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Contents LONDON EDITION Is a montlhy publication of ANAGU UK UM LIMITED founded by
Ana Toledo Operational Director ana@brasilobserver.co.uk Guilherme Reis Editorial Director guilherme@brasilobserver.co.uk Roberta Schwambach Financial Director roberta@brasilobserver.co.uk English Editor Shaun Cumming shaun@investwrite.co.uk Layout and Graphic Design Jean Peixe ultrapeixe@gmail.com Contributors Antonio Veiga, Aquiles Reis, Christian Taylor, Daniela Barone Soares, Franko Figueiredo, Gabriela Lobianco, Heloisa Righetto, Márcio Apolinário, Nathália Braga Bannister , Wagner de Alcântara Aragão Printer St Clements press (1988 ) Ltd, Stratford, London mohammed.faqir@stclementspress.com 10.000 copies Distribution Emblem Group Ltd. To advertise comercial@brasilobserver.co.uk 020 3015 5043 To subscribe contato@brasiloberver.co.uk To suggest an article and contribute editor@brasilobserver.co.uk Online
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OBSERVATIONS
Brazil’s latest political scandal (again)
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GUEST COLUMNIST
Federico Rossi on the waves of incorporations in South America
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INTERVIEW
BNegão, one of the most important Brazilian rappers
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REPORT
Atlas of Violence: the victims of a violent country
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CULT
Meet the collective Arts for Democracy
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CULTURAL TIPS
Brazil invades Womad Festival and more…
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COLUMNISTS
Franko Figueiredo on theatre and life Heloisa Righetto on feminism Daniela Barone on human behaviour
074 4529 4660 brasilobserver.co.uk issuu.com/brasilobserver facebook.com/brasilobserver twitter.com/brasilobserver Brasil Observer is a monthly publication of the ANAGU UK MARKETING E JORNAIS UN LIMITED (company number: 08621487) and is not responsible for the concepts expressed in signed articles. People who do not appear in this expedient are not authorized to speak on behalf of this publication. The contents published in this newspaper may be reproduced if properly credited to the author and to the Brasil Observer.
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BR TRIP
A bike tour through Estrada Real
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brasilobserver.co.uk | July 2017
ARTE DA CAPA Personal archive
Alexandre Andrada
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The cover art for this edition was produced by Alexandre Andrada for the Mostra BO project developed by the Brasil Observer in partnership with Pigment and with institutional support from the Embassy of Brazil. Each of the 11 editions of this newspaper in 2017 is featuring art on its cover produced by Brazilian artists selected through open call. In February 2018, all of the pieces will be displayed at the Embassy of Brazil.
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July 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk
OBSERVATIONS
Brazil’s president faces criminal charges and 2% approval rating – but here’s how he clings on By Anthony Pereira g
brasilobserver.co.uk | July 2017
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Reprodução
Brazil’s attorney-general, Rodrigo Janot, has charged the president, Michel Temer, with the crime of “passive corruption” – more commonly known as accepting a bribe. The country’s Supreme Court will now send the charge to congress’s lower house, the chamber of deputies, which will have to decide whether the court can try him. To do that, two-thirds of the house’s members must vote in favour – if they do, Temer will have to step aside for the duration of the trial, and the president of the house, Rodrigo Maia, would become interim president. But whether or not Temer is sent to court, the spectacle of members of congress casting their vote for and against the criminal prosecution of the president is unprecedented in Brazilian political history. The charge against Temer comes from the plea-bargained testimony of Joesley and Wesley Batista, two owners of the multinational meat company JBS. Their evidence includes a secretly recorded conversation between Joesley Batista and the president, and a video of Temer’s former aide Rodrigo Rocha Loures leaving a pizzeria and hurrying towards a taxi with a suitcase containing R$500,000 (£125,000). The audio and video, released by the Globo news network in mid-May 2017, resulted in the most serious charge yet to come out of the massive anti-corruption probe known as Operation Car Wash which began in March of 2014. Dubbed “Car Wash” because it began as a Federal Police probe into money laundering in a car wash in Brasília, this complex of investigations has now expanded to a gargantuan effort involving the federal police, the public prosecutor’s office and the judiciary. Temer vehemently denies the charge as a “fiction” and insinuated that the attorney-general had received money from JBS. He has ignored pleas to resign made by the Folha de São Paulo newspaper and the Globo media conglomerate, as well as well-known political figures such as former presidents Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva. Although few prominent politicians are openly supporting Temer, the president is counting on the backing of enough members of congress to stave off a trial in the Supreme Court. His government’s approval rating is by some estimates now as low as 2%. Members of the lower house who intend to shield the president from prosecution must make a difficult calculation. Some will be voting out of self-interest because they themselves are being investigated by Operation Car Wash’s anti-corruption team. They also know they will face the electorate in 2018 – and voting to defend an unpopular and allegedly corrupt president could well doom them at the ballot box. But then again, many voters are feeling resigned. After all, if corruption is truly systemic, what point is there trying to work out who’s clean?
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WORN OUT Perhaps a more decisive issue come the next election will be the state of the economy. After two years of recession, the economy is projected to grow by less than 0.5% in 2017, while unemployment is at record-breaking levels of almost 14%. The current political mess isn’t helping, but nor would the extended period of uncertainty that would follow a vote to send Temer to court. And if the economy doesn’t improve, even members of congress who vote to dispatch Temer may be tainted by association. Brazil’s population, exhausted by a series of revelations of systematic corruption that have been fed to the media since the start of the Car Wash investigations, seems too shell-shocked to act. The president has only 18 months of his mandate left – and considerable political and legal resources. Protests against Temer have been much smaller than the 2015 and 2016 protests both against and especially in favour of impeaching his predecessor, Dilma Rousseff. One difficulty is that unlike in the case of Rousseff, Temer lacks an obvious successor – and the mechanism to install one is ungainly. If he were tried and convicted in the Supreme Court, that would force an “indirect election”, wherein congress would vote for a successor to serve out the remainder of the presidential term. But the law regulating such an election is vague and the sheer number of politicians under investigation for corruption means viable and popular candidates are thin on the ground. Temer may yet survive – his image and moral authority badly tarnished, his political support frayed, but a survivor nonetheless, clinging to his presidency for dear life like someone tossed overboard at sea. If he endures, it will be a testament to the abject state of the political system, the devastating impact of the anti-corruption investigations on the political establishment and the seeming inability of Brazil’s democracy to renew itself and to evolve into a more transparent and accountable form of governance. That renewal, if it comes, might not arrive until January 2019, when a new president would take office. Any new president will face daunting challenges – above all, unprecedented distrust of the political establishment and a legitimacy crisis that will make governing Brazil extraordinarily difficult for whoever takes on the job.
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Anthony Pereira is Director at King’s Brazil Institute, King’s College London. Originally published at www.theconversation.com
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July 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk
GUEST Mídia NINJA
Occupation of the Homeless Movement in Carapicuíba, state of São Paulo
The waves of incorporation in South America The idea of a ‘Left Turn’ or a ‘Pink Tide’ tells us little about the rise and fall of left-wing parties today or throughout Latin America’s history. Though the actors and arenas vary over time, the key lies in understanding successive waves of demands for incorporation from poorer segments of society, argues Federico M. Rossi
brasilobserver.co.uk | July 2017
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How to account for the events experienced in the region over the last twenty years from a long-term historical perspective? The most common definition has been that a “left turn” has occurred across Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador, and Venezuela. But this concept only highlights a vague connection between diverse leftist governments, leaving many political and economic dynamics unexplained. To comprehend the major transformative processes behind the South American left turn, we need to return to Latin America’s long history of cyclical redistributive conflicts and analyse what I term “incorporation waves”. Incorporation waves are major and prolonged historical processes of struggle between socioeconomic and political groups vying either to maintain a small polity based on an intimate relationship between economic and political power or to pressure (sometimes from below) for expansion of this polity to incorporate the poor as citizens and as workers. Across the entire span of Latin American history, there have been only two such incorporations of the poorer segments of society. The first wave of incorporation was a corporatist process combining mobilisation of popular claims by labour and/or peasant movements with policies for channelling these claims into corporatist institutions from the 1930s to the 1950s. The first incorporation in Latin America was defined by Ruth Berins Collier and David Collier in Shaping the Political Arena as “[t] he first sustained and at least partially successful attempt by the state to legitimate and shape an institutionalized labour movement”. This was accomplished through social policies that addressed the claims of increasingly unionised popular sectors. In Brazil incorporation was pursued for demobilisation purposes, whereas in Bolivia, Venezuela, and Argentina incorporation implied mobilisation of the labour movement. In Bolivia and Venezuela, this first incorporation also included peasants, while in Ecuador incorporation was carried out by a military reformist regime and involved a weak labour movement. Coups d’état put an end to the first wave of incorporation in most of Latin America. In Argentina, for example, the incorporation phase ended with the coup of 1955, leading into a period of back-andforth tension between Peronists and other political actors, as well as several further coups. In 1976 yet another coup began a systematic process of exclusion or “disincorporation” of popular sectors by authoritarian military regimes and democratic neoliberal reforms, lasting until the early 2000s.
But this phase of coups and neoliberal disincorporation was not exclusive to Argentina. In most countries disincorporation was resisted by social movements that mobilised popular sectors, such as landless peasants in Brazil, the indigenous in Bolivia and Ecuador, and the unemployed in Argentina. These accumulated disruptions constituted a massive continental cycle of protests against the exclusionary consequences of neoliberal reforms. The second major redefinition of the socio-political arena in Latin America started in the late 1990s. This second wave of incorporation is a territorially based process emerging from an accumulation of transformations designed to respond to popular demands for inclusion. The emergence of left-wing or populist parties in government is one of the by-products of two decades of struggle for reincorporation. Each incorporation wave has been associated with different types of popular movements leading the efforts for social change. During the liberal period (1870s–1930s) that preceded the first incorporation (1930s–1950s), labour and/ or peasant movements were the main organisers of the popular sectors in their demands for wellbeing through reform or revolution. For the second incorporation (2000s–2010s), the prior neoliberal period (1970s–1990s) saw a new type of movement become the central popular actor in reversing the exclusionary consequences of authoritarianism and neoliberalism: reincorporation movements. Reincorporation movements built upon – but also decentred – labour-based actors, organising the poor and marginalised territorially. There are recurring dynamics to incorporation, and both waves manifest commonalities in terms of the steps leading up to incorporation. As a consequence of (neo) liberalism a “social question” emerged, evolving in both waves into a political question championed by a contentious actor that was gradually recognised and legitimated. In the 1990s and 2000s, the emergence of recommodification and marginalisation as a new “social question”, reforms to policing techniques, and the creation of massive social programs can be seen as equivalent to pre-incorporation dynamics. Between the 1870s and the 1950s, the left-wing movements posing the “social question” pushed liberal elites to increase repression. This gradually led to populist or leftist leaderships that initially recognised demands for social rights and then also the actors behind these claims, namely labour and peasant movements. As for social policies,
the first wave saw the creation of Ministries of Labour or Peasant Affairs, agrarian reform (except for Argentina), comprehensive social -rights policies, and constitutional reforms. In the second wave, it also led to the creation of new ministries such as the Ministry of Agrarian Development in Brazil or the Ministry of Social Development in Argentina; constitutional reforms in Bolivia, Ecuador and Venezuela; land reform in Bolivia and Venezuela; and the production of wide -ranging cash-transfer policies in all five countries. While the first incorporation was characterised by massive unionisation and corporatist state arrangements, the second incorporation followed a territorialised logic. This second wave is “territorial” because the incorporation of popular sectors has occurred predominantly through institutions created or reformulated for the articulation of actors outside of the trade-union system. Instead, once neoliberal reforms and authoritarian regimes had weakened or dissolved neo-corporatist arrangements for resolving socio-political conflicts, urban and rural land occupations, neighbourhoods, and shantytowns became central spaces for claims -making by the organised poor. For the same reason, the social policies associated with this reincorporation have been defined by the physical location of the poor rather than by class or occupation. In many cases reincorporation policies have been channelled through newly created or redefined institutions. For example, the “citizen territories” in Brazil, the social “missions” in Venezuela, and the articulation of movements through social councils channelling multiple non-corporatist claims in Argentina, Bolivia, and Brazil. This was an important shift from the functionalist logic of corporatism, which had articulated popular sectors’ claims by taking trade unions as their sole representative and Ministries of Labour as their dedicated state department. Turning to the future, recent events in the region could signal three critical paths for the second wave of incorporation. The coup in Brazil, the election of neoliberals in Argentina, and violent tensions in Venezuela might indicate the end of the second wave. However, the second incorporation continues in Ecuador with the election of the official candidate and in Bolivia due to enduring support for the government. It is too early to say for certain if some countries have entered a second wave of dis-incorporation or if the current situation is just a brief lull in Latin America’s long history of redistributive conflicts.
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Dr Federico M. Rossi is a Research Professor of CONICET at the School of Politics and Government, National University of San Martín, Argentina, and holds a PhD from the European University Institute. He has been a visiting researcher at New York University, the University of Brasília, and Singapore Management University, as well as postdoctoral fellow at Tulane University and the European University Institute. He is the co-editor of ‘Social Movement Dynamics: New Perspectives on Theory and Research from Latin America’ (Routledge, 2015) and the author of ‘The Poor’s Struggle for Political Incorporation’ (Cambridge University Press, 2017).
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July 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk
Interview
BNegĂŁo breaking the hypnosis
brasilobserver.co.uk | July 2017
BNEGÃO & SELETORES DE FREQUÊNCIA When Sunday 16 July, 8pm Where Forest Rd, Walthamstow, London E17 Entrance Free Info www.walthamstowgardenparty.com
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By Guilherme Reis
Born Bernardo Santos, known as BNegão, one of the most respected rappers in Brazilian music. From the neighbourhood of Santa Tereza, in Rio de Janeiro, where the musician was raised, to the city of London, much has happened, from the beginning with the band Planet Hemp to the presentation at the closing ceremony of the 2012 Olympic Games. And now he’s back for a free concert at the Walthamstow Garden Party. Check out the interview given by e-mail:
Felipe Diniz
In the last couple years have had several shows of Brazilian musicians in London that we can say are more “underground”, not necessarily part of the mainstream in Brazil. For example, Liniker & Os Caramelows, Bixiga 70, Nômade Orquestra, Meta Meta, OQuadro, Os Nelsons, Dona Onete... And also artists who are better known but who have a certain “authenticity” in a market more or less dominated by foreign pop music. For example, Criolo, Emicida, Nação Zumbi, BNegão... How do you see this Brazilian scene? And what is the importance of performing on European stages? We are living one of the best musical moments of Brazil in the last decades. There is no doubt about it. We are doing a beautiful reflection of our time (musically speaking), which is being well understood, respected and loved also in other places of the planet. And it is precisely because of this fact that bands circulate on the stages of small, medium and large European festivals, being treated as international bands (that’s what we are) and on the same level of other bands. In this show in London, for example, we will play in the same stage of our heroes Toots and The Maytals... And that, for me, is an absolute honour. Just like when we played at the same stage of Herbie Hancock (at MIMO Festival in Paraty). These are important moments in our journey. Now you’re coming back to London... What does the city bring to you emotionally and musically? Musically, it always brought a lot... The punk rock, the Jamaican scene in Brixton, post-punk, Portishead and the Trip Hop folks, Prince Fatty. Emotionally it is important too, as many references come from London. Can you tell us what are you preparing for the show in terms of repertoire?
We are going to play songs from our three albums, plus a new one (unreleased in shows) and a different version of “Sorriso Aberto” (a Guará sound I recorded years ago with DigitalDubs). We’ve prepared a different set of everything we’ve done so far. I think it’s going to be classy. The last album, TransmutAção, brings a mixture of very characteristic rhythms of the Brazilian influences and a political footprint in the lyrics, something remarkable in all your works. It is almost redundant to talk about “rap with political footprint,” after all the protest is at the core of the genre. But thinking about this latest work, launched in a year of much political turbulence (2015), what was the message you sought to convey? The message is of breaking the hypnosis, liberation and healing (physical, mental and spiritual). I think it’s important... For all of us, all over the world (and not just Brazil). My focus is this. And I think music also plays a big part in that. It alone, by itself, is already a political statement. Brazil still is in a crazy moment. How do you evaluate the current situation in the country? We live in a bizarre coup. Brazil is in a moment of absurdities and abuses (of power, authority and everything). We are regressing... The population is being penalized, as always. The good part is that everything is being revealed (finally). Some politicians are in prisons, here and there... Some friends of judges escaping... But the fact is that everything is out of control. And at this point, I think it’s great. Just cannot predict where we’re going to stop... Do you think artists need to position themselves during this crisis? I think each one has its own way. I entered into music to express my opinions about what is happening in Brazil and in the world. I was born during a military dictatorship. But at the same time, I do not think anyone has a duty in this department. I am in favour of freedom, always. To conclude, how do you explain to a gringo the kind of music you do? Music from the heart, with energy, soul and groove.
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July 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk
REPORT
The victims of a violent country
Demonstration against the genocide of black people
Official data shows a significant increase in homicide rates in Brazil, especially among young, black people and women By Wagner de Alcântara Aragão
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In a ten-year period, the number of homicides in Brazil has grown by 23%, and this type of crime in the country represents 10% of the total homicides in the world. These and other tragic findings are in the Atlas of Violence 2017 of the Institute of Applied Economic Research (IPEA, in Portuguese), published in June and providing data from 2005 to 2015. Elaborated in partnership with the Brazilian Public Security Forum, the Atlas of Violence points out that young people, women, the black population and the poor are the main victims. The study also shows that states in the North and Northeast regions recorded the highest increase in homicides. In the list of the most violent cities, there is a predominance of countryside municipalities, as well as peripheral areas of big cities. According to the survey, a total of 59,080 homicides were officially registered
in Brazil in 2015. This represents a rate of 28.9 deaths per 100,000 inhabitants. Ten years earlier, that is, in 2005, there had been 48,136 homicides in total, an increase of almost a quarter. The homicide rate, at that time, was around 25 for every 100,000 inhabitants. One of the coordinators of the research, Daniel Cerqueira says the aggravation of violence in the decade “represents the continuity of a tragedy that comes from previous decades,” but has now reached an “unbearable” level. “We have reached an average of 59,000 to 60,000 homicides a year, more than 10% of homicides worldwide,” he points out.
WHY? The significant increase in violence in the decade coincides with the recent period of economic growth, rise in family
brasilobserver.co.uk | July 2017
José Cruz/Agência Brasil
red than Brazilians of other ethnicities, already discounted in this calculation effects such as age, schooling, sex, marital status and area of residence. Another victim of the calamity in security, as noted by the researcher of IPEA, is the young people – generally, but mostly young black people. The homicide rate of the young population (15 to 29 years old) is 60.9 per 100,000 inhabitants, more than twice the average homicide rate of the Brazilian population in total (28.9 per 100,000 inhabitants). The executive director of the Brazilian Public Security Forum, Samira Bueno, observes that violence against young people has been on the rise since 1980. “In the 2000s there was a hint of hope that this process would be interrupted, but that was not the case,” she says. For her, society’s sensitivity to this problem is lacking. “With 59,000 homicides in 2015, we have an average of 161 homicides a day. It is the equivalent of a Boeing 737. It is as if a plane crashes every day – this is the comparison of deaths of young people daily in Brazil. It is a lost youth.”
NORTH, NORTHEAST AND COUNTRYSIDE
income, reduction of poverty, and expansion of basic services (health, education, sanitation, and housing). Therefore, the worsening of public security intrigues: why hasn’t the improvement in living conditions reflected in a safer society? In Daniel Cerqueira’s evaluation, persistent social inequality, historical in Brazil, explains the scenario of violence. In addition, prejudice from racism and discrimination of the poorest. “We still live in a very unequal society with a history of racism. The people who die [victims of violence] are [mostly] young, black, low-educated, living in peripheries where there is a real ‘license to kill,’” argues the IPEA researcher. The adoption of public policies that remain whoever is in charge is defended by Daniel Cerqueira as a way to fight violence, even with inequality and racism still impregnated in Brazilian society. The researcher highlights the cases of Per-
nambuco and Espírito Santo, “states that have been successful in reducing their homicide rates.” Between 2007 and 2013 alone, for example, Pernambuco saw a 36% reduction in the homicide rate. “Espírito Santo, since 1980, has been on the list of the five most violent states. In 2015 it fell to 13th.” The IPEA researcher warns, however, that in recent years such policies have been discontinued. “This year we had a strike by the Military Police of Espírito Santo,” he adds.
YOUNG AND BLACK PEOPLE The Atlas of Violence identified that out of every 100 people murdered in Brazil, 71 are black – which corroborates Daniel Cerqueira’s argument that racism is one of the causes of death in Brazilian society. According to the study, blacks have a 23.5% greater chance of being murde-
The research coordinator points out that, territorially speaking, the violence in Brazil “has spread to the North and Northeast in the last ten, 15 years,” meaning that the homicide rate in most of these areas more than doubled between 2005 and 2015. The negative highlight is Rio Grande do Norte, where homicide rate has soared 232% in the period, rising from 13.5 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2005 to 44.9 in 2015. Next come Sergipe (134, 7% increase) and Maranhão (increase of 130.5%). The violence also dissipated in the countryside. In order to compile a list of the most insecure municipalities in Brazil, IPEA analysed data from the Ministry of Health’s Mortality Information System (SIM, in Portuguese), referring to the interval from 2005 to 2015, and analysed information of the police records published in the 10th Brazilian Yearbook of Public Security, from the Brazilian Public Security Forum. “In order to list the 30 potentially more violent and less violent municipalities in Brazil in 2015, the study considered deaths from aggression (homicide) and violent deaths due to undetermined cause,” IPEA said in a statement. The not honourable first place in the list of most violent was with Altamira, in Pará, with homicide rate 107, followed by Lauro de Freitas, in Bahia (97.7); Nossa Senhora do Socorro, in Sergipe (96.4); São José de Ribamar, in Maranhão (96.4); and Simões Filho, also in Bahia (92,3). “The North and Northeast regions have 22 municipalities in the ranking of the 30 most violent in 2015,” adds Daniel Cerqueira.
MESSY DEVELOPMENT According to the researcher, what explains the occurrence of violent deaths to a greater extent in these countryside cities is the recent economic growth experienced in these regions. “Economic
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growth also attracts bad things like the illicit market,” says Daniel Cerqueira. The research coordinator explains: “There was a sharp increase in income in the countryside of Brazil. With this, the drug trafficking business has become viable in these areas. These illicit markets are causing many deaths, and conflicts, as they originate in illicit business, cannot be decided in court, but in the bullet.” Cerqueira ponders that this is a hypothesis, but “quite plausible” – IPEA is developing a study on this issue, and the survey so far points to a confirmation of this hypothesis. Side effects also result from the lack or inefficiency of public policies that ensure a more orderly economic growth. The Atlas exemplifies the case of Altamira, the city that leads the list of the most violent. The municipality was, from the economic point of view, benefited from the construction of the Belo Monte Power Plant, which generated jobs and income; the expansion, however, was disorderly and not accompanied by investments in policies that would ensure that such expansion took place in an egalitarian manner. A small portion benefited fully from economic development, while the majority was kept on the margins of this process.
POLICE VIOLENCE The Altas of Violence also investigated the deaths caused by police action. The document criticizes the logic of the Brazilian police system, based on truculence and repression. This is what the executive director of the Brazilian Public Security Forum Samira Bueno calls “state violence.” It is a logic that is reflected not only in the victims of police action, but also in the number of police deaths. “What happens is that usually the police officer kills on duty, and dies out of service,” says Samira Bueno. Atlas data on deaths resulting from police intervention have two variations: those analysed by the Ministry of Health’s Mortality Information System in the category of “legal interventions and war operations” (942 in 2015) and the numbers gathered by the Forum (3,320) across the country. The states that recorded the highest number of such homicides in the first variation in 2015 were Rio de Janeiro (281), São Paulo (277) and Bahia (225). According to data from the Brazilian Public Security Forum, 848 deaths were recorded in São Paulo resulting from police intervention, 645 in Rio de Janeiro and 299 in Bahia. The team that developed Altas criticized the shortage of more consistent sources of data on state violence (practiced by the police forces) and advocates reformulation in the modus operandi of Brazilian police. “In addition to the need to review the registration protocols for these cases by the health sector, we must insist on changing a model of public security that, if it does not promote, is conniving with the abusive use of lethal force and summary executions, at the same time in which exposes and victimizes more and more its agents”, denounces the study.
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July 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk
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Made in Brasil & Made in Brasil Boteco
The best of Brazilian music in London Brazilian music is always a good match for the British summer. With festivals and concerts throughout the city, you can find a cosy place to enjoy different styles of Brazilian and Latin music. In the area of Camden Town you will feel at home to the sound of DJs and live music in the famous Made in Brasil and Made in Brasil Boteco. See below the line-up for July:
DJ Siclano
Made in Brasil
- Fridays, 7, 14, 21 and 28 July: André Luz & Ton with samba, bossa nova and MPB (Brazilian Popular Music). From 11pm, DJs D-Vysor (7-14) and Siclano (21-28). - Saturdays, 8, 15, 22 and 29 July: Saturday Night Fever until 4am! With DJ D.Vysor & DJ Heart (8); DJ D.Vyzor & DJ Shut Da Funk Up (15); DJ Sampa & DJ Heart (22); DJ Sampa & DJ Midnight Cookie (29). - Sundays, 9 and 23 July: Endless Summer with Ruta Di Trio & Little Boat Band. - Thursday, 13 July: Ruta & Little Boat Band presents sounds of Brazil, Mexico and Cuba. - Sundays, 16 and 30 July: Tropical Groove, with guitar player Fábio Monteiro and bass player Carlos Cleison presenting a variety of styles: Brazilian, Latin, reggae, blues, funk and rock. - Thursday, 20 July: International jazz and bossa nova singer, Caru Lins. - Thursday, 27 July: Tree House Band, with Luis on vocals and Mario playing cajon, with groove rock warming the night.
Made in Brasil Boteco
- Fridays, 7, 14, 21 and 28 July: Brazilian Friday until 2am: Bandoo Roots & DJ Siclano (7-21), Fabricio Azevedo & DJ Selector Pedro (14), Andre Luz & DJ Selector Pedro (28). - Saturdays, 8, 15, 22 and 29 July: Saturday Night Fever until 2am: Samaba do Chapéu & DJ Selector Pedro (8-22), Samba do Chapeu & DJ Siclano (15-19). For more information keep in touch: @MadeInBrasil1 – @madeinbrasilboteco
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July 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk
Divulgation
Arts for democracy Group created in the wake of Brazilian political chaos brings together artists engaged in promoting democratic awareness
Links and contact details www.facebook.com/Arts-for-Democracy a4democracy@yahoo.com www.facebook.com/accuratorialprojects +44 7941 684853 (Ana Cockerill)
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Arts for Democracy (A4D) is an independent, non-profit art platform. It harnesses creativity’s expressive and emotive potential to share the wealth of free thought among citizens. Art’s natural energy embodies authentic individual protest: society’s incendiary protection against the swamp of group think that leaves populations helpless before illicit government dictatorships that ride rough -shod over enshrined human rights. A4D’s creation arose spontaneously in 2016, in adversarial anticipation of the impeachment of Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff. The project’s main goal is to promote awareness of human rights and democracy through artistic and educational activities, including performances, exhibitions, films, courses and workshops. The project has seen a fusing of international artists with a core of Brazilian talent, sharing – through London’s enlightened lens – the global value of fragile democracy, as expressed through their diverse, multimedia practice. It is curated by Ana Cockerill, a London-based Brazilian artist, art psychotherapist and independent curator. The group has brought its cause to London’s streets – both in collaboration with other anti-coup collectives and independently. Impromptu, “guerrilla” performances have ensued from members of
the project, including the Brazilian artists Luciana Duailibe and Marcia Mar, and the British poet, painter and art performer, Jonathan Graham. Espacio Gallery (Shoreditch), Tia Maria Restaurant (Vauxhall), Studios Kew Dance & Arts Studio (Richmond) and, last year , the Brasil Observer newspaper – via their monthly programme at Made in Brasil Boteco (Camden) – have all played loyal host to the evenings of art performances and poetry created by A4D. Meanwhile, in the Brazilian epicentre of the coup, the past year’s unfolding events have catalysed creative protests across the arts scene, from music to theatre. Brazil’s artists, both at home and overseas, have taken fearless to fighting illegitimate Michel Temer, in unflinching support of the country’s return to the democratic path. Arts for Democracy is a floating collective, as members’ careers take them to different locations. All artists, from painters and performers, through poets to filmmakers, whose expressive honesty breathes freedom, are welcome in this movement, which shares global art with “tropical passion”. Their next show, entitled “Spark of Freedom”, arrives at Made in Brasil Boteco, Chalk Farm Road, on the 11th July. The Brasil Observer will host this event, which fires conscious freedom from Brazil to the world, with the eternal poetry of belief.
brasilobserver.co.uk | July 2017
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Arts for Democracy’s current participant members are: Ana Cockerill
Brazilian artist Ana Cockerill was brought to London by marriage, from Salvador, her home town, in 1987. The early years saw her working as an art conservator at Hampton Court Palace. She was then drawn to undertaking a MA in Art Psychotherapy at Goldsmiths University. Ana’s interests lie in cross cultural fields; her work experience includes running projects for minority groups and curating international events. Concurrently, she conducts private art psychotherapy and develops her art practice. Ana is a founder member of Espacio Gallery, Shoreditch, having exhibited her installations, paintings and experimental films in the UK and abroad. www.espaciogallery.com
Lawrence Mathias
Lawrence Mathias is a north London based visual artist who works in a range of media. His art work often combines mixed media, sound, music, 2 and 3D visuals and film, and is often developed in conjunction with other artists and groups. Subject matter can emerge through any of the media used – a poem or an image or a piece of music – and can then be explored broadly through the various art forms. His work often has a social or political edge to its content, connecting directly to issues of the day. www.lawrencemathias.com www.youtube.com/lawrencemathias
Marcia Mar
Born in Porto Alegre city, Brazil, in 1966, Mar has been based in London since 1989. She is a self-appointed multimedia artist, who combines the abilities of story teller, poet, performer, singer, experimental musician, composer, painter, filmmaker and writer (author of ‘Stella Maris’ poetry book, and co-author of the books ‘Multicultural Manifesto Movement Mundi’ and ‘Acorde’). Her performance entitled “I am another, similarly unique you” brings to mind thoughts of democracy’s inclusion, for which Mar wishes to speak all current human languages as a mirror; to share important content “for the preservation of lives in the revelation of their mysteries”. www.marciamar.com
Jones Tensini
Jones is a Brazilian born artist from Santa Catarina, living and working in Bruton and London. He graduated at the Sir John Cass College of Art and his mediums are Performance Art and Painting. Jones was the lead singer for The Readers, a Performance Art Ensemble which often collaborated with Bob and Roberta Smith, amongst others. Their CV includes the Royal Academy, Barbican and Whitstable Biennale. Jones has also been involved with Espacio Gallery, where he has exhibited his work as well. Jones expresses his art by revisiting his childhood and growing-up memories.
Fabiana Righi
Fabiana Right is an Italian artist based in London. Her work, which includes photography, performance art and video installations, has transformed spaces through hyper-realism and humanity; it is a truly interactive, instinctive search for the utopian social perfection that she can sense is achievable, and that she exudes through daily life. Fabiana graduated in 2005, in Fine Art, from Sir John Cass College of Art, where her tutor – and inspiration – was renowned political artist Bob and Roberta Smith. She has exhibited in London, at Espacio Gallery; at the Liverpool Bienalle; at London’s TAA, and in an open space in Hackney Marshes, East London. www.fabianarighi.com
Jonathan Graham
Jonathan Graham was born in Aberdeen, Scotland, in 1976. The quiet of a rural childhood induced both his connection to nature’s mysterious sensuality, and a distance-intensified obsession with urban glamour. This instinctive fetishism, which wondered at his childhood surroundings, now shares rhythmic, Cartesian painting, poetry and performance, with intuition that surfs reality’s “energy-borne” voice. This quantum Renaissance of the Mind drives both individual wealth of creative vision, and democracy – its society-spanning sum. www.wavesexcite.com
Luciana Duailibe
Luciana Duailibe is a Brazilian performance artist, activist and art educator from Maranhão, living in London. She obtained an MA in Artist Teachers & Contemporary Practices, at Goldsmiths College, and has worked with charities, schools and community centres both in London and abroad. Luciana has performed in the various A4D-based street protests, and at Made in Brasil and Tia Maria; as well as independently, at Notting Hill Carnival and The Albany. She also performed at Espacio Gallery in Ana Cockerill’s curated exhibition, Duality (2014). Her various projects include Green Toys, Creativity in Scene, WE women and The Return of the Goddess. www.facebook.com/luciana.duailibe
Thiago Alexandre Tonussi
Translator, philosopher and poet, Thiago Alexandre Tonussi is 36 years old and moved from Rio Grande do Sul to London ten years ago. Thiago began presenting his poems in bars and galleries in London approximately five years ago. More recently, he began to take his poetry also to the street protests organized by Brazilian collectives against the coup. His poems, with a philosophical nature, discuss the most varied themes, especially those related to the process of constructing linguistic concepts, which are generated by systems and power relations. Thiago considers himself a “realistic naive.” His other passions are gardening, his cat Bella and his beloved wife Juliana M Tonussi. www.emprosaandopoetando.blogspot.co.uk
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July 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk
TIPS
MUSIC Womad Festival with a Brazilian accent Divulgation
Metá Metá
Dona Onete
DONA ONETE
Held in Charlton Park, just a few hours from London, the Womad Festival brings together musical expressions from all corners of the world, always with a significant presence of Brazilian artists. Names like Gilberto Gil, Criolo and Dona Onete, among others, played at the festival in the past. This year, from 27 to 30 July, the line-up brings Brazilian flavours Bixiga 70, Metá Metá, Nomade Orchestra, DJ Marky and Seu Jorge. Seu Jorge, probably the most famous, returns to England after performing at the Royal Albert Hall, where he paid tribute to David Bowie. The repertoire in Womad will be the same. He plays on Saturday. Bixiga 70, a band from São Paulo that mixes Caribbean, African and Brazilian sounds, will make one of the first presentations of the festival, on Thursday, which should warm the audience for the days ahead. The trio Metá Metá, with influences from Candomblé, ancestral songs, punk rock and jazz, performs on Friday, while Nomade Orchestra, with its sound that ranges from soul to afrobeat, plays on Saturday. DJ Marky, who made his name on the London scene two decades ago, plays on Sunday alongside MC GQ, one of the pioneers of drum and bass. The Womad Festival also includes names such as Seun Kuti & Egypt 80, Chico Trujillo, Toots & Maytals and Oumu Sangaré.
The late-blooming Brazilian singer Dona Onete only recorded her debut album (Feitiço Caboclo, with Mais Um Discos) once she’d passed her 73rd birthday. To be fair, she’d been busy, devoting her life to being a history professor in her Amazonian hometown. But now, with no more lectures to give or essays to mark, her second career is well underway, that voice allowed her to fly free, to soar and seduce. And that long-awaited debut was well worth the wait, a record that showcased a lively performer on the brass-heavy numbers and a singer of depth and restraint on the more contemplative material. Hers is an irresistible story.
When: 27-30 July Where: Charlton Park Entrance: £210 for the whole festival Info: www.womad.co.uk
When: 16 July Where: Walthamstow Garden Party Entrance: Free Info: www.walthamstowgardenparty.com
When: 14 July, 7pm Where: Nells Jazz and Blues, West Kensington, London W14 8TG Entrance: £22 Info: www.nellsjazzandblues.com
BNEGÃO & OS SELETORES DE FREQUÊNCIA
The Hip Hop icon BNegão returns to East London after he performed at the closing ceremony of the London 2012 Olympics. The MC looks to the future of Brazilian music, mixing Rap with the essence of traditional samba and funk carioca. Today he performs with the Seletores de Frequência.
brasilobserver.co.uk | July 2017
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FOOD CABRUÊRA
Cabruêra band was formed in 1998 by four musicians of the city of Campina Grande, Paraíba, and its main characteristic mix of influences and quotes from the popular north-eastern songbook with urban-contemporary musical trends. They play a fusion traditional north-eastern music with African roots and a twist of rock, funk and reggae. When: 16 July, 7pm Where: Nells Jazz and Blues, West Kensington, London W14 8TG Entrance: £11 Info: www.nellsjazzandblues.com
NAÇÃO ZUMBI
Nação Zumbi is set to make a very rare London appearance (their first since 2006) and will be performing their classic tracks dating back to the early nineties. The Manguebeat movement was a turning point in Brazil’s musical history and Nação Zumbi was at the vanguard of this cultural legacy that spawned out of Recife. When: 22 July, 7pm – 10pm Where: The Garage, 20-22 Highbury Corner, London N5 1RD Entrance: £30 Info: www.thegarage.london
IVETE SANGALO
Ivete Sangalo is a Brazilian singer, songwriter, and occasional actress and television show host. She is one of the most popular and best-selling Brazilian female singers, with six albums released with Banda Eva, and seven more albums in a solo career. Sangalo is most often recognized by her powerful voice, charisma and live performances. When: 30 July, 6pm Where: Eventim Apollo, 45 Queen Caroline Street, London W6 9QH Entrance: From £52 Info: www.eventim.co.uk
JARDS MACALÉ
Jards Macalé was a radical and key figure in Brazil’s Tropicália scene of the 1970s working with Gilberto Gil & Caetano Veloso and many of the giants of Brazilian music. This very rare UK performance will see him perform with a four piece band and will be an emotional return for him revisiting the city he once performed in way back in 1971. When: 30 July, 7pm Where: Nells Jazz and Blues, West Kensington, London W14 8TG Entrance: £27.50 Info: www.nellsjazzandblues.com
MARCOS VALLE
When it comes to Brazilian music, there aren’t many names bigger than Marcos Valle. An undisputed legend of South American music, his fusion of samba, bossa nova, rock and jazz has resulted in countless classic records, from Samba 68 and his self titled album Marcos Valle to Previsão Do Tempo and the more recent Contrasts. When: 7 August, 7pm – 11pm Where: Jazz Caffe, 5 Parkway, London NW1 7PG Entrance: £20-30 Info: www.thejazzcafelondon.com
ED MOTTA
Brazilian pianist Ed Motta is a bonfire jazz virtuoso. The nephew of the legendary Tim Maia, Motta played with the likes of Marcos Valle, João Donato and Roy Ayers over the course of his career, and wowed the Jazz Cafe audience last year with his electric performance featuring songs from his latest release AOR, as well as his substantial back catalogue which goes from funk and soul to bossa nova. When: 22 August, 7pm – 11pm Where: Jazz Caffe, 5 Parkway, London NW1 7PG Entrance: £20-30 Info: www.thejazzcafelondon.com
Comida Fest: the Latin American street food festival returns for Season 2017 Comida Fest will take visitors on a journey through Latin American food via the Thames, with free festivals in Greenwich, Tower Bridge and Putney. Greenwich edition starts on 8th July, celebrating Frida Kahlo’s 110th birthday, with performances remembering the Mexican painter. Start the day eating tacos in Mexico City, a bandeja paisa in Bogotá and an açaí bowl in Rio de Janeiro: all without leaving London. After a very successful launch in 2016, Comida Fest is back again offering visitors a journey through Latin American cuisine in three prime locations by the river Thames: Greenwich’s Cutty Sark Gardens (8th & 9th July), Tower Bridge’s Potter Fields (12th & 13th August) and Putney Bridge’s Bishop Park (16th & 17th September). Comida Fest emulates the hustle and bustle of a Latin American street market, with its exciting vibe and a full cultural programme with music, and fun activities for adults and children. Inspired by last year’s successful travel competition to Rio de Janeiro, this year Comida Fest teamed up with Avianca – Colombia’s national flag carrier and the second oldest airline in the world to offer a lucky winner 2 tickets to the capital city of Bogotá. Find out more about their travel competition, starting on 8th July at www.comidafest.com/competition. The curators have sourced out the best of Latin American street traders in London, presenting the newbies: Tico’s – specialist in the Brazilian style hot dog, Portena – Borough Market’s Argentine empanadas stall and Tayrona Colombian Street Food to name a few. Last year’s traders such as Guasacaca and their delectable Venezuelan Arepas, Smokoloko with it is famous smoked meat sandwiches and London’s longest running Mexican restaurant – Café Pacifico are returning this season. July’s event celebrates the 110th birthday of Mexico’s most iconic artist, Frida Kahlo on 8th July and the Argentine Independence Day on 9th. The painter, known as much for her enigmatic self-portraits as for her incredible personal life will be remembered in Mexican music performances, cocktails and dishes designed to pay homage to her unique vision of the world. Argentina’s independence will be celebrated in true ‘porteño’ style – guests are invited to dance away with our tango show and Argentine music. Their motto is eat, drink, fiesta! For more information visit www.comidafest.com/events.
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July 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk
Columnists FRANKO FIGUEIREDO
A window to a different take on drama
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The Cervantes Theatre is hosting the Contemporary Latin American Writers Festival this month, promising “to confront London’s audiences with the vibrant theatre talent from Latin America: a window to a riveting and altogether different take on drama.” There’s something about Latin American drama that is bold and innovative as well as surreal and absurd. Latin American artists, unlike their European counterparts haven’t got the huge weight of theatre history on their shoulders, and although many are influenced by European practitioners, there is a certain practice that leans towards irreverence and non-conformism that, when well-crafted, can be extremely rewarding and refreshing. Perhaps that comes from the social and cultural struggles we have to overcome as artists from developing countries, where theatre and arts are yet to gain the economical and socio-political recognition that it deserves. Understandably, priorities change when a large part of the population struggle to get by; and theatre making takes a different shape and function in the lives of people. You often find that most successful acts tend to be light comedies or stories that have little socio-political pre-occupation, whilst the artists who usually take risks and attempt to push boundaries are rewarded with empty wallets and venues. Nevertheless, I must recognize that there is a change in the current culture, and the work is, although painfully slow, becoming valued and appreciated, with hopes that with the millennial generation comes a promise of a shift, of a new cultural revolution. For instance, Brazilian contemporary dramaturgy tends to offer a range of work that is political, engaging and absurdly comic. As a Latin-American immigrant theatre maker living in the UK, I am constantly reminded how difficult it is to make it into a profession in the arts. The lack of social, cultural and financial accessibility is often the greatest obstacle for those Latin American artists, who, like me, work in theatre. If you cannot finance your way in, you will find little or no support to embark, let alone survive in this professional endeavour. One must overcome all manner of social, economic and artistic obstacles. Growing up in Brazil from a workingclass family, my parents did their utmost to provide me with the education that they did not receive. There was a slight catch though, with the promise of good education came the expectation that our studies g
would make us either doctors, dentists, lawyers, accountants, or any other career that is normally considered stable and financially rewarding; needless to say that theatre was not one of them. I am sure many immigrant and working class families in the UK go through a very similar experience, though I feel that East Asian, African and Latin Americans tend to see culture as a privilege rather than a necessity, often reserved for the well-heeled. Thus, the Contemporary Latin American Writers Festival is exciting and very necessary. It will provide us with a small window into an altogether different world of drama and stories. The opportunities to see, support and share the work of Latin American writers in the UK are few and far between, let alone the work of Latin American immigrant artists living in the UK. The festival showcases the work of Brazilian Jô Bilac and Venezuelan writer Montague Kobbé, and Rogerio Corrêa, a Brazilian who has settled in the UK who is gradually gaining recognition. UK based Latin American artists themselves direct the productions: Mexican Alvaro Flores, Brazilian Andre Pink and Lebanese-Brazilian Victor Esses. The Contemporary Latin American Writers festival kicks off on Monday July 3rd with Montague Kobbé’s ‘Tales of Bed Sheets and Departure Lounges’ directed by Alvaro Flores, an unorthodox play that opens a peephole into the world of secret passions that we all share – albeit behind closed doors – in our daily life. It is followed by the world premiere of Corrêa’s ‘Mona and I’, directed by Victor Esses; the play is set during the Belle Époque and explores the theft of the Mona Lisa by a wannabe artist and what happens when the painting comes alive and challenges her abductor. Last, but not least, is the delicious Bilac’s surreal farce ‘Turmoil’ directed by Andre Pink, featuring live music, Flamenco and a tap dancing goat! The festival runs for a week in a repertoire format where all the shows can be seen throughout the week at different time slots. You can experience all three shows on any night between the 3rd and the 9th of July. The Cervantes Theatre is doing a great job in showcasing Spanish and Latin American Theatre, may it continue to do so for many years to come. Full performance details and times of all three plays can be found at www.clawfestival.com
Franko Figueiredo is artistic director of StoneCrabs Theatre Company and artistic associate of New Theatre Royal Portsmouth
brasilobserver.co.uk | July 2017
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HELOISA RIGHETTO
Feminism and men
Heloisa Righetto is a journalist and writes about feminism (@helorighetto – facebook.com/conexaofeminista) g
“Can a man be feminist?” I get asked this question frequently, both from men and women. Some might say no, it is impossible for men to be feminist, as they don’t experience gender -based oppression and therefore can’t truly understand the fight for equality. I disagree. For me, a man can be feminist. But this is the short answer. Saying that men can’t feel empathy for feminism because they are not oppressed (important: I am not saying men don’t suffer abuse or violence, but they are not objetified, controlled or have their reproductive rights and participation in society limited just because they are men) is not a strong argument to leave them out. After all, we do expect privileged women to understand the several layers of oppression so they can use their voices to fight side by side with women that, besides sexism, have to live with racism, homophobia or xenophobia. So there is no reason we shouldn’t ask for the same kind of understanding from men. Being a feminist doesn’t mean – unfortunately – immediate deconstruction. Sexism is deeply rooted (and in many places, legislated), and we need to wear our feminist lenses all the time. This exercise is much more complicated for men, as they are not a target of daily micro aggressions (such as street and work harassment, control
over their bodies, pay gap) that most women are so accustomed with. The most important thing about the can-a-man-be-feminist discussion, however, is to understand that their role is not of a spokesperson. They have to act. This means that men need to listen, to understand, and then to use their space to really make a difference. Seems pretty simple, but it’s a challenging exercise for a group that is used to be a protagonist in each and every situation. A good way to kick start your feminist journey is to recognise your privilege just because you are a man (and if you are also white, cisgender, heterosexual and middle class, congratulations, you are on the very top of the privilege pyramid) and be open to criticism. So, instead of hitting back when your sexist behaviour is pointed out, listen and learn. It is painful, and I choose to believe you when you say you are not sexist (although there are people that are proud to perpetuate sexism), but you certainly have done something or said something without even realising that was, well, offensive. And please, don’t try to argue or question the integrity of any woman that had the courage to stand up to you because she felt offended. “But I’m a feminist!” is not a good enough answer (please go back to the
paragraph above). Again: listen, reflect, and act. For heterosexual women, there’s also the challenge of dealing with their partner’s sexism. The feminist lenses are not selective, and might reveal something that up until that moment was seen as an everyday thing or even expected, after all “men are like that”. As it happens within the public sphere, the fight for equality in our private lives also takes time to obtain meaningful results. However, this is a battle we must take. Do not lower your expectations (nor justify a behaviour you wouldn’t in any other man), as society has been doing this for a long time. Have you noticed how men become super heroes for doing simple things such as washing the dishes (you’re so lucky, he’s such a great husband!) or change a nappy (wow, he is an outstanding father!)? Feminism is inclusive, and men also suffer the negative consequences of a patriarchal society. The toxic masculinity generated by it creates a cycle: we raise violent boys who are incapable of demonstrating their feelings, perpetuating an oppressive behaviour. Yes, there is a place for men in feminism, as it is also their duty to make sure that a woman’s place is wherever she wants to be.
DANIELA BARONE SOARES
The power of forgiveness
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Daniela Barone Soares is part of the Inner Space team (www.innerspace.org.uk)
We all have something to forgive. Some time ago, I became seriously ill and had to step away from work. When I returned, the interim in my absence tried to put the rest of my team against me, and take my position. I was very fragile and could not understand why this was happening. I was revolted with this injustice and behaviour. We often find it difficult to forgive what we believe to be unfair. In that case, worse still, I realized that I had not even forgiven myself: how could my own team do this to me in my most frail hour? I must have done something wrong. I felt guilty, heavy and sad. This weighs down the soul and pollutes the heart. I experienced this negativity, until I decided enough is enough. After all, I was suffering today for something that happened in the past, I was re-living the pain. It was my own thoughts and feelings that kept bringing this pain into the present. Suppression does not work – we need to acknowledge, understand, and counteract the negative feelings of anger, sad-
ness, or revenge that destroy our minds and hearts when we cling to situations that caused harm. The first thing I did was to stop feeling guilty about what happened: “I did the best I could with the resources I had at that time.” Then, I established a positive dialogue with myself: “leaving the past would free myself for newness, for what life has to offer me”. Finally, I practiced cultivating a positive nature: meditation, gratitude, attention to the quality of my thoughts and feelings. And I practiced forgiveness: forgiving small mistakes (e.g. someone who steps on your foot in the subway) helped me to practice generosity, understanding... and develop my capacity for forgiveness. Harvard physician and researcher Dr. George Vaillant describes forgiveness as one of the eight positive emotions that keep us connected with our deeper self and with others. He regards these positive emotions as key ingredients that unite us in our humanity and include love, hope, joy, compassion, faith, reverence, and gratitude. I saw this practically: for-
giving was an act of compassion with the self, it brought freedom from suffering and lightness. And then I could forgive others. Often we come across things that seem unforgivable. To forgive the people who have done such things and to change our vision of them is to understand that I am part of the family of humanity and that, somehow, my energy contributes to the improvement or worsening of this human family. If my energy is negative, the unforgivable that has already happened will not change – but I would have increased negativity as a whole. Forgiveness means allowing all souls to progress. I do not hold the mistakes of others in my heart. I interact with each person, each time, with the possibility that they might have changed. I nourish this vision of hope, benevolence and good wishes. It indeed helps others to change – and it helps me to be happy, open to the new and attentive to the “miracles” that can happen when we feel light and free.
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July 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk
BR TRIP
Biking through the Estrada Real One of the most ancient, beautiful and historical roads of Brazil invites you on a breath-taking adventure. Is your bike ready?
Reproduction
By Visit Brasil | www.visitbrasil.com
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In the 17th century, the Portuguese Crown created an official route from where the gold production from the centre of the country would reach the ports. Thus was born a route of more than 1,630 km long, cutting three Brazilian States: Minas Gerais, Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo. Along the tracks, lush nature, villages left by the richness of the past and a lot of story to tell, the road that is, today, the largest tourist route in the country. Don’t get scared with the 1,630 km of the Estrada Real! You don’t have to pedal all the way – unless, of course, you want to. The idea is that you experience the best of the road without the need to bike through it all. The route reserved for you has 395 km, starts in the city of Diamantina (located 290 km from Belo Horizonte, capital of Minas Gerais) and ends in the city of Ouro Preto, after 8 days of biking. The route runs along those lines because it requires less physical effort than if you left from Ouro Preto. Good for your legs! You’re going to have an immersive experience in the history of the country, in the cultural legacy left in the clothes of the people, on the appearance of the houses, on the food served in the villages, in the way of the people. And more: a unique contact with a very impressive nature for you to forget your problems, wash your soul in the waterfalls and lose your way home after so much beauty. Shall we?
Starting from Diamantina Diamantina is one of those cities where you spend hours registering images that would make beautiful postcards. The harmony between the beauty of nature and its majestic 18th century houses have earned the city the title of Historical
Heritage of Humanity and make it the perfect destination to start the trip. Before getting your bike, it’s worth reserving a day to visit local attractions, such as the Senhor do Bonfim dos Militares Church, the Rosário Fountain and the Casa de Chica da Silva. When you are passing through the centre, go to the Catedral Metropolitana de Santo Antônio da Sé, a beautiful baroque church, a landmark of Minas Gerais. On the Praça
do Mercado, the Mercado Velho draws attention for its architecture, of Arabic influence. The craftsmanship and artistic and cultural events that crowd the streets are other major attractions of the city. Also worth a visit is the Parque Estadual do Biribiri. With its virgin forests, lots of walls and beautiful waterfalls, the Park is an attraction in itself. You will feel as if you were in front of prehistory rock paintings.
Have you seen everything in Diamantina? So it’s time to go for a 7 day ride on the Estada Real, until you reach Ouro Preto. Just a tip: before entering the Estrada Real, pass through the open fair, that is near the bus station and take the opportunity to enjoy homemade pastries, cheeses and other delicacies that you only find in Minas Gerais. It is definitely worth to buy some things to carry in your bag!
brasilobserver.co.uk | July 2017
Rogerio Camboim
Historic centre of the town of Diamantina
Guilherme Haruo
Tabuleiro waterfall
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Pico do Itambé and quejo Canasta From Diamantina, you leave towards São Gonçalo do Rio das Pedras. Your company during biking is the Pico do Itambé, which at its highest point reaches 2,044 meters. Pico do Itambé will be always on the left. On the next day, we recommend that you bike for 6 km to Milho Verde, a district in the city of Serro. From there, you have two options: you can travel over 15 km to the city of Capivari, a village with amazing waterfalls for swimming, or proceed to Serro. In Serro, you can make a city tour by bike through the major tourist attractions such as the Chácara do Barão and the Santa Rita Church. Oh, be sure to try the canastra cheese manufactured in local dairies, considered nothing short of a Cultural Heritage of Brazil. And if you are served with a cup of coffee or with a guava dessert, don’t hesitate. Located 12 km from the city, is the Museu do Queijo (Cheese Museum)! From here, you leave towards the Conceição do Mato Dentro. Once there, you will be enchanted with its fields. It’s worth biking to the Cânion do Peixe Tolo and then cool off in the Rabo do Cavalo Waterfall. In the city, the tour is through the streets passing through the impressive Santuário Bom Jesus do Matozinhos (not to be confused with the famous sanctuary of the same name in Congonhas).
Wines, rock paintings and the prettiest waterfall of Brazil On the next day, brace yourself: you will visit the highest waterfall in the State of Minas Gerais, voted the most beautiful in Brazil by an important Brazilian tourist guide. The waterfall is located in the district of Tabuleiro, where you can also enjoy all the beauty of the Parque Estadual da Serra do Intendente and eat lunch in the village. Is there anything more delicious than eating local food? From now on, you will go through some towns, villages and peaceful rural landscapes. In Ipoema, stop at the Museu do Tropeiro. Though small and simple, it is well maintained and has a very nice tour. To get to the Barão dos Cocais, you go through stretches of stone pavement that appear to be from the colonial era, with a climb that will leave you with sore legs! Along the way, there’s the archaeological site of Pedra Pintada, with cave paintings of 6,000 years ago. The valley view is also amazing. Another city in the Estrada Real is Catas Altas, probably one of the most beautiful. If you like wine, the city has a great production. At this point, you’re almost arriving at Ouro Preto. You can get there by train, departing from Mariana.
Arrival at Ouro Preto Estrada Real, a Brazilian treat
Ouro Preto Andre Yabiku
No Brazilian colonial city maintains with such integrity its image of the 18th century as Ouro Preto. Stone constructions, adobe and pau-a-pique, churches, fountains and public buildings give a unique touch to the city. Ouro Preto has an immense value to Brazil, especially for keeping the architecture, sculpture and art of Aleijadinho and Master Ataíde, great exponents of Baroque. Therefore, one of the mandatory visits is the Aleijadinho Museum, a tribute dedicated to the life and work of the sculptor and architect. The Museum operates on a circuit formed by three historic churches in the city: Santuário Nossa Senhora da Conceição de Antônio Dias, Igreja de São Francisco de Assis and Igreja Nossa Senhora das Mercês e Perdões. Among many other places, visit the Museu da Inconfidência, a site dedicated to the history of the separatist movement that happened in the 18th century in Minas Gerais, and the Basílica de Nossa Senhora do Pilar, considered the richest church in Minas Gerais, with numerous pieces of religious art (you’ll be impressed with the hundreds of angels distributed along the Church). Did you like the route? There are others that you can do. The Instituto Estrada Real website (www.institutoestradareal.com.br) is very complete and can help you with more routes. Enjoy!
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July 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk
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brasilobserver.co.uk | July 2017
OU VIRE PA RA LER EM PO RTUGUÊS
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