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HAr.K-F.T,Tr. fltnfí Cnn.tultant AT THE REQUEST OP


Member of Committee on Interior and Insular Afiairs United States House of Representatives

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WiLLiAM H. Hackett, Staff Consultant AT THE EEQUEST OF


Member of Committee on Interior and Insular Afíairs

United States House of Representatives



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CONGRESS OF THE UnITED StATES, House CP Representatives, Washington, D. C., May 25, 1951. Hon. JoHN R. Murdock,

Chairman, Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs, ■ House oj Representatives, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. Chairman: The Nationalist Party leaders in Puerto Rico attracted widespread attention to their movement late in October and early November last year by the attempts of their

gunmen to assassinate the President of the United States and the Governor of Puerto Rico.

Fortunately plans for both these dastardly attempts went astray but at the price of the lives of men assigned to guard these two Chief Executives.

The history of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party, which is com-

posed of a comparativo handful of independence fanatics, is replete with terrorism. It is also marked by the support given by the Communist Party, both mainland and insular. In view of the seditious nature of this movement in Puerto Rico, I have asked Mr. Hackett, staíf consultant for our Subcommittee on

Territorios and Insular Possessions, to niake a study of the past and

present history and activity of the Nationalist Party and the extent to which Commimists have participated thereiu., That report has now been completed and I submit it for the infor mation of the members of our committee.

Sincerely yours, Fred L. Crawford.


t »


Report to the Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs


On November 1, 1950, in Washington, D. C., a man fell wounded in front of tlie temporaiy Wliite House, commonly referred to as tlie ■ Blair House, following his participation in an abortivo attempt on

tlie life of the President of the Únited States. In his pocket was found a letter which read as follows: My Dear Griselio: If for any reason it should be necessary to assume the leadership of the movcment in the United States, yon will do so \YÍthout hesita, tion of any kind. We are leaving to your high sense of patriotism and sane judgment everything regarding the matter. Cordiallj' yours, Albizu Campos.

The wounded man was Oscar Collazo, 37-year-old Puerto Rican

who has smee been convicted of murder following a trial by jury and

sentenced to die in the electric chair on October 26, 1951, for killing a White House policeman. The signer of the. letter was Pedro Albizu

Campos, 59, notorious acid-tongued, American-hating revolutionist

and head of Puerto Rico's Nationalist Party. He has been devoting the remaining years of his life to fulfillment of his vow to "throw the United States out" of Puerto Rico.

The "Griselio" to whom the letter was addressed was Griselio

Torresola, another Nationalist and Collazo's accomplice in the bloody raid on the Wliite House. He was killed in his attempt to shoot his

way past Secret Service policemen. The letter had been written by Albizu only a few weeks before the attempt of these two men to shoot up tlie residence of the President. The "movement" referred to is the Puerto Rican Nationalist movement.

This letter linking mainland assassins with the Nationalist move ment in Puerto Rico has emphasized the havoc that can be wrouo-ht

by a handful of ruthless terrorists and throws the spotlight on more than 20 years of plotting against the Federal Government by these

seditionists. Although disclaiming allegiance to communism, the Nationalists have been aidcd and abetted by American Reds who have actively fed the ñames of revolution in Puerto Rico. NATIONALISTS TRY MANY ASS.ASSINATIONS

In the wake of terror spread by the fanatical followers of Albizu in two dccades are recordcd the tlireat on the life of the President of the

United States, the atterñpted assassination of at least three governors of Puerto Rico, the plot to murder a Federal judge in Puerto Rico after he had sentenced some of the Nationalist insiuTectionists to

prison, and the shooting of the then Resident Commissioner of Puerto Rico. 1—'



That the great majority of people of Puerto Kico—who are American

citizens—are resentful of the bloody blot of insui'rection made against the ñame of their island government by a comparative handful of Albizu followers, is indicated in the statements of Resident Commis-

sioner A. Fernós-Isern and of insular oíñcials and the petitions of the Puerto Ricans to the White House expressing indignation at the acts of the Nationalists.

This feeling also was expressed in behalf of his people by Gov. Luis Muñoz-Marin, himself a target of the Nationalist assassin plot. A few hoius after the unsuccessful Blair House raid he declared in

part in a coast-to-coast broadoast: The people of Puerto Rico are profoundiy indignant at the attempt made at Blair House in which two Puerto Rican Nationalists were involved. We would feel ashamed of calling ourselves Puerto Ricans, if it were not for the fact that

the Nationalist gangsters are less than 500 in number, among the more than 2 million decent, democracy-loving American citizens that make up our community.

^though actual Nationalist Party adherents in Puerto Rico are

estimated at between 500 and 1,000 it is not possible to accurately judge their numbers because since 1932, with perhaps one or two

exceptions, Albizu has ordcred his followers to refrain from voting in "colonial elections" as he describes them. NATIONALISTS-COMMUNISTS INCREASE ACTIVITIES

Although their Nationalist numbers are not large yet the tempo and daring of their activities has increased through the recent years. At the same time the Communist Party of the United States has stepped up its exploitation of every incident it could seize upon to spht and smear the relations between the citizens of the insular domin ión and the Federal Government. The letters found on one of the

perpetr^ors of the Blair House raid clearly show a link between the revolutionists and their adherents among the estimated

300,000 insular citizens who in recent years have moved to New York.

Aik°^ these reasons this report containing on ^bizu and his organization's activities and background the parallel material plot of the Communist Party to sth up dissension in Puerto Rico has been prePu ^ousehaembers of the Interior and Insular Aífairs Committee of of Representatives.

The Nationalist movement and the independence idea are not

always synonymous. There are some independence advocates who want mdependence for Puerto Rico but are not in sympathy with the terrorist tactics of Albizu. WHO IS PEDRO ALBIZU CAMPOS?

There is no question that Albizu and the Nationalist Party are one and the same. Albizu took over the Nationalist Party in the early part of the 1930's and it participated in the elections of 1932 and polled only about 5,000 votes for its candidatos. Who then, is

this man who heads the revolutionary movement which seeks with bombs and buUets to "free" the island from the Government of the United States?

Pedro Albizu Campos was born September 12, 1891, at Barrio Machuelo Abajo, Ponce, P. R. His father was a white Puerto


Rican merchant namecl Alejandro Albizu-Romero. His mother was

a colored -warnan named Juliana Campos. Albizu's wife is Laura Aleneses de Albizu Campos, a citizen of Perú. They bave one daughter, Rosa Albizu Meneses. A group of Americans arriving in Ponce dm-ing Albizu's youtb are reported to bave taken an interest in him and later arranged passage for bim to come to tbe United States for bis education. He eventually \

entered Harvard and in due course graduated from its law scbool. Wbile at Harvard be entered a training camp wbicb bad been set up

at tbat univcrsity by a Frencb war mission. During Woiid War I,

wbicb be entered tbr-ougb^tbe draft, be eventually became a second lieutenant in cbarge of a i^egro unit.'^ Definite ligbt bas not been sbed on tbe vital spot in Albizu's youtb tbat caused bim to turn revolutionist. Some wbo Icnew bim in coUege describe bim tben as a "gay outgoing personality" and otbers wbo knew bim intimately a few years later called bim a "twisted, tortm-ed sord." Otbers say

Albizu gradually became embittered as Iiq grew to feel tbat bis color bandicapped bim in bis associations wbile at Harvard and tbat also

because of tbis be did not malee tlij; progress to wliicb be felt bis

education entitled bim in tbe Army.j



At any rate Albizu went back to Puerto Rico after bis days at Har vard and on May 11, 1930, got biinself elected President of tbe

Nationalist Party of Puerto Rico, wbicb bad been organized a few

years before, witb independence as a goal. In tbe 1932 insular election be took a fling at running for office bimself and became a candidate for senator-at-large on tbe Nationalist Party ticket. Tbis was a bitter defeat because bis noisy followers bad caused bim to believe bis

popularity among insular voters was mucb greater. He polled about 10,000 votes, or 2 percent of tbe vote, proving bimself a poor vote

getter. After tbe 1932 election be advocated tbat Puerto Ricans refrain from participation in "colonial elections."

Despite tbe action of recent Congresses to give tbe Puerto Ricans

greater self-government after first granting tbem citizensbip in 1917 tben more recently extending tbem autbority to elect tbeir own Gov-

ernor, and witbin a few days, as tbe result of an act of tbe Eigbty-lirst

Congress, an opportunity to vote on a proposition to organizo a o-ov-

ernment pursuant to a constitution of tbeir own adoption, Albizu's followers continué to adbere to tbeir pact and vociferously advócate tbat Puerto Ricans abstain from participation in all elections. HAS AN ARMY CP HIS OWN *

As a part of bis revolutionary plot, Albizu bas organized a virtual army of bis own and it bas been a central figiu-e in mucb of tbe violence and sbooting tbat bas occurred in Puerto Rico. Albizu founded tbe "Liberating Army of tbe Republic" in 1932. Nationalists bave also

called tbeir strong-arm forcé tbe "army of liberation," tbe "army of tbe republic," and "tbe cadet corps of tbe Nationalist Party." Albizu has served as commander in cbief of tbe outfit. Beginning in 1935

tbe Nationalist Party establisbed small müitias in many of tbe laf^r cities and towns in Puerto Rico. X


On January 6, 1936, Albizu, in the ñame of the Nationalist Counr.il

issued a decreeTñ'wíiích imiversal compulsory irulitary trainino^was

required of all members of the Nationalist Party over 18 years of age The decree was issued in the ñame of "immediate national defense."

Following a series of killings and shooting in 1935 and 1936 more fuUy described later in this surnmary, Albizu was convicted in the Linited States district com-t at San Juan on a three-count indictment

charging conspiracy to overthrow the United States Government by forcé, conspiracy to incite rebellion against the United States, and con-

spiracy-to recruit soldiers to fight against the United States.' He was

sentehced to serve 6 years on the íu-st count and 2 years on both the second and thhd coimts, the sentences to run consecutively. The court suspended the sentences ón the"second and thhd counts and

AJbizu was to be placed on probation at the exphation of the 6-year

term irnposed on the count charging him with consphacy to overthrow the United States Government by forcé. Albizu began servino- bis sentence at the Federal Penitentiai-y at Atlanta, Ga., on June 7 1937 After he had served slightly' more tlian 4 years of bis sentence íie was offered a conditional release from prison on November 4, 1941 bu¿

he refused to agree to conditions of bis release. As the resuít he served the full length of bis sentence and was released on June 3, 1943. ESTABLISHED NEW YORK CONTACTS

AJbizu went to New York City after bis release from prison and there on June 8, 1943, he entered Columbus Hospital for a heart condition

and also for treatment for bis left arm which he claimed was partly paralyzed.

Albizu stayed in New York until December 17, 1947, when he went back to Puerto Rico to take over the active leadership of the Nation alist movement. /During the time he was in New York he was in constent touch with Nationalists in both New l ork and Puerto Rico.

It is beheved that it was durmg this time that he was in active contact with the group which participated in the plot against the President last November./

Albizu plunged into bis work after arriving in Puerto Ricd and the beginnmg of 1948 found him back in the harness working for the Naüonalist cause. He was formally named president of the Nationalist Party at the organization's general assembly in San Juan on December

19, 1948 having been the unanimous choice of the delegates attending the convention. One year later, almost to the day, he was reelected president of the partj^ for another term. SPEECHES INFL.AMM-ATORY AGAINST UNITED STATES OP AMERICA

Durmg the years since bis return to Puerto Rico, Albizu has boldly ences to the United States. One example is a speech he made at made public appearances, making speeches filled with vitriolic refer-

Lares, P. R., on September 23, 1949, in which he said: The stniggle mitiated 81 years ago against the motlier country, Spain, for the indepenclence of 1 uerto Hice, continúes. The Nationalist Party is going to dynamite the United States. It is going to throw out the United States. The Yankees nave killed many Puerto Ricans. They /want to destroy us by evjl methods and in human justice we have a right to/destroy them. The right is Gurs, and they are the culprits. The time will corte in which that right will be

f'I i




exercised. Here, tlie only siibversive is tlie Government of the United States

u'-H alln 01f USaiíciits. lliey are the ones vvho to destroy life. wantare to KiU with diseases, vaccinations, andwant by starvation. SomeThey day they going to pay with tlieir lives, with their own existence. There have been greater empires than the United States—more iJovverful. Today they are ashes. It may be that before long tlie Xorth American i^lague will be a memory. It may be that this could hapjjen within tlie year—within two. Cowards are all alike. The time arrives when justice arms the weak, routs ree giants. Here will be sung another great Te Deum. We shall sing that Te iJeum, but it will be preceded by a struggle with arms, with all that is necessary to obtam the mdependence of Puerto Rico.

A few mcmths later, February 23, 1950 Albizu, in a speech at Utuado, P. K., declared that—

the Yankees do not have the right to be the bosses of the people of Puerto Rico. valor and dignity only are needed; neither monev ñor arms were.

j? cuartel of the pólice. All these arms"are yours bought fho

insular government has collected—also the

dZItv íinnni mnqt íiide hinLolf

P^oplc full of valor and

by an imperialist. He that does not wish to die

ííima Tinrln 1.? ' Tf yon üothing focfree, tlioscyou who look for for salvation neither in arms ñor in i" money. wish to be must fight it. albizu NOW F.-ICES 17 YEAES IN PRISON


By the end of October 1950, Albizu had whipped his foIloAvers into a írenzy and th^e was again violence climaxed with the raid on Lahortaieza, the Lrovernor's mansión in Puerto Rico. This assault agamst the home of the insular chief executive was almost identical

m detall to the attempt of another group of Puerto Rican National-

pí'it ot th%Sdlutes.° Albizu would hke to die a martyr, the victim of a bullet from the guu of a pohceman or soldier> but insular authorities were aware of this when they sought the Nationalist leader in connection with the

week of teiror last fall. Tear gas brought him ftom his place of abode

irdeTywuÜufvt'SInt'''' On^Srualí

teadquarters. He smagamst him in the insular oourts.

?n^nmtt mm-dpi ónd 'a/' convicted of assault with intent to ?nrís7or that sentenced to serve 7 to íenS to li yeSs O^^February 20 he vms convicted and seniR^must ser/e i months for violatmg the msular firearms law.

f5 tSS senlSoes

and tmonths under the terms

vioTatlnVtasílar kw w"'

title 18 of the Unito l^Qf i

overtllrotv of govS^nm^^^^

against him. It is that of

whic^ is similar to section 2385, ^


that tíiTui^fce'd^Statn^^^'^m^ on his self-conceived idea^ that ti ^ yates holds Puerto Rico illegallAL His everv defense rotfnment kcl Mlowers.


authority to prosecute and punish him and his ^

OVnÍv ¿"ms whÍT aoqoó-od Poorto Rico from Spain Ükder the'^ %

fi Tldncrs t concluded thebeen Spanish-American War. Rico Among othei tilines hisí bis party doctrine has that we hold Puei-to in

violation of mternational law since the Treaty of ParisSi n^^^ 84341—51



\ Jp' X)

V. I


the nationalist party

niitted to the people of Puerto Rico for approval as he contencls would have been required under the Spanish Autonomy Act. Only an Albizu-type mental state could twist these documents into such a translation. The royal dccrce for the colonial autonomy in

Puerto Rico and Cuba was dated November 27, 1897. There was nothing in this Recree tha^liad _to do_witlLthe status of the colony in connection with war. TREATY OF PARIS

On December 10, 1898, the United States and Spaiii concluded their negotiations at Paris which ended the state of war. The United

States Senate ratified the treaty February 6, 1899. Certain of the rights of the citizens of Spain in Puerto Rico and other lands involved in the treaty were set forth in article IX of the ireaty as follows:

Spanish subjects, natives of the península, residing in the territory over which Spain by the present treaty relinquishes or cedes her sovereignty, may remain in

such territory or rnay remove therefrom, retaining in either event all their rightá

of property, including the right to sell or dispose of such property or of its proceeds;

and they shall also have the right to carry on their industry, coinmerce, and

professions, being subject in respect thereof to such laws as aro applicable to other foreigners. In case they remain in the territory they may preserve their allegiance to the Crown of Spain by making before a court of record, within a year from the date of the exchange of ratifications of this treaty, a declaration of their decisión to preserve such allegiance; in default of which declaration they shall be held to have renounced it and to have adopted the nationality of the territory in which they may reside.

With respect to civil and political rights this same section declared: The civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants of the territories hereby ceded to the United States shall be determined by the Congress.

_ Congress took steps to determine the political status of the native inhabitants and to establish civil government in Puerto Rico by passage of the Forakfer Act which was approved April 2, 1900. The people were dgclared to be citizens of Puerto Rico, entitled to the protection of the United States. They were organized into a body politic to be known as "the People of Puerto Rico." A temporary organic act for their local government was adopted and relationships with the Federal Government were determined, botli political and

economic. On March 2, 1917, Congress approved the. Jones Act which was known as the "Organic Act of 1917" a prmcipal section of which was to confer citizenship upon Puerto Ricans, and self-governrnent was broadened. This has becn amended from time to time and

the Federal Government has taken an increasing interest in the welfare and problems of the citizens of the island. IMore recently Congress enacted legislation to enable our citizens iiTPuerto Rico to elcct their

own Governor. Ihis law was passed in the Eightieth Congress and the first election was held in 1948. In the last Congress legislation was enactcd "in the nature of a compact" subjcct to the approval of the island voters, to enable the people in Puerto Rico to "organizo s goyernment pursuant to a constitution of their own adoption," withir

existing political and economic relationships. Whcther they wish t

avail themselvcs of this opportunity will be left entircly up to tlm people of Puerto Rico, their decisión to be made in an island-wide referendum on June 4, 1951.



nationalists oppose militart training

_ As a part of its refusal to recognize tlie authority of the United States in Pueito Rico the Natíonalist Party has been a propaganda agency against militaiy service and it has advocated that its members not rcgister under the selective-service laws.

In 1942 there was a round-up in Puerto Rico of Nationalists who had subscnbcd to a party agreement not to serve in the Ar-med Forces of the United States. Among those arrested at that time were Julio

Santiago and Buena Ventura Rodríguez, ovner of a print shop where

the newspaper of the Puerto Rican Nationalists was printed. They

A\ ere arrested formpRisal to register under the Selective Service Act. party leaders convicted inconspirathe plot to imi Jviil 17 r ederal Judge Cooper who had sentenced Natíonalist tors, cUtied selectivc-service authorities after his release from the

Petersbm-g, \ a. Federal Penitentiary in 1943. Pinto had been registeied íor tne draft \yhile in prison but at that time announced he would

reluse to compty v-ith thé selective-service laws. He argued that the United States held Puerto Rico "under a militarj'^, illegal intervéntion" anci declared he would not recognize or aclaiowledge this kind of government in the island. He was arres^d by FBI agents in June 1945 for dratt evasión. At ene time Gandia was acting president and secretary-general of the Natíonalist Party in Puerto Rico.

Nationalists have only realized token observance of their antidraft

mándate. On the other hand Puerto Ricans have fought heroically with Ihe mam and troops. The daring of the SLxty-fifth Regiment

composed wholly of Puerto Rjcans, in covering the successful Tetre^

of United States Alarmes m Korea provoked much commendation for the loyal tuerto Rican troops m the United States>iAi-mY. Their

heroic fcat was rclated to the House of Reprcsentatives by Representa-

tive BoWj of this conim.itteG, oarlier this year.




Party has been marked by terror and

gJighted by attempts to assassinate Government

ca4e^ a\^tL^po\ls ^ AS'ur-ed his hsSn;. ^oSidare against

miserable failure of liis renewing his drive to a meeting in Santtirce in 1933,

"Unnek out the

words in inciting his ovm m.onle

reported as accusing Puerto RicanstL^r^vomen—as°L'^manv'babres'^un^ to get rid of the Nationa'list issue in ^


Particular occasion he was behind the skirts of the vorld at large—in order

in the churches, clubs, couneils, and lodges.


nd Inisirb'ion^of^nflV part by of his the general admmislration of añan-s m ^Yoted Puerto Rico thespeech FederaltoGovernment and m i uewly appointed Governor, Robert H. y

Dionths after Albizu reopened his campaign of V



líate-a bomb ivas found át La Fortaleza, the Governor's palace. c bame

cck a nomb oxplodod at thc Govornor's summer hom Fnv boiirs' drive from San Ji

ilie blast at Jajcnne oecuiTod shortly after the dcparture of Gove ocie and Col. Franeis Griggs, cbief of insidar pólice. It was obvions atfPinpi lo kill the Govcrnor. .\bout tlu- same time Govei Ole liad lecened an anoni inous letter i .rning bim of a poison on him and bis familv.




obtamed facilities of an insular ra



¿undays berated botb men and ivor

efi" n inJte míti

Rico., He caUed the i

women and drinking. accused the latter of ai ^W rp^ 'm M ornen ivitb tbeirdrunkards smoking and

plansí-ir resented by the niale students and thev laid ti Alb ¿u md m t"i proposed to denoul vouth of tbp jiis position as "spiritual father" of

stíeís stieets and and tb. the campus.

A suspicious character ^™^ble was and noted patroled on


Snd wí^^rove Sen headqSters ?s bl running boardand of íii^ carstaf-tS' Tní '''''

?.:S" ssxük's.£F M-oundci] policeinañ to o Im-nitot

automobüe with ti

chased bv po: to to po pohcemendrive mounted

? police cor stai-ted to take

ÍÓSUrsIizífNÍtiontf^^^ revolvere Rationabst car loaded with explosives, bombs ALBIZE GETS VENGEANCE PLEDGE

four RSifSbsts^^'SÍburied

Santurce cenaeterv as

8,000 of Üis followeí tírní t-R -T gp^'eside Albizu asked s( tbe ''murderS Mtiinal l o íü' swear to ave The Communistfanr ví,"?country's honor." uprising as Rafael MarHní V f f ^^"^''®.^]iiked in the Puerto Ei Senate demaniled an imS; í^ ' P^f^^ent of the Puerto Ei at the Univcrsitv of Pnprtn

"tj° j ®^hversive political thou


■«' as appbed wh^en^Col^FranÍQ'^iP^^w^® vengeance evoked by Alb ofEcer and head of tbp in=,m V United States Ar

investígate «ate the tbe firmg fi rir. of^®^iar some shots pobce,hewasheard murdered as he aswasheon stopped his ^



homo from cliurch, Simday, February 23, 1936. T^vo young Nationalists, Elias Bcauchamp aiid Hiran Rosado were arrested. Beauchamp

tokí pólice lie shot Colonel Riggs in revenge for the shooting oí four Nationalists the previous October. On the same day an insular

distriet pohce cluef ivas shot atlempting to put doim a Nationalist disorder in Utuado in another part of the island.

Both Federal and insular authorities launched an investigation and began searchin^ various Nationalist headquarters and bornes of Nationalist leaders. Documents and records of utterances and speeches of Albizu i\ere prcsentod to a Federal grand jury summoned in Síin Juan. Albizu and a niiniber of bis followers were indicted They mcjudcd Juan Antonio Corretjer, secretary-general of the Nationalist Party; Luis Velazquez, Julio Velazquez, Rafael Ortiz Pacheo, Clemmte Soto Valez, Erasmo Velazquez, Juan Gallardo Santiago, and Clemente Rosado Ortiz. The jury in the first trial disagreed and the Nationalists ivere im-

mediately retried and conyicted by another jury. The indictments United StuJes Gojermnent bj^ forcé, conspnacy to incite rebelHon

charged Albizu and his followers with conspiracy to overthrow the

agamst the United States and conspiracy to recruit soldiers to fight agamst the Umted States.


resorted to a series of futde legal moves seeking thi-ough higher courts to have the decisión revemed and an attempt was made to obtain Prcsidential mtervention.

The triáis were conducted before Federal Judge Robert A. Cooper

who imposed the sentences previousl}' referred to.



delay imprisonment fr"^^Ju^^

1936, to June 1937, and in the interim the Nationalists were inrolved

Federll^jidge Coope? Sunday riots and the attempt on the life of

Eaiíy in 1937 the Nationalists waged a campaign to whip up en-

thusiasm for their mdependence cause and to create sentiment which

^ey hoped would result in pressure for the release of their leader. Their activitaes included parados and rallies

Phey had obtained a POTimt from the mayor but on Friday before the

parade Goy. Blanton Winship and Insular Pólice Chief Enrique de

ürbeta conie ed m San Juan and agreed that the NationahatTiarade had best be called off for reasons of public order.

Nationalists ad^sed in writing on the morning of the parade he neiy ruhng withdrawmg the permit. Witnesses said that when the

tbat the mayor had withdrawn his permit, but they decided to ignore chief of pohce waved a swagger stick and warned the black-shirted ationahsts not to continué with their plans, one of their number

shot a pohcem^who was with the chief.

More persons were killed and over 50 wounded m the gunplay land^ujfmg that follnwpd Alore than a score of

P(?rsons were|arrested.


ui ,,



Tlic Communist Party joinecl with the Xat'ionalist Pai-tj' in an eíTort to fice Albizu. Tliis iiidicatcd a workiiis relationship. Tbis alone discredits statements of Communist leaders tbat tbere bas been no

connection betwccn tbe two. On Marcb 26, 1937, tbe Coimnunist

Dailv Worker announced tbat "A joint defense movement initiated

by tbe International Labor Defense and tbe Nationalist Party_of Pueito Rico' bad been laimcbed in Xew Aork in bebalf of Albizu and tbe otber convicted Nationalists.

On April 6, 1937, tbe Communist Daily Worker announced furtber, concernüig tbe Albizu defense committee tbat The new committee includes reprcíentative-^ from the Xational Party of Puerto Rico, the American League Against War and Fascism, the International Workers Urder, the International Labor Defense, the Communist Party, the Ipung Communist League, and organizations in lower Harlem.

It is significant tbat every one of tbese oryanizations listed by ñame bas been identified by tbe Department oí Justice as communistic ^cept tbe Nationalist Party, tybicb tbe United States Attorney General bas labeled as subversive. Albizu and bis convicted associates left for tbe Atlanta prison by

plañe on June 7, 1937, and tbe followbig day gunmen attempted to

assassinate Federal Judge Cooper wbo bad imposed tbe sentences. Tbe sbooting tvas blamed on Nationalists. Judge Cooper tvas en route to bis bome and as bis car passed anotber automobile tbe oceupants of tbe latter opened fire. One bullet broke tbe windsbield of

A car and otbei's wild.of tbe JesúsNationalist Casellas Torres and Aníbal Arsuaga, cousins and tvent members movement, n-ere arrcsted and in January 1938, pleaded guilty to attenipting to assassinate Judge Cooper. RESIDENT COMMISSIONER SHOT

Action of tbe Nationalists in sbooting Insular Pólice Cbief Riggs AA'as denounced in Congress bj' Hon. Santiago Iglesias, Puerto Rican

Resident Commissioner in Washington, in 1936. Later tbat year be m wbicb be defended tbe American flag in Puerto Rico be was sbot

returned to Puerto Rico and on October 26 wbile making an address

and wounded by a Nationalist named Domingo 8. Crespo. Tbe

assaiMnt^cimfessed bemg a Nationalist and tbat be was a sergeant m Albizu s Cadets of tbe Republic. TbeResident Commissioner was an aggressive opponent of tbe Nationalist independence program. Un July 25, 1938^ wben Puerto Ricans staged a mammotb celebration m tbe city of Ponce to mark tbe fortietb anniv'ersary of tbe arrival

oí Gen. N elson A. Alües and American troops in 1898, tbe Nationalists

agam let loose a blast of gunfire.

GOVERNor winship escapes assassin's bullet

Tbis time tbeir target was Gbv. Plantón Winsbip, wbo was ta tte'

reviewmg stand watcliing a parade just prior to bis scbeduled address on tbe anmversary occaston.

Col. Luis Irizarry, of tbe Puerto Rican National Guard, was killed. started. Among tbe wounded was a Puerto Rican detective wbo He and bis troops were pa^smo- tbe reviewing stand wben tbe sbooting

TÜÜJ J\AlTOiN.ft-Liicx :jrjíi\± Í,

Icaped in front of the Governor when tlie sliots were lired. A nuniber jf of Nationalists wore arrcstcd, including Tomas López de Victoria,

reported to have boen the man wlio gave tbe "foinvard marcb" order

to Nationalists that resultcd in tlie Palm Snnday incident. Several CSiationalists were sentenecd to life imprisonment for tbe killing of the guardsman.



After Albizu's departure for prison there was a lull in the Nationalists' activities but the mainland Communists beat the tom-toms of bate with their stories of "Yankce ünperialism" and "colonialism" in theh publications.

Released from prison, he spent some time in New York and returned

to bis insular home in Dccember 1947. He found he had lost a lot of bis glamor with bis own people. He picked up two new targets en

Jwhich to vent bis verbal abuse: (1) Governor hluñoz-Marin, and (2) baseball.

His irritation with Govcrnoi' Muñoz is uiiderstandable. For 3-eaxs

Albizu had ranted to his followers about the "Yankee bosses," in

referring to the insular governors appomted from the mainland by the President of the United States. On his return he found a native of Puerto Rico, elected bj^ the people of Puerto Rico, presiding as Governor of the island. This was the result of action of Congress in enablino- Puerto Rican voters to elect a governor of their own choice.

His gripe agamst baseball was occasioned b^^ the widespread interest he found among Puerto Ricans in this national pastime on his return to Puerto Rico. To Albizu baseball was another de^^ce of "American

ünperialism" to undermine Puerto Rico. The thmg that cut him deepest, no doubt, was that Puerto Rican baseball games are broadcast by radio throughout the island and are widelj^ listened to with the result that it cut down on his own listenmg audiences. INSURRECTION OF OCTOBER 30, 1950

The October 30, 1950, flare-up of this baud of niad radicáis was a

desperate attempt to reestablish the Nationalist cause with forcé and

^olence. The attempt of members of the same group to shoot their

terror the kly t? eací

UnitofstaíosYdaysÍS «rjsimUar with murder and

On October 30, five men din ve up to the Governor's nalace in San gu^kt m"""" got out and started íh-ing a submachine lu?rrk ¿ 1 ■ 1 VTiite House and thp ^^"Ston. Four of the five insurrectionists were kiUed Smdp4 'ÍS Policeman was killed and several bv dmll ^ '>tionahst affair was well planned is indicated wís loí^ nf rr V ^^sewhere tlnoughout the island. There íluelfl^ pin® in ^atlonallst clashes with authorities in the toivns of and attempted att5nn?n violcnce ^ ^ reported in ^^'ecibo in addition to San Juan was Naranjito. bombed post office was burned and the pólice station

to ertinguishThTflames w¡rfsr°


Insular courts moved quickly. Swift disposition of tlie cliarges

agamst Albizu liave provicuslj^ bccn related. IMore tban a score of

Aationabsts bdve bcen con%"icted on cbarges inckiding murder and

dcstruction of United States propertv. Otber cbarges are pending.

j\lan\ of the defendants have been sent to prison for life and otHers sentenced to as much as 11 years in prison. It vill be recalled tbat Collazo and Torresola atíempted to slioot meir way into Blair House on Xovember 1, tlie latter losing bis life. Collazo was convieted of first-degree murder by a jury in tbe District of

Co^mbia and has been sentenced to die in the electric chair October 26. Torresola liad returned to New York from Puerto Rico shortlv beíore tbey carne to Washington. A hospital nurse who was one of the first to attend the wounded Collazo testified she asked him if he tried to kill the President and that he replied that he liad, that he was a Puerto Rican Nationalist

and made the attempt so bis people could be free. Similar terrorist tactics were applied November 1 at the Puerto Riean Governnieiit labor oíEce in New Y^ork City when two of the "Molotov cocktail" gasoline bombs were hurled into the office but

failed to explode. The man who tossed the gasoline-íilled bottles was a Puerto Rican. On the evening of that same day New York pólice were alerted by an anonymous tip that ammunition was about to be loaded on a slup soon to depart for Puerto Rico. The ammunition was not found.

/fliere was a particular link betwoeu the participant in the Blaii" House shooting and the upnsing in Puerto Rico 2 days earlier. One oUhe rmgleaders convicted m the burning of the United States post office at Jayuya m Puerto Rico is Ello Torresola hrotber nf P..; r

Torresola, «Jo rvas shot ,lown in l.is attemT o'shoot is Av

tbe honsc where the President of (he United States was restiñ¿Í, ° THE COMMUXIST ANGEE

Daily Worker for November 7, 1950, a week after

toe Rlair House incident, commented editorially on the chargc that

orrnnunists had contributed to Puerto Rico um'est and uprisings. Coi ernor Muñoz-]\Iarm had declared in his coast-to-coast broadcast

that the Rlair House shootmg— confirms my conviction of tlie connection of thcse mad frrofpsnne and fntilp

hationabst v.olence-makers in Puerto Rico vith communishfstra'^tlS'all The Daüy Worker said:

thfse'^dav^ ^ ancf^^v beliefs and actions is standard practice stantiatpH 'flrivnV ¿K^ /Y®" Professiona] red-baiter can shout unsubnew.spapcrs bout Communists and get printed in mo.st re.spectabJe Worker editorial had been prompted in part by a New lorh limes comment on the affair and the Communist paper said; ^ New \ork Times, lacking the .slightest fact to hang on, blandly asserts that the Loniinunist role is obscure but vicicus/* Thus, iio facts are ever requíred for the Times to pass its sIanderou.« judgment.



As stated carlicr in this rcport tlie Communists have_ actively cngRged in the campaign of hatrcd against tlic Unitcd States in Puerto Rico. Tho foUowing evidence in this study, in ordcr not to be cJassed

as "unsubstantiated drivel," using the Daily Worker term, is ^ken

froni the tongues and the pens of the Communists themselves. Their own ■\vords prove the Communist role in Puerto Rico is vicious. It would take a superior brand of window dressing for the

munist Party to appear with a straight face and disclaim ant* knowledge of an inteiiocking relationship betwccn its headquarters, its branch m Puerto Rico, and the Puerto Rican Nationalists, in this drive for^ revolution. COMMUNIST LEGAL BR.\NCH DEFENDS ALBIZU

The Communist Party on the mainland and in Puerto Rico has

repeatedly upheld Albizu even to the extent that one of its legal fronts represented the Puerto Rican seditionist in court.

Albizu was defended at his 1936 trial for inciting rebellion against the United States Government by the International Labor Defense, which the Attorney General, on klay 7, 1942, characterized as "the legal arm of the Communist Party" and the House Committee on Un-American Activities has found that—

The International Labor Defense has revealed itself on a numJjer of occasioM

as an organization Avhich encourages and supports treasoa against the United States Government.


Evidence on file with the above-namcd House committee also shows

that Albizu was a member of the national committee of the Inter national Labor Defense and that WiHiam Z. Foster, head of the

Communist Partj-, was one of the original national committee


"Yankee imperialism" has been the theme of the song of bate ^ung by both Puerto Rican Nationalists and Puerto Rican and mamlana Communists.


After the Blair House shootmg, Wüliam Z. Foster, head of the .¿^nerican Communist Part\L and Gus Hall, party secretarju^issuea a joint statement declaring thej- were "profoundV shocked" at_ the incidci.t and adding "the Communist Party condemns and rejects assassination and aU acts of violencc and terror."


It was onlj' a few months earlier that 11 of Foster's Commumst "arty

board members, includmg this same Gus Hall, had been convicted by a jury in Federal court on an indictment charging them ivith con-

spiracy to advócate the violent overtlirow of the Government oí . ® United States. Foster had been indicted with the 11 but escaped tnal

at that time under a plea of ülness. The charge is stUl pendmg against him.


On the day foDoiving the Foster-HaU statement, two of their world

fellow travelers holding identically the same offices in the Puerto Eman Communist Party also issued a joint statement declaring that the Aationalists have acted heroicallj''" and blaming "Yankee imperiahsm




i t:

for bloodshcd growbis: out of the attempt to assassinate Govenior '(■ Muñoz-ZMarin.



Cesar Andreu Iglesias and Juan Santos Rivera, prcsident and secretary respoctively, of tlae Puerto Rican Cominunist Party issued the joint statoment and this appcarcd in full in the Commimist Daily IVorkcr on Xovember 3, 1950. The}' said in part: _ The armed stniggle now going on in Puerto Rico shows the bankruptcj' of \ankce imperialism and colonial govcrnment of Muñoz-Marin in the yery nerve ccnter of the Amcrican inilitarv ba-^e for imperialist agaression. f * The

application of the fascist .McCarran law in Puerto Rico and the gag laws enacted

by the colonial government are imperialists' instruinents to siuash the liberation



'pj.jg Nationalists have acted heroically.

Conscious of all

^hein, they gave their livcs for love of liberty.

. Puerto „ lankee Government is deterinined to perpetúate colonialism in Rico. imperialist It, is the only one responsible for bloodshed in the island. L nited btates imperialism bv subterfuge and demogogy, is trjdng to cover up

its world-wide imperialist proglam.

_ As Icaders of the Conimunist Party in Puerto Rico they demanded immediate release of Puerto Rican troops in Korea and an end to the compulsory military service.^' In theh" own pronounccinent Foster and Hall had called upon menabers of the niainland Communist organization "to give fuU support to

; : [ | 5

the national independen ce struírsle of the Puerto Rican people and f their cohorts in Puerto Rico chose to cali it an "armed struggle. ; Other evidence of the Communist drive in Puerto Rico appeaied m their ovm, documents from time to time. COM.MUNISTS DEFEND NATIONALISTS

In 1937, the year of the Xationalist riots at Ponce on Palni Sunday, ^

Juan Saez, a member of the central committee of the i oung uornmun- ,

ist League, appeared as a Puerto Rican delegate to the eig na ^ tional convention of the A'oung Communist League, capitalizmg on the shootiug and declaring in an address: Any attempt of our youth to obtain a decent futura, to achieve a democratic Puerto Rico, to improve living conditions, is met with pólice bullets.

He did not teU his audience the pólice had banned the parade but declared:

They wanted to parade for the freedom of the jaUed president of the Nation-]

ahst Party, Pedro Albizu Campos.

Here tvas another Communist defending foUowers of Nationalist Albizu.


He also declared:

Puerto Rico, colonv of American imperialism, ruled by American mihta,ry

officials, minus any pretense of democracy, completely divorced from popular f

rule, is, in a sense, the special responsibility of the young fighters for mternationaiism and socialism in the United States.

Even at that time, 14 years ago, he disclosed the growing ^rength

of the young revolutionaries in revealing they had groups in half the tov-ns of the island.

He declared:

Our Communist Party is young in Puerto Rico and our Young Communist

League is even younger. At present we have groups in about half the tnwns o

InriH congress ° Uufortunately, significanceInternational of the Une developed at the sixth vorld of the YoungtheConimunist was not apphed untü x



lately. !Now, however, we are working to unite all progressive youth, all who want a better life, all who want to free Puerto Rico. We have had a certain de-

grce of success. Joint meetings with the national revolutionary youth, the na-

tional reformist youth and the Socialist youth have been held. C)ur main task at U present is to gather the torees of the young people into one mighty congress of , Puerto Rican youth. Soon, we hope to be able to report that the power of a , united youth has been able to defeat the imperiallst terror. Soon we hope to be able to say that a united anti-ímperialist people's front is marching forward alona

the road of the aspirations of our people.


The above speech, which admits young Communists were working with national rev^utionary youth hi Puerto Rico as long as 14 vears age despite Mr. Poster's disclaiiner of any connection between the

two parent me^rnents rnay he found prhited in full m the Julv 1937

edition of tjie loung Communist Roview. Until October 17,"^ 1943 Rio Ye ung v^oinmunist League was the youth arm of the Communist

party and o t iat da.tc went underground and thereafter operated through a ñon Imown as the American Youth for Democracy This too, Avas hianded as subversivo by the Department of Justice The Toung Communist Review was the ofhcial publication of the íeavue Duimg le eaily 1930's the leftists had hopes their ideoloo-y mio-ht

bear fruit as the result of some of the policieÍ of the libeS recibí pohtical poAver on the mamland. Commmrists broke away from ítliS bovevci, anct

1J40 ivere back ivith their own party activities. Restlessnbss of communists

The Communist Daily Worker for October 5, 1940, carried a dis-

•patch from San Juan written hy Jane Speed A^idreu statbig:

pu?rto Rico to°Te'Sed SUtoVhSoS puerto Rico has found it necessary to withdraw ut'

Democratic Party of

TliPrpfnro AfbeAo cj riiii an independent caiididate. Therefore. riiii un iiiaepouuciiü cttauiaate.

+ Communist Party of f

the Communist Party, has been put forward in ín an wnte-in o«TYiT»Q7frr» e?neral secretary of ^ . . qo «

for representative-at-large to the insular le¿"latAre.®""'

a candidato

tliJ^Puerto'''^Ricap^'^^^^ central committee of Slared: ^omniunist Party on July 28, 1940, which had If tliesG elcctions wcre uscd, for a DowGrful Hpmrtní;fi»nfí.r,

nperialism would receive a grave blow on tim



eriali.st chain. If the people's democratic forcL were ímited

nd anti-imperiahst program. Puerto Rico wouid wín i,

,.d .t the eem. t,«. tvould we.ken h.p,rl.¿r?„T




our people, \ankee



ft added:

Throughout the campaign, the Communist Partv mnai moVe. u ir r u„Ti1v

eef civiio-cle ntriinut +v.<i 1.^


""jol, xaiLy must make itself feit as the

-nJrto war and for the the independeiice independeiice of of pú¿t0 RRO Stiiiggle against the une imperiahst imperiallst war and for DliíNNIS AGITATES FOR BREAK

The Red_magn.zine-Political Affairs for October 1945 tnrned loose ah oí its giins agamst the pohcies of our Government with respect to puerto Rico in an articlc entitled "Puerto Rico and United States


Ihis monthly magazine identiíies itself as "a magazine

clevoted to the theory and practice of Marxism and Leninism."


THE nationalist party

Eugene Dennis, general secretary of the Communist Party, was its editor at that time. Dennis recently completed a jail sentence for contempt of Congress and is one of the 11 Communist Party leaders convicted of conspiracy to advócate the violent overthrow of the Government of the United States.


The article says, on page 937: But the continued possession of Puerto Rico, agalnst the declared will of its people, is the classic expression of imperialism, colonialism. Our Latin-Arnerican neighbors conclude that American imperialism is fundamentally no different than the rest of its kind and they fear Puerto Rico's bondage foreshadows their own

í ■<



It continued: But it was at the very peak of the New Deal progressivism that United States imperialism showed its true colors and the brutality which is characteristic of


imperialism in general.

The incident referred to was the Palm Sunday riots in Ponce and the article described the rioters as "patriots cold-bloodedly shot down in the streets of Ponce for demanding their country's liberation." The article concludes saying: The new thing that is needed is a solution for Puerto Rico based on the knowledge that it can prosper only if it breaks out of the imperialist economic gi-io in which it is now held prisoner. * * * When the demand for Puerto Rican freedom really rings out in the United States then we shall know that the American people's struggle against imperialism has begun in earnest. FIELD CALLS UNITED STATES "gREEDY IMPERIALISTS'

Frederick V. Field, widely Imown for his Communist-front affiliations, wrote a taunting article in the Communist Daily Worker December 22, 1945, entitled "American Imperialism Can't Grab Enough of Puerto Rico" which opened with the statement that "The

whole world is not too big for the gi-eed of American imperialism" and he declared that the labor and progressive movement in the United States had a responsibility in Puerto Rico.

Field admonished those in these groups that they had "an opportunity to demónstrate your acceptance of that responsibility" bv attendmg an all-day conference on Puerto Rico's Right to Freedom to be held the followmg month in New York City. The identity the sponsors of that meeting tell a significant storv of the part the Commum^s are playing in stirring up independence hysteria in Puerto Rico. Field listed five organizations as sponsorine' t.he meetinp-. bree nf thpm m-o a., & the United States Attorney General s list of subversivo organizations and the remaining two have been cited by the House Committee on Un-American Activities "Those spon^rs of the meeting who are on the Department of Justice list are the Councü of Pan-American Democracy, the National Neero Council, and the Council on African Affairs. The two on the Ho^e committ^ list are the National Lawyers Guild and the Independent Citizens Committee of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions.

It will^e recahed ^at the author of this article alleging American front vme^rd. He was identified as the e.xecutive secretary of the American Peace Mobilization, cited as subversivo by the Attorney greed in Puerto Rico has quite a record of activity in the Communist-

General. His members picketed the White House in 1941 to protest against lend-lease and agamst our national defense program. In the



same year he advocated aid for China and withdi'awal of our aid to England. He was listed as editor and chairman of the editorial

board of Amerasia, a pro-Russiau magazine in whose editorial room stolen secret Government papers from the State Department were found by FBI agents. He has also been associate editor of New

Masses, a Communist weeld}^. He has participated in numerous Red-front movements. SUNDAY WORKER WHIPS UP HATRED

On January 6, 1946, the Communist Sundaj^ Worker carried an article by Joseph Bowers entitled "Carden of Imperialism." The article tended to fan suspicion of Gov. Muñoz-Marin, over the issue of independence and to whip up further "imperialist" hatred for the

United States. The subheading of the article in the Communist papor said:

Pjierto Rico is blessed with a fertile soil and friendly climate. It could be a garden spot for its people; but under the rule of the United States its people are among the worid's poorest. It is the garden spot of American imperialism.

The article opens and closes with inflammatory statements that could be plu'ased for no other piu'pose than to stir up anti-American sentiment among Puerto Ricans in the United States and on their native islands. INFLAMMATORY STATEMENTS IN RED PAPER

The article commences with: Great Britain owns India. The Netherlands owns Indonesia.

Most Americans

know this and they don't like it. They beiieve that India and Indonesia should

be free to govern themsolves in a deniocratic way. How many Americans realize that the United States owns Puerto Rico and e.xploits her in the same imperalist fashion?

The Red paper paints a sordid picture of Americans rostricting Puerto Rican shipments to this country, "monopolies" preymg on in sular residents, and "imperalists" who are "interested only in squeezing the last possible dollar out of the island." It concluded with the statement that: Puerto Rico has suffered from colonial exploitation for 400 years. The United States has exploited her for the last 47 years. For 47 years we have permitted

our Government to koep this system going, and through this negleot of our dutios as citizens we have become responsible for the present situation. The Govern ment of our country spends some $63 million each year so that the exploiters of Puerto Rico can draw their miilions in dividends imperialism, hke charity, begins at home.

* * * The fight against


The Communist Party went through another of its acts of "reestablishmg" itself in Puerto Rico in 1946. With the usual publicity fan-

fare the Communists announced through the Daily Worker of March 3, 1946, that the party had announced its intentions to reestablish it self in Puerto Rico. They did admit, however, that Alarxists had been working in San Juan and elsewhere on the island for some time

and that they had sent three of their Icaders to the Congicss of the

Cuban Popular Socialist Party, which was attended hy Williain Z. Foster, head of American Reds.



The Communist Daily Worker for March 24, 1946, announced tliafc Puerto Rican Commimists had perfected their organization at a meeting in San Juan and that the session was marked by formal action

demanding "unconditional freedom" for Albizu, tbe island's leadmg revolutionist, and Juan Antonio-Corretjer, bis associate, botb Nationalist spearbeads. If tbe Communist Party so abbors violence and terror, as Mr.

, Foster so tearfuUy painted bis views after tbe Blair House affair, wby \ is bis party always so interested in tbe welfare in Puerto Rico's terror I movement leader?

If tbere is no connection between Communists

; and Nationalists, wby are Communists always "resolving" in bebalf ^ of tbe Nationalist leaders and tbe movement? ^


A 1949 program of tbe Puerto Rican Communist Party, skirting a proposal for treason, was revealed in tbe Communist Daily Worker for Aprü 21, 1949, beaded "Puerto Rico Communist Party states position on war." Tbe Daily Worker reporting tbe Puerto Rican party statement declared tbat—

If Yankee imperalism launches a war of aggression against the Soviet Unión or

any other democratic nation, our people would lead our people as a vanguard in the struggle against the aggressors and for Puerto Rican independence.

Tbe Worker also pointed out tbat tbe statement of tbe Puerto

Rican Comrnunist Party praised tbe Soviet Unión delegation before

tbe United Nations, obserying tbat it was "tbe only country tbat protested against tbe colonial exploitation of Puerto Rico."

It furtber quotes tbe insular Red Party as saying:

coQverted Puerto Rico into the most important

strategic base of the Atlantic, serving the aggressive purposes of Moro-«n Tínrke-

feller, and other Wall Street bandits. Their efforts are not only directed against Our people do not have anything in common with the aiggressive plans of Yankee imperialism. In this moment our principal task cSsts of fighting

the Soviet Unión biit also against the Latin-American peoples

apnst unemployment, exploitation, hunger, misery, and sufferinas imposed of the people of Puerto Rico by the United States.

"funerings imposea on


TWed^qtntíínfí m Communist Party, Newtbeir Yorkincendiary City December 1950, tbe Red í pyromamacs continued program28-31, witb

respect to tbe position of our Federal Government in Pimrtn Rico

Tbis convention was beld barely 60 days after tbe Puerto Rican Puerto Rico and the delegates beard tbe cbairman of tbe Puerto

Nationabsts staged tbeir acts of violence in Washington and in

Rican Communist Party declare: "We place the responsibility for the bloodshed primarlly unnn cj Tmman and upen his watchdog Muñoz-Marín." ^ uponHarry S. iruman,

Tbe same speaker called Governor Muñoz-Marin "tbe trnitor to tbe people."

1told bis fell9w travelers on^di'eu,.the tbe island,youtb wbo tbe mainlandRed tbatboss tbeofNationalist OI riierto xíico—



had come to the conclusión that they preferred to die fighting for ths independence of Puerto Rico, rather than serve American imperialism against the people of

Korea. In other words, they refused to fight the Koreans, but fought against their real enemy, Yankee imperialism.

He declared the victories of the Korean people and the Chínese Reds "have heen a great insphation to the Puerto Rican people" and

referred to the "peace" forces heing inspired and léd by the great land of socialism, the Soviet Unión.

Here again we find a high ranldng Commimist admitting the Nationalist movement is working toward the goal of the Communist Party and here again we find a Communist leader praising Albizu. The chahman of Puerto Rican Communists said on this occasion:

Their leader, Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos, president of the Nationalist Party^ has consistently condemned the imperialist intervention in Korea, and the war /

provocations of the State Department against China, the eastern democracies / and the Soviet Unión.

With boldness h-e declared:

Puerto Rico, vhich until vcry recently fclt isolated, facing the mightiest imperialism in the world, begins to feel itself a part of the vast movement of the peoples who fight for peace, for democracy, for socialism. Not only the great victories of the colonial peoples in other larids, but the experiences of the Puerto

Rican people in the last 2 months, are definite proof of the fact that imperialism is as Mao Tse-tung said once, "a paper tiger."



The primary goal of both the Communists and Nationalists is to

topple American democratic government in Puerto Rico but once this is accomplished the Reds would desert the latter hecause Andreu

calis the Nationalist Party a "petty-bourgeois party" whose solé aim is independence.

However, he warned the convention that Communists should not

for a moment overlook these groups in their drive to the ultímate goal for overthrow of American Government in Puerto Rico. On this he said:

But there must be no underestimation of the contrlbutions made by other forces and other parties to the cause of freedom for our people. Here the task is to build a strong united front of all forces fighting for national liberation. He said that Communists must—

work as close^ as we can with all forces who are for independence. But we have to be on piard, and ayoid direct participation in desperate actions which may lead

the people to destruction without deriving any benefits.

"Avoid direct participation" m this comment, are three important words with respect to the Communist program. It implies a green light to Communists to furnish the fuel for arson against the Govern ment but that Nationalists or some similar group should assume the, risk of applying the torch. COMMUNISTS CALL PROPOSAL CP THIS OOMMITTEE "FAKe"

The Eighty-first Congress in 1950, in words as plain as they could be phrased, advised the Puerto Rican people of our Wish to gz'ant them a greater degree of self-government. That measure, which was introduced by Dr. A. Fernós-Isern, Resident Commissioner of Puerto



Rico, and unanimously adopted by tbis committee, said that Congress— fully recognizing the principie of government by consent, this act is now adopted in the nature of a compact so that the people of Puerto Rico may organizo a government pursuant to a constitution of their o^\^n adoption.

That compact is to be submitted to the people of Puerto Rico at

an island-wide referendum in June 1951. True to our form of governrnent this is not an imposition but gives the people of Puerto Rico the

right to determine whether they want their legislature to cali a constitutional convention to provide a republican form of government for the island.

This would be a terrific blow at the Communist and Nationalist Programs and it is little wonder that Andreu took the issue bcfore

the Communist national convention last December declaring;

We f^e an immediate task, together with other political sectors, the organization

of a mass campaign to defeat the plan.s of the Government to iinpose the fake constitution upon our people. ATTEMPT TO IMPEDE REGISTRATION

There is no questíon that every major step taken by Congress to give the people of Puerto Rico a greater degree of self-rule propor-

pSerto RícT^ r


communism and nationalism in

vi!® subversivo groups are opposed to the constitutional

. bSot Juíí 1951


of Puerto Rico on the

the uprising during the week of October 30,

terrot terror in^^mr^rR m Puerto Rico at ®PPf thatition. time It waswas a consph-acy evident thatto the imnede daysthe of

registration of new voters in the island on November 4 a!íd 5 when new electors quahfied themselves to vote the June These were special registration days underinspecial law4in1951 orderelection to give

a chance to persons mt previously registered because of ao-e or otherwise, to particípate m the referendum to be held on Junp'4'

peopio OI ruierto Krco. Eighty thousand7ere newagain votersfrustrated roo-isfered by under people oíV'ÍSrS. the


i^®l"dos both men

The Constitutional Government Act (Public Law 600 Slst Cong) marks a new concept of Federal relationshin fr».^ u '• f sovereignty of the United States. ^ Terntories under the The powers of sovereignty exercised by the TTnitnd or 1. • T>..n,.fr. Rico, as the result of the Sbanish cession m-P • In 1 r íi

United Nations Charter, in the Líuie of a sólemíl T^dfí íe

interest of the people our paramount concern A?^h u íf the 1917 act, they are fellow citizens with the Shp.uV Ar® ■ Inri

they have the same protection under the Unitml A ? A mainland, ^1 Alíe 1A

and abroad, as all United Statcs citizens havo- thpi r same Federal laws as their fellow citizens ort^p'i'

such laws as may be locally inapplSr o, i it action is dcnnod.

imiai spm



"Wliile not fully participating in the Federal councils on a par with people of the States of the Unión, they will continué to be represented by a Resident Commissioner Avith equal rights and privileges in the House as any other Member, except the voting power. This is balanced by the fact that the.y will not be called upon to particípate in caiTying the heavy burden of Federal taxation. Only to the extent that this relationship so implies will Federal power be exercised in Puerto Rico.

The people of Puerto Rico may now choose to organizo themselves into a free body politically invested with all the attributes of local

democratic sovereigntj^, operating parallelly, within their respective sphere, with the Federal Government.

It is eyident ñ'om the facts devdoped during this studj'' that the Nationalist Party of Albizu Campos is an extremist party witb small following but resorting to terror and even bloodshed hi an attempt , to inflict its doctrine upon the people. The words of the Communists

themselves prove them to be a vicious ally of the Puerto Rican sodi. tionists.

It is also indicated that both groups are finding it increasingly diíficult to hold their foUowers as Puerto Rico advances on her way toward full freedom and democracy as an American community. Proof abounds that the people of Puerto Rico, while intelligently and perseveringly striving to attain the dignity of a free, selí-supporting and enlightened community within the circle of freedom and secu-

rity symbolized byitscommon citizenship with thepeople of the United States, are not susceptible to subversivo propaganda ñor the wiles of pseudo-liberators. POLITICAL GAINS

Leaders in Puerto Rico have expressed the feeling that steps taken by Congress toward the deYelopment of Puerto Rico in free and loyal

association with the United States is a shining example to the world of what can be done under the regime of freedom and that such

enlightened and sound policy will be, as it has proved in Puerto Rico, the strongest deterrent of the Communist attacks, whether open or disguised, whether brazen or subtle.

Goveriior Muñoz-Marín summed up the political advancement of Puerto Rico m his annual message to the Puerto Rican Legislature on March 15, 1951, when he said: Politically speakiiig, however, progress has been decisive. The decade which elapsed between 1940 and 1950 marked the end in Puerto Rico, long before

achieved 121 the rest of Latín América and Anglo-Saxon América, of the colonial period which commenced with the landing of Christopher Columbus. This period ended here iiot according to any cut-and-dried historie formula, but ac-

cording to the creation of the Puerto Rican spirit, a spirit which is not striving toward a preconceived idea of political iiberty, but is building its ovm framework, in harmony with the great Federal Unión of which it is becoming steadily, more and more, an integral and yet a distinctive part. GOVERNOR MUÑOZt-MARIn's broadcast

The people of Puerto Rico are not gullible. There is every indicasedit^ious natni o oí the Nationalists' progi-am and that they íind the mouthmgs of the Cornmuiusts in support ancl defense of íhe insurtion that the masses in Puerto Rico have a distinct distaste for the

rectionists very repulsive.



Speaking for his people on November 1, 1950, after he had received word of the dastardly attempt to shoot up the President's residence

in Washington, Governor Muñoz-Marín promptly made a coast-tocoast hroadcast as follows:

CoAST-TO-CoAST Broadcast bt Gov. Luis Muñoz-Marín on Recent Disturbances in Puerto Rico


Puerto Rico are profoundly indisnant at the attempt made at

Blair House, in which two Puerto Rioan Nationalists were involved. We would feel ashamed of calling ourselves Puerto Ricans, if it were not for th.e'fact that the

Nationalist gangsterg are less than 500 in number, among the more than 2 million decent, democracy-loving American citizens that make up our commimitv. We

have a genuine admiration and affection for President Truman, not only bécause of his leadership in these troubled timgs of the world, but in a more intimate sense, because of his constant, fair-minded, generous attitude in helping Puerto Rico to help itself. We are deeply félieved that this criminal attempt was as futile as the violence that we have experienced from the same source and under the same

guidance in Puerto Rico during the last 2 days. This crime confirms my convicio tion of the conne^ion of these mad, grotesque, and futile Nationalist violencecommunistic propaganda strategy all over the world.

ine WMionahsts started violence and assassination last Monday in Puerto K


people were killed and about ninetv wounded. In niim-

group favoring the indepeiídence of Puerto Rico, i ne issue in Tuerto Rico is not between colonialism and independence We are

island'k a°s'ÍL?flt f U'ñted States. We are citizens of the United Statés and our

of the ^dfnpnH freedoni with the United States. We are members OI the independence of the United Statés. 1 he-last time the Nationalist Party risked the hazard of democracv bv Eoing

oí 400 EOO vot^s'c

onrs 000 vo'íef¿u®t

and deZcíkcv nrfi'nt important. • ^t®^ expressed the conviction votes I am Governor of Puerto Rico bv athat maioritv 250 000 are 100"oVrL^ opponents, who poUed the other

PreSt Trur^an'^ lunacv

The Tar


J n +?® "•

«lis dastardly attempt on

criminal works of this Communist-prompted

wXTo frdlif

democratic world, all Puerto

in thfuMÍed

understoodÍX people

famuí''of"thT|uLd^wCfos®t hlfh^^ November 1, 1950.

®°^vey our grief to the


The extent to which the people of Puerto Ricn wo,.

a b-.t tho

act of two of their fellow citizLs in tryingTo shonft?''^''® «l^into the chambers of the President was inclicatfd by tZ

to a move imtiated by insular civic or£ranÍ7'itlonJ+

to a letlor reaffirming thoir loyalty aod taitS ment and condemmng the acts of the fanatics.




On April 1, 1951 Resident Commissioner A. Pernós Isorn called 300,000 signaturas of Puerto Ricans ThelS '"""í ostimnted on the President and presented to hita tbn Intto,- k ^wos-isein cano

íts ÉnglislT traiislation is as foUows;'





Hon. Haruy S. Truman, President of the Unücd States of América, Washington, D. C.

- Dear Mr. President: We, the people of Puerto Rico, shocked and indignant because of the attempt against your life by two fanatics on the Ist day of November, feel the spiritual compulsión to write you this letter. We thank God for preserving your life.

The same sentiment prevails in all of us in the island; in its rural and urban

zoh^s, workers, professionals, businessmen. We are conscious of the significance of your friendship and help to Puerto Rico which we all heartily appreciate. We believe that we should point to the fact that during 450 years never before we have seen such an arbitrary act of violence as the one carried on recently by the small group of fanatic Nationalists. Puerto Ricans have faced that situation of violence as it must be faced, against the enemies inside and outside, by sincere and responsible democratic citizens. Therei where it was attempted

against Your Excellency, as here, where it was attempted against our Gov. Luis Muñoz-Marín, the public pólice—the ones at Blair House and at La Fortaleza— defended with their Uves, the security of our leaders. The democratic faith of Puerto Rico was again proved a few days after the disturbances, when our citizenship established a record in the number of new voters who registered in order to be able to decide on the constitution bilí recently

adopted for the island. This speaks, by itself, of our democratic faith. Our prayers and good wishes shall accompany you always, Mr.President.

From a study of the record of Congress in its relations with Puerto Rico and from a study of the program of the insular goverument, both in recent years, it is not diíficult to understand why the Nationalists and the Communists have so enthusiastically fanned the flames of hate in Puerto Rico lately.

What little thread they ever had from which they could fabrícate a distorted picture of relationship between the Federal Goverument and its more than 2 million citizens on the island of Puerto Rico is being rapidly withdrawn from their clutches. CONGRESSIONAL ACTION A BLOW TO REVOLUTIONISTS

The adoption of the Elective Governor A.ct by the Eightieth Con gress and the Constitutional Goverument A.ct of the Eighty-first

Con^ess are examples of sound measures of a political nature which

the Federal Goverument has adopted for Puerto Rico to give oim citizens there a stronger voice in their goverument. The extensión of social security to Puerto Rico beginning January 1, 1950, and the establishment of the United States Employment Service, as provided by the Eighty-first Congress, are examples of the type of economic help extended to these citizens.

These steps on the part of the Federal Goverument in the last two Congresses have been a severe blow to the aims of the Nationalists and

Communists. It appears their recent activities by wlfich they hoped to arouse hatred toward the Federal Goverument comes from a fear

that closer relationship hetween the mainland and the island in the

last few years has made a distinct hnpression on the majority of the people of Puerto Rico.

The insular goverument itself has dealt a terrific blow to the doc trine of the Communists and their ük.

It is a historical fact that communism thrives Avhere people are hungry and unemployed. The insular goverument of Puerto Rico has



struck this Marxist cliaracteristic a deadly blow. This has been done througb "Operation Bootstrap," described in detail in another report

prepared for this committee earlier this year. Puerto Rican leaders, tbrougb their intelligent and scientiíic application of a tax incentive program, bold a major challenge to the collectivist colossus of Adoscow.

During the last 10 years in Puerto Rico the number of people employed has increased by 173,000 persons and the valué of total production of articles and services has jumped from $277,000,000 to $772,000,000. It is estimated that production per worker has increased at the rate of

4 percent per year. The attendance in school of school-age children has mcreased about 15 percent. Strides have been made tovvard providmg more adequate housing.

AJI of these, and qther progressive developments, have weakened

toe position of Stalm's Communists and AJbizu's Nationalists in

Puerto líico. Little wonder they have become so desperate. O

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Profile for La Colección Puertorriqueña

The Nationalist Party: A factual study of the Puerto Rican insurrections under Albizu ... (1951)  

A factual study of the Puerto Rican insurrections under Albizu Campos, the Blair House shooting, various assassination attempts, and of the...

The Nationalist Party: A factual study of the Puerto Rican insurrections under Albizu ... (1951)  

A factual study of the Puerto Rican insurrections under Albizu Campos, the Blair House shooting, various assassination attempts, and of the...

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