn’t be accessed) [11] https://www.museumsilkeborg.dk/ Picture used from museum which body is currently being display [12] https://www.moesgaardmuseum.dk/en/ Picture used from museum which body is currently being display

Chew On This Correlation of Coca use and Chagas disease Paul Klostermann

paul.klostermann@gmx.at

Transmission

Fig 2: Parasite: Trypanosoma cruzi .

Infects most organs, esp. heart.

Fig 3: Most common vector: Triotoma infestans. Lives in cracks of adobe walls.Sucks blood from sleeping animals. Usually face regions => “Kissing bug”

Background American Trypanosomias or Chagas disease (Tab 1) is a parasitic disease endemic to Latin America that currently still affects 6 – 8 million people (Fig 1). The protozoa are mainly transmitted by Triatoma bugs that feed on sleeping humans amongst other species (Fig 2,3). This potentially deadly disease causes gastrointestinal problems and inflammation of the heart. Studies on spontaneously mummified individuals in South America and especially in Chile and Peru show that the disease was also prevalent in antiquity. Material archaeological evidence and chemical analysis of human tissues also show that coca was widely used in South America (Fig 4). Case studies of mummies that combine positive results for coca use and Chagas disease in the same individuals suggests that the properties of the coca plant could have been used to treat symptoms of the infection (Fig 6B).

The unique preservation conditions in southern Peru and northern Chile hold the potential to investigate disease control techniques in the past.

Tab 1: Symptoms of Trypanosomiasis Acute phase ~40% develop symptoms fevers swelling of mucous membranes difficulties swallowing inflammation of heart and meninges => deadly in ~10% of cases (mostly children) Chronic Phase ~20%-30% develop symptoms mostly gastrointestinal and heart problems constipation fatigue nerve damage dilated organs: - megacolon (~3%) - megaesophagus (~11) - dilated cardiomyopathy (Fig.8) (~45)

Research Question Did ancient South Americans use Coca leaves as an analgesic to treat symptoms of Chagas disease?

Fig 1: Distribution of Chagas disease today.

Tab 4: Chagas disease in the past • aDNA analysis of tissues from 283 mummies mostly from Chile and Peru (up to 9000 BP) => 40.6% of all populations were positive for T.cruzi • aDNA analysis of 13 mummies from Chile => 6 positive for T.cruzi • aDNA analysis of 27 Chinchorro mummies from Chile. (4000 BP) => all positive Chagas disease likely as old as human presence in South America

Aims and Objectives Aims: A) Is there therapeutic value in the use of Coca to treat symptoms of Trypanosomiasis?

B) What is the prevalence of Trypanosomiasis in ancient Peru/Chile?

C) What was the availability of coca use in ancient Peru/Chile?

D) Is there evidence of both findings of Trypanosomiasis and signs of coca use in the same individuals?

Fig 7

Objectives: literature review of medical and bioarchaeological studies looking at: ➢ Pharmaceutical value and ethnobotanical use of Coca (Tab 2, 3). ➢ aDNA evidence of T. cruzi in mummy tissue (Tab 4) (Fig.7). ➢ Evidence of coca metabolites in mummy hair. ➢ Case studies detecting T. cruzi and coca metabolites in the same individuals.

Tab 2: Pharmaceutical value and Ethnobotanical use of Coca

>general pain >gastrointestinal problems >digestion >constipation >nausea >fatigue >hunger suppressant

Tab 3: Coca use in the past Material evidence (Fig 6A)

Burials and arts

Paraphernalia and depictions

Dental indicators (Fig 6C)

receeding alveolar process, buccal caries, AMTL

Visible indicators in 40.7%

Cocaine metabolites (BZE)

Rasioimmunoassay In varying in preserved hair frequencies: ~46%

Fig 8: Evidence of dilated cardiomyopathy in individuals suffering from Chagas

Fig 5: Chilian mummy combining both evidence of Coca use and Chagas disease in the same individual.

Possible evidence of treatment Case study (Fig 5) • IQU-95 T3 (Fig.10) • Excavated: • 14C Dates (BP) :

• Mummified ♀ • Age: • Hair isotopes death • Osteopenia • positive for T.cruzi • AMTL positive for cocaine (hair)

Tab 5: Limitations of inferring correlation between Coca and Chagas. > Coca used for multiple reasons: > BZE will only show up in hair analysis.

• To treat other conditions Limited to mummy studies.

• spiritual use > Dental indicators are multifactorial.

• recreational use > Megacolon can also be caused by other • stimulant during work factors like high altitude and possibly coca • hunger suppressant chewing itself.

• general pain > Postmortem bloating can mimic • Cuisine megasyndromes. >Not all tissues tested in aDNA studies => minimum number

in northern Chile 1150 (+/- 120) 40 – 50 years diet change: ~9 months prior to =>

Chagas disease

=>

coca use

medicinal treatment ?

Research potential ➢ Evidence for both coca and Chagas disease in ancient South America and especially Peru and Chile is substantial. Given the known physiological effects, Coca chewing would seem fit as a medicinal treatment for some symptoms of Chagas disease like nausea, constipation, fatigue and primarily pain. So far there are no studies looking at the prevalence of coca use and Chagas disease sufferers compared with non-sufferers in mummies.

However, case studies finding both coca use and T. cruzi infection in the same individual point towards a possible medication practice (Tab 5). ➢ Research into the correlation between the disease and the pharmaceutical could reveal systematic care provision practices in societies of ancient Peru and Chile and possibly other regions were coca was consumed.

References [1] https://www.who.int/health-topics/chagas-disease#tab=tab_1 [2] https://www.cdc.gov/parasites/chagas/disease.html [3} Aufderheide, A. C. et al. (2003) A 9,000-year record of Chagas’ disease. PNAS [4] Indriati, E. and Buikstra, J. E. (2001) ‘Coca chewing in prehistoric coastal Peru: Dental evidence’, American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 114(3), pp. 242–257.

[5] Hanna, J. M. (1974) ‘Coca Leaf Use in Southern Peru: Some Biosocial Aspects’, American Anthropologist. Wiley-Blackwell, 76(2), pp. 281–296.

[6] Wilson, A. S. et al. (2013) ‘Archaeological, radiological, and biological evidence offer insight into Inca child sacrifice’, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 110(33), pp. 13322–13327.

[7] Brown, E. L. and Wilson, A. S. (2019) ‘Using evidence from hair and other soft tissues to infer the need for and receipt of health-related care provision’, International Journal of Paleopathology.

[8] Arriaza, B. T. et al. (2008) ‘La importancia bioarqueológica de momias humanas sin contexto arqueológico’, Chungara. Universidad de Tarapaca, 40(1), pp. 55–65.

[9] Guhl, F. et al. (2000) ‘Chagas Disease and Human Migration’, Memorias do Instituto Oswaldo Cruz. Fundacao Oswaldo Cruz, 95(4), pp. 553–555.

[10] Weil, A. T. (1981) ‘The therapeutic value of coca in contemporary medicine’, Journal of Ethnopharmacology, 3(2–3), pp. 367–376.

[11] Hanna, J. M. (1974) ‘Coca Leaf Use in Southern Peru: Some Biosocial Aspects’, American Anthropologist. Wiley-Blackwell, 76(2), pp. 281–296.

[12] Cartmell, L. W. et al. (1991) ‘The Frequency and Antiquity of Prehistoric Coca-Leaf-Chewing Practices in Northern Chile: Radioimmunoassay of a Cocaine Metabolite in Human-Mummy Hair’, Latin American Antiquity. Cambridge University Press (CUP), 2(3), pp. 260–268.

[13] Teixeira, A. R. L. et al. (2006) ‘Chagas disease’, Postgraduate Medical Journal, pp. 788–798

Fig 6: [A] statue with coca squid, [B] Erythroxylum coca, [C] pathological dental changes related to coca chewing, [D] preserved coca squid in a mummy.

Recognizing ACL Injuries in the Archaeological Record

Contact: hadley.sibon@durham.ac.uk

Hadley Sibon

Tears of the anterior cruciate ligament (ACL) are common in the modern day, particularly in active females.1, 2, 13 The purpose of this study is to review clinical literature to identify specific pathologies associated with ACL tears, to help paleopathologists assess the prevalence of this injury in the past.

Fig. 1: 15 Knee ligaments. The ACL originates on the posterior-medial aspect of the lateral femoral condyle and inserts on the anterior aspect of the tibial plateau.1

Lateral Femoral Notch Sign (LFNS)

Tibial Spine Avulsion (aka ACL Avulsion Fracture)

An impact fracture of the lateral femoral condyle at the condylopatellar/terminal sulcus (Fig. 2).12 When present, it conclusively points to an ACL tear in virtually all patients.7 The LFNS is also associated with a torn lateral meniscus (Fig. 3).12

Fig. 3:12 Soft tissues around the condylopatellar sulcus (red circle). This diagram shows the pivot-shift injury mechanism, the most common cause of ACL tears.12

The ACL is a fibrous bundle located in the knee joint (Fig. 1) that helps resist anterior displacement of the tibia during knee extension. 1, 2, 8, 9 ACL tears most often occur when the patient has rapidly decelerated or changed direction (the “pivot-shift” mechanism), though several mechanisms can be responsible, including varus (lateral) and valgus (medial) pressures.17 Many injuries that cause ACL tears also damage other soft tissues in the knee and can lead to long-term damage. 15, 17, 18

This injury occurs at the insertion of the ACL on the tibia (Fig. 6 & 7).17 It is mostly associated with non-adult ACL injuries because of the relative weakness of the tibial epiphysis compared to the ACL, though it is sometimes seen in adults.14, 22 They are the result of hyperextension with internal rotation, or internal rotation with valgus stress. 14 In non-adults the knee is usually flexed, whereas in adults, it is usually hyperextended. 22

Fig. 6:22 This graphic shows different stages of tibial spine avulsions, according to the severity of the injury.

ACL avulsion fractures are ranked by the Meyers/McKeever classification, on a scale of I-IV. Note that not all fractures indicative of an ACL tear result in complete separation of the avulsed fragment.17

Fig. 2:12 LFNS in a lateral radiograph. The normal sulcus is not deeper than 1.5mm, while a complete tear of the ACL results in a lateral femoral notch sign ≥2mm. 5, 12, 24

Segond Fracture

The most common bony indicator of ACL tears,6 the Segond fracture is an avulsion of the lateral edge of the proximal tibia, just distal to the condyle (Fig. 4).10 They occur when a varus force is applied to a flexed, internally rotated knee.10, 17 Segond fractures are only indicative of ACL tears if they appear on the lateral aspect of the tibia – medial/“reverse” Segond fractures indicate a tear of the posterior cruciate ligament (PCL).17

Fig. 7:3 A coronal CT image of a tibial spine avulsion, anterior view.

Secondary Osteoarthritis (OA) Secondary OA is likely to develop following an ACL injury due to joint instability, especially if the patient also sustained meniscal damage.11 Articular cartilage on the medial femoral condyle is typically lost quicker than on the lateral condyle (Fig. 8 & 9).18 Secondary OA is also more common among female athletes and is more likely to have long-term effects on mobility and pain than in male athletes.13, 16, 21

Fig. 4:17 A-P radiographs showing unhealed (a) and healed (b) Segond fractures in two clinical patients. Healing sometimes results in a bony protuberance or hook on the lateral aspect of the tibia (white arrow).17

Arcuate Sign An avulsion fracture of the fibular styloid process at the attachment of the popliteofibular, fabellofibular, and arcuate ligaments (Fig. 5).4 This fracture is a result of varus stress on a hyperflexed knee.17 The avulsed piece of bone is often less than 1cm in length.20

Fig. 8:23 An MRI of a knee after ACL reconstructive surgery, showing severe loss of articular cartilage between the medial condyle and medial tibial plateau.

Fig. 9:19, edited by researcher Radiograph of a knee, showing loss of cartilage and osteophyte formation on the medial condyle of the tibia (white arrow).

Conclusions Though ACL injuries are common and disruptive, the osteological indicators are usually subtle. Extra care should be taken when excavating and examining skeletons in order to preserve these important features. If possible, grave fill in the knee area should be finely sifted in order to locate any small bony fragments that could indicate a fracture. Additional studies on the prevalence of ACL injuries in female archaeological remains are also needed, given the known difference in clinical rates of ACL injury between males and females.

Fig. 5:17 Oblique radiograph (a) and coronal MRI (b) showing the arcuate sign. The avulsed fragment is separated horizontally from the fibula

1. Abulhasan, J.F., Grey, M.J., 2017. Anatomy and Physiology of Knee Stability. Journal of Functional Morphology and Kinesiology 2, 34.

2. Amis, A., Dawkins, G., 1991. Functional anatomy of the anterior cruciate ligament. Fibre bundle actions related to ligament replacements and injuries. The Journal of Bone and Joint Surgery. British volume 73-B, 260–267.

3. Babu, V., 2018. Anterior cruciate ligament avulsion fracture | Radiology Case | Radiopaedia.org [WWW Document]. Radiopaedia. URL https://radiopaedia.org/cases/anteriorcruciate-ligament-avulsion-fracture-2?lang=us (accessed 4.30.20).

4. Beckett, R., Le, P., Rheinboldt, M., Petraszko, A., 2019. Avulsion fractures of the knee: a review of the pathophysiology, radiographic, and cross-sectional imaging features. Emerg Radiol 26, 683–689.

5. Cobby, M.J., Schweitzer, M.E., Resnick, D., 1992. The deep lateral femoral notch: an indirect sign of a torn anterior cruciate ligament. Radiology.

6. Delzell, P.B., Schils, J.P., Recht, M.P., 1996. Subtle fractures about the knee: innocuousappearing yet indicative of significant internal derangement. American Journal of Roentgenology 167, 699–703.

7. Garth, W.P., Greco, J., House, M.A., 2000. The Lateral Notch Sign Associated with Acute Anterior Cruciate Ligament Disruption. Am J Sports Med 28, 68–73.

8. Gentili, A., Seeger, L.L., Yao, L., Do, H.M., 1994. Anterior cruciate ligament tear: indirect signs at MR imaging. Radiology 193, 835–840.

9. Girgis, F.G., Marshall, J.L., Mona Jem, A.R.S.A., 1975. The Cruciate Ligaments of the Knee Joint: Anatomical. Functional and Experimental Analysis. A Publication of The Association of

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Bone and Joint Surgeons® | CORR® 106, 216–231.

10. Goldman, A., Pavlov, H., Rubenstein, D., 1988. The Segond fracture of the proximal tibia: a small avulsion that reflects major ligamentous damage. American Journal of Roentgenology 151, 1163–1167.

11. Granan, L.-P., Bahr, R., Lie, S.A., Engebretsen, L., 2009. Timing of Anterior Cruciate Ligament Reconstructive Surgery and Risk of Cartilage Lesions and Meniscal Tears: A Cohort Study Based on the Norwegian National Knee Ligament Registry. Am J Sports Med 37, 955–961.

12. Herbst, E., Hoser, C., Tecklenburg, K., Filipovic, M., Dallapozza, C., Herbort, M., Fink, C., 2015. The lateral femoral notch sign following ACL injury: frequency, morphology and relation to meniscal injury and sports activity. Knee Surg Sports Traumatol Arthrosc 23, 2250–2258.

13. Hewett, T.E., Ford, K.R., Hoogenboom, B.J., Myer, G.D., 2010. UNDERSTANDING AND

PREVENTING ACL INJURIES: CURRENT BIOMECHANICAL AND EPIDEMIOLOGIC CONSIDERATIONS - UPDATE 2010. N Am J Sports Phys Ther 5, 234–251.

14. Kendall, N., Hsu, S., Chan, K., 1992. Fracture of the tibial spine in adults and children. A review of 31 cases. The Journal of Bone and Joint Surgery. British volume 74-B, 848–852.

15. Lane, A., 2016. Knee, in: Waterbrook, A.L. (Ed.), Sports Medicine for the Emergency Physician: A Practical Handbook. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 208–241.

16. Lohmander, L.S., Östenberg, A., Englund, M., Roos, H., 2004. High prevalence of knee osteoarthritis, pain, and functional limitations in female soccer players twelve years after anterior cruciate ligament injury. Arthritis & Rheumatism 50, 3145–3152.

17. Miller, L.S., Yu, J.S., 2010. Radiographic indicators of acute ligament injuries of the knee: a mechanistic approach. Emerg Radiol 17, 435–444.

18. Murrell, G.A.C., Maddali, S., Horovitz, L., Oakley, S.P., Warren, R.F., 2001. The Effects of Time Course after Anterior Cruciate Ligament Injury in Correlation with Meniscal and Cartilage Loss. Am J Sports Med 29, 9–14.

19. Norris, R., Thompson, P., Getgood, A., 2012. The Effect of Anterior Cruciate Ligament Reconstruction on the Progression of Osteoarthritis. The Open Orthopaedics Journal 6.

20. Strub, W.M., 2007. The Arcuate Sign. Radiology 244, 620–621.

21. Von Porat, A., Roos, E.M., Roos, H., 2004. High prevalence of osteoarthritis 14 years after an anterior cruciate ligament tear in male soccer players: a study of radiographic and patient relevant outcomes. Annals of the Rheumatic Diseases 63, 269–273.

22. White, E.A., Patel, D.B., Matcuk, G.R., Forrester, D.M., Lundquist, R.B., Hatch, G.F.R., Vangsness, C.T., Gottsegen, C.J., 2013. Cruciate ligament avulsion fractures: Anatomy,

biomechanics, injury patterns, and approach to management. Emerg Radiol 20, 429–440.

23. Wong, J.M.-L., Khan, T., Jayadev, C.S., Khan, W., Johnstone, D., 2012. Anterior Cruciate Ligament Rupture and Osteoarthritis Progression. The Open Orthopaedics Journal 6.

24. Yu, J.S., Bosch, E., Pathria, M.N., McAndless, M., Mishra, D., Daniel, D., Clopton, P., Resnick, D., 1995. Deep lateral femoral sulcus: study of 124 patients with anterior cruciate ligament tear. Emergency Radiology 2, 129–134.

Drawing of knee joint: ©Rosario Aybar, with modifications by researcher.

A Systematic Review of the effect of Maternal Health, Neonatal Health and Delivery variables on Neonatal Line width Elizabeth Hodgson fgmp89@durham.ac.uk 1. Introduction

Neonatal Line Width

o The Neonatal Line (NNL) is a line of hypomineralisation in deciduous teeth and occasionally the first permanent molar [1]

o The width of the NNL varies between tooth type [9] and individuals [8,9,10,11]

o The NNL is visible due to disruption of normal enamel prism development [2]

o Variables which have been investigated as potential sources of NNL width variation can be sorted into three groups:

1

Delivery variables: Delivery type and duration

2

Neonate Infant variables: Infants health at birth and the first 4 weeks of life (e.g. Gestational age, birthweight, sex)

3

Pre-natal environment variables: The intrauterine environment and physiology of mother and foetus (e.g, mothers health, maternal alcohol/medication consumption)

The NNL is an untapped source of information in both archaeological and forensic skeletal remains. [6,7]

Figure 1: The development of the neonatal line in an Incisor (sagittal plane view). [Diagrams authors own. Scanning Electron Microscope image Ref [3], Fig 5.]

o NNL formation is triggered by birth (see Figure 1) or in the perinatal period; it is not observed in stillborn infants [3]

Understanding its aetiology and the factors which determine its width could provide information about maternal and neonate health in past populations.

o The exact aetiology of the NNL is not known

Research Question

2. Inclusion Criteria

Do pre-natal, neonatal and/or delivery variable/s influence neonatal line width?

Studies were included in the review if they met the following criteria:

1. Practical Methods

2. Sample Composition

▪ Teeth sectioned consistently in the same plane so NNL widths are directly comparable ▪ Intra-observer error of NNL width measurement reported

▪ Teeth are deciduous and naturally lost by modern healthy children (e.g. no autopsy cases or archaeological samples) ▪ Sample sizes of 50+

▪ NNL width measured at 3 points per tooth and averaged

3. Statistical Methods

Objectives:

1. Define inclusion criteria 2. Find relevant studies which meet the criteria 3. Extract and analyse the study results

▪ Results were found to be statistically significant (to at least a P value of 0.05) ▪ Measurement error accounted for

4. Discussion

▪ Comparisons made between same tooth type e.g. molar, incisor etc

11.

Delivery Variables

• There is no evidence that delivery variables affect NNL width • Not controlling for tooth type may explain previous studies which found a correlation [3,4,5]

3. Results Delivery

Pre-natal Environment

Vitamin D levels

• Gestational age was found to be a significant variable [8,11]: Pre-term neonates have a thicker NNL, possibly due to a higher susceptibility to metabolic stress • The daily rate of enamel deposition varies throughout tooth development [12]; it should be investigated whether metabolic stress (birth) occurring during a period of high enamel secretion leads to more disruption and a thicker NNL

Zanolli, et. al., 2011 [8]

100

33.

Kurek, et. al., 2015 [9]

60

•

Behie, et. al., 2019 [10] Hassett, et. al., 2020 [11]

65

Pre-natal Environment Variables A correlation with seasonality was found [9,11,]; changes in UV exposure and subsequent maternal Vitamin D levels may cause this.

• Conversely no correlation with maternal blood Vitamin D levels was found [11]; seasonality may also be caused by maternal dietary variation

(53 mothers)

71

Table 1: Summary of review findings.

Neonate Infant Variables

• Sex was found to be a significant variable [9], with female neonates having a thicker NNL

Hypertension

Spasmolytic medication

Maternal Age

Birth Order

Alcohol consumption

Stress/Illness during pregnancy

Season of Birth

Gestational age

Sex

Birth weight and size

APGAR score

Duration

Operative/Complex

Caesarean

Study

(N) Participants

Neonatal Health

22.

KEY:

Correlation

No correlation found

Not investigated

• The finding that alcohol and spasmolytic medication taken during pregnancy [9,10] increases NNL width supports the hypothesis that the intrauterine environment is a factor

Limitations:

Conclusions o This review found no link with delivery variables and NNL width o Neonatal and pre-natal environment variables; especially gestational age and season of birth may have an effect on NNL width o The aetiology of the NNL is not clear - it is likely that a mixture of variables affects its width

• Only a small number of studies met the criteria for the review and therefore were included

• The measurement of NNL width is affected by the plane at which it is observed – differences in tooth sectioning will introduce error • Some studies [8] relied on parental reporting of pregnancy and birth which may introduce error into medical histories

[1] Schour, I., 1936. The neonatal line in the enamel and dentin of the human deciduous teeth and first permanent molar. Journal of the American Dental Association, 23(10), pp.1946-1955. [2] Sabel, N., Johansson, C., Kühnisch, J., Robertson, A., Steiniger, F., Norén, J.G., Klingberg, G. and Nietzsche, S., 2008. Neonatal lines in the enamel of primary teeth—a morphological and scanning electron microscopic investigation. archives of oral biology, 53(10), pp.954-963. [3] Canturk, N., Atsu, S.S., Aka, P.S. and Dagalp, R., 2014. Neonatal line on fetus and infant teeth: An indicator of live birth and mode of delivery. Early human development, 90(8), pp.393-397 [4] Eli, I., Sarnat, H. and Talmi, E., 1989. Effect of the birth process on the neonatal line in primary tooth enamel. Pediatr Dent, 11(3), pp.220-223. [5] Hurnanen, J., Visnapuu, V., Sillanpää, M., Löyttyniemi, E. and Rautava, J., 2017. Deciduous neonatal line: Width is associated with duration of delivery. Forensic science international, 271, pp.87-91. [6] Kurek, M., Żądzińska, E., Sitek, A., Borowska-Strugińska, B., Rosset, I. and Lorkiewicz, W., 2016. Neonatal line width in deciduous incisors from Neolithic, mediaeval and modern skeletal samples from northcentral Poland. Annals of Anatomy-Anatomischer Anzeiger, 203, pp.12-18. [7] Siebke, I., Moghaddam, N., Cunningham, C.A., Witzel, C. and Lösch, S., 2019. Those who died very young—Inferences from δ15N and δ13C in bone collagen and the absence of a neonatal line in enamel related to the possible onset of breastfeeding. American journal of physical anthropology, 169(4), pp.664-677. [8] Zanolli, C., Bondioli, L., Manni, F., Rossi, P. and Macchiarelli, R., 2011. Gestation length, mode of delivery, and neonatal line-thickness variation. Human biology, 83(6), pp.695-713. [9] Kurek, M., Żądzińska, E., Sitek, A., Borowska-Strugińska, B., Rosset, I. and Lorkiewicz, W., 2015. Prenatal factors associated with the neonatal line thickness in human deciduous incisors. Homo, 66(3), pp.251-263. [10] Behie, A.M. and Miszkiewicz, J.J., 2019. Enamel neonatal line thickness in deciduous teeth of Australian children from known maternal health and pregnancy conditions. Early human development, 137, p.104821. [11] Hassett, B.R., Dean, M.C., Ring, S., Atkinson, C., Ness, A.R. and Humphrey, L., 2020. Effects of maternal, gestational, and perinatal variables on neonatal line width observed in a modern UK birth cohort. American Journal of Physical Anthropology. [12] Mahoney, P., 2011. Human deciduous mandibular molar incremental enamel development. American journal of physical anthropology, 144(2), pp.204-214.

Archaeology Department 617 words

ENTHESEAL CHANGE AND OCCUPATION IN POST-MEDIEVAL EUROPE Bethany Morgan – MSc Human Bioarchaeology and Palaeopathology 3. Results

1. Introduction and Aims An enthesis is an area on a bone where tendons or ligaments attach. Changes to the entheses, such as bone formation and erosion, have been associated with strenuous physical activity1 2 3 4. The severity of the changes are assessed, and given a score (a higher score equates to more change). Several studies 5 6 7 8 have attempted to find a correlation between occupation type and entheseal change scores in post-medieval European skeletal samples.

The results of three studies5 6 8 are summarised in Table 2.

By examining these studies, the following question will be answered:

❖ As the study of the Belgian sample8 compared three occupational groups, the pvalues in Table 2 are for the comparison in entheseal change between the “low social status” and “middle-class” groups. In addition to the lateral epicondyle result (significantly higher for “middle-class”) shown in Table 2, there was a significantly higher amount of entheseal change in the “higher social status” group than the “low social status” group8 for the iliopsoas attachment. There were no other significant differences between occupational groups, or between males and females.

❖ The data for entheseal change on the limbs in the Italian sample7 was pooled, so the specific data for the entheses listed in Table 2 is not available. There was no significant difference in entheseal change at any region between the occupational groups. However, the study found that female entheses generally had more porosity, whereas male entheses had more erosion7.

Do skeletal remains of post-medieval European individuals with more physically strenuous occupations shows higher amounts of entheseal change?

The aims are as follows: 1. To determine if there is a significant relationship between occupation type and entheseal change scores in four post-Medieval European skeletal samples.

2. To examine how entheseal change differs between different ages and the sexes.

❖ Both the studies of the Portuguese5 and the Greek6 samples only examined males, so the difference in entheseal change between the sexes could not be examined5 6. ❖ All four studies5 6 7 8 found that entheseal change scores generally increased with age.

Table 2: p-values for significance of relationship between occupation and entheseal change scores. Significant values (p≤0.05) are in bold.

Figure 1: Proximal humerus - subscapularis insertions (circled in red) with (A) slight textural change, and (B) bone formation. Scale = 5cm. Adapted from Henderson et al. (2016)

2. Materials and Methods Four studies on the relationship between occupation and entheseal change are outlined in Table 1. Three of the studies examined individuals with recorded occupations5 6 8.

One study’s sample7 did not have recorded occupations, but the sample represents individuals from three levels of socioeconomic status. It was therefore presumed that those of lower socioeconomic status would have more strenuous occupations than those of higher status7.

As some of these studies have focused on different anatomical regions, the focus of this poster will be on entheseal change at the greater tubercle, lesser tubercle, medial epicondyle, and lateral epicondyle of the humerus. The significance of the difference between different occupational groups in entheseal change scores will be compared.

Any significant difference at other entheses between occupational groups will also be noted, as will the relationship between other factors (age and sex) and entheseal change.

4. Discussion ❖ Overall, these studies found little association between entheseal change and occupation type, indicating that more strenuous occupations do not necessarily cause more entheseal change. ❖ These studies only used either occupation5 6 7 or social class8 as an indicator of activity, so the contribution of other activities (such as sport9) to entheseal change cannot be determined. Also, the individuals of “low social status”8 may not necessarily have had more physically strenuous occupations than those of “middleclass” or “higher social status”. ❖ Age was found to have a stronger link than occupation to entheseal change5 6 7 8.

This is possibly because as individuals get older, the physical stress they experience accumulates as change at the entheses10. ❖ One study also found differences in the type of entheseal change between males and females7. Most females in this sample had the recorded occupation of “housewife”, which would still have involved strenuous physical activity. However, this was probably of a different nature to the strenuous activities performed by the males, thereby causing the entheses to be affected differently7. ❖ The four studies5 6 7 8 used different scoring systems to assess entheseal change1 2 3 4, which means the data may not be fully comparable. The sample sizes were also small, so they may not have been representative of their entire populations.

5. Conclusions • Entheseal change mostly did not differ between individuals of different occupation types in these samples5 6 7 8.

• Age had a more significant relationship with entheseal change than occupation.

• One study showed differences between the sexes in the types of entheseal change7.

• Limitations of these studies include small sample sizes, different recording methods being used, and detailed information regarding an individual’s day-to-day activities being difficult to determine from the documentary records available.

Table 1: Summary of skeletal samples examined

References

4.

1.

5.

2.

3.

Hawkey, D. and Merbs, C. (1995) ‘Activity‐induced musculoskeletal stress markers (MSM) and subsistence strategy changes among ancient Hudson Bay Eskimos’, International Journal of Osteoarchaeology, 5(4), pp. 324–338. doi: 10.1002/oa.1390050403.

Henderson, C., Mariotti, V., Pany-Kucera, D., Villotte, S., and Wilczak, C. (2016) ‘The New “Coimbra Method”: A Biologically Appropriate Method for Recording Specific Features of Fibrocartilaginous Entheseal Changes’, International Journal of Osteoarchaeology, 26(5), pp. 925–932. doi: 10.1002/oa.2477.

Mariotti, V., Facchini, F. and Belcastro, M. (2004) ‘Enthesopathies - Proposal of a standardized scoring method and applications’, Collegium Antropologicum, 28(1), pp. 145–159.

6.

7.

Villotte, S., Castex, D., Couallier, V., Dutour, O., Knusel, C., Henry-Gambier, D. (2010) ‘Enthesopathies as occupational stress markers: Evidence from the upper limb’, American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 142(2), pp. 224–234. doi: 8.

10.1002/ajpa.21217.

Cardoso, F. and Henderson, C. (2010) ‘Enthesopathy formation in the humerus: Data from known age-at-death and known9. occupation skeletal collections’, American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 141(4), pp. 550–560. doi: 10.1002/ajpa.21171.

10.

Michopoulou, E., Nikita, E. and Valakos, E. (2015) ‘Evaluating the efficiency of different recording protocols for entheseal changes in regards to expressing activity patterns using archival data and cross-sectional geometric properties’, American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 158(4), pp. 557–568. doi: 10.1002/ajpa.22822.

Milella, M., Belcastro, M., Zollikofer, C., and Mariotti, V. (2012) ‘The effect of age, sex, and physical activity on entheseal morphology in a contemporary Italian skeletal collection’, American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 148(3), pp. 379–

388. doi: 10.1002/ajpa.22060.

Palmer, J. and Waters-Rist, A. (2019) ‘Acts of life: Assessing entheseal change as an indicator of social differentiation in postmedieval Aalst (Belgium)’, International Journal of Osteoarchaeology, 29(2), pp. 303–313. doi: 10.1002/oa.2740.

Villotte, S. and Knüsel, C. (2013) ‘Understanding Entheseal Changes: Definition and Life Course Changes’, International Journal of Osteoarchaeology, 23(2), pp. 135–146. doi: 10.1002/oa.2289.

Yonemoto, S. (2016) ‘Differences in the effects of age on the development of entheseal changes among historical Japanese populations’, American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 159(2), pp. 267–283. doi: 10.1002/ajpa.22870.

THE USE (or abuse) OF LIFE TABLES IN THE ANALYSIS OF METADATA:

can life tables be used to confirm a relationship between stress markers and mortality using data from the European History of Health Project?

David Bennett-Jones, Dept of Archaeology, Durham University

david.n.bennett-jones@durham.ac.uk

INTRODUCTION: Linear enamel hypoplasia (single/multiple: LEH+/LEH++) and cribra orbitalia (graded by severity: CO+/CO++) are due to adverse health or physiological events in foetal or early life (1, 2, 3).

Either of these ‘stress markers’ may be associated with subsequent illness in adulthood, in keeping with the developmental origins of health and disease hypothesis (DOHaD) (4).

The European History of Health Project (EHHP) (5) collected data on 15,119 skeletons from 103 sites in 16 European countries (figure 1). Although the size of the sample greatly increases statistical power (6), diversity in time, location and context could be considered to invalidate life table methodology. To examine the relationship between LEH/CO and mortality this study will:

1.

2.

Assess whether there is sufficient consistency across the reported periods, regions of Europe, settings and occupations to permit comparison of sub-groups Examine age at death and life expectancy in relation to the stress markers, LEH and CO.

METHODS:

and, if so,

Data from the EHHP website (age at death, sex, environmental/occupational setting, period, region of Europe, LEH and CO) were downloaded into a Microsoft Excel® spreadsheet.

Skeletons in which it was possible to observe LEH (54% of the total) and/or CO (64%) were included – n= 6,836; LEH: M-40%, F-38%, CO: M-13.4%, F-15.4%.

Pivot tables grouped data into 5-year age cohorts, with filters for sub-group comparison. Life tables were calculated for individuals with/without LEH & CO (table 1).

Outcome measures are age at death, and life expectancy at ages 5, 15 and 30 years. ANOVA and t tests were used for statistical significance.

• • •

Time-period cohorts of 5 year duration

Table 1: Calculation of life tables from skeletal remains (6) – green highlight – formulae; column 5: number of individuals dying in each time-period; column 7: proportion surviving to end of previous time-period (survivorship); column 8: age-specific mortality; column 11: life expectancy of individuals of given age at start of time-period.

Figure 1: Sites in the European History of Health Project (5) Northwest Northeast Central/Southeast Mediterranean LIFE TABLE METHODOLOGY:

Life tables are a statistically powerful but controversial tool in palaeodemography (6,7).

Life table findings can only be extrapolated to the parent population in specific circumstances of demographic stability, which are not achievable in the EHHP dataset.

Subgroup comparison within the dataset may be informative. ``````````````` Random error, such as inter-observer variation, is relatively unimportant for such a large sample. Systematic bias, such as selective burial practices, is more problematic.

Despite diversity of sites, it is proposed that the EHHP data may display sufficient internal consistency to allow valid subgroup analysis for purposes of comparison.

• • • •

Survivorship curves for regions of Europe

Age-specific mortality for regions of Europe

100

100%

100

80

90

Mortality (% - log scale)

90

60 50 40

Northwest n=4073

30

Northeast n=5104

20

Central/SE n=4851

10

Mediterranean n=1091

80

Survivorship (%)

Survivorship (%)

70

10%

Northwest n=4073 Northeast n=5104 Central/SE n= 4851

1

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

65

70

RESULTS 1:

30

LEH-

CO-

n=3297

LEH+

CO-

n=1538

LEH++ COLEHCO+

25

LEH-

20

10

15

20

25

30

35

n 6112 4790

Male Female

30

40

45

50

55

0

60

1

Graph 3

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

65

70

Age (yrs) at start of time-interval

n=697 n=648

CO++ n=106

0 10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

Age (yrs) at start of time-interval

50

55

60

65

LEH++ CO-

LEH- CO+

LEH- CO++

LEH+ CO+

LEH++ CO++

n

2988

2024

623

514

68

372

23

M&F

5898

41.1

40.0

38.7

37.1

34.6

35.9

29.1

M

3390

41.7

40.0

38.8

37.2

36.6

36.2

32.7

F

2508

40.4

40.0

38.5

36.9

32.3

35.6 p<0.01

All

6783

34.8

29.5

32.3

25.6

22.8

24.2

18.7

Life expectancy: 15 (years)

M

3390

28.0

26.2

25.2

23.5

Insuff

22.4

Insuff

F

2508

26.8

26.4

24.9

23.3

18.1

21.9

12.1

Life expectancy: 30 (years)

M

2625

17.6

16

15.5

13.9

13.9

14.0

11.9

F

1874

16.8

16.6

16.2

13.8

11.9

14.2

12.5

Life expectancy: 5 (years)

5 5

LEH+ CO-

Mean adult age at death (years)

10

1

LEH- CO-

Includes only those with intact teeth/orbits for observation

15

RESULTS 2:

5

Age (years)

LEH++ CO++ n=39

Graph 4

40

Although survivorship curves for EHHP data (graph 1) suggest infant under-enumeration, there is reasonable consistency between the 4 regions.

Mortality curves (graph 2), which are not so influenced by under-enumeration of infant burials (6), conform to model mortality schedules determined by Weiss and Wobst (8).

Survivorship curves for adult males and females (graph 3) are virtually identical.

35

0

0

Graph 2

Life expectancy for individuals with linear enamel hypoplasia (LEH) and/or cribra orbitalia (CO)

40

50

0 Age

Age (yrs) at start of time-interval

Graph 1

60

10

1%

0

70

20

Mediterranean n=1091

0

Life expectancy (yrs)

Survivorship curves for male and female

70

75

23.5 p<0.001

Table 2: LEH and CO are associated, independently and additively, with reduced age at death in adults (p<<0.001). CO has more impact than LEH, particularly CO++ in females (LEH-CO++, MvF: 36.6 v 32.3 and LEH++CO++, MvF: 32.7 v 23.5 years respectively - circled). At age 15, there are too few males with CO to calculate life expectancy for LEH + and LEH++ separately, but when the two groups are combined (ie LEH+/LEH++ with CO++), life expectancy at age 15 is 23.8 years for males, 17.8 for females, a 6 year difference. There is no statistically significant difference between life expectancy for males/females at age 30: (ANOVA, p= NS), suggesting that the impact on females is largely determined early in life.

Age at death and life expectancy are adversely and progressively affected by occurrence and severity of LEH/CO (Graph 4, table 2 and legend), particularly for females.

This effect is larger and reaches greater statistical significance for CO, compared with LEH. Note that individuals with a single episode causing LEH have a lower life expectancy at age 5 than those with multiple episodes (29.5 v 32.3 years, p<0.05).

DISCUSSION: Caution is needed when interpreting the life table analysis of these 103 excavations because of the chronological, geographical and occupational diversity. However…

• • • • • • • • •

Survivorship, mortality and life expectancy graphs for different regions, periods and environment in the EHHP data conform to model life table data (8).

Difference in survivorship between N-W and N-E sites (graphs 1) looks significant as the lines don’t cross, possibly explained by infant under-enumeration, and deserves further analysis and/or study.

Age-specific mortality and life expectancy calculations (unlike survivorship) provide a representative reflection of the parent population, even when there is under-enumeration of infants (6).

Both stress markers (LEH & CO) are associated with significantly poorer life expectancy and younger mean age at death (table 2). The influence of CO is greater than LEH, in keeping with Roberts and Steckel (5, Chap11), including their unexpected finding of a greater impact of LEH & CO on females. This study also confirmed that, counterintuitively, LEH++ is associated with better outcome than LEH+ .

LEH typically reflects a time-limited episode of stress in childhood, whereas CO may be a result of chronic (continuing) stress during childhood and adulthood, so possibly more likely to affect adult mortality.

There is a 3-fold greater prevalence of LEH than CO. Consequently, despite the greater impact of CO on subsequent mortality, the health/physiological events that cause LEH, may have as great an impact on adult health and disease as those causing CO. There is an increase in the prevalence of LEH over the time-periods examined (5, Chap 6), and more study of the implications of these observations is needed.

Sub-group analysis using life table methodology appears to be valid and informative – see handout.

More detailed statistical analysis, specifically multivariate analysis to exclude the possibility of confounding influence of other documented variables, is suggested.

This examination of metadata in the EHHP may be considered useful for generating hypotheses, which then need further analysis by designing studies to be hypothesis-testing.

REFERENCES: (1) Hillson, S. Teeth; CUP: Cambridge, 2005. (2) Walker, PL et al. The Causes of Porotic Hyperostosis and Cribra Orbitalia. Am. J. Phys. Anthropol. 2009, 139, 109–125. (3) Roberts, CA; Manchester, K. The Archaeology of Disease; History Press: Stroud, 2013. (4)

Armelagos, GJ; et al. Enamel Hypoplasia and Early Mortality: Bioarcheological Support for the Barker Hypothesis. Evol. Anthropol. 2009, 18, 261–271. (5) The Backbone of Europe: Health, Diet, Work and Violence over Two Millennia; Steckel, RH et al; CUP: Cambridge, 2018. (6) Williams, J. T. Life Tables in Palaeodemography: A Methodological Note. Int. J. Osteoarchaeol. 1992, 2, 131–138. (7) Moore, JA; et al. The Use of Life Tables in Paleodemography. Mem. Soc. Am. Archaeol. 1975, 30, 57–70. 8) Weiss, KM & Wobst, HM; Demographic Models for Anthropology. Memoirs of the Society for American Archaeology 1973, 27, 1–186.(9) Ritzman, TB et al; A Fine Line: A Comparison of Methods for Estimating Ages of Linear Enamel Hypoplasia Formation. Am. J. Phys. Anthropol. 2008, 135, 348–361.

Tormented Geniuses: Toxins and Mental Health in the History of Art Lilla Ferenczi, Department of Archaeology, lilla.ferenczi@durham.ac.uk

Introduction The abundance of psychopathological syndromes amongst great artists is well recognized, however, identifying mental health disorders is problematic even if detailed biographies are available. Occupational risk factors cannot be neglected, and the harmful effect of certain pigments was reported as early as the 17th century1. The most toxic substance occurring in the pigments is lead that has been used frequently since antiquity2. In the following, differential diagnosis is attempted by the comparison of three case studies in order to reveal whether straightforward differentiation between symptoms of mental disorders and lead poisoning is possible.

Methods

Table 1. List of pigments containing lead and artists frequently used them. (* not all examples are listed)

Composition of pigments was investigated, and the paints have been assigned to artists frequently used them (Table 1). Case studies of the three best documented artists, Francisco Goya, Vincent van Gogh and Candido Portinari were chosen for in-depth analysis on both physical and psychopathological symptoms. The research was based on reviewing published literature, historical records and biographies that then was compared with clinical studies on lead poisoning.

Francisco Goya (1746-1828)

Goya’s symptoms were first recorded in 1777 which year is also defined by several art historians as the start of a new period3 when the artist turned towards the depiction of rather disturbing or violent scenarios (Fig. 1).

Lead-based paints such as Naples yellow and Lead white were excessively used in his paintings and contemporary sources report that he commonly painted with his fingers4. The diagnosis of lead encephalopathy would fit many of the painter’s symptoms, such as the headaches, the loss of hearing or his depression5,6 . Goya himself depicted his struggle with illness in his work, Self-portrait with Dr Arrieta (Fig.2), in which he is being treated by his physician for an unknown condition.

Vincent van Gogh (1853-1890) The artist spent many years in institutions1,7,8,9 but since his personality disorders were present before he started painting and as he has a welldocumented family history of mental illness8,9, most of his psychopathological symptoms could be probably attributed to this factor rather than to the consequence of lead poisoning. The possibility of later condition, however, had been suggested based on several physical symptoms, such as abdominal pain1,8, loss of apetite6, loss of teeth7, and possible sensoperceptive alterations1 that might have contributed to such unique art pieces as the Starry Night (Fig.3). Van Gogh is known to have Fig. 1. Saturn Devouring His Son by Francisco Goya, 1823.

Gruesome themes were gradually more common in Goya’s been consumed paint many times in form of sucking on his brushes and work after the onset of his illness. one occasion as suicide attempt in the Saint Paul asylum, Saint-Rémy-deProvance1,7,8,9. Despite the continuous institutional care, van Gogh’s condition gradually worsened until he committed suicide in 1890. Table 2. Symptoms indicating or contradicting lead poisoning and other possible diagnoses.

Fig. 3. Starry Night by Vincent van Gogh, 1889. The unique portrayal of the stars might not be an artistic consideration but rather the consequence the visual-perceptual alterations caused by lead poisoning.

Candido Portinari (1903-1962) The 20th-century Brazilian painter is an evidenced case of lead poisoning. His symptoms were predominantly physical such as abdominal pain, digestive system haemorrhages10 and towards the end of his life, loss of hearing5. Portinari was first hospitalized in 1954 but despite medical advice, he continued painting with the toxic substances, especially with the dramatic Chrome yellow10, a paint that was also commonly used by Vincent van Gogh1,8. There is no evidence that his illness would have had influenced his art and some of his most unsettling pieces such as the Os Retirantes (Fig.4) or the Dead Child were composed 10 years prior to his diagnosis1,10. Furthermore, apart from spending the last years of his life in extreme isolation in Rio de Janeiro10, there is no event in his life that would suggest the presence of mental health problems.

Fig. 4. Os Retirantes by Candido Portinari, 1944. “The retreatants” , among many other pieces, was inspired by a terrible drought afflicting North Brazil.

Fig.2. Self-portrait with Dr Arrieta by Francisco Goya, 1820.

Discussion The diagnosis of Candido Portinari is unquestionable, however, in comparison with the case study of Goya and van Gogh, there is no overlapping symptom beside abdominal pain (see Table 2). It is highly probable that Goya’s condition was caused by lead poisoning as the onset of his illness has been recorded and the influence of his condition also detectable in his art3. On the contrary, Vincent van Gogh had an extended family history of mental illnesses; his father suffered from depression, his brother, Cor, committed suicide at age 20 and his sister, Wil, has been institutionalized most of her life8,9.

While his mental health issues were most probably inherited, the possibility of poisoning Conclusion and lead limitations aggravating his condition cannot Considering be rejected. the limitation that the described psychopathological symptoms are not specific to either lead poisoning or mental health issues, certain evidence is not available for straightforward diagnosis. The underlying physical and mental health conditions could have simultaneously impacted the artists as well as mutually intensify the symptoms.

In conclusion, even in wellrecorded cases, addressing mental health disorders in historical populations is rather problematic given the possibility of multiple pathological aetiologies.

1. Montes-Santiago, J. 2013. ‘The Lead-Poisoned Genius: Saturnism in Famous Artists Across Five Centuries’. Progress in Brain Research, 203, pp. 223-240. 2. Eastaugh, N. (ed.). 2004. The Pigment Compendium: Optical Microscopy of Historical Pigments. Amsterdam: Elsevier. 3. Felissati, D. and Sperati, G. 2010.

‘Francisco Goya and His Illness’. Acta Otorhinolaryngologica Italica, 30, pp. 264-270. 4. Cory-Slechta, D.A., Widzowski, D.V., Pokora, M. J. 1993. ‘Functional alterations in dopamine systems (Pb-induced) assessed using drug discrimination procedures’. Neurotoxicology,14, pp. 105-14. 5. Withfield, C.L., Ch’ien, L. T., Whitehead, J.D. 1972. ‘Lead Encephalopathy in Adults’. American Journal of Medicine, 52, pp. 289-298. 6. ATSDR (Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Control). 1999. Case studies in environmental medicine, lead toxicity. Atlanta: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Public Health Service. 7. . Ho, C. N., Park, S.S., et al. 2003. ‘Famous People and Genetic Disorders: From Monarchs to Geniuses – A Portrait of Their Genetic Illnesses’. American Journal of Medical Genetics, 118, pp. 187-196 8. . Hughes, J. R. 2005. ‘A Reappraisal of the Possible Seizures of Vincent van Gogh’.

Epilepsy&Behaviour, 6, pp. 504-510 9. . Luque, F.J. and González, L. M. 2004. ‘Vincent van Gogh and the Toxic Colours of Saturn: Autobiographical Narrative of a Case of Lead Poisoning’. Available online: http://www.vggallery.com/visitors/resumen.pdf (viewed 25.04.2020). 10. Museo Casa de Portinari, n.d.

Candido Portinari. Available Online: https://museucasadeportinari.org.br/en/identidade/#menu-portinari (viewed 27.04.2020).

Word count: 730

--------Other Master's programmes at Durham University Archaeology Department.

Contact: pgarch.admissions@durham.ac.uk Durham University Dept of Archaeology South Road Durham DH1 3LE T: 44(0)191 334-1100 F: 44(0)191 334-1101 https://www.dur.ac.uk/archaeology/ Facebook @ArchaeologyDurham Twitter @arcdurham